YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Bought with the income of the LARNED FUND BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME. BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY or HIS OWN TIME: WITH THE SUPPRESSED PASSAGES OF THE FIRST VOLUME, AND NOTES BY THE EARLS OF DARTMOUTH AND HARDWICKE, AND I SPEAKER ONSLOW, HITHEETO UNPUBLISHED. To which are added THE CURSORY REMARKS OF SWIFT, AND OTHER OBSERVATIONS. VOL. IV. OXFORD, AT THE CLARENDON PEESS. MDCCCXXIH. £Bv 4*7.2. w THE H ISTOR Y OK MY OWN TIMES. BOOK V. Of the reign of king William and queen Mary. A NOW begin, on the first day of May, 1705, to 1689. prosecute this work a ; and have before me a reign, ofhtehe°new that drew upon it an universal expectation of great reis°" things to follow, from such auspicious beginnings ; and from so. general a joy as was spread over these nations, and all the neighbouring kingdoms and states ; of whom, some had apprehended a general depression, if not the total ruin of the protestant religion : and all of them saw such a progress 2 made by the French in the design of enslaving the a I wrote in the first volume published many things that he of this book, that I did not be- knew to be so. D. (It appears, lieve the bishop designedly pub- that the bishop had composed lished any thing he believed to some part of this volume as ear- be false; therefore think my- ly as the year 1 701, by what he self obliged to write in this, says below at page 205.) that I am fully satisfied, that he VOL. IV. B lie ni th. 2 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 16S9. rest of Europe, that the check which the revolution in England seemed to promise, put a new life in those, who before were sunk in despair. It seemed to be a double-bottomed monarchy, where there were two joint-sovereigns ; but those who knew the queen's temper and principles, had no apprehensions of divided counsels, or of a distracted government. The effects That which gave the most melancholy prospect king's iii was the ill state of the king's health, whose stay so long at S,t. James's without exercise or hunting, which was so much used by him that it was become necessary, had brought him under such a weakness, as was like to have very ill effects b : and the face he forced himself to set upon it, that it might not ap pear too much, made an impression oh his temper. He was apt to be peevish : it put him under a ne cessity of being much in his closet, and of being silent and reserved; which, agreeing so well with his natural disposition, made him go off from what all his friends had advised, and he had promised them he would set about, of being more visible, open, and communicative. The nation had been so much accustomed to this, in the two former reigns, that many studied to persuade him, it would be ne cessary for his affairs to change his way, that he might be more accessible, and freer- in his discourse. He seemed resolved on it ; but he said, his ill health made it impossible for him to execute it : and so he went on in his former way, or rather he grew more b The duke of Leeds told prehensive his martial temper me, few of the English were would run the kingdom into a concerned for his health, ex- great land army, which might pect.ng a much milder reign have been avoided under her under the queen; and were ap- administration. D. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 3 retired, and was not easily come at, nor spoke to. 1689. And in a very few days after he was set on the throne, he went out to Hampton-Court : and from that palace he came into town only on council days. So that the face of a court, and the rendezvous usual in the public rooms, was now quite broke. This gave an early and general disgust. The gaiety and the diversions of a court disappeared. And, though the queen set her self to make up what was wanting in the king, by a great vivacity and cheer fulness ; yet when it appeared that she meddled not in business, so that few found their account in mak ing their court to her, though she gave a wonderful content to all that came near her, yet few-came. The king found the air of Hampton-Court agreed so well with him, that he resolved to live the great est part of the year there. But that palace was so very old built, and so irregular, that a design was formed of raising new buildings there, for the king and the queen's apartments. This shewed a resolu tion to live at a distance from London : and the enter ing so soon on so expensive a building, afforded mat- 3 ter of censure to those who were disposed enough to entertain it. And this spread a universal discontent in the city of London. And these small and almost indiscernible beginnings and seeds of ill humour, have ever since gone on in a very visible increase and progress. The first thing the king did was to choose aAnewmi- ° nistry. ministry, and to settle a council. The earl of Shrewsbury was declared secretary of state, and had the greatest share of the king's confidence. No exception could be made to the choice, except on account of his youth. But he applied himself to B 2 4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. business with great diligence, and maintained his candour and temper with more reservedness than was expected from one of his age. It was for some time under consideration, who should be the other secretary ; at last the earl of Nottingham was pitch ed on. He had opposed the settlement with great earnestness, in his copious way of speaking. But he had always said, that, though he would not make a king, yet, upon his principles, he could obey him better than those who were so much set on making one. The high church party did apprehend, that the opposition they had given the king's advance ment, and the zeal that others had shewed for it, would alienate him from them, and throw him into other hands, from whom no good was to be expected for them : and they looked for severe revenges for the hardships they had put on these, in the end of king Charles's reign. This grew daily upon that party, and made them begin to look back toward king James. So, not to provoke so great a body too much, it was thought advisable to employ the The eari of earl of Nottingh am .<^The_ great increase of chan- ham'snfd- eery business had made many apprehend, it was too un^ce^t-1 much to be trusted to one person: so it was resolved able to the to*put the chancery in commli^Tr"aSTTnT^ainof wnigs. j. ti ....... — | . y 1,,,--, ' ii,„i.v„__. .,,. Nottingham wasjrcopjosed to be the first m the ccror^^ andRawlinson^ three eminent lawyers, were" made the three commissioners of the great seal. And soon after that, the earl of Nottingham was appointed se cretary of state. This gave as much satisfaction to all the high party^^&it. begot jealousiesjiTdjjjst.riii^. mothers. The One hoped for protection„and.iaEQUi^ • they reckoned, he would infuse all N OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 5 the prerogative notions^ into the king; and give him 1689. such a jealousy of every step that the others should make in prejudice of these, that from thence the king would see cause to suspect all the shew of kindness that they might put on to him, when at the same time they were undermining some of those prerogatives, for which the earl of Nottingham seemed to be so zealous. -This had a great effect 4 on the king, who, being ignorant of our constitution^ and naturally cautious, saw cause enough to dislike the heat he found among those, who_expre§s.ed much zeal for him, but who_^gemed,, .a.t~the~same time, to havTwTtJTit a^r£aJMnnixture_of republican^ principles^ They, on the other hand, were much offendecTat the employing the earl^fJjJottmgham. ' ; And he gave them daily cause to be more displeased at it : for he set himself with a most eager partiality against the whole party, and against all the motions made by them : and he studied to possess the king with a very bad opinion of them. And, whereas secretaries of state have a particular allowance for such spies as they employ to procure intelligence, how exact soever he might be in procuring foreign inteUigence, he spared no cost nor pains to have an account of all that passed in the city, and in other c I remember to have heard the others, yet as they_were from a great personage, that ze^ausforirionarchy.hethougEL when the earl of Sunderland th"ev^wa5Ia^lCTvOis_-goyeJn- came afterwards to be in king jnent best : to which the earl William's confidence, and press- replied, that it was very true, ed him very much to trust and that the tories were better rely more upon the whjgs than friends to monarchy than the he had done, the king said, he whigs were, but then his ma- beiieve^Ljl^JwhigsJ^ed-JiMa-J jesty was to consider that he best, 6ut^^diSot4G¥e-fl95— wa£_not^heir_nioRa*ch. See na^ExT" and although the to- in this copy and notes, page nesdid not like him so well as 660—662, in this vol. O. B 3 6 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. angry cabals : and he furnished the king very co- piously that way; which made a deep impression on him, and had very bad effects. The earl of Danby was made marquis of Carmarthen, and president of the council: and lord Halifax had the privy seal. The last of these had gone into all the steps that had been made for the king, with great zeal, and by that means was hated by the high party, whom for distinction sake I will hereafter call tories, and the other whigs : terms that I have spoken much against, and have ever hated : but to avoid making always a longer description, I must use them ; they being now become as common as if they had been words of our language. Lord Halifax soon saw that his friendship with the whigs was not like to last long : his opposing the exclusion stuck still deep with them : and the business of the quo warrantors, and the delivering up of charters, was cast on him : the slowness of relieving Ireland was also charged on him ; he had for some time great credit with the king ; though his mercurial wit was not well suited with the king's phlegm. Lord Carmarthen could not bear the equality, or rather the preference that seemed to be given to lord Halifax : and therefore set on the storm that quickly broke out upon him d. d Lord Halifax was not sen- ticular had done eminent ser- sible of that equality or prefer- vices at the revolution, and ence ; for he complained most could not with decency have grievously to all his friends, that been left out. Lord Danby's he found there was no contesting merit was great in concluding against the merit of rebellion, the match with queen Mary, j). I have always thought king without the knowledge and William unjustly reflected upon, against the opinion of the duke for taking some of the tories of York. H. (Earl of Hard- into . his administration ; lord wicke.) Halifax and lord Danby in par- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 7 Lord Mordaunt was made earl of Monmouth, and 1689. first commissioner of the treasury: and lord de la Mere, made earl of Warrington, was chancellor of the exchequer : lord Godolphin was likewise brought into the treasury, to the great grief of the other two ; who soon saw, that the king considered him more than them both. For, as he understood trea sury business well, so his calm and cold way suited the king's temper e. The earls of Monmouth and 5 Warrington, though both most violent whigs, be came great enemies : the former was generous, and gave the inferior places freely ; but sought out the men, who were most noted for republican principles, for them all: and the other, they said, sold every thing that was in his power f. The privy council was composed chiefly of whigs. Nothing gave a rntof egeneral satisfaction than the The judges W(?ll CllOS£It naming of the judges ; the king ordered every privy counsellor to bring a list of twelve : and out of these, twelve very learned and worthy judges were chosen. This nomination was generally well re ceived over the nation. The first of these was sir JohnJIolt, made Jord chief | jjustice ofJEngJand, then a young man for so high a post, who maintained it all his time with a high reputation for capacity, in tegrity, courage, and great despatch. So that since the lord chiefjusticejtf3^s-Jime^.that._bench—has not been so well fiUeclasitjvas by-him. The king's chief personal favour lay between Ben- e The treasury was ill com- He understood the treasury bu- posed ; lord Godolphin was siness much the best. O. odious for having adhered to f A slight foundation to go king James to the last, and upon for such a charge, and ab- acted in the privy council, and solutely denied by the family. O, debated against the abdication. Made earl after this, 8vo edit, B 4 8 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. thinck and Sidney: the former was made earl of Portland and groom of the stole, and continued for ten years to be entirely trusted by the king ; and served him with great fidelity and obsequiousness : but he could never bring himself to be acceptable to the English nation. The other was made first, lord Sidney, and then earl of Rumney : and was put in several great posts. He was made secretary of state, lord lieutenant of Ireland, and .master of the ord nance : but he was so set on pleasure, that he was not able to follow business with a due application s. The earls of Devonshire and Dorset had the white staffs : the first was lord steward, and the other was lord . chamberlain : and they being both whigs, the household was madejip of such, except-where-there were buyers for places, whichwere_jgjLiflLS^e : and though the king seeme^dtodiscourage that, yet he did not encourage propositions that were made for the detecting those practices. Thus was the court, the ministry, and the council, composed. The ad-^ miralty was put in commission : and Herbert, made earl of Torrington, was first in the commission. He tried to dictate to the board : and, when he found that did not pass upon them, he left it : and studied all he, could to disparage their conduct : and it was s When he was made secre- could not think of a proper tary of state, the duke of Leeds person at present, and knew he> told me he happened to go into was the only Englishman he the king's closet soon after he could put in and out again came out, and the. king asked without disobliging of him. him if he had seen the new se- The duke said he did not laugh cretary; the duke answered, before, but could not forbear, no, he met nobody but lord when he heard he was to be at Rumney, (little thinking he the secretary's office like a could be the man.) The king footman at a play, to keep a told him, he knew he would place till his betters came D laugh at his being so, but he OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 9 thought he hoped to have been advanced to that 1689. high trust alone. " The first thing proposed to be done was to turn The con- the convention into a parliament, according to theturnedtoa precedent set in the year 1660. This was opposed parliameat- by all the tories. _Thev said, writs were indispens able to the being of a parliament. And though the 6 like was done at the restoration, yet it was said, that the convention was then called when there was no king nor great seal in England : and it was called by the consent of the lawful king, and was done upon a true and visible, and not on a pretended ne cessity: and they added, that after all, even then the. convention was not looked on as a legal parliament : its acts were ratified in a subsequent parliament;; and from thence they had their authority. So it was moved, that the convention should be dissolved, and a new parliament summoned: for in the joy which accompanied the revolution, men well affected to it were generally chosen : and it was thought,, that the damp, which was now spread into many parts of the nation, would occasion great changes in a new election. On the other hand, the necessity of affairs was so pressing, that no time was to be lost : a delay of forty days might be the total loss of Ire land; and stop all our preparations at sea: nor was it advisable, in so critical a time, to put the nation into the ferment which a new election would occa sion. And it was reasonable to expect, that those who had set the king on the throne would be more zealous to maintain him there, than any new set of men could possibly be : and those who submitted to a king, de facto, must likewise submit to a parha- ment, de facto. So the bill passed : and a day was 10 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. set for the call of both houses, and for requiring the members to take the oaths. somebi- Eight bishops absented themselves, who were the^T Sancroft of Canterbury, Thomas of Worcester, Kament. Lake of Chichesterj Turner of Ely, Lloyd of Nor wich, Ken of Bath and Wells, Frampton of Gloces- ter, and White of Peterborough. But rinjhe mean while, that they might Recommend themselves, by a shew of moderation, some of them moved the house ofTords, before they withdrew from it, for aj)ill of toleration, ancl~airotheir of comprehension h : and these~were~^rawn™^id~of1ered by the earl of Not tingham : and, asTieHsaidrtoTne7iiiey~were thtTsame that he had prepared for the house of commons in king Charles's time, during the debates of the ex clusion : but thenj-hinfffi of that k™^ wptp Inpkgfl on as artifices, to lay the heat of that time, and to render the church party more popular. After those motions were madefthe bishops thaFwere in the house withdrew : Sancroft, Thomas, and Lake, never came : the two last died soon after. Ken was a man of a warm imagination : and at the time of the king's first landing, he declared heartily for him, and advised all the gentlemen that he saw, to go and join with him. But during the debates in the convention, he went with great heat into the notion 7 of a prince regent. And now, upon the call of the house, he withdrew into his diocese; He changed his mind again, and wrote a paper, persuading the clergy to take the oaths, which he shewed to Dr. h (Of these eight, five were against popery, had professed amongst those excellent pre- their willingness, that favour lates, who, in the late reign, should be shewn to dissenters^ when they stood in the gap '"•--»..-... "' OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 11 Whitby, who read it, as the Dr. has told me often. His chaplain, Dr. Eyre, did also tell me, that he" came with him to London, where at first he owned he was resolved to go to the house of lords, and to take the oaths '. But the first day after he came to town, he was prevailed on to change his mind : and he has continued ever since in a very warm opposi tion to the government k. Sancroft went on in his unactive state, still refusing the oaths, but neither acting nor speaking, except in great confidence, to any against their taking them \ These_bishops_did one thing very inconsistent with their other actions. andthat could not be_easily. rernnrilerl to trip, mips of goo^pc6nscience2> All presentations are directed to bishops or to their chancellors. But, by a general 1689. • (The bishop had been con stantly assured, that king James had, by a special instrument, made over the kingdom of Ire land to the French king. See the Biographia Britan. vol. vi. artic. Ken.) k Ken had been chaplain to the princess of Orange at the Hague, and sent back upon some disgust the prince took to him, (for the marriage of Zu- lestein with Mrs. Wroth, a maid of honour,) but retained a most profound respect and zeal for the princess, which induced him to move in the convention, that they should in the name of God, go out and proclaim her. How he reconciled that to his future doctrine and behaviour, nobody could ever understand. He was extremely devout and passionate, with little learning or judgment, and the personal aversion he had to king Wil liam seemed to be the chief motive for all his actions. Queen Mary said she knew he had a great desire to be a mar tyr, but he should not be grati fied in her time. D. (Zuyles- tein had seduced the young lady by a promise of marriage. See Biogr. Britan. as above.) 1 It was a very tender matter. They perhaps thought it was enough to keep their own scru ples and conscience to them selves, and not to be an ob struction to others who could comply. This did not look like faction then, and some of them, it has been said, had the same temper afterwards. O. (The pious bishop Sanderson acted in the like cautious way re- -specting the oath of engage ment in the time of the com monwealth.) 12 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. agreement in the year 1660, the bishops resolved to "except out of the patents, that they gave their chan cellors,' the power of giving institution into cures, which, before that, the chancellors were empowered to give in the bishops' absence. Now thejaishe^s jwere bound to_ see. that thecleBgyylaefbrfi they_gaxe \theriT institution, took the oathsH^the-goveirnment. In oYdeTtherefore to decline the doing this, and yet avoid the actions of quare impedit, that they would be liable to, if they did not admit the clerks pre sented to them, they gave new patent's to their chan-: cellors, empowering them to give institution;, w'hich) they knew could not be done, but by tendering the oaths. So they gave authority to laymen, to admit men to benefices, and to do that which they thought unlawful, as was the swearing to an usurper against the lawful king. Thus it appealed how far the en gagement of interest and parties can run men into contradictions. Upon the bishops refusing the oaths, a bill was brought into the house of commons, requiring all persons to take them by a prefixed day, under seve ral forfeitures and penalties. The clergy that took them not were to fall under suspension for six months, and at the end of those, they were to be de prived. This was followed with a particular eager ness by some, who were known enemies to the church : and it was then generally believed, that a ^ great part of the clergy would refuse the oaths. So they hoped to have an advantage against the church by this means. Hambden persuaded the king to add a period to a speech he made, concerning the affairs of Ireland, in which he proposed the admitting all OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 13 protestants to serve in that war m. This was under- 1689. stood to be intended for taking off the, sacramental Jest, which was necessary by the law to qualify men for emplloyments, and was looked on as the chief se.- 8 curity the church of England had, as-uL_excJuded dissenterjJromjiU employments. And it was tried, if a bargain could he made, for-exousi»g--the-elergy from the oaths, provided the dissenters might_be_£X- cused fronTthe sacraineotT^The king put this into his speech, without communicating it to the min istry : and it had a very ill effect. It was not only rejected by a great majority in both houses ; but it very much heightened the prejudices against the king, as bearing no great affection to tho rrmrv>ri nf England, _ when he proposed the opening such a door, which they believed would be fatal to them. The rejecting this, made the act imposing the oaths to be driven on with the more zeal. This was in debate when I came into the house of lords : for 1 was made Ward, bishop of Salisbury, died this winter : many Salisbury. spoke to the king in my favour, without my know ledge. The king made them no answer. But a few days after he was set on 'the throne, he of his own motion named me to that see : and he did it in terms more obliging than usually fell from him. When I waited on the queen, she said, she hoped I would now put in practice those notions with which m This has been supposed to by the king when he came to be John Hampden, called the parliament on March 16th, to younger Hampden, (son of Ri- pass the act for suspending the chard, afterwards chancellor of Habeas Corpus act ; and that it the exchequer.) See the for- seems incredible his majesty mer vol. 539, for his character. took such a step without the O. (Ralph, in the second vol. participation of his ministry. of his History of England, says. See p. 67 — 69.) that this measure was proposed 14 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. I had taken the liberty often to entertain her. All the forms of the congS dfilire, and my election, were carried on with despatch. But a great difficulty was in view. Sancroft would not see me ; and he re fused to consecrate me. So by law, when the man date was brought to him, upon not obeying it, he must have been sued in a premunire : and for some days he seemed determined to venture that : but as the danger came near, he prevented it, by granting a commission to all the bishops of bis province, or to any three of them, in conjunction with the bishop of London, to exercise his metropolitical authority dur ing pleasure. Thus he did authorize others to con secrate me, while yet he seemed to think it an un lawful act. This was so mean, that he himself was ashamed of it afterwards. But he took an odd way to overthrow it: for he sent for his original war rant : and so took it out of the office, and got it into his own hands. v I happened to come into the house of lords, when two great debates were managed with much heat in it. The one was about the toleration and compre hension, and the other wasahout the imposing the oaths on the clergy. And I was engaged at my first coming there, to bear a large share in both. Debates That which was long insisted on, in the house of concerning _ . in the oaths, lords, was, that instead of the clause positively en acting, that the clergy should be obliged to take the oaths, the king might be empowered to tender them, 9 and then the refusal was to be punished according to the clause, as it stood in the act. It was thought, such a power would oblige them to their good be haviour, and be an effectual restraint upon them : they would be kept quiet at least by it : whereas, if OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. IS they came under deprivation, or the apprehensions 1689. of it, that would make them desperate, and set them on to undermine the government. It was said, that the clergy, by the offices of the church, did solemnly own their allegiance to God, in the sight of all their people ; that no oath could lay deeper engagements on them than those acts of religious worship did : and if they should either pass over those offices, or perform them otherwise than as the law required, there was a clear method, pursuant to the act of uniformity, to proceed severely against them. It was also said, that in many different changes of go vernment, oaths had not proved so effectual a secu rity as was imagined n : distinctions were found out, and senses were put on words, by which they were interpreted so as to signify but little, when a govern ment came to need strength from them : and it ill became those, who had formerly complained of these impositions, to urge this with so much vehemence. On the other hand, it was urged, that no man ought to be trusted by a government, chiefly in so sacred a conpern, who would not give security to it ; espe cially, since the oath was brought to such low andj general terms. The expedient that was proposed would put a hardship upon the king, which was al ways to be carefully avoided. The day prefixed was at the distance of some months : so that men had „ time sufficient given them to study the point : and, if in that time they could not satisfy themselves, as to the lawfulness, of acknowledging the government, it was not fit that they should continue in the high est posts of the church. An exception of twelve "And is it not true? It is not swearing to it, that must the integrity of government, and be its defence. O. 16 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. was proposed, who should be subject to the law, upon refusing the oaths, when required to it by the king ; but that was rejected : and all the mitigation that was obtained, was a power to the king to re serve a third part of the profits of any twelve bene fices he should name, to the incumbents who should be deprived by virtue of this act : and so it passed. I was the chief manager of the debate in favour of the clergy, both in the house of lords and at the conferences with the commons. But, seeing it could not be carried, I acquiesced the more easily; be cause, though in the beginning of these debates I was assured, that those who seemed resolved not to take the oaths, yet prayed for the king. in their cha^ pels; yet I found afterwards this was not true, for 10 they named no king nor queen, and so it was easy to guess whom they meant by such an indefinite de signation. I also heard many things, that made me conclude, they were endeavouring to raise all the op position to the government possible. An act of The bill of toleration passed easily. It excused toleration. ,. . . dissenters from all penalties, for their not coming to church, and for going to their separate meetings^ There was an exception of Socinians : but a provi sion was put in it in favour of quakers : and, though /the rest were required to ..takeJtha. oathsuto*4he- go- j vernment, they were excused, upon making in lieu ^thereof a solemn^ declaration. They were to"ta£eout warrants for the houses they met in: and the justices of peace were required to grant them. Some pro posed, that the act^ should only be temporary, aslTne- cessary restraint upon the dissenter sT^KgT^ymigTrt dgpE^JB§£^^^ofjt, when the term of years now offered should OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 17 1689. end. But this was rejected : there w,as„noMuan-.u.ni- versal inclinationto pass the^aet : but it could not be expected, that the nation would be in the, jame good disposition towards them at another time. I shewed so much zeal for this act, as very much sunk my credit, which had risen from the approbation I had gained, for opposing that which enacted the taking the oaths. As for the act of comprehension, some progress was made in it. But a proviso was A motion offered, that, in imitation of the acts passed in king prehension. Henry the eighth and king Edward the sixth's time, a number of persons, both of the clergy and laity, might be empowered to prepare such a reformation of things, relating to the church, as might be offered to king and parliament, in order to theJjtealJB^ouf divisions^and the correctingjwhat might b,fij3miss,,Qr defective in our constitutions. This was pressed p By the constitution of the church of England it is. that the supreme legislative power of the church is in Jang^jQxds, and coninions_jn parliament. And it is the same with re-r gard to the king's supremacy, whose ecclesiastical jurisdiction and^ntta$fi£y^s~an^ essential partofgSE^ffiLamiitutioB,renewed and confirmed' by par liament, as the supreme legis lature of the^hurch, which has thelsame extent of true power in the church of England, as any church legislature ever had ; and may therefore /censure, ex communicate, deprive, degrade, &c. or may give authoritative directions to the officers of the church, to perform any of them ; ) and may alsojBiake_Jases_-and canoMtoJ^nJjthejKhole-eterreh VOL. IV. as they shall judge proper, not repugnant to the laws of God or nature. Nay, the laity in England cannot otherwise be bound but by parliament, who have a right (when they think proper) to. the advice and as sistance of the convocations, or the true parliamentary meetings of the clergy, by the pramuni- entes clause in the parliamentary writs to the bishops, if the one or the other or both should be then assembled. The last has been long disused. See the Jour nal of the House of Commons of the 13th— 16th of April, 1689, 1st of March, 1710. 171 2. 1713- The legislature of the primitive church was in the whole body, and afterwards had many variations in its con stituents, and may still vary 18 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. with great earnestness by many of the temporal " lords. I at that time did imagine, that the clergy would have come into such a design with zeal and unanimity: and I feared this would be looked on by them, as taking the matter out of their hands : and for that reason I argueTTsb^armly against {his, that it was carried by a small majority to let it fait. But I was convinced soon after, that I had taken wrong measures ; and that the method proposed by these lords was the only one like to prove effectual : but this did not so recommend me to the clergy, as to balance the censure I came under, for moving, in another proviso of that bill, that the subscription, with the consent of the several communities. If this distinc tion of legislature in the par liament be true, (and I am not the first who lias mentioned it,) the church of England is-fxeed from~TnTimputation of bejrig_a creature only of the slate, which by some sects of Christians has been often and much objected to, and makes it to be agreeable to Mr. Lock's notion, indeed demonstration, " that matters /" of mere religion are absolute- l" ly independent of the civil V magistrate, as such." Where ecclesiastical jurisdictions have cognizance of temporal matters, they are thus far- civil courts ; and so vice versa. The king is said in our law to be mixta persona, as it regards his su premacy, in the execution of nlj_nWjl anrl ^^ln^ia^-ica,] juris- dictifin,; and so is, tihfi.parhfc:. menta mixed legifllntnre. — As toTwhich or what is the best church constitution, I say no thing .here. But this may be said, that no church power what- so£iter-^.QE.jvJie,resoeyer placedi legislative pr_^qthejwise,_can have any right tojJJ2e_j&BClipn oTqmLplini&Ements ; nor ought they to be, or any temporal dis advantages. All religians-wjghlr to have their free course^wjiaig they interfere notwitnthepeace ancT rights of Human "society? of such," th"e^civft;;;^^^lS3.o endo"w"one, and to "pT6lect~atI. See Mr. EocFs" Treatises" of Government and Toleration. The convocation, can by their ca-\ nons bind only their own body.-^ They are in the nature of by laws ; and this is now fully set tled by a solemn determination in the king's bench, made in my lord Hardwick's time there. O. (What is here asserted respect ing the right of the legislature to excommunicate the members of the church, and -to degrade its clergy, or to command the officers of the church so to act, is not admitted by the church itself to be compatible with OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 19 instead of assent and cgagea4~showld-only.be to sub* 01689. mit with a promise .af.^QnfiMaan.iiy.fl. There was a pro- ~ viso likewise, in the bill, for dispensing with kneel- 11 ing at the sacrament, and being baptized with the sign of the cross, to such as, after conference upon those heads, should solemnly protest, they were not satisfied as to the lawfulness of them. That con cerning kneeling occasioned a vehement debate : for, the posture being the chief exception that the dis senters had, the^giying^up^this was thought to he the opening_away for them to come into employ- menls^— Yet it was carried in the house of lords. And I declared my self zealous for it. For since it was acknowledged that the posture was^not essential in itself, and that scrtrpJjes^how^^^grojn^e^^S^xgr, were raised uj3on^i±*_it seemed reasonable to leave the matter_ajL^ifJGeiei± in its •pcacJk&.J&iL was in its nature. Those who had moved for this bill, and after wards brought it into the house, acted a very disin genuous part : for, while they studied to recommend themselves by this shew of moderation, they set on their friends to oppose it : and such as were very sincerely and cordially for it were represented as the enemies of the chureh, who intended to subvert it. When the bill was sent down to the house of commons, it was let lie on the table r. And, instead the powers given by our Saviour their bishoprics.) to those officers. It was not pre- « See the Journal of the tended, that the bishops who House of Lords of the 25th of were deprived after the revolu- July, 1663, and my.collection of tion, were degraded from their the lords' protests, • in which orders, (if that is meant by the there ,is not one bishop. term degrading,) or ceased to be r See the Journal of the bishops, although deprived of House of Commons of the 9th, C 2 20 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. of proceeding in it, they made an address to the king, for summoning a convocation of the clergy to attend, according to custom, on the session of par liament. The party that was now beginning to be formed against the government, pretended great zeal for the church; and declared their apprehen sions that it was in danger, which was imputed -by many to the earl of Nottingham^ management. These, as they went heavily into thef toJe^atio.iiLv-so they^^e"^uch"o^end^q^vdth , th£,, bill of compie- helisioir3s"contaming matters relating to the church, in which the representative_bjadxi)f t&e^ejergy^had not been so much as "Nor was this bill supported by those who seemed most favourable to the dissenters : they set it up for a maxim'j'that^^sTrrto keep up a strong faction both in church and state/; and "they" thought it was 13th, and 1 6th of April, 1689, and also of the 1st of Marchj 17 10. O. 5 A false and foolish notion, the artifice of weak and mean politicians ; who value them selves upon small cunning, and think, or hope at least, that it will be deemed wisdom. They are often as wicked as they are weak, and are generally the pests of government. Voltaire, in one of his English letters, has a re finement very agreeable to his character, " That if there was " but one religion in England, " the people would be slaves : if ," two only, they would be cut- r ting one another's throats. r But all being allowed the j' people, they are free and " quiet." The Christian- reli gion has been andis preserved in the world1 by churches^ but not "always"" the ' fr ue""1smriilr~of ChrisJtranj^^^jSome individuals in every sect have it, and are not they the elect r Persecuted churches have most of devo- tion^ajid_je^aMj§be^jchjy2fesmost of pe£secjUjgnjL-allJiaYe the last in. some degree, (when they can exert it,) as a matter of policy. But if there were no churches established by _the state with endowments,^ there. would soon be a&_end,.,of -alL religion, learnings and^ virtue. By the establishment I think ne cessary, I mean only public en dowments of maintenance for fabrics, ministers, and servants of churches. This will not content the high churchmen of any sect that happens to be' established. O. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 21 not agreeable to that, to suffer so great a body as 1689. the presbyterians to be made more easy, or more in- clinable to unite to the church : they also thought, that the to^ffio^yould be^hfislanaintainedrJBKhen great numblrsshould need it,, anH h^ ^OTiryrngd to preserve it: so this good design being zealously opposed, and but faintly promoted, it fell to the ground. • The clergy began now to shew an implacable ha-jAn m hu- tred to the nonconformists, and seemed to wish fora3ngPthed an occasion to renew old severities against them clersy- Butjvise andgood men did very much applaud the 12 quieting the, nation hy the~foIeratiolw It seemed^ to be suitable, both to the spirit of—the -£hristia,n-^p. — ligion and_Jto the interesLjoL the nation. It was thought very unreasonable, that, w.hiLa-wfP-woro.iMny|. — ,.,, plaining of the cruelty_of the church of Rome^we should fall into such practices among our selves ; chiefly, while we were engaging"™ a war, in The progressof whichwe would need the united strength of the whole nation. This bill gave the king great content. He in his own opinion always thought, that conscience) was God's province, and that it ought not to be imposed on : and his experience in Holland made him look on |toleratio^_as_one jpjLthe W*sest measures, j}f„go- vernment : he was much troubled to see so much ill humour spreading~among the clergy, and, bylEheir means, over a great nart of the nation. TTe~"was "so true to his principle herein, that he restrained the heat of some, who were proposing severe acts against papists. He made them apprehend the advantage, Great gen- which^tiiatjroiUiL|py^t^ wards Pa- the papists of_.ES.umpe~-from^us-; who from thence pists c 3 22 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. might hope to set on foot a jiew catholic league, and make thewar_a ^u^reTof rehjGOjF which miSh* havFvSybadeffects. Nor could he^pretend to pro- tectjhejprotestantsjn mmzjgJacepjotfjQeranany^d in iiungary^uni^s^he .JSXaidJCimxJhsJSSSSiL^ England, frornall severities .onjftie^SfiSUPLfflL^g? religion '. This was so carefully infused into many, anoTsowell understood by them,, that the. papists have_enjojred__ihe^^ though ti^wexe-ZtoJ^ammrjehe^^ tiite that jenacted4t.- war pro- While domestic matters were raising; great heats «" at home, we saw the necessity of making vigorous FraDCe- preparations for the war abroad, and in Ireland, The king laid before both houses the alliances^ for merly made by the crown of England, with the States, and with the empire, together with the new ones that were now proposed, which made a rupture with France necessary. So, by the advices of both houses, war was declared against France: and the necessary supplies, both for the quota that the king was to furnish, and for the reduction of Ireland, were provided. Debates The next care was a revenue, for the support of there™'"8 the government. By a long course, and the practice '" of some ages, the customs had been granted to our 1 Which he was under the the last to his death, all in his strictest obligations, both to the own hand, without communi- pope and emperor, to see per- eating the contents either to formed. Mr. Wells, a Roman his ministers or favourites, (as catholic gentleman at Rome, lord Jersey told me;) his cor- told me, that to his knowledge, respondence with other princes the nuncio at Brussels was sent was. chiefly carried on by his in disguise to take his oath on favourites, and little besides behalf of the first ; and he held matters of form transacted by a constant correspondence with the secretary of state. D. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 23 kings for life : so the king expected that the like 1689. regard should be shewn for him. But men's minds' were much divided in that matter. Some whigs, who by a long opposition, and jealousy of the go vernment, had wrought themselves into such re publican principles, that they could not easily come 13 off from them, set it up as a maxim not to grant any revenue, but from year to year, or, at most, for a short term of years. This, they thought, would ren der the crown precarious, and oblige our kings to such a popular method of government, as should merit the constant renewal of that grant. And they hoped, that so uncertain a tenure might more easily bring about an entire change of government. For, by the denying the revenue at any time, (except upon intolerable conditions,) they thought that might be easily effected, since it would render our kings so feeble, that they would not be able to maintain their authority. The tories observing this, made great use of it, to beget in the king jealousies of his friends* with too much colour, and too great success. They resolved to reconcile themselves to the king by granting it, but at present only to look on, till the whigs, who now carried every thing to which they set their full strength, should have refused it. The king, as he had come through the western The chim- countries, from his first landing, had been in many discharged. . places moved to discharge the chimney money : and had promised to recommend it to the parliament. He had done that so effectually, that an act passed, discharging it; thoughitwas so much opposed by the tories. that it ran a great, hazard in the housejoflords. Those who opposed it pretended, that it was the only sure fund, that could never fail in war, so that c 4 24 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. money would be freely advanced upon it : they said, a few regulations would take away any grievance that might arise from it : but it was thought, they were not willing that such an act should pass, as would render the king acceptable to the body of the nation. It was also thought that the prospect they then had of a speedy revolution, in favour of king James, made some of them unwilling to pass an act, that seemed to lay an obligation on him, either to maintain it, or by resuming his revenue, to raise the hatred of the nation higher against him. Wlien the setting the king's revenue was broughtunder con sideration, it was found, there were anticipations and charges upon it, from which it seemed reason able to clear it. So many persons were concerned in this, and the season of the year was so far ad vanced, that it was pretended, they had not time to examine that matter with due care : and therefore, by a provisional act, they granted the king the re venue for one year : and many intended never to carry the grant but from year to year. This touched 14 the king very sensibly. And many discourses, that passed among sour whigs in their cabals, were com municated to him by the earl of Nottingham, by which he concluded he was in the hand of persons that did not intend to use him well. LningTbe A bm was prepared concerning the militia, which, miiitia. upon the matter, and in consequence of many clauses in it, took it in a great measure both from the crown and out of the lords lieutenants ; who being generally peers, a bill that lessened their au thority so much was not like to pass in the house of lords : so it was let lie on the table. By this likewise, which was chiefly promoted by the whigs, OE K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 25 the king came to think, that those who had raised him to the throne, intended to depress his preroga-" tive, as much as they had exalted his person. He seemed to grow tender and jealous upon these points, the importance of every one of them being much aggravated by the earl of Nottingham, who had fur nished him with a scheme of all the points of the prerogative, and of their dependance one upon an other : and he seemed so possessed with this, that many of those who had formerly most of his confi dence, found a coldness growing upon him, which increased their disgust, and made them apprehend they should again see a reign full of prerogative maxims u. One thing the house of commons granted, 1689;. u The good bishop seems to take all opportunities to load the earl of Nottingham ; but the earl of Rochester told me, that one of the first things king William s_aid after he came to the crown was, that it should not be the worse for his wearing, and frequently repeated it, as occasions offered, during his whole reign. But lord Roches ter added, in his peevish man ner, that he thought he had made it little better than a night cap. D* (An instance of William's making this obser vation is recorded by Gunning- ham in his History of Great Britain, vol. i. p. 115, of Dr. Thomson'sTranslation from the Latin MS. where the following circumstances are mentioned. " About this time, the ambition " of some of his friends, and the '" licentiousness of others, gave " the king no small trouble. " . . 1 . .,. The king, tired out " with the daily solicitations " and importunate discourses " of Mr. Thomas Wharton," (afterwards marquis of Whar ton,) " gave orders to invite the " earl of Shrewsbury, and some " other noble persons, who had " deserved well of him, and " were famous for their wit, to " a private supper with him ; " and among the rest, Mr. " Wharton, whom nothing " would content but the office " of secretary of state. As soon " as they were met together, " the king desired them all to " be as free as any where. " The entertainment being con- " tinued with great liberality to " a very late hour, they began " to grow warm with wine. " It is reported that the king, " looking upon Mr. Wharton, " said, ' The crown should not " be the worse for his wearing " it :' advised them to be con- ". tent with his bounty, so far 26 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN .1689. which was very acceptable to the king : they gave "^ the States about 600,000/. for the charge they had been .at in the fleet and army, which they furnished the king with at the revolution. ^ncernin They COUld n0t be br0Ught t0 an°ther P0mt> an act of though often and much pressed to it by the king. indemnity. D ' . T „ He thought nothing would settle the minds of the nation so much as an act of indemnity, with proper exceptions of some criminals, that should be left to justice. Jefferies was in the tower; Wright, who had been lord chief justice, and some of the judges, were in Newgate ; Graham and Burton, who had been the wicked solicitors in the former reigns, were in prison ; but the hottest of the whigs would not set this on. They thought it best to keep many under the lash ; they intended severe revenges for the blood that had been shed, and for the many un just things that had been done in the end of king Charles's reign] they saw, that the clogging the indemnity with many comprehensive exceptions, would create king James a great party ; so they did not think it proper to offer at that : yet they re solved to keep them still in their power, till a better opportunity for falling on them should offer itself: therefore they proceeded so slowly in that matter, 15 that the bill could not be brought to a ripeness dur ing this session. It is true, the great mildness of the king's temper, and the gentleness of his govern ment, which was indeed rather liable to censure, as being too remiss, set people's minds much at ease : "as he could bestow it; and " with this.' From that time " then, laying his hand upon « Mr. Wharton became more «' his sword added, ' What " obsequious to the king's hu- « others perform bv entreaties, « mour, and never forsook his I will take care to perform » party in any difficulty ") OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 27 and, if it gave too much boldness to those, who be- l689- gan to set up an open opposition to him, yet it gained upon the greater part of the nation, who saw none of those moving spectacles that had been so common in former reigns : and all promised themselves happy days under so merciful a prince. But angry men put a wicked construction on the earnestness the king shewed for an act of indemnity ; they said, he intended to make use of a set of prerogative men, as soon as legally he could ; and therefore he desired the instruments of king James's illegal government might be once secured, that so he might employ them. The earls of Monmouth and Warrington were infusing jealousies of the king into their party, with the same industry that the earl of Nottingham was, at the same time, instilling into the king jea lousies of them : and both acted with too much suc cess ; which put matters much out of joint. For though the earls of Shrewsbury and Devonshire did all they could to stop the progress and effects of those suspicions, with which the whigs were pos sessed, yet they had not credit enough to do it. The earl of Shrewsbury, though he had more of the king's favour, yet he had not strength to resist the earl of Nottingham's pompous and tragical declama tions. There was a bill of great importance sent up by Th* bi" of the commons to the lords, that was not finished this session. It was a bill declaring the rights and li berties of England, and the succession to the crown, as had been agreed by both houses of parliament, to the king and queen and their issue, and after . them, to the princess Anne and her issue, and after these, to the king and his issue. -A clause was in- 28 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN i6sg. serted, disabling all papists from succeeding to the "crown, to which the lords added, or such as should marry papists. To this I proposed an additional "clause, absolving the subjects, in that case, from their allegiance. This was seconded by the earl of Shrewsbury : and it passed without any opposition or debate : which amazed us all, considering the importance of it. But the king ordered me to pro pose the naming the duchess of Hanover, and her posterity, next in the succession. He signified his pleasure in this also to the ministers. But he or dered me to begin the motion in the house, because I had already set it on foot. And the duke of Hanover had now other thoughts of the matter, and 17 was separating himself from the interests of France. The lords agreed to the proposition without any opposition. So it was sent down to the commons. There were great debates there upon it. Hambden pressed it vehemently. But Wildman, and all the republican party, opposed it. Their secret reason seemed to be, a design to extinguish monarchy, and therefore to substitute none, beyond the three that were named, that so the succession might quickly come to an end. But, it not being decent to own this, all that they pretended was, that there being many in the lineal succession, after the three that were named, who were then of the church of Rome, the leaving to them a possibility to succeed, upon their turning protestants, might have a good effect on them, and dispose them to hearken to instruction ; all which would be defeated by a declaration in fa vour of the duchess. To this it was answered, in a free conference, that for that very reason it was fit to make this de- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 29 claration : since nothing could bring us into a more 1689. certain danger, than a pretended conversion of a false convert, who might by such a disguise ascend the throne, and so work our ruin by secret artifices. Both houses adhered, after the free conference. So the bill fell for that time : but it was resolved to take it up at the opening of the next session. And the king thought it was not then convenient to re new the motion of the duchess of Hanover, of which he ordered me to write her a particular account. It was fit once to have the bill passed, that enacted the perpetual exclusion of all papists : for that, upon the matter, brought the succession to their door. And if any in the line, before her, should pretend to change, as it was not very likely to happen, so it would not be easily believed. So it was resolved to carry this matter no further at this time. The bill passed without any opposition in the beginning of the next session ; which I mention here, that I might end this matter all at once. The present session was drawn to a great length, and was not ended till August : and then it broke up with a great deal of ill humour. One accident happened this summer, of a pretty King - , James's extraordinary nature, that deserves to be remem-^reatseai bered. A fisherman, between Lambeth and Vaux- (™nd in hall, was drawing a net pretty close to the channel ; Thames. and a great weight was, not without some difficulty, drawn to the shore, which, when taken up, was found to be the great seal of England. King James had called for it from the lord Jefferies, the night before he went away, as intending to make a secret use of it, for pardons or grants. But it seems, when he went away, he thought either that the bulk or 17 80 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689: weight of it made it inconvenient to be carried off, or that it was to be hereafter of no more use to him: and therefore, that it might not be made use of against him, he threw it into the Thames. The fisherman was well rewarded, when he brought the great seal to the king : and by his order it was broke. The state of But now I must look over to the affairs of Ireland* Ireland, and to king James's motions. Upon his coming to the court of France, he was received with great shews of tenderness and respect ; the French king assuring him, that, as they had both the same in terests, so he would never give over the war, till he had restored him to his throne. The only prospect he now had, was to keep up his party in Ireland and Scotland. The message from Tirconnel for speedy supplies was very pressing : and his party in Scotland sent one Lindsay over to him, to offer him their service, and to ask what assistance they might depend upon. The French ministry was at this time much divided. Louvois had the greatest credit, and was very successful in all his counsels : so that he was most considered. But Seignelay was believed to have more personal favour, and to be more entirely united to madame Maintenon. These two were in a high competition for favour, and hated one another. Seignelay had the marine, as the other had the army, for his province. So, king James having the most dependence on the marine, and looking on the secretary for that post as the most powerful favourite, made his chief application to him ; which set Louvois to cross and retard every thing that was proposed for his service. So that matters for him went on slowly, and very defec- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. SI tively, There was another circumstance in king 1689. James's affairs, that did him much hurt. Lausun, whose adventures will be found in the French his tory, had come over to king James, and offered him his service, and had attended on the queen when she went over to France. He had obtained a pro mise of king James, that he should have the com mand of such forces as the king of France would assist him with. Louvois hated Lausun ; nor did the king of France like to employ him : so Louvois sent to king James, desiring him to ask of the king of France, Souvray, a son of his, whom he was breeding to serve in war, to command the French troops. But king James had so engaged himself to Lausun, that he thought he could not in honour depart from it. And ever after that, we were told, that Louvois studied, by all the ways he could think of, to disparage him and all the propositions he made 1 yet he got about 5000 Frenchmen to be sent over with him to Ireland, but no great supplies 18 in money. Promises were sent the Scots of great assistance that should be sent them from Ireland: they were encouraged to make all possible opposi- ' tion in the convention : and, as soon as the sea- K>"g James . came over son of the year would admit of it, they were or- thither. dered to gather together in the Highlands, and to keep themselves in safe places there, till further orders should be sent them. With these, and with a small supply in money, of about five or six thou sand pounds, for buying ammunition- and arms, Lindsay was sent back. I had such a character given me of him, that I entertained good thoughts of him. So, upon his return, he came first to me, and pretended he had gone over on private affairs, 32 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. being deeply engaged in debt for the earl of Melfort, whose secretary he had been. I understood from him, that king James had left Paris to go forlrer land: so I sent him- to the earl of Shrewsbury's office : ¦ but there was a secret management with one of the under secretaries there for king James : so he was not only dismissed, but got a pass warrant from Dr. Wynne to go to Scotland. I had given the earl of Shrewsbury*such a character of the man, that he did more easily belieye him ; but he knew nothing of the pass warrant. So, my easiness' to think well of people, was the chief occasion of the mischief that followed, on his not being clapt up, and more narrowly examined. Upon king James's landing in" Ireland, he marched his army from Kin* sale to Ulster. And, when it was all together, it consisted of 30,000 foot and 8000 horse. It is true, the Irish were now as insolent as they were undis ciplined: and they began to think they must be masters of all the king's counsels. A jealousy arose between them and the French : they were soon on very bad terms, and scarce ever agreed in their ad vices : all king James's party, in the isle of Britain, pressed his settling the affairs of Ireland the best he could, and his bringing over the French, and such of the Irish as he could best govern and depend on ; and advised him to land in the north of England, or in the west of Scotland. ofLotdon- But the first thin# that was to be donewas to reduce derry. , Londonderry. In order to this, two different advices were offered. The one was, to march with a great. force, and to take it immediately : for the town was not capable of resisting, if vigorously attacked. The other was, to block it up so, that it should be forced OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 33 itta little time to surrender; and to turn to other 1689. more vigorous designs. But, whereas either of these advices might have been pursued with advantage/ a third advice was offered, but I know not by whom, which was the only bad one that could be proposed ; 19 and yet, by a sort of fatabty, which hung over that king, it was followed by him ; and that was, to press the town by a slow siege, which, as was given out, would bring the Irish into the methods of war, and would accustom them to fatigue and discipline. And this being resolved on, king James sent a small body before it, which was often changed: and by these he continued the siege above two months* in which the poor inhabitants formed themselves into great order, and came to generous resolutions of en during the last extremities. They made some sal lies, in which the Irish always ran away, and left their officers ; so that many of their best officers were killed. Those within suffered little* but by hunger, which destroyed near two-thirds of their AQmber. One convoy, with two regiments, and provisions, was sent to their relief: but they looked on the service as desperate, being deceived by Lun- dy, who was the governor of the place, and had undertaken to betray it to king James ; but he find ing them jealous of him, came to the convoy, and persuaded' them that nothing could be done: so they came back, and Lundy with them. Yet the poor inhabitants, though thus forsaken, resolved still to hold out ; and sent over such an account of the , state they were in, that a second and greater con voy was sent, with about 5000 men, commanded by Kirk, who, after he came in sight, made not that haste to relieve them that was necessary, consider- vol. iv. d 34 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. ing the misery they were in. They had a river that came up to their town: but the Irish had laid a bomb and chains cross it, and had planted batteries for defending it. Yet a ship sailing up with wind and tide broke through : and so the town was at last was relieved, and the siege raised in great confix rai8ed- sion *. Iniskillin had the same fate : the inhabitants en tered into resolutions of suffering any thing, rather than fall into the hands of the Irish : a considerable force was sent against them: but through their courage, and the cowardice of the Irish, they held out. All this while, an army was preparing in Eng land, to be sent over for the reduction of Ireland, Duke commanded by Schomberg, who was made a duke schomberg m England, and to whom the parliament gave with an ar- S * " my went to 100,000 pounds for the services he had done^. Ihe levies were carried on in England with great zeal: and the bodies were quickly full. But though both officers and soldiers shewed much courage and affec tion to the service ; yet they were raw, without ex perience, and without skill. Schomberg had a quick 20 and happy passage; with about 10,000 men. He * (Not a word does the bi- of it ; but the jmblic paid it a shop; afford to the great services second time to the duke's heirs, of Mr. Walker, rector of Do- in the reign of king George the nooghmore, who had raised a first : and some of his Hanover regiment of his own, and who ministers had the modesty to saved the town after being propose a like gratuity for them, elected governor by the brave though no mortal could tell inhabitants.) what their merit was, and y Which king William took thought it very hard that no- to his own use, and allowed body but themselves could he duke Schomberg four thousand brought to think it reasonable. pounds a year pension in lieu D. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 35 landed at Belfast, and brought the forces that lay 1689. in Ulster together. His army, when strongest, was not above 14,000 men'; and he had not above 2000 horse. He marched on to Dundalk; and there posted himself. King James came to Ardee, within five or six miles of him, being above thrice his number. Schomberg had not the supplies from England that had been promised him : much trea chery or ravenousness appeared in many who were employed. And he finding his numbers so unequal x to the Irish, resolved to lie on the defensive. He lay there six weeks in a very rainy season. His men, for want of due care and good management, contracted such diseases, that he lost almost the one half of his army. Some blamed him for not putting things more to hazard: it was said, that he mea sured the Irish by their numbers, and not by their want of sense and courage. Such complaints were sent of this to the king, that he wrote twice to him, pressing him to put somewhat to the venture : but he saw the enemy was well posted, and well pro vided : and he knew they had several good officers among them. If he had pushed matters, and had met with a misfortune, his whole army, and conse quently all Ireland, would have been lost : for he could not have made a regular retreat. The sure game was to preserve his army : and that would save Ulster, and keep matters entire for another year. This was censured by some ; but better judges thought, the managing this campaign as he did, was one of the greatest parts of his life. The Irish made some poor attempts to beat up his quarters: but * (Ralph assigns reasons for computation. See vol. ii. of his doubting the accuracy of this History, p. 150.) D 2 sea. 36 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. even where they surprised his men, and were much superior in number, they were so shamefuEy beat back, that-this increased the contempt the English naturally had for them. In the end of October, all went into winter quarters. Affairs at Qur operations on the sea were not very prosper- ous. Herbert was sent with a fleet to cut off the communication between France and Ireland. The French had sent over a fleet, with a great transport of stores and ammunition. They had landed their loading, and were returning back. As they came out of Bantry bay, Herbert engaged them. The wind was against him : so that it was not possible for the greatest part of the fleet to come up, and enter into action : and so those who engaged were forced to retire with some disadvantage. But the French did not pursue him a. He came back to Portsmouth, in order to refit some of his ships ; and went out again, and lay before Brest till the end of summer. But the French fleet did not come 21 out any more all that summer : so that ours lay some months at sea to no purpose. But, if we lost few of our seamen in the engagement* we lost a great many by reason of the bad victualling. Some excused this, because it was so late in the year be- * ("When king James was at Higgons's Short View of Eng^ " Dublin, the French ambassa- lish History, p. 322* 2d edit. " dor, the count Devaux, (D'A- This reminds us of his speech " vaux,) came transported to during the battle of La Hogue, " tell him the news, that his when, on the English sailors " master's fleet had defeated climbing up the sides of the " the English in Bantry bay; ships of his French allies, he " instead of being pleased, he said, to the great offence of the " let fall the air of his counte- latter, " None but my brave " nance, and coldly answered, « English could have done " ' It is then the first time.' " " this.") OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 37 fore funds were made for it: while others imputed igsg. it to base practices and worse designs. So affairs had every where a very melancholy face. I now turn to give an account of the proceedings Affairs in in Scotland. A convention of the states was sum moned there, in the same manner as in England. Duke Hamilton was chosen president And, a let ter being offered to them from king James, by Lind say, they would not receive nor read it b : but went on to state the several violations of their constitu tion and laws, made by king James. Upon these it was moved, that a judgment should be given, de claring, that he had forfeited his right to the crown. Upon this, three parties were formed : one was composed of all the bishops, and some of the nobi lity, who opposed - these proceedings against the Debates in king, as contrary to their laws and oaths : others tion. thought, that their oaths were only to the king, as having the executive power, to support him in that ; but that, if he set himself to invade and assume the legislature, he renounced his former authority by subverting that upon which it was founded : so they were for proceeding to a declaratory judgment : a third party was formed, of those who agreed with the former in their conclusion: but not in coming to so speedy a determination. They thought, it was b (" It is somewhat strange, " ed the contrary from the very " that lord Balcarras, in his Ac- "gazette." Ralph's Hist, of " count, &c. makes no mention England,' vol. ii. p. 91. He " of -this letter ; and stranger, goes on to State, that all the " that bishop Burnet should bishops, except the archbishop " not only affirm it was deli- of Glasgow and the bishop of " vered by Lindsay, instead of Edinburgh, had left the house " Crane, but that the conven- before the plan of a new settle- " tion would not receive or read ment came to be discussed, " it,' when he might have learn^ p. 94.) ' D 3 38 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. the interest of Scotland to be brought under the laws of England, and to be united to the parliament of England ; and that this was the properest time for doing that to the best advantage ; since England would be obliged, by the present state of affairs, to receive them upon good terms. They were therefore willing to proceed against king James: but they thought it not reasonable to make too much haste in a new settlement; and were for maintaining the government, in an interregnum, till the union should be perfected, or at least put in a probable way. This was specious, and many went into it : but, since it tended to the putting a stop to a full settlement, all that favoured king James joined in it : for by this more time was gained. To this project it was objected, that the union of the two kingdoms must be a work of time ; since many difficulties would arise in any treaty about it : where as the present circumstances were critical, and re quired a speedy decision, and quick provision to be 22 made for their security ; since, if they continued in such a neutral state, they would have many enemies and no friends : and the zeal that was now working among them for presbytery must raise a greater aversion than ordinary, in the body that was for the church of England, to any such treaty with them. While much heat was occasioned by this debate, great numbers came armed from the western coun ties, on pretence to defend the convention: for the duke of Gordon was still in the castle of Edin burgh, and could have done them much harm, though he lay there in a very inoffensive state. He thought the best thing he could do was to preserve that place, long for king James : since to provoke OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 39 the convention would have drawn a siege and ruin 1689. upon him, with too much precipitation, while there was not a force in the field ready to come and assist him. So it was said, there was no need of such armed companies, and that they were come to over awe and force the convention. The earl of Dundee had been at London, and A rising in rel^ion to the « the Son Sr majeSt'eS- ^ " rootingoutofheresy." Ralph's the Seotish commissioners Hist, of England, vol.ii .p. 100.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 43 so much hated as he had been informed: so he 1689. continued still to be advised by him. The episcopal party were afraid of Montgomery's being made se cretary, from whom they expected nothing but ex treme severities : so they set themselves to divert that, and the lord Melvil, who had married the duchess of Monmouth's sister, and had continued from 1660 firm to presbytery, and had been of late forced to leave the kingdom, was looked on as an easy man, who would have credit enough to restrain the fury of that party. So he was made sole secre tary of state ; which proved a very unhappy step : for, as he was by his principle bigoted to presby tery, and ready to sacrifice every thing to their hu mours, so he proved to be in all respects a narrow hearted man, who minded his own interest more than either that of the king or of his country. This choice gave a great distaste : and that was followed by a ministry, in the framing of which he had the chief hand; who were weak and passionate men. All offices were split into commissions, that many might have some share: but it rendered them all contemptible : and, though Montgomery had a con siderable post offered him, yet his missing that he aimed at stuck deep, and began to work in him an 35 aversion to the king, which broke out afterwards into much fury and plotting against him. Nor did duke Hamilton think that he was considered, in the new model of the ministry, as he deserved, and might justly have expected. The parhament there was opened with much ill a faction humour : and they resolved to carry the redress of ™^ grievances very far. Lord Melvill hoped to have gained the presbyterian party, by sending instruc- 44 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. tions to duke Hamilton, to open the session with an act in favour of presbytery: but the majority re solved to begin with their temporal concerns. So the first grievance, to which a redress was desired, was the power of the lords of the articles ; that re lating so immediately to the parliament itself. The king consented to a proper regulation, as, that the number should be, enlarged and changed as often as the parliament should desire it, and that the parlia ment might bring matters before them, though they were rejected by the lords of the articles. This an swered all the just complaints that had been made of that part of the constitution : but the king thought it was the interest of the crown to preserve it thus regulated : yet it was pretended, that, if the name and shadow of that were still kept up, the parlia ment would in some time be insensibly brought under all those restraints that were now to be pro* vided against. So they moved to take it quite away. Duke Hamilton writ long letters, both to the king and to the lord Melvill, giving a full account of the progress of an ill humour that was got among them, and of the ill consequence it was like to have : but he had no answer from the king: and lord Mel vill writ him back dark and doubtful orders : so he took little care how matters went, and was not ill pleased to see them go wrong. The revenue was settled on the king for life: and they raised the money which was necessary for maintaining a small force in that kingdom, though the greatest part of an army of 6000 men was paid by England. But even the presbyterians began to carry their de mands high ; they proposed to have the king's su premacy and the right of patronage taken away : OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 45 and they asked so high an authority to their govern- 1689; ment, that duke Hamilton, though of himself indif- fferent as to those matters, yet would not agree to them. He thought these broke in too much on their temporal concerns ; and would establish a ty ranny in presbytery, that could not be easily borne. He writ to me very fully on that head, and I took the liberty to speak sometimes to the king on those subjects; my design being chiefly to shelter tho episcopal clergy, and to keep the change, that was 26 now to be made, on such a foot, that a door might still be kept open: but lord Melvill had possessed the king with a notion, that it was necessary for his service, that the presbyterians should know, that I did not at all meddle in those matters, otherwise they would take up a jealousy of every thing that was done ; and that this might make them carry their demands much further: so I was shut out from all meddling in those matters : and yet I was then, and still continue to be, much loaded with this prejudice, that I did not study to hinder those changes that were then made in Scotland. And all the king's enemies in England continued still to charge him for the alterations then made hi Scot land ; though it was not possible, had he been ever so zealous for episcopacy, to have preserved it at that time : and I could do no more than I did, both for the order itself, and for all those who adhered to it there. A new debate was set on foot in that par-, Kament, concerning the judges. By the law there, when the king names a judge, he ought to be exa mined by other judges, whether he is qualified as the law directs : but, in the year 1661, because the bench was to be filled with a new set of judges, so 46 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. that there was none to examine the rest, the nomi- nation the king then made was read in parliament? and, no objection being made to any of them, they did upon that sit and act as judges. It was ex pected that the same method should be followed at this time. But instead of that, the king continued such a number of the former judges as was sufficient to examine those who were now to be advanced : so that was ordered to be done. Upon this, those who opposed every thing pretended, that the nomination ought to be made in parliaments and they had pre pared objections against • every one that was upon the list ; intending by this to put a public affront on one of the first and most important actions of the king's government. Duke Hamilton had a positive instruction sent him, not to suffer this matter to be brought into parliament : yet he saw the party was so set, and so strong, that they had a clear majority: nor did he himself very much approve of the nomi nation, chiefly that of old Dalrymple, soon after made lord Stair, to be president. So he disconti nued the parliament. Scotland 'n "^ut' wn'ie those animosities were thus fomented, the earl of Dundee had got together a considerable body of gentlemen, with some thousands of High landers. He sent several messengers over to Ireland, pressing king James to come, either to the north of 27 England or to Scotland. But, at the same time, he c ("As to the insinuation, " ceedings of Parliament Vindi- " that the right they claimed, " cared, p. 38, 39,) and mani- . "to have the judges nominated ". fested beyond contradiction, " in parliament, was but a pre- '• that the claim they made was " tence, the bishop might have « founded on law and reason." " known, that they made their Ralph's Hist, of England vol. ii. " appeal to the public, (Pro- p. 103.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 47 desired, that he would not bring the lord Melfort 1689. over with him, or employ him more in Scotch busi- ness ; and that he would be contented with the ex ercise of his own religion. It may be easily sup posed, that all this went against the grain with king James ; and that the lord Melfort disparaged all the earl of Dundee's undertakings. In this he was much supported by the French near that king, who had it given them in charge (as a main instruction) to keep him up to a high owning of his religion, and of all those who were of it ; and not to suffer him to enter into any treaty or conditions with his protestant subjects, by which the papists should in any sort suffer, or be so much as discouraged. The Irish were willing enough to cross the seas to Eng land, but would not consent to the going over to Scotland. So the earl of Dundee was furnished with some small store of arms and ammunition, and had kind promises, encouraging him and all that joined with him. Mackay, a general officer, that had served long in Holland with great reputation, and who was the piousest man I ever knew, in a military way, was sent down to command the army in Scotland. He was one of the best officers of the age, when he had nothing to do but to obey and execute orders ; for he was both diligent, obliging, and brave : but he was not so fitted for command. His piety made him too apt to mistrust his own sense, and to be too ten der, or rather fearful, in any thing, where there might be a needless effusion of blood. He followed the earl of Dundee's motions, who was less encum bered with cannon and other baggage, and so marched quicker than it was possible for him to fol- 48 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. low: his men $ere for the most part new-levied* '— and without experience ; but he had some old bo dies, on whom he depended. The heads of the elans among the Highlanders promised to join him: but most of them went to the earl of Dundee. At last, after many marches and motions, they came to an engagement at Gillicranky, some few miles above Dunkell: the ground was narrow: and lord Dundee had the advantage: he broke through Mackay's army, and they ran for it : and probably, if the earl of Dundee had outlived that day, the victory might have been pursued far : but a random shot put an end to his Hfe and to the whole designf: for Mackay f ("The next day after the ac- 1 tion of KillikrankiB, an officer • of king' James's riding by the [ place where lord Dundee fell, : saw lying there a bundle of : papers and commissions, 1 which those who stript his ¦ body had left unregarded, as ¦ things of no value : these he ; took up, and finding them '¦ all to be of moment, com- 'l municated them to several of • his. friends. Among them was ¦' a letter from lord- Melfort to ; lord Dundee, which aceom- ; panied a declaration of king James's, containing, not only ; an offer of indemnity to all '¦ such as returned to their'duty, but of toleration to all per suasions. Now this declara- ! tion, the first of these lords : had advised and prepared, ' purposely to bridle the rage ; of the last against the fa- ; natics : and the letter, we are told, was calculated to ¦ sweeten that bitter pill to him; for it imported, * fliat ' notwithstanding the seeming ' promises of indulgence and ' indemnity in the declaration, ' he had so worded them, that ' king James might break ' through them when he pleas- ' ed : and that his majesty might ' not think himself obliged to ' stand lousofthe good of a commonwealth, as well as of a kingly go- whigs. ° , . , vernment : and it was not easy to determine which was best : but he was sure, the worst of all govern ments was, that of a king without treasure and without power. But a jealousy was now infused into many, that he would grow arbitrary in his go vernment, if he once had the revenue ; and would strain for a high stretch of prerogative, as soon as he was out of difficulties and necessities. Those of the whigs, who had lived some years at Amsterdam, had got together a great many stories, that went about the city, of his sullenness, and imperious way of dictating : the Scotch, who were now come up, to give an account of the proceedings in parliament, set about many things that heightened their appre hensions. One Simpson, a Scotch presbyterian, was recommended to the earl of Portland, as a man OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY- 61 whom he might trust ; who would bring him good 1689. intelligence : so he was often admitted, and was en- tertained as a good spy : but he was in a secret con fidence with one Nevill Payne, the most active and dexterous of all king James's agents, who had in deed lost the reputation of an honest man entirely : and yet had such arts of management, that even those who knew what he was, were willing to em ploy him. Simpson and he were in a close league together; and he discovered so much of their se- cretest intelligence to Simpson, that he might carry it to the earl of Portland, as made him pass for the best spy the court had. When he had gained great credit, he made use of it to infuse into the earl of Portland jealousies of the king's best friends ; and as the earl of Portland hearkened too attentively to these, so by other hands it was conveyed to some of them, that the court was now become jealous of them, and was seeking evidence against them. Sir James Montgomery was easily possessed with conspiracy -r-» against the these reports : and he and some others, by Payne s govem- management, fell a treating with king James's party mu in England : they demanded an assurance for the settlement of .presbytery in Scotland, and to have the chief posts of the government shared among them : princes in exile are apt to grant every thing that is asked of them ; for they know that, if they are restored, they will have every thing in their power : upon this, they entered into a close treaty, for the way of bringing all this about. At first they only asked money, for furnishing themselves with arms and ammunition ; but afterwards they insisted on demanding 3000 men, to be sent over from Dun kirk ; because, by duke Schomberg's being posted in 36 62 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 16S9. Ulster, their communication with Ireland was cut ^ off. In order to the carrying on this design, they reconciled themselves to the duke of Queensbury, and the other lords of the episcopal party ; and on both sides it was given out, that this union of those, who were formerly such violent enemies, was only to secure and strengthen their interest in parlia ment: the episcopal party pretending, that since the king was not able to protect them, they, who saw themselves marked out for destruction, were to be excused for joining with those who could secure them. Simpson brought an account of all this to the earl of Portland, and was pressed by him to find out witnesses to prove it against Montgomery : he carried this to them, and told them, that the whole business was discovered, and that great rewards were offered to such as would merit them by swear ing against them. With this they alarmed many of their party, who did not know what was at bottom, and thought that nothing was designed, but an op position to lord Melvill and lord Stair ; and they were possessed with a fear, that a new bloody scene of sham plots and suborned witnesses was to be opened. And when it began to be whispered about, that they were in treaty with king James, that appeared to be sO little credible, that it began to be said, by some discontented men, What could be' expected from a government, that was so soon contriving the ruin of its best friends ? Some feared, that the king himself might too easily receive such reports ; and that the common practices of ministers, who study to make their masters believe, that all their own enemies are likewise his, were like to prevail in this reign, as much as they had formerly done. Montgomery came OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 63 to have great credit with some of the whigs in Eng- 1689. land, particularly with the earl of Monmouth and the duke of Bolton : and he employed it all, to per suade them not to trust the king, and to animate them against the earl of Portland : this wrought so much, that many were disposed to think they could have good terms from king James: and, that he was now so convinced of former errors, that they might safely trust him. The earl of Monmouth let this out to my self twice ; but in a strain that looked like one who was afraid of it, and who endeavoured to prevent it: but he set forth the reasons for it with great advantage, and those against it very faintly h. Matters were trusted to Montgomery and Payne ; and Ferguson was taken into it, as a man that naturally loved to embroil things. So, a de sign was managed, first to alienate the city of Lon don so entirely from the king, that no loans might be advanced on the money bills ; which, without 37 credit upon them, could not answer the end for which they were given. It was set about, that king James would give a full indemnity for all that was past ; and that, for the future, he would sepa rate himself entirely from the French interest, and be contented with a secret connivance at those of his own religion. It was said, he was weary of the insolence of the French court, and saw his error, in h (Ralph esteems it unreason- vol. if. p. 187. The earl of able and unjust in the author ¦ Monmouth is better known by to draw unfavourable inferences the title of earl of Peterborough, from the intimacy of Montgo- to which he succeeded on the mery with the duke of Bolton death of his uncle ; and was that and lord Monmouth, or the vicious eccentric nobleman, of private conversation of the lat- great military talents, who corn ier. See History of England', manded afterwards in Spain.) 64 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. trusting to it so much as he had done. This cor- rupted party had gone so far, that they seemed to fancy, that the restoring him would be not only safe, but happy to the nation. I confess, it was long before I could let my self think that the mat ter was gone so far ; but I was at last convinced of it. Discovered I received a letter from an unknown hand, with thou a" a direction how to answer it : the substance of it was, that he could discover a plot, deeply laid against the king, if he might be assured not to be made a witness ; and to have his friends, who were in it, pardoned : by the king's order, I promised the first ; but an indefinite promise of pardon was too much to ask : he might, as to that, trust to the king's mercy. Upon this he came to me, and I found he was Montgomery's brother : he told me a treaty was set tled with king James ; articles were agreed on ; and an invitation was subscribed, by the whole cabal, to king James to come over ; which was to be sent to the court of France; both because the communica tion was easier, and less watched, when it went through Flanders, than with Ireland; and, to let the court see how strong a party he had, and by that means to obtain the supplies and force that was desired. He said he saw the writing, and some ¦ hands to it ; but he knew many more were to sign it; and he undertook to put me in a method to seize on the original paper. The king could not easily believe the matter liad gone so far ; yet he ordered the earl of Shrewsbury to receive such ad vices as I should bring him, and immediately to do what was proper : so a few days aftej; this, Mont gomery told me, one Williamson was that day gone OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 65 to Dover, with the original invitation : I found the i6sg. earl of Shrewsbury inclined enough to suspect Wil liamson. He had for some days solicited a pass for Flanders, and had got some persons, of whom it was not proper to shew a suspicion, to answer for him. So one was sent post after him, with orders to seize him in his bed, and to take his clothes and portman teau from him, which were strictly examined ; but nothing was found : yet, upon the news of this, the party was grievously affrighted : but soon recovered themselves : the true secret of which was afterwards 38 discovered. Simpson was (it seems) to go over with Williamson; but first to ride to some houses that were in the way to Dover ; whereas the other went directly in the stage coach. It was thought safest for Simpson to carry these papers ; for there were many different invitations, as they would not trust their hands to one common paper : Simpson came to the house at Dover, where Williamson was in the messenger's hands : thereupon he went away imme diately to Deal, and hired a boat, and got safe to France with his letters. Montgomery, finding that nothing was discovered by the way which he had directed me to, upon that fancied he would be de spised by us, and perhaps suspected by his own side.; and went over soon after, and turned papist : but I know not what became of him afterwards. The fear of this discovery soon went off: Simpson came back with large assurances : and 12000 pounds were sent to the Scotch, who undertook to do great mat ters. All pretended discoveries were laughed at, and looked on as the fictions of the court : and upon this the city of London were generally possessed with a very ill opinion of the king. The house of VOL. iv. f 66 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. commons granted the supplies that were demanded for the reduction of Ireland, and for the quota* to which the king was obliged by his alliances : and they continued the gift of the revenue for another year. But one great error was committed by the court, in accepting remote funds ; whereby the in terest of the money, then advanced on a fund, pay able at the distance of some years, did not only eat up a great deal of the sum, but seemed so doubtful, that great premiums were to be offered to those who advanced money upon a security which was thought very contingent ; since, few believed that the govern ment would last so long. So here was a shew of great supplies, which yet brought not in the half of what they were estimated at. a bin con- The tories, seeing the whigs grow sullen, and that corpora- they would make no advances of money, began to treat with the court, and promised great advances, if the parliament might be dissolved, and a new one be summoned. Those propositions came to be known; so the house of commons prepared a bill, by which they hoped to have made sure of all future parlia ments ; in it they declared, that corporations could not be forfeited, nor their charters surrendered ; and they enacted, that all mayors and recorders, who had been concerned in the private deUvering up of charters, without the consent of the whole body, and who had done that in a clandestine manner, before 39 the judgment that was given against the charter of London, should be turned out of all corporations, and be incapable of bearing office in them for six years \ This was opposed in the house of commons, > This was left out by the of the bill, and was not origin- commons at the third reading ally in it, but added by the house OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 67 by the whole strength of the tory party; for they 1689. saw the carrying it was the total ruin of their in- terest through the whole kingdom. They said a great deal against the declaratory part ; but whatso ever might be in that, they said, since the thing had been so universal, it seemed hard to punish it with such severity : it was said, that by this, means the party for the church would be disgraced, and that the corporations would be cast into the hands of dis senters. And now both parties made their court to the king ; the whigs promised every thing that he desired, if he would help them to get this bill passed; and the tories were not wanting in their promises, if the bill should be stopped, and the parliament dis solved. The bill was carried in the house of com mons by a great majority14 : when it was brought up to the lords, the first point in debate was upon the declaratory part, whether a corporation could be for feited or surrendered. Holt, and two other judges, were for the affirmative, but all the rest were for the negative l : no precedents for the affirmative upon the report. Seethe Jour- " that day received, had not nal of the 3d and 10th of Ja- " given them the balance, if a nuary, 1689. O. " too great confidence in the k ("Bishop Burnet is pleased "reasonableness of the thing " to say, that the bill, in which " contended for, had not made " he lumps the two clauses " others careless.' State Tracts, " thus violently contested, was " p. 756." Ralph's History of "carried by a great majority England, vol. ii. p. 183.) " in the house of commons ; ' Holt was always of opinion " whereas the truth is, that that the judgment upon the " the tory party had the ma- quo warranto against the city of " jority on every division, though London was legal, and accepted " that majority was never above of being made recorder there " eighteen : and the whigs, to by the king under that judg- " countenance their own de- ment. He was turned out, or " feat, gave out, ' that even the forced to resign, at the latter " unexpected addition to their end of king James's reign, for " numbers, which the tories not expounding the statute of f2 68 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. were brought, higher than the reign of king Henry VIII, in which the abbeys were surrendered ; which was at that time so great a point of state, that the authority of these precedents seemed not clear enough for regular times : the house was so equally divided, that it went for the bill only by one voice : after which, little doubt was made of the passing the act But now the applications of the tories were much quickened m ; they made the king all possible pro mises : and the promoters of the bill saw themselves exposed to the corporations, which were to feel the effects of this bill, so sensibly, that they made as (2 and 3 Edw. 6.) against deser tion, to affect deserters from king James's army. I have been since told, that although Holt was of opinion that a corpora tion might be forfeited, and that franchises of a corporation might be seized into the hands of the crown ; yet he thought the judgment in this case, of seizing into the hands of the crown the corporate capacity, was not right. See Modern Reports, vol. iv. page 52, &c. O. m (" But according to the " Journals of the house, it ap- " pears, that their lordships, " (being in a general coin- " mittee on the said bill, Jan. " 23, the earl of Mulgrave in " the chair,) were not in a hu- " mour to go so far in the bill, " as even the house of com- " mons had done ; for they " would not allow, that even " the first enacting clause was " rightly founded, or that the " proceedings were illegal which " gave rise to the bill : and ac- " cordingly the issue of the de- " bate was put on the following " question ; viz. whether the " words [declared, and were, " and are, illegal] should stand " in the bill ; which passed in " the negative, both in the " committee and on the report; " on which last occasion, the " numbers stood thus; namely, " contents, (to agree with the " committee,) fifty-one ; not- " contents, forty-three : the bi- " shop adds, that little doubt was " made of the passing the act; " but surely thisnegative seemed " to indicate, that nothing less " was to be expected ; for hav- " ing thus removed the founda- " tion, the superstructure was " sure to fall with the next " breath : and it was probably, " in the clear foresight of such " an event, that the following " severe protest (signed Bolton, " Herbert, Macclesfield, Bed- "ford, Ashburnham, Montague, " Vaughan, Stamford, Sydney,) " was entered in the Journals " of the house." Ralph's Hist. of England, vol. ii. p. 183.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 69 great promises on their part : the matter was now 1689. at a critical issue ; the passing the bill put the king and the nation in the hands of the whigs ; as the rejecting it, and dissolving the parliament upon it, was such a trusting to the tories, and such a break ing with the whigs, that the king was long in sus pense what to do. He was once very near a desperate resolution n ; he thought he could not trust the tories, and he re solved he would not trust the whigs -. so he fancied the tories would be true to the queen, and confide in her, though they would not in him. He therefore resolved to go over to Holland, and leave the go vernment in the queen's hands: so he called the marquis of Caermarthen, with the earl of Shrews bury, and some few more, and told them, he had a convoy ready, and was resolved to leave all in the 40 queen's hands ; since he did. not see how he could extricate himself out of the difficulties into which the animosities of parties had brought him : they pressed him vehemently to lay aside all such despe rate resolutions, and to comply with the present ne cessity. Much passion appeared among them : the debate was so warm, that many tears were shed : in conclusion, the king resolved to change his first de sign, into another better resolution, of going over in person, to put an end to the war in Ireland : this was told me some time after by the earl of Shrews bury ; but the queen knew nothing of it, till she c (" The earl of Balcarras " with these broils, that he " (in his Account,&tc.) takes no- " told duke Hamilton, * that he " tice, that the prince of O- " wished he were a thousand " range, so he calls king Wil- " miles from England, and that " liam, was so weary of both " he had never been king of it.'" "sides, and so embarrassed Ralph's Hist. vol. ii. p. 186.) F 3 70 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1689. had it from me ; so reserved was the king to her, even in a matter that concerned her so nearly. The king's design of going to Ireland, came to be seen by the preparations that were ordered ; but a great party was formed in both houses to oppose it : some did really apprehend the air of Ireland would be fatal to so weak a constitution ; and the Jacobites had no mind that king James should be so much pressed, as he would probably be, if the king went against him in person : it was by concert proposed in both houses, on the same day, to prepare an ad dress to the king against this voyage : so the king, to prevent that, came the next day, and prorogued the parliament ; and that was soon after followed by a dissolution. » 1690. This session had not raised all the money that uanfent!" was demanded for the following campaign ; so it was necessary to issue out writs immediately for a new parliament. There was a great struggle all England over in elections ; but the corporation bill did so highly provoke all those whom it was to have disgraced, that the tories were by far the greater number in the new parliament. One thing was a part of the bargain that the tories had made, that the lieutenancy of London should be changed : for upon the king's coming to the crown, he had given a commission, out of which they were all excluded ; which was such a mortification to them, that they said, they could not live in the city with credit, un less some of them were again brought into that commission : the king recommended it to the bishop of London, to prepare a list of those who were known to be churchmen, but of the more moderate, OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY 71 and of such as were liable to no just exception ; that 1690. so the two parties in the city might be kept in a ba- lance : the bishop brought a list of the most violent tories in the city, who had been engaged in some of the worst things that passed in the end of king Charles's reign: a committee of council was ap pointed to examine the list ; but it was so named, that they approved of it. This was done to the 41 great grief of the whigs, who said, that the king was now putting himself in his enemies hands ; and that the arms of the city were now put under a set of officers, who, if there was a possibility of doing it without hazard, would certainly use them for king James. This matter was managed by the marquis of Caermarthen and the earl of Nottingham ; but opposed by the earl of Shrewsbury, who was much troubled at the ill conduct of the whigs, but much more at this great change in the king's government. The elections of parliament went generally for men who would probably have declared for king James, if they could have known how to manage matters for him. The king made a change in the ministry, to give them some satisfaction ; the earls of Mon mouth ° and Warrington were both dismissed ; other lesser changes were made in inferior places : so that 0 (He was viscount Mor- very spiteful request from a daunt before the revolution, man that did not want it, and and would be earl of Peterbo- that had always professed him- rough when his uncle died, who self a great friend to the duke was a very old man : but being of Monmouth ; but the king descended from Carey earl of was well pleased to be fur- Monmouth, by his mother, was nished with an excuse for doing put upon asking that title, to an ill-natured thing, and hated prevent the duke of Monmouth's the duke as much as the other children from ever being re- had pretended to love him,. D. stored; which was thought a _ F 4 72 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. wfajg and tory were now pretty equally mixed; and 'both studied to court the king, by making advances upon the money bills. a bin re- The first great debate arose, in the house of lords, cognizing ° _ , the king, upon a bill that was brought in, acknowledging the thefts""! king and queen to be their rightful and lawful so- the^conven-vereigng . and declaring all the acts of the last par liament to be good and valid. The first part passed, with little contradiction ; though some excepted to the words rightful and lawful, as not at all neces sary''. But the second article bore a long and warm debate. The tories offered to enact, that these should be all good laws, for the time to come, but opposed the doing it in the declaratory way. They said, it was one of the fundamentals of our constitution, that no assembly could be called a par liament, unless it was called and chosen upon the king's writ. On the other hand it was said, that whatsoever tended to the calling the authority of that parliament in question, tended likewise to the weakening of the present government, and brought the king's title into question. A real necessity, upon such extraordinary occasions, must supersede forms of law : otherwise the present government f (" Unluckily the words " tice that the bill was com- " rightful and lawful are not " mitted, that the whigs car- " in the act, and the sequel of " ried their point in the com- " his lordship's account, al- " mittee, that they lost it again " though servilely- followed by " on the report hy six voices, " our cotemporary, (Tindal in " and that by dint of one of " his Continuation of Rapin's " the warmest and most alarm- " History,) as usual, is far from " ing protests that ever was " being so perfect as it ought " made, they recovered it again, " to be, or as might have been » although not in the same " expected from the pen of a " words as before." Ralph's " person who was present at History of England, vol. ii. " the debate. He takes no no- p. 194.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 73 was under the same nullity. Forms were only rules 1696. for peaceable times : but, in such a juncture, when all that had a right to come, either in person or by their representatives, were summoned, and freely elected ; and when, by the king's consent, the con vention was turned to a parliament, the essentials, both with relation to king and people, were still maintained in the constitution of that parliament. After a long debate, the act passed in the house of lords, with this temper, declaring 1 and enacting, that the acts of that parliament were and are good and valid : many lords protesting against it, at the head of whom was the earl of Nottingham, notwith- 42 standing his great office at court. It was expected, that great and long debates should have been made in the house of commons upon this act. But, to the wonder of all people, it passed in two days in that house, without any debate or opposition. The truth was, the tories had resolved to commit the bill ; and in order to that, some trifling exceptions were made to some words, that might want correc tion ; for bills are not committed, unless some amend ments are offered : and, when it was committed, it was then resolved to oppose it. But one of them discovered this too early ; for he questioned the le gality of the convention, since it was not summoned by writ : Somers, then solicitor general, answered this with great spirit ; he said, if that was not a le gal parliament, they who were then met, and had taken the oaths, enacted by that parliament, were guilty of high treason ; the laws repealed by it were still in force, so they must presently return to king 1 This word is not in the similar one of 13th of Charles act. See the act, and also the the second. . Cap. 7. O. 74 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. James ; all the money levied, collected, and paid, by virtue of the acts of that parliament, made every one that was concerned in it highly criminal : this he spoke with much zeal, and such an ascendant of authority, that none was prepared to answer it ; so the bill passed without any more opposition. This was a great service, done in a very critical time, and contributed not a little to raise Somers's cha racter. The speaker of the house of commons, sir John Trevor, was a bold and dexterous man ; and knew the most effectual ways of recommending himself to every government : he had been in great favour in king James's time, and was made master of the rolls by him r ; and, if lord Jefferies had stuck at any thing, he was looked on as the man, likeliest to have had the great seals: he now got himself to be chosen speaker, and was made first commissioner of the great seal : being a tory in principle, he under* took to manage that party, provided he was fur nished with such sums of money as might purchase some votes ; and by him began the practice of buy ing off men, in which hitherto the king had kept to stricter rules. I took the liberty once to complain to the king of this method ; he said, he hated it as much as any man could do ; but he saw, it was not possible, considering the corruption of the age, to avoid it, unless he would endanger the whole. The house of commons gave the king the customs for years, for five years, which they said made it a surer fund, for borrowing money upon, than if they had given it for life : the one was subject to accidents, but the * He was speaker in king » He or Williams. O. (See James's parliament. O. note before at page 742, vol. i.) The reve nue given OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 75 other was more certain. They also continued the 1690. other branches of the revenue for the same number 7^ of years. It was much pressed to have it settled for life ; but it was taken up as a general maxim, that a revenue for a certain and short term was the best security that the nation could have for frequent parliaments. The king did not like this ; he said to myself, why should they entertain a jealousy of him, who came to save their religion and liberties ; when they trusted king James so much, who in tended to destroy both ? I answered, they were not jealous of him, but of those who might succeed him ; and if he would accept of the gift for a term of years, and settle the precedent, he would be rec koned the deliverer of succeeding ages, as well as of the present ; and it was certain, that king James would never have run into those counsels that ruined him, if he had obtained the revenue only for a short term; which probably would have been done, if Argyle's and Monmouth's invasions had not so over awed the house, that it would then have looked like being in a conspiracy with them, to have opposed the king's demand : I saw the king was not pleased, though he was persuaded to accept of the grant thus made him. The commons granted a poll bill, with some other supplies, which they thought would answer all the occasions of that year : but as what they gave did not quite come up to what was de manded, so when the supply was raised, it came far short of what they estimated it at. So that there were great deficiencies to be taken care of, in every session of parliament : which run up every year, and made a great noise, as if the nation was, through mismanagement, running into a great ar- 76 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. rear. An act passed in this session, putting the administration in the queen, during the king's ab sence out of the kingdom ; but with this proviso, that the orders which the king sent should always take place. In all this- debate, the queen seemed to take no notice of the matter, nor of those who had appeared for it or against it : the house of commons, to the great grief of the whigs, made an address to the king, thanking him for the alterations he had made in the lieutenancy of London. Debates for Ruf; the greatest debate in this session was con- ana against ° an abjura- cerning an abjuration of king James ; some of the tion of king . n , n .. -,-. , , . James. tories were at first for it, as were all the whigs : the clergy were excepted out of it, to soften the oppo sition that might be made f ; but still the main body of the tories declared they would never take any such oath : so they opposed every step that was made in it, with a great copiousness of long and ve hement arguing : they insisted much on this ; that 44 when the government was settled, oaths were made to be the ties of the subject to it, and that all new impositions were a breach made on that, which might be called the original contract of the present settlement : things of that kind ought to be fixed and certain, and not mutable and endless; by the same reason, that the abjuration was now proposed, another oath might be prepared every year ; and every party, that prevailed in parliament, would bring in some discriminating oath or test, such as ' (Ralph affirms, that the for that we find by the Journals bishop is mistaken when he of the commons, ihat ecclesias- says that the clergy were ex- tics were comprehended in it, cepted out 0f.1t, to soften the at the last reading, as well at opposition which might be made, ihe first. History, vol. ii p , 97.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 77 could only be taken by those of their own side ; and l69°- thus the largeness and equality of government would be lost, and contracted into a faction. On the other side it was said, that this was only intended to be a security to the government, during the war ; for, in such a time it seemed necessary, that all who were employed by the government, should give it all possible security : it was apparent, that the com prehensive words in the oaths of allegiance had given occasion to much equivocation; many who had taken them having declared, which some had done in print, that they considered themselves as bound by the oaths, only while the king continued in peaceable possession ; but not to assist or support his title, if it was attacked or shaken ; it was there fore necessary, that men in public trusts should be brought under stricter ties. The abjuration was de bated in both houses at the same time ; I concurred with those that were for itu- The whigs pressed u The king was present dur- them of any use, but to make ing the whole debate in the people declare against the go- house of lords. Lord Whar- vernment, that would have sub- ton said, he was a very old mitted quietly to it, if they had man, and had taken a multi- been let alone : the truth was, tude of oaths in his time, and he had made very free with his hoped God would forgive him oath of allegiance to' king if he had not kept them all ; James, but should be loath to be for truly they were more than under the temptation of break- he could pretend to remember ; ing more. The earl of Marl- but should be very unwilling to borough said he was surprised charge himself with more at to hear that lord say what he the end of his days. The earl did, for he was sure there was of Macclesfield, who had been no man in England that had an old cavalier, and came over more merit in bringing the late with the prince from Holland, happy revolution to effect than said he was much in the same his lordship. The earl of Mac- case with lord Wharton, though clesfield said, he had spoke his they had not always taken the mind with more freedom, be- same oaths ; but he never knew cause he was sure he should not 78 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1609. the king to set it forward ; they said, every one who took it would look on himself as unpardonable, and so would serve him with the more zeal and fidelity ; whereas those that thought the right to the crown was still in king James, might perhaps serve faith fully as long as the government stood firm ; but, as they kept still measures with the other side, to whom they knew they would be always welcome, so they would never act with that life and zeal which the present state of affairs required. At the same time, the tories were as earnest in pressing the king to stop the further progress of those debates : much time was already lost in them ; and it was evident, that much more must be lost, if it was intended to carry it on, since so many branches of this bill, and incidents that arose upon the subject of it, would give occasion to much heat and wrangling : and it was a doubt, whether it would be carried, after all the time that must be bestowed on it, or not : those who opposed it would grow sullen, and oppose every thing else that was moved for the king's service: and if it should be carried, it would put the king again into the hands of the whigs, who would im- be misrepresented ; but his lord- presently after, and the king ship did him too much honour, seemed as little pleased as the in thinking he had so great a earl of Marlborough. The bi- share in the revolution : there shop of London made a long were others that had gone much speech against multiplying of greater lengths than he either oaths ; but the conclusion set could or would have done ; for them all a laughing ; for he de- he had been only a re"bel, and sired not to be misunderstood ; should be always ready to ven- he did not speak for himself: ture his head, whenever he there was not, nor could be, thought the laws and liberties made an oath to the present of his country required it. This government, that he would not cast so great a damp upon the take. D. debase, that the house adjourned OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 79 mediately return to their old practices against the 1690. prerogative; and it would drive many into king TZ James's party, who might otherwise stick firm to the king, or at least be neutrals : these reasons pre vailed with the king to order an intimation to be given in the house of commons, that he desired they would let that debate fall, and go to other matters, that were more pressing. This gave a new disgust to the whigs, but was very acceptable to the tories ; and it quickened the advances of money upon the funds that were given : it had indeed a very ill effect abroad; for both friends and enemies looked on it as a sign of a great decline in the king's interest with his people : and the king's interposing, to stop further debates in the matter, was represented as an artifice only to save 'the affront of its being rejected x. The earlTheeariof of Shrewsbury was at the head of those who pressed leftthe Ury the abjuration most ; so, upon this change of coun- court' sels, he thought he could not serve the king longer with reputation or success : he saw the whigs, by using the king ill, were driving him into the tories ; and he thought these would serve the king with * (" Whatever intimation of " much time, that the bill was " his pleasure his majesty gave " brought in one day, viz. the " to the house of commons, it " 25th, when it was read once, " is most certain that the two " and ordered, nemine contradi- " parties contested the matter " cente, to be read again, and " with all their power : that a " actually rejected the next ; " motion was made to commit " though his lordship farther " the bill, which passed in the " says, that the king's interpos- " negative, yeas 178, noes 192 : " ing was represented as an ar- " and that it was the same day " tifice to prevent that affront." "finally rejected by the same Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. ii. " 192 against 165. It is also p. 198, which maybe consulted " equally certain, that the dis- on what follows below upon the " pute was so far from taking up same subject.) 80 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. more zeal, if he left his post. The credit that the marquis of Caermarthen had gained was not easy to him: so he resolved to deliver up the seals. I was the first person to whom he discovered this: and he had them in his hands when he told me of it ; yet I prevailed with him not to go that night ; he was in some heat. I had no mind that the king should be surprised by a thing of that kind ; and I was afraid that the earl of Shrewsbury might have said such things to him, as should have provoked him too much ; so I sent the king word of it. It troubled him more than I thought a thing of that sort could have done ; he loved the earl of Shrews bury ; and apprehended, that his leaving his service at this time might alienate the whigs more entirely from him ; for now they, who thought him before of too cold a temper, when they saw how firm he was, came to consider and trust him more than ever. The king sent Tillotson, and all those who had most credit with the earl, to divert him from his resolution: but all was to no purpose. The agitation of mind that this gave him, threw him into a fever, which almost cost him his life. The king pressed him to keep the seals till his return from Ireland, though he should not act as secretary; but he could not be prevailed on. The debate for the abjuration lasted longer in the house of lords ; it had some variation from that which was proposed in the house of commons : and was properly an oath of a special fidelity to the king, in opposition to 46 king James : the tories offered, in bar to this, a ne gative engagement against assisting king James or any of his instruments, knowing them to be such, with severe penalties on such as should refuse it. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 81 In opposition to this, it was said, this was only an 1690. expedient to secure all king James's party, what- ever should happen ; since it left them the entire merit of being still in his interests, and only re strained them from putting any thing to hazard for him. The house was so near an equality, in every division, that what was gained in one day was lost in the next ; and by the heat and length of those debates, the session continued till June. A bill, projected by the tories, passed, relating to the city of London, which was intended to change the hands that then governed it; but through the haste or weakness of those who drew it, the court of alder men was not comprehended in it ; so, by this act, the government of the city was fixed in their hands: and they were generally whigs. Many discoveries were made of the practices from St. Germains and Ireland ; but few were taken up upon them : and those were too inconsiderable to know more, than that many were provided with arms and ammuni tion, and that a method was projected for bringing men together -upon a call. And indeed things seem ed to be in a very ill disposition towards a fatal turn. The king was making all possible haste to open The king's the campaign, as soon as things could be ready for affairs. it, in Ireland : the day before he set out, he called me into his closet; he seemed to have a great weight upon his spirits, from the state of bis affairs, which was then very cloudy : he said, for his own part, he trusted in God, and would either go through with his business, or perish in it : he only pitied the poor queen, repeating that twice with great tender ness, and wished that those who loved him would VOL. iv. G 82 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. wait much on her and assist her: he lamented much the factions and the heats that were among us, and that the bishops and clergy, instead of allay ing them, did rather foment and inflame them : but he was pleased to make an exception of my self: he said, the going to a campaign was naturally no un pleasant thing to him : he was sure he understood that better than how to govern England : he added, that, though he had no doubt nor mistrust of the cause he went on, yet the going against king James in person was hard upon him, since it would be a vast trouble both to himself and to the queen, if he should be either killed or taken prisoner: he de sired my prayers, and dismissed me, very deeply affected with all he had said. 47 I had a particular occasion to know, how tender taring9 he was °f kmg James's person, having learned an jamS mstance or" ^ fr°m the first hand; a proposition person. was made to the king, that a third rate ship, well manned by a faithful crew, and commanded by one who had been well with king James, but was such a one as the king might trust, should sail to Dublin, and declare for king James. The person who told me this, offered to be the man that should carry the message to king James, (for he was well known to him,) to invite him to come on board, which he seemed to be sure he would accept of; and, when he was aboard, they should sail away with him, and land him either in Spain or Italy, as the king should desire ; and should have twenty thousand pounds to give him when he should be set ashore : the king thought it was a well formed design, and likely enoxigh to succeed; but would not hearken to it: he said he would have no hand in treachery : and OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 83 king James would certainly carry some of his guards l6g0. and of his court aboard with him: and probably they would make some opposition; and in the struggle some accident might happen to king James's person ; in which he would have no hand. I acquainted the queen with this ; and I saw in her a great tenderness for her father's person ; and she was much touched with the answer the king had made 7. He had a quick passage to Ireland, where mat- The king ters had been kept in the state they were in all this ireilnd." winter; Charlemont was reduced, which was the only place in Ulster that was then left in king James's hands. The king had a great army ; there were, about 36,000 men, all in good plight, full of, heart and zeal; he lost no time, but advanced in six days from Belfast, where he landed, to the river of Boyne, near Drogheda. King James had abandoned the passes between Newry and Dundalk, which are so strait for some miles, that it had been easy to have disputed every inch of ground; king James and his court were so much lifted up, with the news pf the debates in parliament, and of the distractions pf the city of London, that they flattered themselves with false hqpes, that the king durst npt leave Eng land, nor venture over to Ireland : he had been six y This great tenderness ap- disposed of as they should think peared plainly afterwards, by a proper. D. (Ralph, in his His- warrant found amongst the earl tory, vol. ii. p. 219, on the au- pf Torrington's papers, wrote thority of the London gazette, all in the earl of Nottingham's reports that the bombs, or ra- own hand, and signed by the ther, as he observes, the can- king, authorizing lord Torring- non, beat down several tents ton, if he could seize king next adjoining to those of king James's person, to deliver him James and the French general.) to the states of Holland, to be G 2 84 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. dayS come, before king James knew any thing of it. Upon that he immediately passed the Boyne, and lay on the south side of it. His army consisted of 26,000 men ; his horse were good ; and he had 5000 French foot, for whom he had sent over, in exchange, 5000 Irish foot. He held some councils of war, to consi der what was fit to be done; whether he should make a stand there, and put all to the decision of a 48 battle, or if he should march off, and abandon that river, and by consequence all the country on to Dublin. Advices All his officers, both French and Irish, who dis king James, agreed almost in all their advices, yet agreed in this, that, though they had there a very advantage- • ous post to maintain, yet their army being so much inferior, both in number and in every thing else, they would put too much to hazard, if they should venture on a battle. They therefore proposed the strengthening their garrisons, and marching off to the Shannon with the horse and a small body of foot, till they should see how matters went at sea : for the French king had sent them assurances, that he would not only set out a great fleet, but that, as soon as the squadron that lay in the Irish seas, to guard the transport fleet, and to secure the king's passage over, should sail into the channel, to join our grand fleet, he would then send into the Irish seas a fleet of small frigates and privateers to de stroy the king's transports. This would have been fatal, if it had taken effect ; and the executing of it seemed easy and certain. It would have shut up the king within Ireland, till a new transport fleet could have been brought thither, which would have been the work of some months : so that England OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 85 might have been lost before he could have passed 1690. the seas with his army. And the destruction of his transports must have ruined his army : for his stores, both of bread and ammunition, were still on board; and they sailed along the coast as he ad vanced on his march : nor was there, in all that coast, a safe port to cover and secure them. The king indeed reckoned, that by the time the squa dron, which lay in the Irish seas, should be able to join the rest of the fleet, they would have advanced as far as the chops of the channel, where they would guard both England and Ireland : but things went far otherwise. The queen was now in the administration. It The queen in the ad- was a new scene to her ; she had, for above sixteen ministra- months, made so little figure in business, that those ""' who imagined that every woman of sense loved to be meddling, concluded that she had a small pro portion of it, because she lived so abstracted from all affairs. Her behaviour was indeed very exem plary : she was exactly regular, both in her private and public devotions : she was much in her closet, and read a great deal : she was often busy at work, and seemed to employ her time and thoughts in any thing rather than matters of state : her conversation was lively and obliging; every thing in her was easy and natural ; she was singular in great chari ties to the poor ; of whom, as there are always great 49 numbers about courts, so the crowds of persons of quality, that had fled over from Ireland, drew from her liberal supplies : all this was nothing to the public. If the king talked with her of affairs, it was in so private a way, that few seemed to believe it ; the earl of Shrewsbury told me, that the king G 3 Affairs at sea. 86 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. had, upon many occasions, said to him, that though he could hot hit on the right way of pleasing Eng land, he was confident she would; and that we should all be very happy under her. The king named a cabinet council of eight persons, on whose advice she was chiefly to rely ; four of them were tories and four were whigs : yet the marquis of Caermarthen and the earl of Nottingham, being of the first sort* who took most upon them, and seemed to have the greatest credit, the whigs were not sa tisfied with the nomination *-. The queen balanced all things with an extraordinary temper; and be came universally beloved and admired by all about her. Our concerns at sea were then the chief thing to be looked to: an unhappy compliment* of sending a fleet to conVoy a queen to Spain, proved almost fatal to us. They were so long delayed by contrary winds, that a design of blocking up Toulon was lost by it. The great ships, that lay there, had got out before our fleet could reach the place. Our squadron returned back, and went into Plymouth to refit there : and it was joined by that which came from the Irish seas. These two squadrons consisted of above thirty ships of the line : the earl of Torring ton, that had the chief command, was a man of plea- 2 'Carmarthen, a tory. Not- set, the earl of Monmouth, and tingham, a tory. Earl of De- Mr. Edward Russell, whigs ; rondure, a whig. Earl of Dor- and the lord president, Carmar- set, a whig Lord Pembroke, then, the earl of Nottingham, Russel, a whig. Earl of Mon- secretary .of state, the earl of mouth. (Quaere,) whether lord Pembroke, first lord of the ad- Marlborough or Godolphin. O. miralty, sir John Lowther, first (Ralph reports the number to commissioner of the treasury, t ^n?'^*el»t "tending and the earl of Marlborough, thus: the lord steward Devon- tories. Hist. vol. ii. p. 3aq.) shire, the lord chamberlain, Dor- v A ' OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 87 sure, and did not make the haste that was necessary 1690. to go about and join thema: nor did the Dutch fleet come over so soon as was promised: so that our main fleet lay long at Spithead. The French understood that our fleets lay thus divided, and saw the advantage of getting between them: so they came into the channel, with so fair a wind, that they were near the Isle of Wight before our fleet had any advice of their being within the channel. The earl of Torrington had no advice-boats out to bring him news ; and though notice thereof was sent post over land as soon as the French came within the chan nel, yet their fleet sailed as fast as the post could ride : but then the wind turned upon them ; other wise they would, in all probability, have surprised us. But after this first advantage, the winds were always contrary to them and favourable to us. So that the French officers in Ireland had reason to look for that fleet of smaller vessels, which" was pro mised to be sent to destroy the king's transport ships. And, for these reasons, all king James's of ficers were against bringing the war to so speedy a decision. In opposition to all their opinions, king James 50 himself was positive, that they must stay and defend the Boyne: if they marched off and abandoned Dublin, they would so lose their reputation, that the a ("Burnet is extremely will- " which that author supposes " ing to burden lord Torring- " were waiting for him at Ply- " ton with all the miscarriages " mouth, whereas neither of " of the year, and in particular " them arrived there till July; " says, that he did not make " which was after the action " haste to join his own squadron "between the two fleets was "with that under Killigrew " over." Ralph's Hist, of Eng- " from Spain, and that under land, vol. ii. ibid.) " Shovel from Ireland, both G 4 88 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. people would leave them, and capitulate; it would also dispirit all their friends in England : therefore he resolved to maintain the post he was in, and seemed not a little pleased to think, that he should have one fair battle for his crown. He spoke of this with so much seeming pleasure, that many about him apprehended that he was weary of the struggle, and even of life, and longed to see an end of it at any rate: and they were afraid that he would play the hero a little too much. He had all the advantages he could desire : the river was deep* and rose very high with the tide : there was a morass to be passed, after the passing the river, and then a rising ground. a cannon On the last of June, the king came to the banks ball wound- c , , , ° , ed the king, or the river : and as he was riding along, and mak ing a long stop in one place, to observe the grounds, the enemy did not lose their opportunity, but brought down two pieces of cannon: and, with the first firing, a ball passed along the king's shoulder, tore off some of his clothes, and about a hand-breadth of the skin, out of which about a spoonful of blood came. And that was all the harm it did him. It cannot be imagined, how much terror this struck into all that were about him : he himself said it was nothing : yet he was prevailed on to alight, till it was washed, and a plaister put upon it, and imme diately he mounted his horse again, and rode about all the posts of his army : it was indeed necessary to shew himself every where, to take off the apprehen sions with which such an unusual accident filled his soldiers. He continued that day nineteen hours on horseback: but, upon his first alighting from his horse, a deserter had gone over to the enemy with OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 89 the news, which was carried quickly into France, 1690. where it was taken for granted that he could not outlive such a wound : so it ran over that kingdom, that he was dead. And, upon it, there were more public rejoicings than had been usual upon their greatest victories : which gave that court afterwards a vast confusion, when they knew that he was still alive; and saw that they had raised in their own people a high opinion of him, by this inhuman joy, when they believed him dead. But to return to the action of the Boyne : the king sent a great body of cavalry to pass the river higher, while he resolved to pass it in the face of the enemy : and the duke of Schomberg was to pass it in a third place, a little below him. I will not enter 51 into the particulars of that day's action, but leave that to military men. It was a complete victory : and those who were The battle the least disposed to flattery said, it was almost Boyne. wholly due to the king's courage and conduct. And, though he was a little stiff by reason of his wound, yet he was forced to quit his horse in the morass, and to go through it on foot : but he came up in time to ride almost into every body of his army: he charged in many different places; and nothing stood before him. The Irish horse made some resistance, but the foot threw down their arms, and ran away. The most amazing circumstance was, that king James stayed all the while with his guards, at, a safe distance, and never came into the places of danger or of action. But, when he saw his army was every where giving ground, was the first that ran for it, and reached Dublin before the action was quite over; for it was dark before the king forsook the pursuit 90 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. of the Irish. His horse and dragoons were so weary with the fatigue of a long action in a hot day, that they could not pursue far: nor was their camp furnish ed with necessary refreshments till next morning; for the king had marched faster than the waggons could possibly follow. The army of the Irish was so entirely forsaken by their officers, that the king thought they . would have dispersed themselves, and submitted; and that the following them would have been a mere butchery, which was a thing he had always abhorred. The only allay to this victory was the loss of the duke of Schomberg : he passed the river in his station, and was driving the Irish before him, when a party of desperate men set upon him, as he was riding very carelessly, with a small number about him. They charged, and in the disorder of that action he was shot : but it could not be known by whom; for most of all the party was cut off. Thus that great man, like another Epaminondas, fell on the day on which his side triumphed. King James came to Dublin, under a very inde cent consternation ; he said all was lost ; he had an army in England, that could have fought, but would not : and now he had an army that would have fought, but could not This was not very gratefully nor decently spoken by him, who was among the first that fled. Next morning he left Dublin ; he said, too much blood had been already shed ; it seemed God was with their enemies ; the prince of Orange was a merciful man ; so he ordered those he left behind him to set the prisoners at liberty, and to submit to the prince : he rode that day from Dublin to Dun- 52 cannon fort : but, though the place was considerably strong, he would not trust to that, but lay aboard a OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 91 French ship that anchored there, and had been pro- 1690. vided by his own special directions to sir Patrick Trant. His courage sunk with his affairs, to a de- :gree that amazed those who had known the former parts of his life. The Irish army was forsaken by their officers for two days : if there had been a hot pursuit, it would have put an end to the war of Ire land : but the king thought his first care ought to be to secure Dublin : and king James's officers, as they abandoned it, went back to the army, only in hopes of a good capitulation. Dublin was thus for saken ; and no harm done, which was much appre hended: but the fear the Irish were in was such, that they durst not .venture on any thing, which must have drawn severe revenges after it. So the protestants there, being now the masters, they de clared for the king. Drogheda did also capitulate. But, to balance this great success, the king had, The battle of tlerus. the very day after the battle at the Boyne, the news of a battle fought in Flanders, between prince Wal- deck and the marshal Luxembourg, in which the former was defeated. The cavalry did at the first charge run, but the foot made an amazing stand. The French had the honour of a victory, and took ¦many prisoners, with the artillery: yet the stand the infantry made was such, that they lost more than they got by the day : nor were they able to draw any advantage from it. This was the battle of Fle- rus, that, in the consequence of it, proved the means of preserving England. On the day before the battle of the Boyne, theAnengage- „, ment at sea. two fleets came to a great engagement at sea. I he squadron that lay at Plymouth could not come up to join the great fleet, the wind being contrary; 92 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN ]6oo. so it was under debate what was fittest to be done : the earl of Torrington thought he was not strong enough, and advised his coming in, till some more ships, that were fitting out, should be ready: some began to call his courage in question, and imputed this to fear; they thought this would too much exalt our enemies, and discourage our allies, if we left the French to triumph at sea, and to be the masters of our coast and trade; for our merchants' richest ships were coming home; so that the leaving them in such a superiority would be both very unbecoming and very mischievous to us. The queen ordered Russel to advise, both with the navy board and with all that understood sea affairs ; and, upon a view of the strength of both fleets, they were of opinion, that though the French were superior in number, yet our fleet was so equal in strength to 53 them, that it was reasonable to send orders to our admiral, to venture on an engagement : yet the or ders were not so positive, but that a great deal was left to a council of war b. The two fleets engaged near Beachy in Sussex; the Dutch led the van; and, to shew their courage, they advanced too far out of the line, and fought in the beginning with some ad vantage, the French flying before them ; and our blue squadron engaged bravely: but the earl of Tor rington kept in his line, and continued to fight at a b (" The French fleet con- Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 226, " sisted of seventy-eight men where it is also denied, that the " of war and twenty-two fire- orders to engage were not po- " ships, carrying in all 4702 sitive. This circumstance is con- " pieces of cannon ; whereas firmed by the MS. Memoirs of " the English and Dutch toge- Byng lord Torrington, an extract " ther had but fifty-six men of from which is given by sir John " war, which mounted in all Dalrymple in the third Appen- " but 3462 guns." Ralph's dix to his Memoirs, p. 1 70.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 93 distance : the French, seeing the Dutch came out so 1690. far before the line, fell on them furiously both in - front and flank, which the earl of Torrington neg lected for some time ; and, when he endeavoured to come a little nearer, the calm was such that he could not come up. The Dutch suffered much ; and their whole fleet had perished, if their admiral, Ca- lembourg, had not ordered them to drop their an chors while their sails were all up ; this was not ob served by the French : so they were carried by the tide, while the others lay still ; and thus in a few minutes the Dutch were out of danger. They lost many men, and sunk some of their ships which had suffered the most, that they might not fall into the enemies' hands. It was now necessary to order the fleet to come in with all possible haste ; both the Dutch and the blue squadron complained much of the earl of Torrington; and it was a general opinion, that if the whole fleet had come up to a close fight, we must have beat the French: and, considering how far they were from Brest, and that our squa dron at Plymouth lay between them and home, a victory might have had great consequences. Our fleet was now in a bad condition, and broken into factions ; and if the French had not lost the night's tide, but had followed us close, they might have de stroyed many of our ships : both the admirals were almost equally blamed; ours for not fighting, and the French for not pursuing his victory0. c The best account I have admiral Byng did in the en- seen of this action is in a ma- gagement at Mahon ; viz. the nuscript memoir of SirG. Byng. not bearing downright on the It is evident from his narrative, enemy, and equally with his that lord Torrington committed van: when he would have re- much the same fault as the late trieved this mistake it was too 94 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. Our fleet came in safe ; and all possible diligence The French was used in refitting it : the earl of Torrington was masters of sent t0 the Tower, and three of our best sea officers had the joint command of the fleet; but it was a month before they could set out ; and, in all that time, the French were masters of the sea, and our coasts were open to them. If they had followed the first consternation, and had fallen to the burning our sea towns, they might have done us much mischief, and put our affairs in great disorder; for we had not above seven thousand men then in England. The militia was raised, and suspected persons were put in prison: in this melancholy conjuncture, though the harvest drew on, so that it was not convenient 54 for people to be long absent from their labour, yet the nation expressed more zeal and affection' to the government than was expected ; and the Jacobites, all England over, kept out of the way, and were afraid of being fallen upon by the rabble. We had no great losses at sea : for most of our merchant men came safe into Plymouth: the French stood over, for some time, to their own coast; and we had many false alarms of their shipping troops, in order to a de scent. But they had suffered so much in the battle at Flerus, and the Dutch used such diligence in putting their army in a condition to take the field again, and the elector of Brandenburgh Jjringing his troops to late. The van had been wea- orders for fighting when the thered and beat, his anchoring French were so superior, at when the French did not was a least double our force : a most piece of good seamanship, and striking proof to what a height saved the rest of the fleet, as Lewis XlVth had raised his the tide carried the enemy from marine in the supine reign of us. It was imprudent in the Charles the second. O. cabinet council to send positive OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 95 act in conjunction with theirs, gave the French so 1690. much work, that they were forced, for all their vie- tory, to lie upon the defensive, and were not able to spare so many men as were necessary for an inva sion. The Dutch did indeed send positive orders to prince Waldeck, not to hazard another engagement till the fleet should be again at sea : this restrained the elector, who, in conjunction with the Dutch, was much superior to Luxembourg: and afterwards, when the Dutch superseded those orders, the elector did not think fit to hazard his army. Such is the fate of confederate armies, when they are under a different direction ; that when the one is willing, or at least seems to be so, the other stands off. The French, riding so long so quietly in our seas, was far from what might have been expected after such an advantage: we understood afterwards, that they were still waiting, when the Jacobites should, ac cording to their promises, have begun a rising in England ; but they excused their failing in that, be cause their leaders were generally clapped up. That party began to boast, all England over, that it was visible the French meant no harm to the na tion; but only to bring back king James; since now, though our coasts lay open to them, they did us no harm. And this might have made some impression, if the French had not effectually refuted it. Their fleet lay for some days in Torbay ; their equipages were weakened; and by a vessel, that carried a packet from Tourville to the court of France, which was taken, it appeared, that they were then in so bad a condition, that if our fleet (which upon this was hastened out all that was possible) could have overtaken them, we should have got a great victory 96 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. very cheap. But before they sailed, they made a de- scent on a miserable village, called Tinmouth, that happened to belong to a papist : they burnt it, and a few fisher-boats that belonged to it; but the inha bitants got away ; and, as a body of militia -was marching thither, the French made great haste back 55 to their ships: the French published this in their gazettes with much pomp, as if it had been a great trading town, that had many ships, with some men of war in port : this both rendered them ridiculous, and served to raise the hatred of * the nation against them ; for every town on the coast saw what they must expect, if the French should prevail. The queen's In. all this time of fear and disorder, the queen behaviour upon this shewed an extraordinary firmness ; for though she occasion. was full of dismal thoughts, yet she put on her ordi nary cheerfulness when she appeared in public, and shewed no indecent concern : I saw her all that while once a week; for I stayed that summer at Windsor; her behaviour was in all respects heroical: she apprehended the greatness of our danger ; but she committed heuself to God ; and was resolved to expose herself, if occasion should require it ; for she told me, she would give me leave to wait on her, if she was forced to make a campaign in England while the king was in Ireland. The king Whilst the misfortunes in Flanders and at sea came to , Dublin, were putting us m no small agitation, the news first of the king's preservation from the cannon ball, and then of the victory gained the day after, put an other face on our affairs : the earl of Nottingham told me, that when he carried the news to the queen, and acquainted her in a few words that the king was well ; that he had gained an entire vie- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 97 tory; and that the late king had escaped; he ob- 1690. served her looks, and "found that the last article- made her joy compltete, which seemed in some suspense till she understood that. The queen and council upon this sent to the king, pressing him to come over with all possible haste ; since^ as England was of more importance, so the state of affairs re quired his presence here : for it was hoped the re duction of Ireland would be now easily brought about. The king, as he received the news of the battle of Flerus the day after the victory at the Boyne, so on the day in which he entered Dublin he had the news of the misfortune at sea, to temper the joy that his own successes might give him ; he had taken all the earl of Tyrconnel's papers in the camp; and he found all king James's papers, left behind him in Dublin : by these he understood the design the French had of burning his transport fleet, which was therefore first to be taken care of; and, since the French were now masters at sea, he saw no thing that could hinder the execution of that de sign. Among the earl of Tyrconnel's papers, there was a design to • •»*- o/~i ¦ assassinate one letter writ to queen Mary at St. Germains the the king. night before the battle ; but it was not sent. In it, he said, he looked on all as lost ; and ended it thus ; 56 I have now no hope in any thing but in Jones's business. The marquis of Caermarthen told me, that some weeks before the king went to Ireland, he had received an advertisement, that one named Jones, an Irishman, who had served so long in France and Holland, that he spoke both languages well, was to be sent over to murder the king. And sir Robert Southwell told me, that he, as secretary VOL. IV. H 98 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. of state for Ireland, had looked into all Tyrconnel's papers, and the copies of the letters he wrote, to queen Mary, which he had still in his possession : and he gave me the copies of two of them. In one of these he writes, that Jones was come ; that his proposition was more probable, and liker to succeed than any yet made ; his demands were high ; but he added, if any thing can be high for such a service. In another he writes, that Jones had been with the king, who did not like the thing at first; but he added, we have now so satisfied 'him both in con science and honour, that every thing is done that Jones desires. Southwell further told me, that Dea- gle, the attorney general, had furnished him with money, and a poniard of a particular composition ; and that they sought long for a bible bound without a common prayer book, which he was to carry in his pocket, that so he might pass, if seized on, for a dis senter. Some persons of great quality waited on him to the boat that was to carry him over : he was for some time delayed in Dublin ; and the king had passed over to Ireland before he could reach him ; we could never hear of him more ; so it is likely, he went away with his money. A paper was drawn of all this matter, and designed to be published ; but, upon second thoughts, the king and queen had that tenderness for king James, that they stopped the publishing to the world so shameful a practice. The king said upon this to my self, that God had pre served him out of many dangers, and he trusted he would still preserve him ; he was sure he was not capable of retaliating in that way. The escape of a cannon ball, that touched him, was so signal, that it swallowed up lesser ones: yet, in the battle at the OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 99 Boyne, a musket ball struck the heel of his boot, 1.690., and recoiling, killed a horse near him ; and one of" his own men, mistaking him for an enemy, came up to shoot him : but he gently put by his pistol, and only said, Do not you know your friends? At Dublin he published a proclamation of grace, offering to all the inferior sort of the Irish their lives and personal estates, reserving the considera tion of the real estates of the better sort to a parlia ment, and indemnifying them only for their lives; 57 it was hoped, that the fulness of the pardon of the commons might have separated them from the gen try ; and that by this means they would be so for saken, that they would accept of such terms' as should be offered them. The king had intended to have made the pardon more comprehensive; hoping, by that, to bring the war soon to an end : but the English in Ireland opposed this. They thought the present opportunity was not to be let go, of breaking the great Irish families, upon whom the inferior sort would always depend. And, in compliance with them, the indemnity now offered was so limited, that it had no effect : for the priests, who governed the Irish with a very blind and absolute authority, prevailed with them to try their fortunes still. The news of the victory the French had at sea was so magnified among them, that they made the people believe, that they would make such a descent upon England as must oblige the king to abandon Ire land. The king was pressed to pursue the Irish, who had retired to Athlone and Limerick, and were now joined by their officers, and so brought again into some order : but the main concern was to put the transport fleet in a safe station. And that could H 2 100 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690- not be had, till the king was master of Waterford ~ and Duncannon fort, which commanded the entrance into the river: both these places capitulated; and the transports were brought thither. But they were not now so much in danger as the king had reason to apprehend ; for king James, when he sailed away from Duncannon, was forced by contrary winds to go into the road of Kinsale, where he found some French frigates, that were already come to burn our fleet : he told them it was now too late, all was lost in Ireland. So he earned them back, to convoy him over to France ; where He had but a cold reception : for the miscarriage of affairs in Ireland was imputed both to his ill conduct and his want of courage. He fell under much contempt of the people of France: only that king continued still to behave himself de cently towards him d. The king sent his army towards the Shannon ; and he himself came ' to Dublin, intending, as he was advised, to go over to England ; but he found there letters of another strain ; things were in so good a posture, and so quiet in England, that they were no more in any apprehension of a descent : so the king went back to his army, and marched to wards Limerick. Upon this Lausun, who com manded the French, left the town ; and sent his equipage to France, which perished in the Shannon. It was hoped, that Limerick, seeing itself thus aban- . dI was told by aRomaaca- civil, on one side, and with tholic gentleman at Rome, who great confusion on the other. .had a very low opinion of king But the court of France could James's conduct, that he was not forbear speaking great dis- present at the interview be- respect, even in his own hear- tween him and the king of ing; which the queen seemed France upon his return; which, much more sensible of than he he said, was very cold, though did. D. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 101 doned, would have followed the example of other 1690. towns, and have capitulated. Upon that confidence, the king marched. towards it, though his army was 58 now much diminished; he had left many garrisons The siege in several places, and had sent some of his best bo-° dies over to England ; so that he had not now above 20,000 men together. Limerick lies on both sides of the Shannon, and on an island, that the river makes there: the Irish were yet in great numbers in Connaught ; so that, unless they had been shut up on that side, it was easy to send in a constant supply both of men and provisions : nor did it seem advisable to undertake the siege of a place so si tuated, with so small an army, especially in that season, in which it used to rain long ; and by that means, both the Shannon would swell, and the ground, which was the best soil of Ireland, would be apt to become deep, and scarce practicable for carriages. Yet the cowardice of the Irish, the con sternation they were in, and their being abandoned by the French, made the king resolve to sit down before it. Their out-works might have been de fended for some time ; but they abandoned these in so much disorder, that it was from hence believed they would not hold out long. They also abandoned the posts which they had on the other side of the Shannon : upon which, the king passed the river, which was then very low, and viewed those posts ; but he had not men to maintain them : so he con tinued to press the town on the Munster side. He sent for some more ammunition, and some great guns ; they had only a guard of two troops of horse, to convoy them, who despised the Irish so much, and thought they were at such distance, that H 3 102 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN i6gb. they set their horses to grass, and went to bed. Sarsfield, one of the best officers of the Irish, heard that the king rode about very carelessly, and upon that, had got a small body of resolute men together, on design to seize his person ; but now, hearing of this convoy, he resolved to cut it off: the king had advertisement of this brought him in time, and or dered some more troops to be sent, to secure the convoy : they, either through treachery or careless ness, did not march till it was night, though their orders were for the morning ; but they came a few hours too late. Sarsfield surprised the party, de stroyed the ammunition, broke the carriages, and burst one of the guns, and so marched off : Lanier, whom the king had sent with the party, might have overtaken him ; but the general observation made of him (and of most of those officers, who had served king James, and were now on the king's side) was, that they had a greater mind to make themselves rich, by the continuance of the war of Ireland, than their master great and safe by the speedy conclusion of it. 59 By this, the king lost a week, and his ammuni tion was low ; for a great supply, that was put on shipboard in the river of Thames, before the king left London, still remained there, the French being masters of the channel. Yet the king pressed the town so hard, that the trenches were run up to the counterscarp ; and when they came to lodge there, the Irish ran back so fast, at a breach that the can non had made, that a body of the king's men run in after them ; and if they had been seconded, the town had been immediately taken ; but none came in time, so they retired : and though the king sent OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 103 another body, yet they were beaten back with loss. 1690. As it now began to rain, the king saw that, if he stayed longer there, he must leave his great artillery behind him : he went into the trenches every day ; and it was thought he exposed himself too much. His tent was pitched within the reach of their can non ; they shot often over it, and beat down a tent very near it ; so he was prevailed on, to let it be re moved to a greater distance : once, upon receiving a packet from England, he sat down in the open field for some hours, reading his letters, while the can non balls were flying round about him. The Irish fired well; and shewed, they had some courage, when they were behind walls, how little soever they had shewn in the field. The king lay three weeks before Limerick ; but The siege at last the rains forced him to raise the siege : they within did not offer to sally out, and disorder the retreat ; this last action proving unlucky, had much damped the joy, that was raised by the first success of this campaign. The king expressed a great equa lity of temper upon the various accidents that hap pened at this time. Dr. Hutton, his first physician, who took care to be always near him, told me, he had observed his behaviour very narrowly, upon two very different occasions. The one was, after the return from the victory at the Boyne ; when it was almost midnight, after he had been seventeen hours in constant fatigue, with all the stiffness that his wound gave him : he ex pressed neither joy nor any sort of vanity ; only he looked cheerful ; and when those about him made such compliments, as will be always made to princes, even though they do not deserve them, he put all H 4 104 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. that by, with such an unaffected neglect, that it ap- peared how much soever he might deserve the ac knowledgments that were made him, yet he did not like them. And this was so visible to all about him, that they soon saw, that the way to make their court was, neither to talk of his wound nor of his behaviour on that day. As soon as he saw his phy sician, he ordered him to see that care should be 60 taken of the wounded men, and he named the pri soners, as well as his own soldiers. And though he had great reason to be offended with Hamilton, who had been employed to treat with the earl of Tyrcon- nel, and was taken prisoner in his sight, and was preserved by his order: yet since he saw he was wounded, he gave particular directions to look after him e. Upon the whole matter, the king was as grave and silent as he used to be ; and the joy of a day, that had been both so happy and so glorious to him, did not seem to alter his temper or deportment in any way. The equa- He told me, he was also near him, when it was lity of the 1 j _^ .• king's tem- resolved to raise the siege of Limerick; and saw !" the same calm, without the least depression, disorder, or peevishness : from this he concluded, that either his mind was so happily balanced, that no accident could put it out of that situation ; or that, if he had commotions within, he had a very extraordinary com mand over his temper, in restraining or concealing them. While he lay before Limerick, he had news from e He was brought up to the lieved they would ; to which the king, who asked him, if he king only replied, " YouV ho- thought the Irish would rally, " nour." O. (See before, vol. i. and fight again. He answered p. 808.) that upon his honour he be- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q- MARY. 105 England, that our fleet was now out, and that the 1690. French were gone to Brest : so, since we were mas- The earl"^" ters of the sea, the earl of Marlborough proposed, "^ that five thousand men, who had lain idle all this Poses tne taking Cork summer in England, should be sent to Ireland ; and and Kinsaie with the assistance of such men as the king should 'and effects order to join them, they should try to take Cork and1*' Kinsaie. The king approved of this ; and ordered the earl to come over with them : and he left orders for about five thousand more, who were to join him. And so he broke up this campaign, and came over to Bristol, and from thence to London. The con trary winds stopped the earl of Marlborough so, that it was October before he got to Ireland f. He soon took Cork by storm : and four thousand men, that lay there in garrison, were made prisoners of war. In this action, the duke of Grafton received a shot, of which he died in a few days ; he was the more lamented, as being the person of all king Charles's children, of whom there was the greatest hope : he was brave, and probably would have become a great man at seas. From Cork, the earl of Marlborough marched to Kinsaie, where he found the two forts, that commanded the port, to be so much stronger, than the plans had represented them to be, that he told me, if he had known their true strength, he had never undertaken the expedition, in a season so far advanced ; yet in a few days the place capitulated. The Irish drew their forces together, but durst not venture on raising the siege ; but to divert it, they f (Ralph says that the earl of England, vol. ii. p. 243.) came to anchor in Cork road on s (See above, vol. i. p. 79 1 .) September the a 1st. History 106 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. set the country about, which was the best built of ~~ any in Ireland, all in a flame. 61 Thus, those two important places were reduced MUreTantin a very bad season, and with very little loss; which cut off the quick communication between France and Ireland. Count Lausun, with the French troops, lay all this while about Galway, without attempting any thing11; he sent over to France an account of the desperate state of their affairs, and desired ships might be sent for the transport of their forces: that was done; yet the ships came not till the siege of Limerick was raised : probably, if the court of France had known how much the state of affairs was altered, they would have sent contrary orders : but Lausun was weary of the service, and was glad to get out of it ; so he sailed away, without staying for new orders; by which he lost the little reputation that he was be ginning to recover at the court of France. The earl of Tyrconnel went over with him, and gave full assurances, that though the Irish were like to suffer great hardships next winter ; yet they would stand it out, if they were still supported from France. It had appeared, upon many, occasions, that the French and the Irish soldiers did not agree well together : therefore he proposed, that no more soldiers, but only a number of good officers, together with arms, ammunition, and clothes, might be sent h King James's affairs were no officer, a liar, and a pas- always ruined, happily for this sionate bigot. He had {here nation, by the conduct of their two or three words are unintelli- being placed in unable hands, gible) when young. Vide Lord Lausun was an extravagant Clarendon's Letters. H. coxcomb, and lord Tyrconnel OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 107 over to them. In the mean while, the Irish formed 1690. themselves into many bodies, which, by a new name, ~ were called Rapparees : these knowing all ways, and the bogs, and other places of retreat in Ireland, and being favoured by the Irish that had submitted to the king, robbed and burnt houses in many places of the country; while the king's army studied their own ease in their quarters, more than the pro tection of the inhabitants : many of them were sus pected of robbing in their turn, though the Rappa rees carried the blame of all: between them, the poor inhabitants had a sad time, and their stock of cattle and corn was almost quite destroyed in many places. From the affairs of Ireland, I turn next to give Affairs in Scotland. an account of what passed in Scotland: matters went very happily, as to the military part: when the remnants of the earl of Dundee's army (to whom many officers, together with ammunition and money, had been sent from Ireland) began to move towards the low country, to receive those who were resolved to join with them, and were between two and three thousand strong, they were fallen upon and entirely defeated by a Dutch officer, Levingston, that com manded the forces in Scotland: about an hundred officers were taken prisoners: this broke all the measures that had been taken for king James's in terests in Scotland. Upon this, those who had en gaged in Montgomery's plot, looked upon that de- 62 sign as desperate; yet they resolved to try what strength they could make in parliament. Lord Melvill carried down powers, first to offer to duke Hamilton, if he would join in common mea sures heartily with him, to be commissioner in par- 108 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. Iiament, or if he proved intractable, , as indeed he did, to serve in that post, himself. He had full in structions for the settlement of presbytery ; for he assured the king, that without that, it would be im possible to carry any thing; only the king would not consent to the taking away the rights of patron age, and the supremacy of the crown : yet he found these so much insisted on, that he sent one to the king to Ireland for fuller instructions in those points; they were enlarged, but in such general words, that the king did not understand, that his instructions could warrant what lord Melvill did; for he gave them*both up. And the king was so offended with him for it, that he lost all the credit he had with him; though the king did not think fit to disown him, or to call him to an account for going beyond his instructions. a pariia- The Jacobites persuaded all their party to go to ment there. r " inn the parliament, and to take the oaths ; for many.^pt the nobility stood off, and would not own the king, nor swear to him : great pains were taken by Pater son, one of their archbishops, to persuade them to take the oaths, but on design to break them ; for he thought by that means they could have a majority in parliament ; though some of the laity were too honest to agree to such advices ; but with all these wicked arts, they were not able to carry a majority. So other things failing, they saw a necessity of de siring a force to be sent over from France : this ap peared so odious, and so destructive of their country, that some of them refused to concur in it : others were not pleased with the answers king James had sent to the propositions they had made him. He had indeed granted all that they had asked, upon OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 109 their own particular interests, and had promised to 1690. settle presbytery ; but he rejected all those de'mands that imported a diminution of his prerogative, in as firm a manner, as if he had been already set on the throne again : they proposed, finding his answer so little to their satisfaction,. to send him a second mes sage. Upon this, the earls of Argyle, Annandale, and A p10*0'8- OJ covered. Braidalbin, withdrew from them : Annandale came up to the Bath, pretending his ill health : both lord Argyle and Braidalbin went to Chester, pretending, as they said afterwards, that they intended to dis cover the whole matter to the king; but he had passed over to Ireland before they got to Chester. Montgomery, upon this, looked on the design as 63 broken ; and so he went and reconciled himself to Melvill, and discovered the whole negotiation to him. Upon which, the earl of Melvill pressed the king to grant a general indemnity, and gave Mont gomery a pass to go to London ; and he wrote to the queen in his favour. But the king was resolved to know the bottom of the. plot, and particularly how far any of the English were engaged in it; so Montgomery absconded for some time in London, since he saw no hopes of pardon, but upon a full discovery. A warrant was sent to the Bath for the earl of Annandale, of which he had notice given him, and went up privately to London. Montgo mery sent Ferguson to him, assuring him, that he had discovered nething, and desiring him to conti nue firm and secret ; but when he had certain no tice that Montgomery had discovered all the nego tiation among the Scotch, he cast himself on the queen's mercy, asking no other conditions, but that 110 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. he might not be made an evidence against otherss He himself had not treated with any in England, so, as to them, he was only a second-hand witness; only he informed against Nevil Payne, who had been sent down to Scotland, to manage matters among them : he was taken there, but would con fess nothing ; upon the earl of Annandale's informa tion, which he gave upon oath, the earl of Notting ham wrote to the council of Scotland, that he had in his hands a deposition upon oath, containing matter of high treason against Payne ; upon which it was pretended, that, according to the law of Sc6t- land, he might be put to the torture ; and that was executed with rigour : he resisted a double question, yet was still kept a prisoner ; and this was much cried out on, as barbarous and illegal. Montgomery? lay hid for some months at London ; but when. he saw he could not have his pardon, but by making a full discovery, he chose rather to go beyond sea : so fatally did ambition and discontent hurry a man to ruin, who seemed capable of greater things. His art in managing such a design, and his firmness in not discovering his accomplices* raised his character as much as it ruined his fortune. He continued in perpetual plots after this, to no purpose : he was once taken, but made his escape ; and at last, spleen and vexation put an end to a turbulent life. The lord Melvill had now a clear majority, in par liament by the discovery of the plot : some absented themselves ; and others, to redeem themselves, were compliant in all things: the main point, by which Melvill designed to fix himself and his party was, the abolishing of episcopacy, and the setting up of 64 presbytery. The one was soon done* by repealing OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. Ill all the laws in favour of episcopacy, and declaring 1690. it contrary to the genius and constitution of that church and nation ; for the king would not consent to a plain and simple condemnation of it. But it was not so easy to settle presbytery: if. they had followed the pattern set them in the year 1638, all the clergy, in a parity, were to assume the govern ment of the church ; but those being episcopal, they did not think it safe to put the power of the church in such hands ; therefore it was pretended, that such of the presbyterian ministers, as had been turned out in the year 1662, ought to be considered as the only sound part of the church ; and of these there happened to be then threescore alive : so the government of the church was lodged with them ; and they were empowered to take to their assistance and to a share in the church government, such as they should think fit : some furious men, who had gone into very frantic principles, and all -those who had been secretly ordained in the presbyterian way, were presently taken in : this was like to prove a fa tal error, at their first setting out : the old men among them, what by reason of their age or their experi ence of former mistakes, were disposed to more mo derate counsels ; but the taking in such a number of violent men, put it out of their power to pursue them; so these broke out into a most extravagant way of proceeding against such of the episcopal party as had escaped the rage of the former year. Accusations were raised against them; some were charged for their doctrine, as guilty of Arminianism; others were loaded with more scandalous imputa tions: but these were only thrown out to defame them. And where they looked for proof, it was in 11* THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. a way more becoming inquisitors than judges: so apt are all parties, in their turns of power, to fall into those very excesses of which they did formerly make such tragical complaints. All other matters were carried in the parliament of Scotland, as the lord Melvill and the presbyterians desired. In lieu of the king's supremacy, he had chimney-money given him ; and a test was imposed on all in office, or capable of electing or being elected to serve in parliament, declaring the king and queen to be their rightful and lawful sovereigns, and renouncing any manner of title pretended to be in king James. Affairs As for affairs abroad, the duke of Savoy came abroad. . t into the alliance : the French suspected he was in a secret treaty with the emperor, and so they forced him to declare it, before matters were ripe for it, They demanded, that he would put Turin and Montmelian in their hands. This was upon the 65 matter to ask all, and to make him a vassal prince,: upon his refusal, a French army took possessio|jfof Savoy ; and marched into Piedmont, before he was ready to receive them : for though the imperialists and the Spaniards had made him great promises, in which they are never wanting, when their affairs require it ; yet they failed so totally in the perform ance, that if the king and the Dutch, who had pro mised him nothing, had not performed every thing effectually, he must have become at once a prey to the French. The emperor was this year unhap py in Hungary, both by losing Belgrade, and by some other advantages which the Turks gained: yet he was as little inclined to peace, as he was ca pable of carrying on the war. . The king, at his first coming over from Ireland, OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 113 was so little wearied with that campaign, that he 1690. intended to have gone over to his army in Flanders: but it was too late ; for they were going into winter quarters : so he held the session of parliament early, about the beginning, of October, that so, the funds being settled for the next year, he might have an interview with many of the German princes, who intended to meet him at the Hague, that they might concert measures for the next campaign. Both houses began with addresses of thanks and A session of . ii- i' ¦ > parliament congratulation to the king and queen, in which they in England. set forth the sense they had of their pious care Of their people, of their courage and good government, in the highest expressions that could be conceived ; with promises of standing by them, and assisting them with every thing that should be found neces sary for the public service : and they were as good as their word; for the king, having laid before them the charge of the next year's war, the estimate rising to above four millions, the vastest sum that ever a king of England had asked of his people, they agreed to it ; the opposition that was made being very in considerable ; and they consented to the funds pro posed, which were thought equal to that which was demanded, though these proved afterwards to be de fective '. The administration was so just and gen tle, that there were no grievances to inflame the house ; by which the most promising beginnings of some sessions, in former reigns, had often miscar ried. Some indeed began to complain of a mismanage- > ("It appears, both by lord " mons in 1697, that the said " Halifax's books, and by an " funds produced a surplus of " account delivered by the trea- " 77,381?. 3s. 4^." Ralph's " sury to the house of com- Hist, of England, vo\.ii. p-2S°-) VOL. IV. I 114 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. ment of the public money : but the ministry put a stop to that, by moving for a bill, empowering such as the parliament should name to examine into all accounts, with all particulars relating to them; giv ing them authority to bring all persons that they should have occasion for before them, and to tender 66 them an oath, to discover their knowledge of such things as they should ask of them. This was like the power of a court of inquisition : and how un- , usual soever such a commission was, yet it seemed necessary to grant it ; for the bearing down and si lencing all scandalous reports. When this bill was brought to the lords, it was moved, that since the commons had named none but members of their own house, that the lords should add some of their num ber : this was done by ballot; and the earl of Ro chester having made the motion, the greatest num ber of ballots were for him ; but he refused to sub mit to this with so much firmness, that the other lords, who were named with him, seemed to think they were in honour bound to do the same; so, since no peer would suffer himself to be named, the bill passed as it was sent up. Many complaints were made of the illegal commitments of suspected per sons for high treason; though there was nothing sworn against them. But the danger was so appa rent, and the public safety was so much concerned in those imprisonments, that the house of commons made a precedent for securing a ministry that should do the like, upon the like necessity, and yet maintained the Habeas Corpus act; they indemnified the ministry for all that had been done contrary to that act k. k("Theindemnitywasgrant- " ment, which had its rise in the " ed by a special act of pariia- " house of lords, and extended OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 115 Great complaints were brought over from Ireland, 169O. where the king's army was almost as heavy on the I"^nd country as the Rapparees were : there was a great ™u£h ^** arrear due to them; for which reason, when the RaPParees . . , . and the ar- king settled a government in Ireland of three lords my there. justices, he did not put the army under their civil authority, but kept them in a military subjection to their officers : for he said, since the army was not regularly paid, it would be impossible to keep them from mutiny, if they were put under strict disci pline, and punished accordingly. The under officers, finding that they were only answerable to their su perior officers, took great liberties in their quarters ; and, instead of protecting the country, they op pressed it. The king had brought over an army of seven thousand Danes, under the command of a very gallant prince, one of the dukes of Wirtemberg ; but they were cruel friends, and thought they were mas ters ; nor were the English troops much better. The Dutch were the least complained of; Ginkle, who had the chief command, looked strictly to them; but he did not think it convenient to put those of other nations under the same severe measures. But the pay, due for some months, being now sent over, the orders were changed ; and the army was made subject to the civil government : yet it was under stood, that instructions were sent to the lords jus- 67 tices, to be cautious in the exercise of their autho rity over them ; so the country still suffered much by these forces. The house of commons passed a vote, to raise a a bin con cerning the Irish for- " not only to the seizing and im- " and arms, and the raising feitures. " prisoning suspected persons, " and maintaining the militia." " but to the seizing horses Ralph's Hist. vol. ii. p. 247.) 12 116 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. million of money out of the forfeitures and confisca- tions in Ireland : and in order to that, they passed a bill of attainder of all those who had been engaged in the rebellion of Ireland, and appropriated the confiscations to the raising a fund for defraying the expense of the present war; only they left a power to the king, to grant a third part of those confiscated estates to such as had served in the war; and to give such articles and capitulations to those who were in arms, as he should think fit. Upon this bill many petitions were offered, the creditors of some, and the heirs of others, who had continued faithful to the government, desired provisos for their se curity. The commons, seeing that there was no end of petitions for such provisos, rejected them all-; imitating in this too much the mock parliament that king James held in Dublin ; in which about 3000 persons were attainted, without proof or process, only because some of them were gone over to England, and others were absconding, or informed against in Ireland. But when this bill was brought up to the lords, they thought they were in justice bound to hear all petitions ; upon this, the bill was like to be clogged with many provisos; and the mat ter must have held long : so the king, to stop this, sent a message to the commons : and he spoke to the same purpose afterwards, from the throne, to both houses : he promised, he would give no grants of any confiscated estates; but would keep that mat ter entire, to the consideration of another session of parliament : by which the king intended only to as sure them, that he would give none of those estates to his courtiers or officers ; but he thought he was still at liberty to pass such acts of grace, or grant OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 117 such articles to the Irish, as the state of his affairs 169O. should require. There were no important debates in the house of The eari of lords. The earl of Torrington's business held them tZd°!lT long : the form of his commitment was judged to bejuatmed* illegal ; and the martial law, to which by the statute all who served in the fleet were subject, being' lodged in the lord high admiral, it was doubted, whether, the admiralty being now in commission, that power was lodged with the commissioners. The judges were of opinion that it was : yet, since the power of life and death was too sacred a thing to pass only by a construction of law, it was thought the safest course to pass an act, declaring that the powers of 68 a lord high admiral did vest in the commissioners. The secret enemies of the government, who intended to embroil matters, moved that the earl of Torring ton should be impeached in parliament ; proceedings in that way being always slow, incidents were also apt to fall in, that might create disputes between the two houses, which did sometimes end in a rupture : but the king was apprehensive of that ; and, though he was much incensed against that lord, and had reason to believe that a council of war would treat him very favourably, yet he chose rather to let it go so, than to disorder his affairs. The commissioners of the admiralty named a court to try him* who did it with so gross a partiality, that it reflected • much on the justice of the nation ; so that, if it had not been for the great interest the king had in the States, it might have occasioned a breach of the al liance between theitt and us \ He came off safe as to his person and estate, but much loaded in his re- 1 (He was unanimously acquitted.) 13 118 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. putation ; some charging him with want of courage, ~~ while others imputed his ill conduct to a haughty sullenness of temper, that made him, since orders were sent him contrary to the advices he had given, to resolve indeed to obey them, and fight; but in such a manner, as should cast the blame on those who had sent him the orders, and give them cause to repent of it. Designs a- Another debate was moved in the house of lords, gainst the " marquis of (by those who intended to revive the old impeach- then, ment of the marquis of Caermarthen,) whether im peachments continued from parliament to parlia ment, or whether they were not extinguished by an act of grace : some ancient precedents were brought to favour this, by those who intended to keep them up : but in all these, there had been an order of one parliament to continue them on to the next: so they did not come home to the present case : and how doubtful soever it was, whether the king's pardon could be pleaded in bar to an impeachment ; yet, since the king had sent an act of grace, which had passed in the first session of this parliament, it seemed very unreasonable to offer an impeachment against an act of parliament. All this discovered a design against that lord, who was believed to have the greatest credit both with the king and queen, and was again falling under an universal hatred. In a house of commons, every motion against a minister is apt to be well entertained; some envy him; others are angry at him ; many hope to share in the spoils of him, or of his friends that fall with him ; and a love of change, and a wantonness of mind, makes the attacking a minister a diversion to the rest : the thing was well laid, and fourteen leading men had OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY, 119 undertaken to manage the matter against him; in 1690. which the earl of Shrewsbury had the chief hand, as ^ he himself told me ; for he had a very bad opinion of the man, and thought his advices would, in con clusion, ruin the king and his affairs. But a disco very was at this time made that was of great conse quence ; and it was managed chiefly by his means, so that put an end to the designs against him for the present. The session of parliament was drawing to a con- Lord Pres- clusion : and the king was making haste over, to a over to n • 1 ' France, great congress of many princes, who were coming to meet him at the Hague. The Jacobites thought this opportunity was not to be lost ; they fancied it would be easy, in the king's absence, to bring a re volution about: so they got the lord Preston to come up to London, and to undertake the journey to France, and to manage this negotiation. They thought no time was to be lost, and that no great force was to be brought over with king James ; but that a few resolute men, as a guard to his person, would serve the turn, now that there was so small a force left within the kingdom, and the nation was so incensed at a burden of four millions in taxes. By this means, if he surprised us, and managed his coming over with such secrecy, that he should bring over with himself the first news of it, they believed this revolution would be more easy and more sudden than the last. The men that laid this design were, the earl of Clarendon, the bishop of Ely, the lord Preston, and his brother Mr. Graham, and Pen, the famous quaker. Lord Preston resolved to go over, and to carry letters from those who had joined with him in the design, to king James and his queen. 1 4 120 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1&9P- The bishop of Ely's letters were writ in a very par ticular style ; he undertook both for his elder brother and the rest of the family; which was plainly meant of Sancroft and the other deprived bishops: in his letter to king James's queen, he assured her of his and all their zeal for the prince of Wales ; and that they would no more part with that than with their hopes of heaven. Ashton, a servant of that queen's, hired a vessel to carry them over ; but the owner of the vessel, being, a man zealous for the government, dis covered all he knew ; which was only, that he was to carry some persons over to France : the notice of this was carried to the marquis of Caermarthen : and the matter was so ordered, that lord Preston, Ashton, and a young man (Elliot) were got' aboard, and falling down the river, when the officer- sent to take thenf came, on pretence to search, and press for seamen ; and drew the three passengers out of the hold in which they were hid. Lord Preston 70 left his letters behind him in the hold, together with king James's signet ra ; Ashton took them up, on design to have thrown them in the sea ; but they were taken from him. Both they and their letters were brought to Whitehall. Lord Preston's mind sunk so visibly* that , it. was concluded he would not die, if confessing all he knew could save him. Ashton was more firm and sullen ; Elliot knew nothing. There was among their papers one, that contained the heads of a de claration, with assurances of pardon, and promises ™ (" Burnet erroneously says, " state, and the other his pri- " king James's signet, whereas " vate seal." Ralph's History, " one was the seal of lord Pres- vol. ii. p. 354.) " ton's office, when secretary of OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 121 to preserve the protestant religion and the laws; 1690. another paper contained short memorials, taken by * lord Preston, in which many of the nobility were named : the most important of all was, a relation of a conference between some noblemen and gen tlemen, whigs and tories; by which it appeared, that, upon a conversation on this subject, they all seemed convinced, that upon this occasion France would not study to conquer, but to oblige England ; and that king James would be wholly governed by protestants, and follow the protestant and English interest. The prisoners were quickly brought toTaken>tri- their trial ; their design of going to France, and the condemned. treasonable papers found about them, were fully proved : some of them were writ in lord Preston's, and some in Ashton's hand. They made but a poor defence : tiiey said, a similitude of hands was not thought a good proof in Sidney's case ; but this was now only a circumstance ; in what hand soever the papers were writ, the crime was always the same, since they were open, not sealed : so they knew the contents of them, and thus were carrying on a ne gotiation of high treason with the king's enemies : upon full evidence they were condemned. Ashton would enter into no treaty with the court; Ashton suf- but prepared himself to die. And he suffered with great decency, and seriousness. He left a paper be hind him, in which he owned his dependance on king James, and his fidelity to him; he also af firmed, that he was sure the prince of Wales was born of the queen n : he denied that he knew the contents of the papers that were taken with him. n (He was a servant of king James's queen, and a protestant.) 122 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. This made some conclude, that his paper was pen- ned by some other person, and too hastily copied over by himself, without making due reflections on this part of it ; for I compared this paper, which he gave the sheriff, and which was written in his own hand, with those found about him, and it was visible both were writ in the same hand. Lord Preston went backward and forward: he had no mind to die, and yet was not willing to tell 71 all he knew ; he acted a weak part in all respects : to°n waT* when he was heated by the importunities of his pardoned. frien^Sj ^q were violently engaged against the go vernment, and after he had dined well, he resolved he would die heroically ; but by next morning that heat went off; and when he saw death in full view, his heart failed him. The scheme he carried over was so foolish, so ill concerted, and so few engaged in it, that those who knew the whole secret con cluded, that if he had got safe to the court of France, the project would have been so despised, that he must have been suspected as sent over to draw king James into a snare, and bring him into the king's hands. The earl of Clarendon was seized, and put in the Tower; but the bishop of Ely, Grimes, (f. Grahme,) and Pen, absconded. After some months, the king, in regard to the earl of j Clarendon's relation to the queen, would proceed to no extremities against him, but gave him leave to live, confined to his house in the country0. viourbof the Tne king had suffered the deprived bishops to deprived continue, now above a year, at their se*es : they all the while neglected the concerns of the church, do- 0 See postea, p. 700. O. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 123 ing nothing, but living privately in their palaces. 1690. I had, by the queen's order, moved both the earl of Rochester and sir John Trevor, who had great cre dit with them, to try whether, in case an act could be obtained, to excuse them from taking the oaths, they would go on, and do their functions in ordina tions, institutions, and confirmations ; and assist at the public worship as formerly ; but they would give no answer ; only they said, they would live quietly, that is, keep themselves close, till a proper time should encourage them to act more openly p. So all the thoughts of this kind were, upon that, laid aside. One of the considerablest men of the party, Dr. Sherlock, upon king James's going out of Ire land, thought that this gave the present government a thorough settlement ; and in that case he thought it lawful to take the oaths ; and upon that, not only took them himself, but publicly justified what he had done ; upon which he was most severely libelled by those from whom he withdrew. The discovery of the bishop of Ely's correspondence and engage ment in the name of the rest, gave the king a great advantage in filling those vacant sees ; which he re solved to do upon his return from the congress, to which he went over in January. p (" What authority his lord- " It does not even appear, that " ship had for putting so hard " the letters directed to Mr. " an interpretation on the bi- " and Mrs. Redding, were posi- '¦ shops' saying, that they would " tively proved to be the bishop " live quietly, he does not stay " of Ely's ; and not the least " to specify; nor does he explain "article of evidence is any " how they were accountable " where extant, that the said " for neglecting the concerns of " bishop was really authorized " the church, when they were " to carry on such a correT " disabled by their suspension " spondence in the name of the " from interfering with them. " rest." Ralph, vol. ii. p. 262.) 124 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 169O. In his way, he ran a very great hazard ; when he a congress got within the Maese, so that it was thought two of princes hours' rowing would bring him to land, being weary Bit [DC t Hague. 0f the sea, he went into an open boat with some of 72 his lords: but by mists and storms, he was tossed up and down above sixteen hours, before he got safe to land. Yet neither he, nor any of those who were with him, were the worse for all this cold and wet weather. And, when the seamen seemed very ap prehensive of their danger, the king said in a very intrepid manner ; What, are you afraid to die in my company ? He soon settled some points, at which the States had stuck long; and they created the funds for that year. The electors of Bavaria and Brandenburg, the dukes of Zell and Wolfenbuttel, with the landgrave of Hesse, and a great many other German princes, came to this interview^ and entered into consultations concerning the operations of the next campaign. The duke of Savoy's affairs were then very low ; but the king took care of him, and both furnished as well as procured him such supplies, that his affairs had quickly a more promis ing face. Things were concerted among the princes themselves, and were kept so secret, that they did not trust them to their ministers :' at least, the king did not communicate them to the earl of Notting ham, as he protested solemnly to me, when he came back. The princes shewed to the king all the re spects that any of their rank ever paid to any crowned head ; and they lived together in such an easy freedom, that points of ceremony occasioned no disputes among them ; though those are often, upon less solemn interviews, the subjects of much quarrel ing, and interrupt more important debates. OF K. WDLLIAM AND Q. MARY. 125 During this congress, pope Alexander the eighth, 1690. Ottoboni, died, He had succeeded pope Innocent, Anewpope and sat in that chair almost a year and a half: he chosen after " a long con- Was a Venetian, and intended to enrich his family <*"«. as much as he could 1. The French king renounced his pretensions to the franchises : and he, in return for that, promdted Fourbin and some others recom mended by that court to be cardinals ; which was much resented by the emperor. Yet he would not yield the point of the regale to the court of France : nor would he grant the bulls for those whom the king had named to the vacant bishoprics in France, who had signed the formulary, passed in 1682, that declared the pope fallible, and subject to a general council. When pope Alexander felt himself near death, he passed a bull in due form, by which he confirmed all pope Innocent's bulls : and by this he put a new stop to any reconciliation with the court of France. This he did to render his name and fa mily more acceptable to the Italians, and most par ticularly to his countrymen, who hated the French as much as they feared them. Upon his death, the conclave continued shut up for five months, before 1 I was told at Rome that which old cardinalAlteri told he was a man of no religion, the pope gave great offence : he but left his family, who were said that was a fault, and next poor before, possessed of above time he saw his nephew, asked a hundred thousand pistoles a him why he did not take a pri- year in church preferments, be- vate lodging for her. A little sides vast wealth in personal before he died, he asked his phy- estates. When some of the sicians how long they thought cardinals told him he made too he could live : they said about much haste, he answered, that an hour : then he called for a it bad struck three and twenty, large draught of lachrymae Chris- for he was past eighty years of ti, (a wine he loved extremely,) age. , Cardinal Ottoboni, who and said he could not die much was chancellor of the church, the sooner for that. D. kept a mistress in the chancery, 126 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. they could agree upon an election. The party of the ZZ zealots stood long firm to Barbarigo, who had the reputation of a saint, and seemed in all things to set cardinal Boromeo before him as a pattern : they at last were persuaded to consent to the choice of Pig- natelli, a Neapolitan, who, while he was archbishop of Naples, had some disputes with the viceroy con cerning the ecclesiastical immunities, which he as serted so highly, that he excommunicated some of the judges, -who, as he thought, had invaded them. The Spaniards had seemed displeased at this ; which recommended him so to the French, that they also concurred to his elevation. He assumed pope In nocent's name, and seemed resolved to follow his maxims and steps ; for he did not seek to raise his family; of which the king told me a considerable instance : one of his nearest kindred was then in the Spanish service in Flanders, and hasted to Rome upon his promotion : he received him kindly enough, but presently dismissed him, giving him no other present, if he said true, but some snuff. It is true, the Spaniards afterwards promoted him : but the pope took no notice of that r. To return to the Low Countries : the king of r I was at Rome in his pon- band, which he seemed very tiricate ; he was the very reverse much to compassionate. He of his predecessor, extremely never allowed above a crown a charitable and devout ; had lit- day for his own table. He tie regard to his relations, broke two of his ribs by an odd though of a very noble family ; accident after he was pope, but said he found, since he was which made him very helpless, pope, he had a great many more but bore it with great patience, than he knew of before. He and was in all respects a very took most notice of the princess good man. The person that of Palistrin, who was a Pigna- bad most credit with him was telli of Sicily, and a great heir- cardinal Albano, who was his ess; but had a very bad hus- successor. D. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 127 France resolved to break off the conferences at the 1690. Hague, by giving the alarm of an early campaign : Mons was besieged ; and the king came before it in The siege t. .1 • . of Mons. person. It was thereupon given up, as a lost place ; for the French ministers had laid that down among their chief maxims, that their king was never to un dertake any thing in his own person, but where he was sure of success. The king broke up the con gress, and drew a great army very soon together : and, if the town had held out so long as they might well have done, or if the governor of Flanders had performed what he undertook, of furnishing car riages to the army, the king would either have raised the siege, or forced the French to a battle. But some priests had been gained by the French, who laboured so effectually among the townsmen, who were almost as strong as the garrison, that they at last forced the governor to capitulate. Upon that, both armies went into quarters of refreshment : and the king came over again to England for a few weeks. He gave all necessary orders for the campaign in Affairs set- Ireland ; in which Ginkle had the chief command. neXt cam-6 Russel had the command of the fleet, which waspajgn" soon ready, and well manned. The Dutch squa dron came over in good time. The proportion of the quota, settled between England and the States, was, that we were to furnish five, and they three ships of equal rates and strength. Affairs in Scotland were now brought to some 74 temper : many of the lords, who had been concerned Affairs in in the late plot, came up, and confessed and disco vered all, and took out their pardon ; they excused themselves, as apprehending that they were exposed 128 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 16901 to ruin ; and that they dreaded the tyranny of pres- ' byteryjf no less than they did popery : and they pro mised that, if the king would so balance matters, that the lord Melvill and his party should not have it in their power to ruin them and their friends, and in particular, that they should not turn out the min isters of the episcopal persuasion, who were yet in office, nor force presbyterians on them, they would engage in the king's interests faithfully and with zeal : they also undertook to quiet the Highlanders, who stood out still, and were robbing the country in parties : and they undertook to the king, that, if the episcopal clergy could be assured of his pro tection, they would all acknowledge and serve him : they did not desire, that the king should make any step towards the changing the government that was settled there ; they only desired, that episcopal ministers might continue to serve, in those places" that liked them best ; and that no man should be brought into trouble for his opinion, as to the -go vernment of the church ; and that such episcopal men, as were willing to mix with the presbyterians in their judicatories, should be admitted, without any severe imposition in point of opinion. ch^Tes ^1"s looked so fair' ana< agreed so well with the made in king's own sense of things, that he very easily Scotland. . . , , _ ,. ~ J J hearkened to it; and I did believe that it was sin cerely meant ;. so I promoted it with great zeal ; though we afterwards came to see, that all this was an artifice of the Jacobites, to engage the king to disgust the presbyterians ; and by losing them, or at least rendering them remiss in his service, they reckoned they would be soon masters of that king dom. For the party resolved now to come in ge- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 129 nerally, to take the oaths ; but in order to that, they 1690. sent one to king James, to shew the necessity of it, and the service they intended him in it ; and there fore they asked his leave to take them. That king's answer was more honest ; he said, he could not con sent to that which he thought unlawful ; but if any of them took the oaths on design to serve him, and continued to advance his interests, he promised, it should never be remembered against them. Young Dalrymple was made conjunct secretary of state with the lord Melvill ; and he undertook to bring in most of the Jacobites to the king's service ; but they entered at the same time into a close corre spondence with St. Germains : I believed nothing 75 of all this at that time, but went in cordially to serve many who intended to betray us. The truth was, the presbyterians, by their vio lence and other foolish practices, were rendering themselves both odious and contemptible : they had formed a general assembly, in the end of the former year, in which they did veiy much expose them selves, by the weakness and peevishness of their conduct : little learning or prudence appeared among them ; poor preaching and wretched haranguing ; partialities to one another, and violence and injustice to those who differed from them, shewed themselves in all their meetings. And these did so much sink their reputation, that they were weaning the nation most effectually from all fondness to their govern* ment : but the falsehood of many, who, under a pretence of moderating matters, were really under mining the king's government, helped in the sequel to preserve the presbyterians, as much as their own conduct did now alienate the king from them. vol. iv. K 130 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. The next thing the king did was to fill the sees The vacant vacant by deprivation5. He judged right, that it sees filled. wag 0£ great consequence, both to his service and to the interests of religion, to have Canterbury well filled : for the rest would turn upon that. By the choice he was to make, all the nation would see, whether he intended to go on with his first design of moderating matters, and healing our breaches, or if he would go into the passions and humours of a high party, that seemed to court him as abjectly as they inwardly hated him. Dr. Tillotson had been now well known to him for two years ; his soft and prudent counsels, and his zeal for his service, had begot, both in the king and queen, a high and just opinion of him. They had both, for above a year, pressed him to come into this post : and he had struggled against it with great earnestness : as he had no ambition, nor aspiring in his temper, so he foresaw what a scene of trouble and slander he must enter on, now in the decline of his age. The prejudices, that the Jacobites, would possess all people with, for his coming into the room of one, whom they called a confessor, and who began now to have the public compassion on his side, were well fore seen by him. He also apprehended the continuance of that heat and aversion, that a violent party had always expressed towards him, though he had not only avoided to provoke any of them, but had, upon all occasions, done the chief of them great services, s (Eight of the twenty-six p. 6. The major part of them bishops had declined taking the had been persecuted by that new oaths ; Sancroft of Canter- king to whom they now ad- bury and seven of his suffragans, hered.) ' ' whose names are mentioned in OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 131 as oft as it was in his power. He had large princi- 1690. pies, and was free from superstition; his zeal had been chiefly against atheism and popery : but he had never shewed much sharpness against the dis senters. He had lived in a good correspondence 76 with many of them : he had brought several over to the church, by the force of reason, and the softness of persuasion and good usage ; but was a declared enemy to violence and severities on those heads. Among other prejudices against him, one related to myself; he and I had lived, for many years, in a close and strict friendship : he laid before the king all the ill effects, that, as he thought, the promoting him would have on his own service : but all this had served only to increase the king's esteem of him, and fix him in his purpose. The bishop of Ely's letters to St. Germains gave Many Pro- so fair an occasion of filling those sees, at this time, the church. that the king resolved to lay hold on it : and Til lotson, with great uneasiness to himself, submitted to the king's command : and soon after, the see of York falling void, Dr. Sharp was promoted to it : so those two sees were filled with the two best preachers that had sat in them in our time : only Sharp did not know the world so well, and was not so steady as Tillotson was. Dr. Patrick was ad vanced to Ely, Dr. More was made bishop of Nor wich, Dr. Cumberland was made bishop of Peter borough ', Dr. Fowler was made bishop of Glou cester, Ironside was promoted to Hereford, Grove to 1 I have heard that the first was by reading it in a news- notice or thought, which that paper at Stamford, where hewas extraordinary man bishop Cum- minister. O. berland had of his promotion, K 2 132 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. Chichester, and Hall to Bristol *, as Hough, the pre- sident of Magdalen's, was the year before this, made bishop of Oxford. So that in two years' time the king had named fifteen bishops ; and they were ge nerally looked on as the learnedest, the wisest, and best men that were in the church u. It was visible, that in all these nominations, and the filling the in ferior dignities that became void by their promo tion, no ambition nor court favour had appeared; men were not scrambling for preferment, nor using arts, or employing friends to set them forward ; on the contrary, men were sought for, and brought out of their retirements ; and most of them very much against their own inclinations : they were men both, of moderate principles and of calm tempers : this great promotion was such a discovery of the king and queen's designs, with relation to the church, that it served much to remove the jealousies, that some other steps the king had made, were begin ning to raise in the whigs, and very much softened the ill humour that was spread among them. paign^n As soon as this was over, the king went back to Flanders. COmmand his army in Flanders. Both armies were now making haste to take the field. But the French were quicker than the confederates had yet learned to be. Prince Waldeck had not got above eighteen thousand men together, when Luxemburg, 77 with an army of forty thousand men, was marching to have surprised Brussels : and at the same time, Bouflers, with another army, came up to Liege. u (Bull, Cave, Hooper, and amongst those who were no- others, whose names will al- minated to the vacant sees, ways survive, were not of the but he refused to succeed bishop number; Beveridge was indeed Ken.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 183 Waldeck posted his army so well, that Luxemburgh, 1690. believing it stronger than indeed it was, did not at- tempt to break through, in which it was believed he might have succeeded. The king hastened the rest of the troops, and came himself to the army in good time, not only to cover Brussels, but to send a de tachment to the relief of Liege ; which had been bombarded for two days. A body of Germans, as well as that which the king sent to them, came in good time to support those of Liege, who were be ginning to think of capitulating. So Bouflers drew off; and the French kept themselves so close in their posts, all the rest of the campaign, that though the king made many motions, to try if it was pos sible to bring them to a battle, yet he could not do it. Signal preservations of his person did again shew that he had a watchful providence still guard ing him. Once he had stood under a tree for some time, which the enemy observing, they levelled a cannon so exactly, that the tree was shot down two minutes after the king was gone from the place. There was one, that belonged to the train of artillery, who was corrupted to set fire to the magazine of powder : and he fired the matches of three bombs, two of these blew up, without doing any mischief, -though there were twenty-four more bombs in the same waggon, on which they lay, together with a barrel of powder : the third bomb was found, with the match fired, before it had its effect. If this wicked practice had succeeded, the confusion, that was in all reason to be expected, upon such an ac cident, while the enemy was not above a league from them, drawn up, and looking for the success of it, must have had terrible effects. It cannot be easily K 3 134 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. imagined, how much mischief might have followed upon it, in the mere destruction of so many as would have perished immediately, if the whole magazine had taken fire; as well as in the panic fear, with which the rest would have been struck upon so ter rible an accident ; by the surprise of it, the French might have had an opportunity to have cut off the whole army. This may well be reckoned one of the miracles of Providence, that so little harm was done, when so much was so near being done. The two armies lay along between the Samber and the Maese : but no action followed. When the time came of going into quarters, the king left the armies in prince Waldeck's hands, who was observed not to march off with that caution that might have been 78 expected from so old a captain : Luxemburgh upon that drew out his horse, with the king's household, designing to cut off his rear ; and did, upon the first surprise, put them into some disorder ; but they made so good a stand, that, after a very hot action, the French marched off, and lost more men on then- side than we did. Auverquerque commanded the body that did this service : and with it the campaign ended in Flanders. Affairs at Matters went on at sea with the same caution. Dunkirk was for some time blocked up by a squa dron of ours. -The great fleet went to find out the French ; but they had orders to avoid an engage ment: and though for the space of two months Russel did all he could to come up to them, yet they still kept at a distance, and sailed off in the night: so that, though he was sometimes in view of them, yet he lost it next day. The trading part of the nation was very apprehensive of the danger the sea, OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 135 Smyrna fleet might be in, in which the Dutch and 1690. English effects together were valued at four millions: for, though they had a great convoy, yet the French fleet stood out to intercept them : but they got safe into Kinsaie. The season went over without any action ; and Russel, at the end of it, came into Ply mouth in a storm : which was much censured ; for that road is not safe : and two considerable ships were lost upon the occasion. Great factions were among the flag officers : and no other service was done by this great equipment, but that our trade was maintained. But, while we had no success either in Flanders The cam- or at sea, we were more happy in Ireland, even be- Ireland? yond expectation. The campaign was opened with the taking of Baltimore, on which the Irish had wrought much, that Athlone might be covered by it : we took it in one day ; and the garrison had only ammunition for a day more. St. Ruth, one of the violentest of all the persecutors of the protest ants in France, was sent over with two hundred of ficers to command the Irish army : this first action reflected much on his conduct, who left a thousand men, with so slender a provision of ammunition, that they were all made prisoners of war. From thence Ginkle advanced to Athlone, where St. Ruth was posted on the other side of the Shannon, with an army in number equal to his : the river was deep, but fordable in several places : the castle was soon turned to a ruin by the cannon : but the passing the river, in the face of an enemy, was no easy thing, the ford being so narrow, that they could not pass above twenty in front : parties were sent out to try other fords, which probably made the enemy ima- K 4 136 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1690. gine that they never intended to pass the river, just taken. irq under the town, where the ford was both deep and narrow. Talmash, a general officer, moved, that two battalions might have guineas apiece to en courage them ; and he offered to march over at the head of them ; which was presently executed by Mackay, with so much resolution, that many ancient officers said it was the gallantest action they had ever seen. They passed the river, and went through Athlone the breaches into the town* with the loss only of fifty men, having killed above a thousand of the enemy ; and yet they spared all that asked quarter. St. Ruth did not, upon this occasion, act suitably to the reputation he had formerly acquired ; he retired to Aghrem; where he posted himself to great ad vantage, and was much superior to Ginkle in num ber ; for he had abandoned many small garrisons, to increase his army, which was now twenty-eight thousand strong; whereas Ginkle had not above twenty thousand ; so that the attacking him was no advisable thing, if the courage of the English, and the cowardice of the Irish, had not made a differ ence so considerable, as neither numbers nor posts could balance, St. Ruth had indeed taken the most effectual way possible to infuse courage into the Irish: he had sent their priests about among them, to animate them by all the methods they could think of: and, as the most powerful of all others, they made them swear on the sacrament, that they would never for sake their colours. This had a great effect on them : for as when Ginkle fell on them, they had a great bog before them; and the grounds on both sides were very favourable to them : with those advan- The battle of Aghrem. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 137 tages, they maintained their ground much longer 1690. than they had been accustomed to do. They dis- puted the matter so obstinately, that for about two hours the action was very hot, and every battalion and squadron, on both sides, had a share in it. But nature will be always too strong for art ; the Irish, in conclusion, trusted more to their heels than to their hands ; the foot threw down their arms, and ran away x- St. Ruth, and many more officers, were killed, and about eight thousand soldiers, and all their cannon and baggage was taken. So that it was a total defeat ; only the night favoured a body of horse, that got off >'. From thence Ginkle ad vanced to Galloway, which capitulated ; so that now Limerick was the only place that stood out ; a squa dron of ships was sent to shut up the river. In the mean while, the lords justices issued out a new pro clamation, with an offer of life and estate, to such as, within a fortnight, should come under the king's protection. Ginkle pursued his advantages : and, having re- 1691. duced all Connaught, he came and sat down before &0 , Limerick Limerick, and bombarded it ; but that had no great besieged. effect; and though most of the houses were beat down, yet as long as the Connaught side was open, fresh men and provisions were still brought into the place. When the men of war were come up, near the town, Ginkle sent over a part of his army to the x They did not run till St. tack not the most regularly. Ruth was killed. Bishop Bur- made. The English cavalry be net is very inaccurate in military haved with great bravery ; and matters. H. when the first morass was forced, y The ground was very ad- the Irish fled. H. vantageous to the Irish. The at- 138 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1691. Connaught side, who fell upon some bodies of the Irish that lay there, and broke them ; and pursued them so close, as they retired to Limerick, that the French governor d'Usson, fearing that the English would have come in with them, drew up the bridge ; so that many of them were killed and drowned. This contributed very much towards heightening the prejudices that the Irish had against the French. The latter were so inconsiderable, that, if Sarsfield and some of the Irish had not joined with them, they could not have made their party good. The earl of Tyrconnel had, with a particular view, stu died to divert the French from sending over soldiers into Ireland ; for he designed, in case of new misfor tunes, to treat with the king, and to preserve him self and his friends ; and now he began to dispose the Irish to think of treating ; since they saw that otherwise their ruin was inevitable. But as soon as this was suspected, all the military men, who re solved to give themselves up entirely to the French interest, combined against him, and blasted him as a feeble and false man, who was not to be trusted. This was carried so far, that to avoid affronts, he was advised to leave the army : and he stayed all this summer at Limerick, where he died of grief, as was believed : but before he died, he advised all that came to him, not to let things go to extremities, but to accept of such terms as could be got : and his words seemed to weigh more after his death, than in his life-time : for the Irish began generally to say, that they must take care of themselves, and not be made sacrifices to serve the ends of the French. This was much heightened, by the slaughter of the Irish, whom the French governor had shut out, and OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 139 left to perish. They wanted no provisions in Lime- 1691. rick. And a squadron of French ships stood over ' to that coast, which was much stronger than ours, that had sailed up to the town. So it was to be feared, that they might come into the river to de- , stroy our ships. To hinder that, another squadron of English men of war was ordered thither. Yet the French did not think fit to venture their ships within the Shan non, where they had no places of shelter ; the mis understanding that daily grew between the Irish 81 and the French was great; and all appearance of relief from France failing, made them resolve to capitulate. This was very welcome to Ginkle and his army, who began to be in great wants ; for that country was quite wasted, having been the seat of war for three years : and all their draught horses were so wearied out, that their camp was often ill supplied. When they came to capitulate, the Irish insisted The Irish r capitulate. on very high demands; which was set on by the French, who hoped they would be rejected : but the king had given Ginkle secret directions, that he should grant all the demands they could make, that would put an end to that war : so every thing was granted, to the great disappointment of the French, and the no small grief of some of the English, who hoped this war should have ended in the total ruin of the Irish interest. During the treaty", a saying of Sarsfield's deserves to be remembered; for it was much talked of, all Europe over. He asked some of the English Officers, if they had not come to a better opinion of the Irish, by their behaviour during this war ; and whereas they said, it was much the 140 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1691. same that it had always been; Sarsfield answered, As low as we now are, change but kings with us, and we will fight it over again with you. Those of Limerick treated, not only for themselves, but for all the rest of their countrymen that were yet in arms. They were all indemnified, and restored to all that they had enjoyed in king Charles's time. They were also admitted to all the privileges of sub jects, upon their taking the oaths of allegiance to their majesties, without being bound to take the oath of supremacy. Not only the French, but as many of the Irish as had a mind to go over to France, had free liberty, and a safe transportation. And upon that, about twelve thousand of them went over. The war And thus ended the war of Ireland : and with there at an ^^ Qm ^jj w&r came ^ & final en(j The ^.^ cles of capitulation were punctually executed; and some doubts that arose, out of some ambiguous words, were explained in favour of the Irish. So earnestly desirous was the king to have all matters quieted at home, that he might direct his whole force against the enemy abroad. The English in Ireland, though none could suffer more by the con tinuance of the war than they did, yet were uneasy, when they saw that the Irish had obtained such good conditions ; some of the more violent men among them, who were much exasperated with the wrongs that had been done them, began to call in question the legality of some of the articles : but the parliament of England did not think fit to enter upon that discussion ; nor made they any motions 82 towards the violating the capitulation. Ginkle came over full of honour, after so glorious a campaign, OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 141 and was made earl of Athlone, and had noble re- 1691. wards for the great service he had done ; though, without detracting from him, a large share of all that was done was due to some of the general offi cers, in particular to Rouvigny, made upon this earl of Galway, to Mackay, and Talmash. Old Rou vigny being dead, his son offered his service to the king, who unwillingly accepted of it ; because he knew that an estate, which his father had in France, and of which he had still the income, would be im mediately confiscated : but he had no regard to that, and heartily engaged in the king's service, and has been ever since employed in many eminent posts ; in all which he has acquitted himself with that great reputation, both for capacity, integrity, courage, and application, as well as success in most of his under takings, that he is justly reckoned among the great men of the age : and to crown all, he is a man of eminent virtues, great piety, and zeal for religion. The emperor's affairs in Hungary went on sue- Affairs in eessfully this year, under the command of prince ungary" Lewis of Baden ; though he committed an error, that was like to have proved fatal to him : his stores lay near him, in great boats on the Danube : but upon some design, he made a motion off from that river; of which the grand vizier took the ad vantage, and got into his camp, between him and his stores ; so he must either starve, or break through, to come at his provisions. The Turks had not time to fortify themselves in their new camp : so he at tacked them with such fury, that they were quite routed, «nd lost camp and cannon, and a great part of their army ; the grand vizier himself being killed. If the court of Vienna had really desired a peace, 142 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1691. they might have had it, upon this victory, on very easy terms : but they resolved they would be mas ters of all Transilvania ; and, in order to that, they undertook the siege of Great Waradin, which they were forced to turn to a blockade : so that it fell not into their hands till the spring following. The emperor was led on by the prophecies, that assured him of constant conquests, and that he should, in conclusion, arrive at Constantinople itself: so that the practices of those, whom the French had gained about him, had but too much matter to work on in himself. The max- Tne news 0f the total reduction of Ireland con- ims of the court of firmed him in his resolutions, of carrying on the war in Hungary. It was reckoned that England, being now disengaged at home, would, with the rest of the protestant allies, be able to carry on the 83 war with France. And the two chief passions in the emperor's mind being his hatred of heresy and his hatred of France, it was said, that those about him, who served the interests of that court, per suaded him that he was to let the war go on be tween France, and those he esteemed heretics ; since he would be a gainer, which side soever should lose ; either France would be humbled, or the he retics be exhausted ; while he should extend his dominions, and conquer infidels : the king- had a sort of regard and submission to the emperor, that he had to no other prince whatsoever : so that he did not press him, as many desired he should, to ac cept of a peace with the Turks, that so he might turn his whole force against France *. a But might not the king subdue Franfce by a protestant wish, and at that time hope, to interest only ? yet see what OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 143 Germany was now more entirely united in one 1691. common interest than ever: the third party, that The state of the French had formed, to obstruct the war, were the empire' now gone off from those measures, and engaged in the general interest of the empire : the two northern kings had some satisfaction given them, in point of trade, that so they might maintain their neutrality : and they were favourable to the allies, though not engaged with them. The king of Sweden, whom the French were pressing to offer his mediation for a peace, wrote to the duke of Hanover, assuring him, he would never hearken to that proposition, till he had full assurances from the French, that they would own the present govern ment of England. That duke, who had been long in a French ma- a ninth nagement, did now break off all commerce with that created. court, and entered into a treaty, both with the em peror and with the king : he promised great sup plies against France and the Turk, if he might be made an elector of the empire ; in which the king concurred to press the matter so earnestly, at the court of Vienna, that they agreed to it, in case he could gain the consent of the other electors ; which the emperor's ministers resolved to oppose, under hand, all they could. He quickly gained the con sent of the greater number of the electors ; yet new objections were still made. It was said, that if this followed afterwards in the " was to make an express offer course of this history, &c. O. " of his majesty's mediation." (" Nothing is more certain than Ralph in his History, vol. ii. " that the principal article in p. 290, who adds some reasons " sir William Hussey's instruc- for concluding, that this was " tions, who was sent ambassa- done with the emperor's con- " dor from England to the Port currence.) " in the beginning of the year, 144 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1691. was granted, another electorate in a Popish family ought also to be created, to balance the advantage that this gave the Lutherans : and they moved that Austria should be made an electorate. But this was so much opposed, since it gave the emperor two votes in the electoral college, that it was let fall. In conclusion, after a year's negotiation, and a great opposition, both by popish and protestant princes, (some of the latter, considering more their jealousies of the house of Hanover, than the interest of their religion,) the investiture was given, with the title of 84 elector of Brunswick, and great marshal of the em pire. The French opposed this with all the arti fices they could set at work. The matter lay long in an unsettled state ; nor was he now admitted into the college ; it being said, that the unanimous consent of all the electors must be first had. Affairs in The affairs of Savoy did not go on so prosperously as was hoped for : Caraffa, that commanded the im perial army, was more intent on raising contribu tions, than on carrying on the war : he crossed every good motion that was made : MOntmelian was lost, which was chiefly imputed to Caraffa ; the young duke of Schomberg, sent thither to command those troops that the king paid, undertook to relieve the place, and was assured that many protestants in Dauphiny would come and join him. But Caraffa, and indeed the court of Turin, seemed to be more afraid of the strength of heresy than of the power of France; and chose to let that important place fall into their hands, rather than suffer it to be re lieved by those they did not like. When the duke of Savoy's army went into quarters, Caraffa obliged the neighbouring princes, and the state of Genoa, to OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 145 contribute to the subsistence of the imperial army, 1691. threatening them otherwise with winter quarters:- so that how ill soever he managed the duke of Sa voy's concerns, he took care of his own. He was recalled, upon the complaints made against him on all hands ; and Caprara was sent to command in his room. The greatest, danger lay in Flanders, where the The elector feebleness of the Spanish government did so exhaust commanded and weaken the whole country, that all the strength ,n of the confederate armies was scarce able to defend it : the Spaniards had offered to deliver it up to the king, either as he was king of England, or as he was stadtholder of the united provinces b. He knew the bigotry of the people so well, that he was con vinced it was not possible to get them to submit to a protestant government ; but he proposed the elector of Bavaria, who seemed to have much heat, and an ambition of signalizing himself in that country, which was then the chief scene of war : and he could support that government by the troops and treasure that he might draw out of his electorate : besides, if he governed that country well, and ac quired a fame in arms, that might give him a pros pect of succeeding to the crown of Spain, in the right of his electoress, who, if the house of Bourbon was set aside, was next in that succession. The b (Ralph thinks that the offer cious, as of Flanders, both be- made to the king was no more cause it was their ancient pa- than the guardianship or go- trimony, and because their con- vernment of those provinces, nections with the rest of the which the elector of Bavaria af- powers of Europe depended terwards accepted of, for that principally on their rights of the kings of Spain were of no sovereignty there. Hist. vol. ii. part of their dominions so tena- p. 338.). VOL. IV. I, 146 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1691. Spaniards agreed to this proposal ; but they would — nQt make the firgt offer of it tQ that eiector, nor would he ask it ; and it stuck for some time at this : 85 but the court of Vienna adjusted the matter, by making the proposition, which the elector accepted : and that put a new life into those oppressed and mi serable provinces. a session of This was the general state of affairs, when a new parliament. D , session of parliament was opened at Westminster, and then it appeared that a party was avowedly formed against the government. They durst not own that before, while the war of Ireland continued. But now, since that was at an end, they began to infuse into all people, that there was no need of keeping up a great land army, and that we ought only to assist our allies with some auxiliary troops, and increase our force at sea. Many that under stood not the state of foreign affairs, were drawn into this conceit ; not considering, that if Flanders was lost, Holland must submit, and take the best terms they could get. And the conjunction of those two great powers at sea, must presently ruin our trade, and in a little time subdue us entirely. But it was not easy to bring all people to apprehend this aright ; and, those who had ill intentions would not be beaten out of it, but covered worse designs with this pretence : and this was still kept up as a preju dice against the king and his government, that he loved to have a great army about him; and that when they were once modeled, he would never part with them, but govern in an arbitrary way, as soon as he had prepared his soldiers to serve his ends. ofthelnV Another prejudice had more colour, and as bad effects. The king was thought to love the Dutch OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 147 more than the English, to trust more to them, and 1691. to admit them to more freedom with him. He gave too much Occasion to a general disgust, which was spread both among the English officers and the no bility : he took little pains to gain the affections of the nation ; nor did he constrain himself enough to render his government more acceptable: he was shut up all the day long ; and his silence, when he admitted any to an audience, distasted them as much as if they had beeh denied it. The earl of Marlborough thought that the great services he had done were not acknowledged nor rewarded^ as they well deserved ; and began to speak like a man dis contented. And the strain of all the nation almost was, that the English were overlooked, and the Dutch were the only persons favoured or trusted c. This was national ; and the English being too apt to despise other nations, and being of more lively tempers than the Dutch, grew to express a contempt and an aversion for them, that went almost to a mu tiny. It is true, the Dutch behaved themselves1 so well, and so regularly in their quarters, and paid for every thing so punctually, whereas the English were 86 apt to be rude and exacting ; especially those who were all this winter coming Over from Ireland, who had been so long in an enemy's country* that they c The real cause of the earl generally novices in the art of of Marlborough's disgrace was war, and those at the head of the never cleared up ; it is general- service suspected of attachment ly supposed that king William to king James. Possibly a more had' discovered a correspondence gracious manner to the English at the court of St. Germains. might have prevented much of The king was certainly in the the discontent. H. (Compare right to employ some Dutch offi- p. 90, and lord Dartmouth's cers at first, as the English were note there.) L 2 148 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1691. were not easily brought into order; so that the common people were generally better pleased with the Dutch soldiers than with their own countrymen, but it was not the same as to the officers. These seeds of discontent were carefully managed by the enemies of the government; and by those means, matters went on heavily in the house of commons. The king was also believed to be so tender, in every point that seemed to relate to his prerogative, that he could not well bear any thing that was a dimi nution of it : and he was said to have taken a dis like and mistrust of all those, whose notions leaned to public liberty, though those were the persons that were the firmest to him, and the most zealous for him. The men, whose notions of the preroga tive were the highest, were suspected to be Jaco bites : yet it was observed, that many of these were much courted, and put into employments, in which they shewed so little affection to the government, and so close a correspondence with its professed enemies, that it was generally believed they intended to betray it. The blame of employing these men was cast on the earl of Nottingham, who, as the whigs said, infused into the king jealousies of his best friends, and inclined him to court some of his bitterest enemies. 1692. The taking off parliament men, who complained of grievances, by places and pensions, was believed to be now very generally practised. Seimour, who • had, in a very injurious manner, not only opposed every thing, but had reflected on the king's title and conduct, was this winter brought into the trea- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 149 sury and the cabinet council d: yet though a great 1692. opposition was made, and many delays contrived, all the money that was asked was at length given. Among the bills that were offered to the king, at the end of the session, one was to secure the judges salaries ; and to put it out of the king's power to stop them. The judges had their commission, dur ing their good behaviour ; vet^ their salaries were notso secured to them, but that these were at the king's pleasure. But the king put a stop to this, and refused to pass the bill : for it was represented to him, by some of the judges themselves, that it was not fit they should be out of all dependance on the court ; though it did not appear that there was any hurt in making judges in all respects free and in dependent c. A parliament was summoned to meet in d Lord Preston had accused him ; but there being no other proof, no notice was taken of it. Upon his being very trouble some to the court in the house of commons, the king sent for him, and told him lady Dor chester had offered to be a se cond witness, but if he would come heartily into the service, he should be a lord of the trea sury ; if not, he should be pro secuted. He chose to be a lord of the treasury, but went to all his old friends, and told them he had done nothing to their prejudice, or would, but must forbear having any correspond ence with them for the future, which made him be very'well received by them again, when the court turned him out; which they soon did, having brought him in, only to make him lose his credit with the other side. D. e (" In order to maintain both the dignity and inde- : pendence of the judges in the ; superior courts, it is enacted 1 by the statute, 13 W. III. ; c. 2. that their commissions shall be made (not, as for merly, durante bene placito, 1 but) quamdiu bene se gesse- 'l rint, and their salaries ascer- • tained and established ; but '¦ that it may be lawful to re- ' move them on the address of 1 both houses of parliament. ' And now, by the noble im- ' provements of that law in the 1 statute of 1 Geo. III. c. 23. ' enacted at the earnest recom- ' mendation of the king him- 1 self from the throne, the : judges are continued in their 1 offices during their good be- ' haviour, notwithstanding any '¦ demise of the crown, (which ¦ was formerly held immedi- L 3 }50 THE HISTORY OF THE REJGN 1693. Ireland, to annul all that had passed in king James's ^parliament; to confirm anew the act of settlement; and to do all other things that the broken state of that impoverished island required, and to grant such supplies as they could raise, and as the state of their affairs \yould permit. Affairs in Affairs in Scotland were put in another method ; Scotlan • ior(j Tweedale was made lord chancellor, and not lpng after a marquis in that kingdom : lord Melvill was put in a less important post ; and most of his creatures were laid aside ; but several of those who had been in Montgomery's plot were brought into the council and ministry, Johnstoun, who had been sent envpy to the elector of Brandenburgh, was called home, and made secretary of state for that kingdom^: it began soon to appear in Scotland* how ill the king was advised, when he brought in some of the plotters into the chief posts of that go vernment : as this disgusted the presbyterians, so it was very visible, that those pretended converts came into his service, only to have it in their power to deliver up that kingdom to king James : they scarce disguised their designs; so that the trusting such men amazed all people. The presbyterians had very much offended the king, and their fury was instru mental in raising great jealousies of him in Eng land : he well foresaw the ill effects this was like to have; and therefore he recommended to a general assembly, that met this winter, to receive the epi scopal clergy, to concur with them in the govern- " ately to vacate their seats,) Commentaries on the Laws of " and their full salaries are ah- England, vol. i. p. 267.) " solutely secured to them dur- r The same who is mention- " ing the continuance of their ed in the former vol. p. 764. O. " commissions." Blackstdne's OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 151 ment of the church, upon their desiring to be ad- 1692. mitted: and in case the assembly could not be brought to consent to this, the king ordered it to be dissolved, without naming any other time or place of meeting. It was not bkely that there could be any agreement, where both parties were so much inflamed one against another; and those who had the greatest credit with both, studied rather to ex asperate than to soften them. The episcopal party carried it high ; they gave it out that the king was now theirs ; and that they were willing to come to a concurrence with presbytery, on design to bring all about to episcopacy in a little time : the presby terians, who at all times were stiff and peevish, were more than ordinarily so at this time : they were jea lous of the king ; their friends were now disgraced, and their bitterest enemies were coming into favour: so they were surly, and would abate in no point of their government : and upon that, the assembly was dissolved. But they pretended, that by law they had a right to an annual meeting, from which no thing could cut them off; for they said, according to a distinction much used among them, that the king's power of calling synods and assembhes was 88 cumulative, and not privative; that is, he might call them if he would, and appoint time and place ; but that, if he did not call them, they might meet by an inherent right that the church had, which was confirmed by law : therefore they adjourned themselves. This was represented to the king as a high strain of insolence, that invaded the rights of the crown, of which he was become very sensible : most of those, who came now into his service, made it their business to incense him against the presby- L 4 152 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. terians, in which he was so far engaged, that it did ~ alienate that party much from him. The affair There was, at this time, a very barbarous mas- of oiencoe. gacre committed jn Scotland, which shewed both the cruelty and the treachery of some of those, who had unhappily insinuated themselves into the king's con fidence : the earl of Braidalbin formed a scheme of quieting all the Highlanders, if the king would give twelve or fifteen thousand pounds for doing it, which was remitted down from England ; and this was to be divided among the heads of the tribes or clans of the Highlanders. He employed his emissaries among them, and told them, the best service they could do king James was to lie quiet, and reserve themselves to a better time ; and if they would take the oaths, the king would be contented with that, and they were to have a share of this sum, that was sent down to buy their quiet ; but this came to nothing ; then- demands rose high ; they knew this lord had money to distribute among them; they believed he intended to keep the best part of it to himself; so they asked more than he could give : among the most clamour ous and obstinate of these were the Mackdonalds of Glencoe, who were believed guilty of much robbery and many murders ; and so had gained too much by their pilfering war, to be easily brought to give it over. The head of that valley had so particularly provoked lord Braidalbin, that as his scheme was quite defeated, by the opposition that he raised, so he designed a severe revenge. The king had, by a proclamation, offered an indemnity to all the High landers that had been in arms against him, upon their coming in by a prefixed day to take the oaths ; the day had been twice or thrice prolonged ; and it OF K: WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 153 was at last carried to the end of the year I69I ; 1692. with a positive threatening, of proceeding to mili- tary execution against such as should not come into his obedience by the last day of December. All were so terrified, that they came in ; and even that Macdonald went to the governor of fort William, on the last of December, and offered to 89 take the oaths ; but he, being only a military man, could not or would not tender them ; and Macdo nald was forced to seek for some of the legal magis trates, to tender them to him. The snows were then fallen, so four or five days passed before he could come to a magistrate ; he took the oaths in his presence, on the fourth or fifth of January, when, by the strictness of law, he could claim no benefit by it ; the matter was signified to the coun cil ; and the person had a reprimand for giving him the oaths when the day was past. This was kept up from the king ; and the earl of Braidalbin came to court, to give an account of his diligence, and to bring back the money, since he could not do the service for which he had it. He informed against this Macdonald, as the chief per son who had defeated that good design ; and that he might both gratify his own revenge, and render the king odious to all the Highlanders, he proposed, that orders should be sent for a military execution on those of Glencoe. An instruction was drawn by the secretary of state s, to be both signed and counter- e Master of Stair, (Dalrym- death of Lewis the XlVth, who pie,) father of the late earl of could scarcely bear the sight of Stair, one of the duke of Marl- him. He sustained InVcha- borough's principal generals, racter there with great ability, sent ambassador to France by spirit, and dignity, as a British George the first, before the minister should especially do at 154 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. signed by the king, (that so he might bear no part of the blame, but that it might lie wholly on the king,) that such as had not taken the oaths by the time limited, should be shut out of the benefit of the indemnity, and be received only upon mercy. But when it was found, that this would not authorize ¦ what was intended, a second order was got to be signed and countersigned, that if the Glencoe men could be separated from the rest of the' Highlanders, soine examples might be made of them, in order to strike terror into the rest. The king digued this, without any inquiry about it ; for he was too apt to sign papers in a hurry, without examining the im portance of them. This was one effect of his slow ness in despatching business : for as he was apt to suffer things to run on, till there was a great heap Of papers laid before him ; so then he signed them a little too precipitately. But all this while the king knew nothing of Macdonald's offering to take the oaths, within the time, nor of his having taken them soon after it was past, when he came to a pro* per magistrate. As these orders were sent down, the secretary of state writ many private letters to Levingstoun, who commanded in Scotland, giving him a strict charge and particular directions for the execution of them : and he ordered the passes in the valley to be kept, describing them so minutely, that the orders were certainly drawn by one who knew the country well. He gave also a positive direction, that court. O. (Ralph observes, might have been instrumental that if lord Braidalbin was a to the massacre by his repre- Jacobite, the master of Stair sentations at court, Stair was was not, any more than his bro- the man, who took such pains ther secretary Johnston; and. to make it as terrible as pos- that how far soever Braidalbin sible. Hist. vol. ii. p. 333.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 155 that no prisoners should be taken, that so the execu- 1692. tion might be as terrible as was possible. He pressed ~ this upon Levingstoun, with strains of vehemence, that looked as if there was something more than or dinary in it ; he indeed grounded it on his zeal for the king's service, adding, that such rebels and mur derers should be made examples of. In February, a company was sent to Glencoe, who were kindly received, and quartered over the valley; the inhabitants thinking themselves safe, and look ing for no hostilities : after they had stayed a week among them, they took their time in the night, and killed about six and thirty of them, the rest taking the alarm, and escaping : this raised a mighty out cry, and was published by the French in their ga<- zettes, and by the Jacobites in their libels, to cast a reproach on the king's government, as cruel and barbarous ; though in all other instances it had ap peared, that his own inclinations were gentle and mild, rather to an excess. The king sent orders to inquire into the matter ; but when the letters, writ upon this business, were all examined, which I my self read, it appeared, that so many were involved in the matter, that the king's gentleness prevailed on him to a fault ; and he contented himself with dis missing only the master of Stair from his service h : the Highlanders were so inflamed with this, that they were put in as forward a disposition as the Jacobites wished for, to have rebelled upon the first favourable opportunity : and indeed the not punishing this with h (It was not till the year the beginning of his account of 1695, that the dismission took this perfidious and unjustifiable place of this secretary of state, slaughter. On the fact more is whom the bishop mentions in said, bektw, in p. 156, &c.) 156 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. a due rigour, was the greatest blot in this whole reign, and had a very ill effect in alienating that nation from the king and his government. The eari of An incident happened near the end of this ses- rough dis- sion, that had very ill effects ; which I unwillingly graced. mention, because it cannot be told without some re flections on the memory of the queen, whom I al ways honoured, beyond all the persons I had ever known. The earl of Nottingham came to the earl of Marlborough, with a message from the king, tell ing him, that he had no more use for his service, and therefore he demanded all his commissions. What drew so sudden and so hard a message was not known : for he had been with the king that morning, and had parted with him in the ordinary manner. It seemed some letter was intercepted, which gave suspicion : it is certain, that he thought he was too little considered, and that he had, upon many occasions, censured the king's conduct, and reflected on the Dutch '. But the original cause of his disgrace arose from another consideration ; the ' The earl of Nottingham' the king. But that was some told me, there was a design time before this happened, and upon France, in which lord I have good reason to believe Marlborough was to have been the bishop knew this, which employed : success depended makes me suspect his whole upon secrecy ; but lord Marl- paragraph, as well as many borough told it to his lady, and more in this second volume, she to lady Fitzharding ; who to have been very much altered told it to lord Colchester, and by her grace of Marlborough's he acquainted the king with it, directions :. Tom Burnet hav- and how he came by it : which ing, as I have been credibly in- was the true cause of his dis- formed, sent the original to grace, besides some very disre- her grace, for her perusal, be- spectful things he had said of fore it was published. D. (Com- the king's person and govern- pare the earl of Hardwicke's ment to the old duke of Bol- note at the next page.) ton, of which he had informed OF K WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 157 princess thought herself too much neglected by the 1692. king, whose cold way towards her was soon ob- served : after the king was on the throne, no pro positions were made to her of a settlement, nor any 91 advances of money. So she, thinking she was to be kept in a necessitous dependance on the court, got some to move in the house of commons, in the year 1690, when they were in the debate concerning the revenue, that "She should have assignments suitable to her dignity. This both king and queen took amiss from her ; the queen complained more parti cularly, that she was then ill, after her lying in of the duke of Glocester at Hampton Court, and that she herself was treating her and the young child with the tenderness of a mother, and that yet such a motion was made, before she had tried, in a pri vate way, what the king intended to assign her. The princess, on the other hand, said, she knew the queen was a good wife, submissive and obedient to every thing that the king desired ; so she thought, the best way was to have a settlement by act of par liament : on the other hand, the custom had always been, that the royal family (a prince of Wales not excepted) was kept in a dependance on the king, and had no allowance but from his mere favour and kindness k ; yet in this case, in which the princess was put out of the succession during the king's life, it seemed reasonable, that somewhat more than or dinary should be done in consideration of that. The act passed, allowing her a settlement of fifty thou sand pounds. But upon this a coldness followed, k This may be good policy in of this matter have their evils, some countries, but it mgy be which I have seen. O. otherwise in this. Both sides 158 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. between not only the king, but even the queen and the princess. And the blame of this motion was cast on the countess of Marlborough, as most in fa vour with the princess: and this had contributed much to alienate the king from her husband, and had disposed him to receive ill impressions of him. a breach Upon his disgrace, his lady was forbid the court ; thTqueln the princess would not submit to this ; she thought, "rincws she ougnt t0 be allowed to keep what persons she pleased about herself. And when the queen insisted on the thing, she retired from the court. There were, no doubt, ill offices done on all hands, as there were some that pressed the princess to submit to the queen, as well as others who pressed the queen to pass it over ; but without effect : both had en gaged themselves, before they had well reflected on the consequences of such a breach : and the matter went so far, that the queen ordered, that no public honours should be shewed the princess, besides many other lesser matters, which I unwillingly reflect on, because I was much troubled to see the queen carry such a matter so far: and the breach continued to the end of her life. The enemies of the govern ment tried what could be made of this, to create distractions among us ; but the princess gave no en- 92 Gouragement to them '. So that this misunderstand ing had no other effect, but that it gave enemies much ill-natured joy, and a secret spiteful diver sion m. 1 Bishop Burnet was quite tampering with the court of ignorant of the plots of these St. Germains. H. times, or his editor has cur- m The bishop very unjustly tailed the manuscript. The earl endeavours to throw all the of Marlborough is proved by scandalous treatment of the later discoveries to have been princess upon the queen ; OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 159 The king gave Russel the command of the fleet ; 1692. though he had put himself in ill terms with him, by Russei pressing to know the grounds of the earl of Marlbo- JnXt.ded rough's disgrace : he had not only lived in great friendship with him, but had carried the first mes sages that had passed between him and the king, when he went over to Holland ; he almost upbraided the king with the earl of Marlborough's services, who, as he said, had set the crown on his head0. Russel also came to be in ill terms with the earl of Nottingham, who, as he thought, supported a faction among the flag officers against him ; and he fell in deed into so ill an humour, on many accounts, that he seemed to be for some time in doubt, whether he ought to undertake the command of the fleet, or not : I tried, at the desire of some of his friends, to soften him a little, but without success. The king went over to Holland in March, to pre- though he knew she did no- After" she removed to Berkely thing but as she was ordered house, the minister of St. by the king ; as he did, that the James's was commanded not to message to the princess was to show her the respect that was part with lady Marlborough due to the royal family ; which immediately, or remove her- he refused to obey, in respect self out of her lodgings at the to their majesties, (as he sent Cockpit; (which king Charles them word,) knowing the near the second bought of lord Dan- relation she had to them. I bv for her use when she was cannot tell what spiteful ill— married;) which she instantly natured people he might con- did, and was carried in a sedan verse with in secret, but the, na- to Sion, being then with child, tion in general were so much without any guard or decent- offended at the indignities she attendance; where she miscar- received, that after her sister ried, and all people forbid wait- died, king William, when he ing upon her ; which was com- had nobody else to lay it upon, plied with by every body but was glad to make up the mat- the duke of Somerset, whose ter as fast as he could. D. house she was in, and lord Ro- ° (See vol. i. p. 766.) Chester, who was her uncle. 160 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. pare for an early campaign. He intimated some what in his speech to the parliament, of a descent designed upon France ; but we had neither men nor a descent money to execute it v. And, while we were pleasing preparedly our selves with the thoughts of a descent in France, kms James'king James was preparing for a real one in England. It was intended to be made in the end of April ;. he had about him fourteen thousand English and Irish; and marshal Belfonds was to accompany him, with about three thousand French. They were to sail from Cherbourg and La Hogue, and some other places in Normandy, and to land in Sussex, and from thence to march with all haste to London. A transport fleet was also brought thither : they were to bring over only a small number of horses ; for their party, in England, undertook to furnish them with horses at their landing. At the same time, the king of France was to march with a great army into Flanders ; and he reckoned, that the descent in England would either have succeeded, since there was a very small force left within the kingdom ; or at least, that it would have obliged the king to come over, with some of his English troops : and in that case, which way soever the war of England had ended, he should have mastered Flanders, and so forced the States to submit : and, in case other de signs had failed, there was one in reserve, managed by the French ministry, and by Luxemburgh, of as sassinating the king, which would have brought about all their designs. The French king seemed p (Ralph observes, that in whole of this paragraph as void the copies of the king's speech of all foundation. See his Hist. now extant, no such intimation of England, vol. ii. p. 331.) can be found, and sets aside the OF £. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 161 to think the project was so well laid, that it could 1692. not miscarry: for he said publicly, before he set out* that he was going to make an end of the war. We 93 in England were all this while very secure, and did not apprehend we were in any danger. Both the king and his secretaries were much blamed, for tak ing so little care to procure intelligence: if the winds had favoured the French, they themselves would have brought us the first news of their design i; they sent over some persons, to give their friends notice, but a very few days before they reckoned they should be on our coast : one of these was a Scotch man, and brought the first discovery to Johnstoun r : orders were presently sent out, to bring together such forces as lay scattered in quarters ; and a squa dron of our fleet, that was set to sea, was ordered to lay on the coast of Normandy : but the heavens fought against them more effectually than we could have done. There was, for a whole month together, such a storm that lay on their coast, that it was not possible for them to come out of their ports ; nor could marshal D'Estrees come about with the squa dron from Toulon, so soon as was expected. In the beginning of May, about forty of our ships were on the coast of Normandy, and were endeavouring to destroy their transport ships : upon which, orders were sent to marshal Tourville, to sail to the chan nel, and fight the English fleet. They had a west erly wind to bring them within the channel : but 1 (The contrary to this as- same writer. See p. 346 — 34S sertion is proved from the ga- of vol. ii. of his Hist.) zettes by Ralph ; and the care r Before mentioned, p. 87. O. of the government to make the (See in vol. i. p. 764, some ac- fleet as strong as possible is count of him.) likewise shewn in detail by the VOL. IV. M 162 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. then the wind struck into the east, and stood so long there, that it both brought over the Dutch fleet, and brought about our great ships. By this means, our whole fleet was joined : so that Tourville's design, of getting between the several squadrons that com posed it, was lost. The king of France, being then in Flanders, upon this change of wind, sent orders to Tourville not to fight : yet the vessel that carried these was taken, and the duplicate of these orders, that was sent, by another conveyance, came not to him till the day after the engagement. a great vie-. On the nineteenth of May, Russel came up with the French, and was almost twice their number; yet not above the half of his ships could be brought into the action, by reason of the winds: Rook, one of his admirals, was thought more in fault s. The number of the ships that engaged was almost equal; our men said, that the French neither shewed cou rage nor skill in the action; the night and a fog separated the two fleets, after an engagement that had lasted some hours. The greatest part of the French ships drew near their coasts ; but Russel not casting anchor, as the French did, was carried out by the tide: so next morning he was at some distance from them \ A great part of the French fleet sailed westward, through a dangerous sea, called the race of Alderney : Ashby was sent to pursue 94 them: and he followed them some leagues: but then, the pilots pretending danger, he came back ; so twenty-six of them, whom if Ashby had pursued, 5 That does not appear from superior, but the whole of our the accounts. H. fleet, from Russel's account, did '1 he French were well beat not come into the engagement. in the action, and fairly ran for H. it. Our number was greatly OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 163 by all appearance, he had destroyed them all, got 1692. into St. Malo's. Russel came up to the French ad- miral, and the other ships that had drawn near their coasts ; Delaval burnt the admiral and his two seconds : and Rook burnt sixteen more before La Hogue u. It was believed, that if this success had been pur- But not foi- sued with vigour, considering the consternation with m^ht hare which the French were struck upon such an unusual been- and surprising blow, that this victory might have been carried much farther than it was. But Russel was provoked by some letters and orders that the earl of Nottingham sent him from the queen, which he thought were the effects of ignorance ; and upon that he fell into a crossness of disposition ; he found fault with every order that was sent him ; but would offer no advices on his part. And he came soon after to St. Helens ; which was much censured ; for though the disabled ships must have been sent in, yet there was no such reason for bringing in the rest, that were not touched. Cross winds kept them long in port; so that a great part of the summer was spent before he went out again. The French had recovered out of the first disorder, that had quite dispirited them. A descent in France came to be thought on when it was too late : about seven thousand men were shipped ; and it was intended to land them at St. Malo's ; but the seamen were of opinion, that neither there nor any where else a de scent was then practicable. They complained that u Was it for burning sixteen else to support a party lie,, that of the enemy's ships, or the he would willingly have pass winds not serving, that Rook for a truth, because he hated was so much in fault ? for the the man. D. bishop has specified nothing M 2 164 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. the earl of Nottingham was ignorant of sea affairs, and yet that he set on propositions, relating to them without consulting seamen, and sent orders which could not be obeyed without endangering the whole fleet. So the men, who were thus shipped, lay some days on board, to the great reproach of our counsels: but that we might not appear too ridiculous, both at home and abroad, by landing them again in England, the king ordered them to be sent over to Flanders, after they had been for some weeks on shipboard; and so our campaign on the sea, that began so gloriously, had a poor conclusion. The common reflection that was made on our conduct was, that the providence of God, and the valour of our men, had given us a victory, of which we knew not what use we should make : and, which was worse, our merchants com plained of great losses this summer; for the French having laid up their fleet, let their seamen go and serve in privateers, with which they watched all the motions of our trade : and so, by an odd reverse of 95 things, as we made no considerable losses when the French were masters of our sea two years before, so now, when we triumphed on that element, our mer chants suffered the most. The conclusion of all was, Russel complained of the ministry, particularly of the earl of Nottingham; and they complained no less of him x ; and the merchants complained of the x The earl of Nottingham " to Mr. Finch, I could not had been one of the lords of " help disapproving some things the admiralty in king Charles " he did at the admiralty,, and the second's reign, and peeked " thought others more in the himself upon understanding sea " right, but never did him any affairs, though he gave little sa- " unkindness ;") and, in truth, tisfaction to the seamen at that all men that had been bred to time ; (the duke of York in a that profession unanimously a- letter from Scotland says, " As greed, that he was totally ig- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 165 admiralty : but they in their own defence said, that 1692. we had not ships nor seamen both to furnish out a great fleet, and at the same time to send out con voys for securing the trade. In Flanders, the design, to which the French a design to trusted most, failed: that was laid for assassinating ^eTng!* the king : one Grandval had been in treaty with Louvoy about it; and it was intended to be executed the former year. He joined with Du Mont to follow the king and shoot him, as he was riding about in his ordinary way, moving slowly, and visiting the posts of his army. The king of France had lost two ministers, one after another. Seignelay died first, who had no extraordinary genius, but he knew all his father's methods, and pursued them so, that he governed himself both by his father's maxims and with his tools. Louvoy did not survive him long ; he had more fire, and so grew uneasy at the autho rity madam de Maintenon took in things which she could not understand : and was in conclusion so un acceptable to the king, that once, when he flung his bundle of papers down upon the floor before him, upon some provocation, the king lifted up his cane ; but the lady held him from doing more y : yet that norant in their science, and were left him to a legal correction, highly provoked, when ever he which might at that time have pretended to contradict, or give been severely inflicted upon them directions, D. him. It hurt her, and was the y Louvoy's insolence deserv- foundation of his ruin ; for he ed this ; but it would have had never forgot or forgave it, or more of dignity, if the king had was ever cool, or master of taken another method of pu- himself afterwards. Some say nishment. Queen Elizabeth's his death was the cause of striking the earl of Essex was hers. Princes should be very more excusable, as the provo- cautious how they affront or re- cation was greater, and more Sent personally. O. daring; but she should have M 3 166 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN , 692 affront, as was given out, sunk so deep into Louvoy's spirits, that he died suddenly a few days after. Some said it was of an apoplexy; others suspected poison ; for a man that knew so many secrets would have been dangerous, if he had outlived his favour. His son Barbesieux had the survivance of his place, arid continued in it for some years ; but, as he was young, so he had not a capacity equal to the post. He found, among his father's papers, a memorandum of this design of Grandval's ; so he sent for him, and resolved to pursue it; in which madam de Main- tenon concurred, and Luxemburgh was trusted with the direction of it. Du Mont retired this winter to Zell, as one that had forsaken the French service : ' from some practices and discourses of his a suspicion arose, of which sir William Colt, the king's envoy there, gave notice : so one Leefdale, a Dutch papist, was secretly sent to Paris, as a person that would enter into the design ; but, in reality, went on pur pose to discover it. 96 Grandvai and he came back to Flanders to set Grandvai about ft; but Leefdale brought him into a party that suffered for a . it, and con- seized on him: both king James and his queen were, as Grandvai said, engaged in the design ; one Par ker, whom they employed in many black designs, had concerted the matter with Grandvai, as he con fessed, and had carried him to king James, who en couraged him to go on with it, and promised great rewards ?. When Grandvai saw there was full proof z He was my mother's uncle ; under the parliament and Crom- bred up in very different prin- well. This son of his took to ciples ; whose father, a very arms, became devoted to king worthy man, had been in much James, was a colonel in his ar- public business, particularly in my, and followed his fortunes. the management of the excise, He was a protestant, and con- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 167 against him, he confessed the whole series of the management, without staying till he were put to the torture. Mr. Morel, of Berne, a famous medalist, (who had for some years the charge of the French king's cabinet of medals, but being a protestant, and refusing to change his religion, was kept a close pri soner in the Bastile for seven years,) was let out in April this year. And before he left Paris, his cu riosity carried him to St. Germains, to see king James : he happened both to go and come back in the coach with Grandvai ; and while he was there, he saw him in private discourse with king James : Grandvai was full of this project, and, according to the French way, he talked very loosely to Morel, 1692. tinued so ; but there was nothing that was the most desperate, or even wicked, which he would not have undertaken for the ser vice of his master, from a strange notion of fidelity and honour. He was in all respects a fit in strument for this work. He had two sons, the eldest of which he forced away into France, but he soon got from him, and came back, and re sorted to my father for protec tion ; who, in conjunction with sir Charles Hara, (afterwards lord Tyrawley,) his uncle-in- law, procured a commission in the army for him from king William, to whom he continued very grateful and faithful : and proving an excellent officer, and of long and great services, came at last to be commander-in- chief of the forces in Ireland under the present king, (George the second,) and died in that station. The other son (who now (1759) lives in very good esteem in Ireland) was put into the sea service, and by his me rit came to be very high in it, and was much respected by sir Charles Wager. His age and ill health made him retire from the service; but he is in the rank of an admiral. I have often thought it an extraordinary in stance of felicity and good pro vidence to a family, that the two and only sons of such a fa ther should be so delivered from him, and be able, notwithstand- , ing his character, to raise them selves here to what they arrived at. In one particular in Ireland, the eldest had his father's cha racter objected to him ; but most unjustly and cruelly, and in its effects with the govern ment did him no hurt. Both of them acquired good fortunes, who had nothing in their be ginnings. O. M 4 168 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. not knowing who he was ; but fancied he was well — affected to that court. He said there was a design in hand that would confound all Europe : for the prince of Orange, so he called the king, would not live a month. This Morel writ over to me in too careless a manner ; for he directed his letter with his own hand, which was well known at court ; yet it came safe to me. The king gave orders, that none belonging to him should go near Grandvai, that there might be no colour for saying, that the hopes of life had drawn his confession from him ; nor was he strictly interrogated concerning circumstances ; but was left to tell his story as he pleased himself. He was condemned; and suffered, with some slight remorse, for going into a design to kill a king : his confession was printed. But how black soever it re presented the court of France, no notice was taken pf it : nor did any of that court offer to disown or disprove it, but let it pass and be forgotten : yet so blind and violent was their party among us, that they resolved they would believe nothing, that either blemished king James or the French court B, Namur was But though this miscarried, the French suc- taken by . . the French, ceeded in the siege of Namur ; a place of great im portance, that commanded both the Maese and Sambre, and covered both Liege and Maestricht : the a (The account here given of " the former would be guilty of this plot is examined by Ralph in " such a villainous design; so his History, vol. ii. p.368 — 370, " there is now a certainty, that who attributes a pamphlet com- " the latter rejected always, posed on the subject to bishop " with becoming horror* all Burnet. " Lewis the four- " proposals of the like kind." " teenth," (says Macpherson,) Macpherson's Hist, of Great " and the late king of England, Britain, vol. ii. p. 1 8. Compare " were" involved by the disco- the Life of King James II. late- " venes in this conspiracy. But ly edited by Dr. Clarke, vol. ii. " as there is no probability that p. 536 538.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 169 town did soon capitulate, but the citadel held out i°"92- much longer. The king came with a great army to raise the siege ; Luxemburgh lay in his way with another to cover it, and the Mehaigne lay between. 97 The king intended to pass the river, and force a battle ; but such rains fell the night before he de signed to do it, and the river swelled so much, that he could not pass it for some days : he tried, by an other motion, to come and raise the siege. But the town having capitulated so early, and the citadel laying on the other side of the Sambre, he could not come at it : so after a month's siege it was taken. This was looked on as the greatest action of the French king's life ; that, notwithstanding the de pression of such a defeat at sea, he yet supported his measures, so as to take that important place in the view of a great army. The king's conduct was on this occasion much censured : it was said, he ought to have put much to hazard, rather than suffer such a place to be taken in his sight. After Namur surrendered, that king went back to Paris in his usual method ; for, according to the old Persian luxury, he used to bring the ladies with him, with the music, poems, and scenes, for an opera and a ball ; in which he and his actions were to be set - out, with the pomp of much flattery. When this action was over, his forces lay on the defensive, and both armies made some motions, watching and waiting on one another. At Steenkirk, the king thought he had a favour- The battle able occasion for attacking the French in their £irkteen" camp ; but the ground was found to be narrower, and less practicable, than the king had been made to believe it was. Ten battalions begun the attack, 170 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. and carried a post with cannon, and maintained it long, doing great execution on the enemy: and if they had been supported, or brought off, it had proved a brave attempt : but they were cut in pieces. In the whole action, the French lost many more men than the confederates did ; for they came so thick, that our fire made great execution. The conduct of this affair was much censured. It was said, the ground ought to have been better examined before the attack was begun ; and the men ought to have been better maintained than they were: for many thought, that if this had been done, we might have had a total victory. Count Solms bore the blame of the errors committed on this occasion. The English had been sometimes checked by him, as he was much disgusted with their heat and pride : so they charged all on him, who had some good qualities ; but did not manage them in an obliging manner. We lost in this action about five thousand men, and many brave officers ; here Mackay was killed, being ordered to a post that he saw could 98 not be maintained ; he sent his opinion about it ; but the former orders were confirmed : so he went on, saying only, The will of the Lord be done. He was a man of such strict principles, that he would not have served in a war that he did not think law ful. He took great care of his soldiers' morals, and forced them to be both sober and just in their quar ters : he spent all the time that he was master of, in secret prayers, and in the reading of the scrip tures. The king often observed, that when he had full leisure for his devotions, he acted with a pecu liar exaltation of courage. He had one very sin gular quality ; in councils of war, he delivered his OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 171 opinion freely, and maintained it with due zeal ; but 1692. how positive soever he was in it, if the council of war overruled it, even though he was not convinced by it, yet to all others he justified it, and executed his part with the same zeal, as if his own opinion had prevailed b. After the action at Steenkirk, there was little done this campaign. A detachment, that the king sent from his army, joined with those bo dies that came from England, broke in some way into the French conquests : they fortified Dixmuyde and Fumes, and put the country about them under contribution, and became very uneasy neighbours to Dunkirk. The command of those places was given to the count of Horn, who understood well the way to make all possible advantages by contributions; but he was a man of no great worth, and of as little courage. This disgusted the English still more ; who said, the Dutch were always trusted and pre ferred, while they were neglected. They had some colour to censure this choice the following winter : for, upon the motion of some French troops, Horn (without studying to amuse the enemy, or to gain time, upon which much may depend in winter) did immediately abandon Dixmuyde. All he had to justify himself, was a letter from the elector of Ba varia, telling him, that he could send him no relief; and therefore he ordered him to take care of the garrison, which was of more importance than the place itself. Thus the campaign ended in Flanders ; Namur was lost ; the reputation of the king's con- b This has not been uncom- it ; it contributed to his ruin ; mon in ministers ; even that things, by this, being imputed great and honest man, the earl to him which he was really of Clarendon, had too much of against. O. 172 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. ducting armies was much sunk, and the English were generally discontented, and alienated from the Dutch. German'11 Nothing was done on the Rhine. The elector of Saxony had promised to bring an army thither : but Shening his general, who had great power over him, was gained by the French, to break his design. The duke of Saxony complained, that the emperor favoured the circles of Franconia and Swabia so much, that he could have no good quarters assigned him for his army : and upon this occasion it was 99 said, that the emperor drew much money from those circles, that they might be covered from winter quarters ; and that he applied all that to carrying; on the war in Hungary ; and so left the weight of the war with France, to lie very heavy on the princes of the empire. This contest went on so highj that Shening, who was thought the ill instrument in it, going for his health to the hot baths in Bohemia, was seized on by the emperor's orders ; upon which, great expostulations passed between the courts of Vienna and Dresden. There were two small armies, that acted separately on the Rhine, under the com mand of the landgrave of Hesse, and the marquis of Bareith : but they were not able to cover the empire : and another small army, brought together by the duke of Wirtemberg, for the defence of his country, was totally defeated ; not only cannon and baggage, but the duke himself fell into the enemies hands. Affairs in But, though the emperor did, as it were, abandon Hungary. , . the empire to the French, he made no great pro gress in Hungary : the Turks lay upon a defensive ; and the season was spent in motions, without either OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 173 battle or siege. There was still some discourse, but 1692. no great probability of peace. Two English ambas- sadors dying, the one, sir Thomas Hussay, soon after his arrival at Constantinople ; and the other, Mr. Harbord, on his way thither ; the lord Paget, then ' our ambassador at the emperor's court, was ordered to go thither, to mediate the peace. He found the mediation was in a great measure spoiled by the Dutch ambassador, before his arrival : for he had been prevailed on, by the court of Vienna, to offer the mediation of the Dutch upon a very high scheme. Caminieck, and the Ukrain, and Podolia, with Moldavia, and Valachia, were demanded for Poland ; Transilvania, with the person of count Tekeli, for the emperor ; and Achaia and Livadia, as an antemurale to cover the Morea, for the Vene tians. The court of Vienna, by offering such a pro ject, reckoned the war must go on, which they de sired. The ministers of the Port, who were gained by the French to carry on the war, were glad to see so high a project ; they were afraid of tumults ; so they spread this project over the whole empire, to shew, on what ignominious terms the mediation was proposed ; and by that they justified their going on with the war. But the lord Paget offered the king's mediation upon another project ; which was, that every prince was to keep what he was then pos sessed of: and Caminieck was only demanded to be razed. If this had been offered at first, the Ottoman court durst not have refused it : the people were be come so weary under a long and unprosperous war ; but the vizier suppressed this, and made it still pass 100 among them, that the English pressed the same project, that the Dutch had proposed ; which was 174 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. the more easily believed there, because how igno- ~~ ' rant soever they were at that court, they knew well what an interest the king of England had in the States. So the war was still carried on there ; and Trumbal, who came over to England at this time, told the king, that if, instead of sending embassies, he would send a powerful fleet into the Mediter ranean, to destroy the French trade, and stop the commerce with Turkey, he would quickly bring that court to other measures, or raise such tumults among them, as would set that empire, and even Constan tinople itself, all in a flame. Affaire in In Piedmont, the campaign was opened very late ; and the French were on a defensive : so the duke of Savoy entered into Dauphiny with an army ; and if he had carried on that attempt with the spirit with which he began it, he had put the affairs of France on that side into great disorder : but he was either ill served or betrayed in it ; he sat down be fore Ambrun, and besieged it in form : so that a place, which he might have carried in three days, cost him some weeks : and in every step he made it appear, there was either a great feebleness or much treachery in his counsels. He made no great pro gress.; yet the disorder it threw that and the neigh bouring provinces into was very great. He was stopped ,by the small-pox, which saved his honour, as much as it endangered his person : the retreat of his army, when his life was in danger, looked like a due caution. He recovered of the small-pox, but a ferment remained still in, his blood, and broke out so often into feverish relapses, that it was generally thought he was poisoned. Many months passed, before he was out of danger. So the campaign OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 175 ended there with considerable losses to the French, 1692. but with no great advantage to the duke. The- greatest prejudice the French suffered this year was from the season ; they had a very bad harvest, and no vintage in the northern parts. We in Eng- gland had great apprehensions of as bad an one, from a very cold and wet summer. Great deluges of rain continued till the very time of harvest. But, when we were threatened with a famine, it pleased God to send such an extraordinary change of the season, that we had a very plentiful crop, enough both to serve ourselves, and to supply our neighbours, which made us easy at home, and brought in much wealth, for that corn which we were able to spare. In the beginning of September, there was an a great earthquake felt in most places in England ; and was ea qua at the same time felt in many parts of France, Ger- 101 many, and the Netherlands. No harm was done by it, though it continued for three or four minutes. I can write nothing of it from my own observation ; for it was not sensible in the place where I happened to be at that time ; nor can it be determined, whe ther this had any relation to those terrible earth quakes that happened, some months after this, in Sicily and Malta: upon which I cannot enlarge, having seen no other account of them, than what was in public gazettes, which represented them as the dreadfullest by much, of any that are in history : it was estimated, that about one hundred thousand persons perished by them in Sicily. It is scarce to be imagined, that the earthquake, which about the same time destroyed the best part of the chief town in Jamaica, could have any connection with these in Europe. These were very extraordinary things, land. 176 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1 692. which made those, who studied apocalyptical matters, imagine that the end of the world drew near. It had been happy for us, if such dismal accidents had struck us with a deeper sense of the judgments of God. a great We were indeed brought to more of an outward corruption ' . 17 , over Eng- face of virtue and sobriety : and the great examples that the king and queen set the nation, had made some considerable alterations, as to public practices : but we became deeply corrupted in principle : a dis belief of revealed religion, and a prophane mocking at the Christian faith, and the mysteries of it, be came avowed and scandalous. The queen, in the king's absence, gave . orders to execute the laws against drunkenness, swearing, and the prophana- tion of the Lord's day; and sent directions over England to all magistrates to do their duty in ex ecuting them ; to which the king joined his au thority, upon his return to England c. Yet the re formation of manners, which some zealous men stu died to promote, went on but slowly : many of the inferior magistrates were not only remiss, but very faulty themselves : they did all they could to dis courage those who endeavoured to have vice sup pressed and punished: and it must be confessed, that the behaviour of many clergymen gave atheists L There came forth at this constables were ordered to take time several puritanical regula- away pies and puddings from tions for observing the sabbath anybody they met carrying of m London, savouring so much them in the streets : with a mul- of John Knox's doctrine and titude of other impertinences, discipline, that Burnet was so ridiculous in themselves, and thought to have been the chief troublesome to all sorts of peo- contriver. One was, that hack- pie, that they were soon dropt, ney coaches should not drive after they had been sufficiently upon that day ; by another, laughed at. D. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 177 no small advantage : they had taken the oaths, and 1692. read the prayers for the present government; they " observed the orders for public fasts and thanksgivr ings; and yet they shewed in many places their aversion to our establishment but too visibly: so that the offence that this gave, in many parts of the nation, was too evident : in some places it broke out in very indecent instances, that were brought into courts of law, and censured. This made many con clude, that the clergy were a sort of men, that would swear and pray, even against theif consciences, ra- 102 ther than lose their benefices ; and by consequencei that they were governed by interest, and not by principle. The Jacobites grew still to be more and more outrageous, while the clergy seemed to be neutrals in the dispute ; and, which was yet the most extraordinary thing in the whole matter, the go vernment itself acted with so much remissness, and so few were inquired after or punished, that those who were employed by the king behaved them selves, in many places, as if they had1 secret instruc tions to be heavy upon his best friends, and to be gentle to his enemies. Upon the whole matter, the nation was falling under such a general corruption, both as to morals and principles ; and that was so much spread among all sorts of people, that it gave us great apprehensions of heavy judgments from heaven. The session of parliament was opened under great a session of disadvantages. The eari of Marlborough and some par 'ame~ other peers had been put in the tower, upon a false accusation of high treason, which was evidently proved to be a conspiracy, designed by some profli gate creaturesvwho fancied that forgeries and false VOL. iv. N 178 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. swearing would be as acceptable, and as well re- Warded, in this reign, as they had been formerly d. But till this was detected, the persons accused were kept in prison ; and were now only out upon . bail e : so it was said to be contrary to the nature and free dom of parliaments, for prisoners to sit in it. It was confessed, that in times of danger, and such was the former summer, it must be trusted to the discretion of a government, to commit such persons as were suspected : but when the danger was over, by our victory at sea, those against whom there lay nothing besides suspicions ought to have been set at liberty : and this was thought reasonable. There was an association pretended to be drawn against the government, to which the subscriptions of many lords were set so dexterously, that the lords them selves said, they could not distinguish between their true subscriptions, and those that were forged for ' them. But the manner of the discovery, with seve ral other circumstances, carried such marks of im posture, that the lords of the council ordered a strict prosecution of all concerned in it, which ended in a full conviction of the forgery : and those who had combined in it were whipped and pilloried, which, to the reproach of our constitution, is the only pu nishment that our law has yet provided for such practices. The lords passed some votes, asserting their privileges ;. and were offended with the judges, _ d (The most profligate forg- " sequent detention, we must ers and perjured persons in the « seek another cause, namely, former reigns were Oates and " his clandestine "intercourse his crew, and their chief fa- " with the exiled family." vourers and patrons were not Coxe's Memoirs of John Duke the courtiers, but anticourtiers.) of Marlborough, vol i n co \ - (" For Marlborough'^ sub- P" 5d"' OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 179 for detaining some in prison, though there was no 1692. reason nor colour for their displeasure f. But where 10« the privilege or the dignity of peerage is in question, it is not easy to keep the house within bounds. The debate went off in a bill, that indemnified the ministry for those commitments, but limited them, for the future, by several rules; all which rules were rejected by the commons. They thought those limitations gave a legal power to commit, in cases where they were observed; whereas they thought the safer way was to indemnify the mini stry, when it was visible they did not commit any but upon a real danger^ and not to set them any rules : since, as to the committing of suspected per sons, where the danger is real and visible, the pub lic safety must be first looked to, and supersede all particular laws. When this was over, an attempt was made in both houses, for the abjuration of king James : the king himself was more set on it than he had been formerly. It was rejected by the house of commons : and though some steps were made in it by the lords, yet the opposition was so great, that it was let fall. The affairs at sea occasioned much heat in both houses. The earl of Nottingham laid before the lords, upon an address they had made to the king, all the letters that had passed between himself and Russel ; with all the orders he had sent him : and he aggravated Russel's errors and neglects very severe ly. But the house of commons justified Russel, and gave him thanks over and over again ; and remained so fixed in this, that though the lords then commu- f (But see Ralph in the 2d vol. of his History, p. 389—391.) N 2 180 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN Jealousiesof the king's mi nisters. 1692. nicated the papers, the earl of Nottingham had laid 'before them, to the commons, they would not so much as read them s, but renewed their first votes, that justified Russel's fidelity, courage, and con duct h. The king was now possessed against him : for he dismissed him from his service, and put the com mand of the fleet into the hands of three persons, Killigrew, Delaval, and Shovel : the two first were thought so inclinable to king James's interests, that it made some insinuate, that the king was in the hands of those who intended to betray him to his enemies : for though no exception lay against Shovel, yet it was said, he was only put with the other two, to give some reputation to the commission, and that he was one against two : so that he could neither s (But see the Journals of the House of Commons, cited by Ralph, vol. ii. p. 397.) '* It does appear, from an impartial perusal of the papers laid before the house of com mons, that admiral Russel's conduct, after the battle of La Hogue, was none of the ablest ; even admitting lord Notting ham took more upon him in directing the operations than- he ought to have done. Russel was a peevish, surly character^ and did not love lord Notting ham, and did not choose to be dictated to. Another absurd notion prevailed at that time, that the great ships were to be laid up before Michaelmas, which greatly lamed our naval operations. After such a defeat, some material impression might have been made on the French court, with duke Schomberg's c.orps, and such a fleet. This seems just, when one considers what the French call la ruse de guerre; but when one reflects on the suspicious conduct of Russel, he looks higher for the source of it. H. (The in trigues of this admiral with king James, in consequence of his being discontented, like many others of the whig party, with the reigning king, may now be seen in Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 195, 199, Mac- pherson's Original Papers, vol. i. p. 420 ; and his Hist, of Great Britain, vol. i. p., 5, and 50.; and in the Life of King James II. vol. ii. pp. 489, 499, 500. Compare Somerville's Political Transactions, vol. i. pp. 367, 394. and lord Hardwicke's note at p. 8a. of this work.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 181 hinder nor do any thing. The chief blame of this 1692. nomination was thrown on the earl of Nottingham ; and Of those who belonged to his office^ many stories were raised and spread about, as if there had been among them, besides a very great remissness in some of the concerns of the government, an actual betray ing of all our secrets and counsels. The opinion of this was spread both within and without the king dom; and most of our confederates were possessed 104 with it. He justified not only himself, but all his under secretaries; both king and queen continued still to have a good opinion of his fidelity ; but they saw some defects in his judgment, with a most vio lent party heat, that appeared upon all occasions, and even in the smallest matters. The bills for the Supply went on with a heavy progress in the house of commons ; those who could not oppose them, yet shewed their ill humour in delaying them and clog ging them with unacceptable clauses all they could. And they continued that wasteful method of raising money upon remote funds ; by which there lay a heavy discount on tallies ; so that above a fourth part was, in some of them, to be discounted: the parties of whig and tory appeared almost in every debate, and in' every question. The ill humour prevailed most in the house of Complaints L jn parha- lords, where a strong opposition was made to every ment. thing that was proposed for the government. They passed many votes, and made many addresses to the king, which were chiefly designed to load the ad ministration, and to alienate the king from the Dutch. The commons begun with great complaints of the admiralty : and then they had the conduct in Flanders, particularly in the action at Steenkirk, N 3 182 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1692. before them : and; they voted some heads of an ad dress relating to those matters : but by a secret ma nagement, they let the whole thing fall, after they had passed those angry votes. Any thing that the lords could do was of less moment, when it was not like to be seconded by the commons ; yet they shewed much ill humour. 1693. This was chiefly managed by the marquis of Ha lifax and the earl of Mulgrave ; and they drew in the earl of Shrewsbury, who 'was very ill pleased with the credit that some had with the king, and lived in a particular friendship with the earl of Marlborough ; and thought that he was both un gratefully and unjustly persecuted. These lords had all the Jacobites ready to assist them in every thing that could embroil matters ; a great many whigs* who were discontented, and jealous of the ministry, joined with them: they knew that all their mur muring would signify little, unless they could stop a money-bill: and, since it was settled in the house of commons as a maxim, that the lords could not make any alterations in money-bills ; when the bill for four shillings in the pound land-tax came up, they put their strength to carry a clause that the peers should tax themselves. And though, in the way in which this clause was drawn up, it could not 105 be defended, yet they did all that was possible to put a stop to the bill; and with unusual vehemence pressed for a delay, till a committee should be ap pointed to examine precedents. This the earl of Mulgrave pressed for many liours, with a force of argument and eloquence, beyond any thing that I had ever heard in that house. He insisted much OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 183 upon the dignity of peerage; and made this, which !693- was now proposed, to be so main a part of that dig nity, that he exhausted all the topics of rhetoric, to convince the lords, that, if they yielded to this, they divested themselves of their true greatness ; and no thing would remain but the name and shadow of a peer, which was but a pageant. But after all the pomp and heat of his oratory, the lords considered the safety of the nation more than the shadow of a privilege ; and so they passed the bill. These lords also set on foot a proposition, that had never been offered, but when the nation was ready to break out into civil wars ; and that was, that a committee of lords and commons should be appointed to confer together, concerning the state of the na tion : this once begun, would have grown in a very short time to have been a council of state; and they would soon have brought all affairs under their inspection ; but this was so strongly opposed, that it was soon let fall. / > When the party, that was set against the court, saw they could carry nothing in either house of par liament, then they turned their whole strength against the present parliament, to force a dissolu tion ; and in order to that, they first loaded it with a name of an ill sound ; and; whereas king Charles's long parliament was called the pensioner parliament, they called this the officer's parliament; because many that had commands in the army were of it : and the word, that they gave out among the people, was, that we were to be governed by a standing army and a standing parliament. They tried tp carry a bill, that rendered all members of the house of commons incapable of places of trust or profit ; N 4 184 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. so that every member that accepted a place should be expelled the house, and be incapable of being chosen again, to sit in the current parliament. The tjuth was, it came to be observed, that some got credit by opposing the government ; and that to si lence them, they were preferred: and then they - changed their note, and were as ready to flatter, as before to find fault. This gave a specious colour to those who charged the court with designs of cor rupting members, or at least of stopping their mouths by places and pensions i. When this bill was set on, it went through the house of commons with 106 little or no difficulty : those who were in places, had not strength and credit to make great opposition to it, they being the persons concerned, and looked on as parties : and those who had no places, had not a bin to the courage to oppose it ; for in them it would have members of looked as an art to recommend themselves to one. from places. So the bill passed in the house of commons : but it was rejected by the lords k ; since it seemed to es tablish an opposition between the crown and the people, as if those who were employed by the one could not be trusted by the other. »trienenuir' When tnis failed, another attempt was made in parliament, the house of lords ; in a bill that was offered, enact ing, that a session of parliament should be held every year, and a new parliament be summoned every third year, and that the present parliament '' (What does the bishop " so that the scale was turned himself mean by the secret ma- " by the proxies, of whom the nagement, he speaks of in the " courthadseven.andtheoppo- precediiig page ? Compare also " site lords but three : difference p. 4V and p. 86.) « up0n the whole two." Ralph's k " Forty-two were for the History of England, vol. ii. " bill, and only forty against it, p. 407.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY.- 185 should be dissolved within a limited time. The sta- 1693. tutes for1 annual parliaments, in king Edward the*- first m and king Edward the third's time, are well known. But it is a question, whether the suppo sition if need be falls upon the whole act, or only upon those words, or oftener : it is certain these acts were never observed n ; and the non-observance of them was never complained of as a grievance. Nor did the famous act in king Charles the first's time carry the necessity of holding a session further, than to once in three years. Anciently, considering •the haste and hurry in which parliaments sat, an annual parliament might be no great inconvenience to the nation : but by reason of the slow methods of sessions now, an annual parliament in times of peace would become a very insupportable grievance. A parliament of a long continuance seemed to be very dangerous, either to the crown or to the nation : if the conjuncture, and their proceedings, gave them much credit, they might grow very uneasy to the crown, as happened in king Charles the first's time ; or in another situation of affairs, they might be so practised upon by the court, that they might give all the money and all the liberties of England up, when they were to have a large share of the mdraey, and were to be made the instruments of tyranny ; as it was in king Charles the second's time. It was likewise hoped, that frequent parliaments would put an end to the great expense candidates put themselves to in elections ; and that it would oblige the members to behave themselves so well, both with relation to the public, and in their private de- 1 Holding. O. ward the third's time. O. m Q. There are two in Ed- n Q. O. 186 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. portment, as to recommend them to their electors at, ~ three years'. end: whereas when a parliament was to sit many years, members covered with privileges were apt to take great liberties, forgot that they re presented others, and took care only of themselves. So it was thought, that England would have a truer 107 representative, when it was chosen anew every third year, than when it run on to the end of a reign. All that was objected against this was, that frequent elections would make the freeholders proud and in solent, when they knew that applications must be made to them at the end of three years ; this would establish a faction in every body that had a right to an election ; and whereas now an election put men to a great charge all at once, then the charge must be perpetual all the three years, in laying in for a new election, when it was known how soon it must come round. And as for the dissolution of the present parliament, some were for leaving it to the general triennial clause, that it might still sit three years ; they thought that, during so critical a war, as that in which we were now engaged, it was not advisable to venture on a new election; since we had so many among us, who were so ill affected to the present establishment : yet it was said, this parliament had already sat three years ; and there fore, it was not consistent with the general reason of the act, to let it continue longer. So the bill passed in the house of lords : and though a bill from them, dissolving a parliament, struck only at the house of commons, the lords being still the same men ; so that, upon that single account, many thought they would have rejected it, yet they also passed it, and fixed their own dissolution to the OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 187 twenty-fifth of March in the next year ; so that 1693; they reserved another session to themselves. The ~ king let the bill He for some time on the table ; so that men's eyes and expectations were much fixed on the issue of it. But in conclusion, he refused to pass it ; so the session ended in ill humour. The rejecting a bill, though an unquestionable right of the crown, has been so seldom practised, that the two houses are apt to think it a hardship, when there is a bill denied. But to soften the distaste this might otherwise a change give, the king made considerable alterations in his nistry. ministry °. All people were now grown weary of the great seal's being in commission ; it made the proceedings in chancery to be both more dilatory and more expensive : and there were such exceptions made to the decrees of the commissioners, that ap peals were brought against most of them, and ge nerally they were reversed. Sir John Somers had now got great reputation, both in his post of at torney general, and in the house of commons ; so the king gave him the great seal. He was very learned in his own profession, with a great deal more learning in other professions, in divinity, phi losophy, and history p. He had a great capacity for business, with an extraordinary temper: for he was fair and gentle, perhaps to a fault, considering his 108 post. So that he had all the patience and softness, 0 (Ralph observes, that these logy, with the best taste of any alterations were made at the man of that age, and the most same time with those mentioned correct judgment in the best before in p. 103, being record- authors of antiquity, as well as ed in the same gazette, vol. ii. of later times, and was himself p_ 414.) one of -the greatest writers in p And in all parts of philo- the English language. O. 188 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. as well as the justice and equity, becoming a great magistrate. He had always agreed in his notions with the whigs ; and had studied to bring them to better thoughts of the king, and to a greater con fidence in him <). Trenchard was made secretary of state r. He had been engaged far with the duke of Monmouth, as was told formerly. He got out of England, and lived some years beyond sea, and had a right understanding of affairs abroad: he was a calm and sedate man ; and was much more mode rate than could have been expected, since he was a leading man in a party. He had too great a regard to the stars, and too little to religion. The bringing these men into those posts was ascribed chiefly to the great credit the earl of Sunderland had gained with the king ; he had now got into his confidence, and declared openly for the whigs. These advance ments had a great effect on the whole party : and brought them to a much better opinion of the king. 1 I remember among lord sire to be secretary of state in Somers's papers, a very spirited George the first's reign, and it letter to lord Nottingham, on being objected to him, that he. the making (if I mistake not) was of the profession of the; of an attorney or solicitor ge- law, and unused to the business neral without consulting him. of a secretary of state, men- This was just after his receiving tioned this instance of sergeant the seals. His chief argument Trenchard ; to which he was is a just one, and drawn from answered, " that serjeant Tren- the inability of the great seal " chard never was secretary of to serve the crown with proper " state," meaning that he was weight and authority without not in the secret of affairs. being considered in the disposal This I had from sir R. Wal- of law places. This was just pole, who told me that it was after lord Somers's having the quoted by lord — — to • seals, and before the king went But the person it was then abroad. H. said to, did more than once get r He was a lawyer and a ser- the better of him who said geant. Lechmere (afterwards it. O. Lord Lechmere) having a de- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 189 A young man, Mr. Montague, a branch of the earl 1693. of Manchester's family, began to make a great figure in the house of commons s. He was a commissioner of the treasury, and soon after made chancellor of the exchequer. He had great vivacity and clearness, both of thought and expression : his spirit was at first turned to wit and poetry, which he conti nued still to encourage in others, when he applied himself to more important business. He came to have great notions, with relation to all the concerns of the treasury, and of the public funds, and brought those matters into new and better methods : he shewed the error of giving money upon» remote funds, at a vast discount, and with great premiums to raise loans upon them ; which occasioned a great outcry, at the sums that were given, at the same time that they were much shrunk, before they pro duced the money that was expected from them. So he pressed the king to insist on this as a maxim, to have all the money for the service of a year, to be raised within that year. But as the employing these men had a very good Factions effect on the king's affairs, so a party came to be against the now formed, that studied to cross and defeat every court- thing ; this was led by Seimour ' and Musgrave u- The last was a gentleman of a noble family in Cum berland, whose life had been regular, and his deport- 3 He was first brought into more out of vanity, (of which business by the old marquis of he had a sufficient share,) in Halifax, who recommended him hopes of raising of it to as nigh to be a clerk of the council : a degree as his benefactor had he afterwards took his title, in -done. D. grateful remembrance (as he £ Sir Edward. O. pretended) of his first bene- " Sir Christopher. O. factor; but generally thought 196 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. ment grave. He had lost a place in king James's ~ time : for though he was always a high tory, yet he would not comply with his designs. He had indeed contributed much to increase his revenue, and to offer him more than he asked ; yet he would not go into the taking off the tests. Upon the revolution, 109 the place out of which he had been turned, was given to a man that had a good share of merit in' it. This alienated him from the king; and he, being a man of good judgment and of great experience, came to be considered as the head of the party ; in which he found his account so well, that no offers that were made him could ever bring him over to the king's interests. Upon many critical occasions, he gave up some important points, for which the king found it necessary to pay him very liberally x. x Lord Pelham, who was a lord of the treasury in king Wil liam's time, told me, that to his knowledge he had seven thou sand pounds for settling the king's revenue for life, and that he carried the money himself in bank bills to the king's closet for that use. D. Upon one of these occasions Seymour said to him, " Kit, Kit, I know " where you have been, and ¦" what you have got, but it was " first offered to me." " Yes," said another person, " it was so, " and the offer was 5000/. but " Seymour stood for io.oooZ." Mr. Pope alludes somewhere to Musgrave's having received this money from the" king, and that it was discovered by his dropping one of the bags, as he was coming down the back stairs at court. The occasion was after this period, (viz. 1698,) and it was the settling of the civil list. The king de sired it might be 700,000^. a year, and the contrivance for it was thus : Somebody for the court was to propose a million, upon which Musgrave was to rise up, and exclaim against the extravagancy of the demand, and the danger of it, and after many severe reflections upon the court, he was to conclude with saying, " he dared venture " to answer for country gentle- " men, that if the demand had " been for a modest and rea- " sonable sum, it would not " have met with any opposition ; " that they were not unwilling " to support the greatness and " d'gnity of the crown, and " that he thought for all good " purposes of government, " 700,000^. would be suffici- " ent, and hoped no larger sum OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 191 , But the. party of the tories was too inconsiderable 1693. to have raised a great opposition, if a body of whigs had not joined with them ; some of these had such republican notions, that they were much set against the prerogative : and they thought the king was be come too stiff in maintaining it : others were offend ed, because they were not considered nor preferred as they thought they deserved. The chief of these were Mr. Paul Foley and Mr. Harley ; the first of these was a younger son of one, who from mean begin nings had by iron works raised one of the greatest estates that had been in England in our time. He was a learned, though not a practising lawyer?; and was a man of virtue and good principles, but morose and wilful : and he had the affectation of passing for a great patriot, by his constant finding fault with the government, and keeping' up an ill humour, and a bad opinion of the court. Harley was a man of a noble family, and very eminently learned ; much turned to politics, and of a restless ambition. He was a man of great industry and application; and knew forms and the records of parliament so well, that he was capable both of lengthening out and of per plexing debates. Nothing could answer his aspiring temper : so he and Foley joined with the tories to create jealousies, and raise an opposition : they soon grew to be able to delay matters long ; and set on " would be given into." This " partriot's cloak," &c. refer to he undertook, and did ; and the an accident which happened to court got what they wanted. I sir Christopher in coming out had all this from an eminent of the closet. H. member of the house of com- y Learned also in the anti- mons, who was then in pariia- quities and law of parliament, ment. See postea, 208. 410. It was he who was afterwards 411. O. These lines in Pope, speaker in two parliaments. O. " Once we confess beneath the 192 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1 693. foot some very uneasy things that were popular ; Affairs in Flanders. such as the bill against parliament men being in places, and that for dissolving the parliament, and for having a new one every third year. That which gave them much strength was, the king's cold and reserved way ; he took no pains to oblige those that came to him ; nor was he easy of access ; he lived out of town at Kensington ; and his chief confidents were Dutch. He took no notice of the clergy, and seemed to have little concern in the matters of the church or of religion ; and at this time some atheists and deists, as well as Socinians, were publishing books against religion in general, 110 and more particularly against the mysteries of our faith. These expressed great zeal for the_govern- ment : which gave a handle to those who were wait ing for all advantages, and were careful of increasing and improving them, to spread it all over the na tion, that the king and those about him had no re gard to religion nor to the church of England. But now I go on to the transactions of this sum mer : the king had, in his speech to the parliament, told them, he intended to land a considerable army in France this year. So, after the session, orders were given for hiring a fleet for transports, with so great a train of artillery, that it would have served an army of forty thousand men : this was very ac ceptable to the whole nation, who loved an active war; and were very uneasy to see so much money paid, and so little done with it : but all this went off without any effect. The French had attempted this winter the siege of Rhinfeldt, a place of no great consequence. But it lay upon the Rhine, not far from Coblentz ; and by it Franconia would have OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 193 been open to them. They could not cut off the com- 1693. munication by the Rhine: so that fresh supplies of men and provisions were every day sent to them, by the care of the landgrave of Hesse, who managed the matter with such success, that, after a fortnight's stay before it, the French were forced to raise the siege ; which was a repulse so seldom given them, that upon it some said, they were then sure Louvoy was dead. The French had also made another at tempt upon Huy, of a shorter continuance, but with the like success. The campaign was opened with great pomp in Flanders : for the king of France came thither in person, accompanied by tfie ladies of the court, which appeared the more ridiculous, since there was no queen at the head of them ; un less madam de Maintenon was to be taken for one, to whom respects were indeed- paid with more sub mission than is commonly done to queens ; so that what might be wanting in the outward ceremony, was more than balanced by the real authority that she had. It was given out, that the king of France, after he had amused the king for some days, in tended to have turned either to Brussels on the one hand, or to. Liege on the other. In the mean while; the French were working on the Dutch, by their secret practices, to make them hearken to a separate peace ; and the ill humour that had appeared in the parliament of England against them, was an argu ment much made use of, to convince them how lit tle ground they had to trust to their alliance with England: so that, as French practices had raised this ill humour among us, they made now this use of it, to break our mutual confidence, and, by con sequence, our alliance with the States. The king 111 vol. iv. o 194 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. made great haste, and brought his army much sooner together than the French expected: he encamped at Park, near Louvain; by which he broke all the French measures : for he lay equally well posted to relieve Brussels or Liege. It was grown the more necessary to take care of Liege ; because, though the bishop was true to the allies, yet there was a faction formed among the capitulars, to offer themselves to the French; but the garrison adhered to the bishop; and now, when so great an army lay near them, they broke the measures which that faction had taken. The French king, seeing that the practices of treachery, on which he chiefly relied, succeeded so ill, resolved not to venture himself in any dangerous enterprise ; so he and the ladies went back to Ver sailles. Affairs in The dauphin, with a great part of the army, was the empire. . in sent to make head against the Germans, who had brought an army together, commanded by the elector of Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse, and the prinoe of Baden : the Germans moved slowly, and were re tarded by some disputes about the command: so that the Frehch came on to Heidelberg before they were ready to cover it: the town could make no long resistance ; but it was too soon abandoned by a timorous governor. The French were not able to hinder the conjunction of the Germans, though they endeavoured it ; they advanced towards them. And though the dauphin was much superior in numbers, and studied to force them to action, yet they kept close ; and he did» not think fit to attack them in their camp. The French raised great contributions in the Wirtemberg ; but no actiqn happened on the Rhine all this campaign. The French had better OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 195 success and less opposition in Catalonia: they took 1693; Roses, and advanced to Barcelona, expecting their fleet, which was to have bombarded it from the sea, while their army attacked it by land : this put all Spain under a great consternation ; the design of this invasion was to force them to treat of a sepa rate peace ; while they felt themselves so vigorously attacked, and saw that they were in no condition to resist. Affairs in Piedmont gave them a seasonable re- Affairs in i. n 1 1 1 n rt i • l l Piedmont. bef : the duke of Savoys motions were so slow, that it seemed both sides were resolved to lie upon the defensive. The French were very weak there, and they expected to be as weakly opposed. But in the end of July, the duke began to move: and he obliged Catinat to retire with his small army, having made him quit some of his posts. And then he formed the siege of St. Bridget, a fort that lay above Pignerol, and, as was believed, might command it. AfterllS twelve days' siege, the French abandoned it, and he was master of it. But he was not furnished for un dertaking the siege of Pignerol: and so the cam paign went off in marches and countermarches : but in the end of it, Catinat, having increased his army by some detachments, came up to the duke of Savoy. They engaged at Orbasson, where the honour of the action, but with that the greatest loss, fell to the French: for though they carried it by their num bers, their bodies being less spent and fuller, yet the resistance that was made was such, that the duke of Savoy gained more in his reputation than he suf fered by the loss of the day. The two armies lay long in Flanders, watching The battle . . , _- ,of Landen. one another's motions, without coming to action. In o 2 196 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. July, Luxemburgh went to besiege Huy, and car- ried it in two or three days. The king moved that way, on design either to raise the siege or to force a battle. Those in Huy did not give him time to come to their relief ; and Luxemburgh made a feint towards Liege, which obliged the king to send some battalions to reinforce the garrison of that place. He had also sent another great detachment, com manded by the duke of Wirtemberg, to force the French lines, andr to put their country under contri bution ; which he executed with great success, and raised above four millions. Luxemburgh thought this was an advantage not to be lost : so that, as soon as he had received orders from the king of France to attack the king in his camp, he came up to him near Landen, upon the river Gitte. He was about double the king's number, chiefly in horse. Theking might have secured himself from all attacks, by passing the river: and his conduct in not doing it was much censured, considering his. strength and the enemy's^ He chose rather to stay for them ; but sent away the baggage and heavy cannon to Mechlen ; and spent the whole night in planting batteries, and casting up retrenchments. On the twenty-ninth of July, the French began their attack early in the morning, and came on with great resolution, though the king's cannon did great execution : they were beat off, with the loss of many officers, in several at tacks : yet they came still on with fresh bodies ; till at last, after an action of seven or eight hours' con tinuance, they broke through in a place where there was such a body of German and Spanish horse, that the army on no side was thought less in danger. These troops gave way ; and so the French carried OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY 197 the honour of the day, and were masters both of the 1693. king's camp and cannon : but the king passed the river and cut the bridges, and lay secure out of reach. He had supported the whole action with 113 so much courage, and so true a judgment, that it was thought he got more honour that day, than even when he triumphed at the Boyne : he charged him self in several places. Many were shot round about him with the enemy's cannon : one musket-shot car ried away part of bis scarf, and another went through his hat, without doing him any harm. The French lost so many men, and suffered so much, in the se veral onsets they had made, that they were not able to pursue a victory which cost them so dear. We lost in all about 7000 : and among these there was scarce an officer of note : only the count de Solms had his leg shot off by a cannon ball, of which he died in a few hours. By all the accounts that came from France it appeared, that the French had lost double the number, with a vastly greater proportion of officers z. The king's behaviour, during the bat- z I was at Hanover at the our queen, with many parti- time the battle of Landen was culars of a very extraordinary fought, where they seemed un- nature, that were great proofs der some consternation : but of his being a very weak man, was very graciously received by and her being a very good wo- the princess Sophia, who told man. She seemed peeked at me she remembered my grand- the princess Ann, and spoke father, and knew the affection of her with little kindness. he always had to her mother's She told me the king and family; and, in particular, for queen had both invited her to her brothers Rupert and Mau- make them a visit into Eng- rice. She sent a coach to bring land, but she was grown old, me to dinner to Herenhousen and could not leave the elec- every day, as long as I stayed, tor and her family ; otherwise, She was very free in her dis- should be glad to see her own , course, and said, she held a country (as she was pleased to constant correspondence with call it) before she died, and king James, and his daughter should willingly have her bones P 3 198 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. tie and in the retreat, was much magnified by the enemy, as well as by his own side. The king of France was reported to have said upon it, that Luxemburgh's behaviour was like the prince of Condi's, but the king's like M, Turenne's. His army was in a few days as strong as ever, by recalling the duke of Wirtemberg, and the battalions he had sent to Liege, and some other bodies that he drew out of garrisons. And the rest of the campaign passed over without any other action ; only, at the end of it, after the king had left the army, Charieroy was charieroy besieged by the French a : the country about ft had taken by . .. , , . the French, been so eat up, that it was not possible to subsist an army that might have been brought to relieve it : the garrison made a brave resistance, and held out a month ; but it was taken at last. Attempts Thus the French triumphed every where: but a peace, their successes were more than balanced by two bad harvests, that came successively one after another : they had also suffered much in their vintage; so that they had neither bread nor wine. Great dili gence was used to bring in corn from all parts : and laid by her mother's, in the a (" It is certain his majesty abbey at Westminster, whom " did not leave the army till she always mentioned with " the 5th of October; during great veneration. She took it " all which time, (Charieroy unkindly, that the duke of Zell " had been invested on the should have the garter before " 10th of September,) and for her husband, who, she thought, " some days afterwards, the might have expected it upon " governor and garrison de- her account ; and told me, she " fended the place with all the was once like to have been " bravery imaginable, having married to king Charles the " made three successful sallies, second, which would not have " and behaved in all respects so been worse for the nation, con- " as to deserve relief, if it had sidering how many children she " been possible to give it them." had brought: to which I most Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. ii. sincerely agreed. D. p. 446.) OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 199 strict orders were given by that court, for regulating 1693. the price of it, and for furnishing their markets : there was also a liberal distribution ordered by. that king for the relief of the poor. But misery will be misery still, after all possible care to alleviate it ; great multitudes perished for want, and the whole kingdom fell under an extreme poverty : so that all the pomp of their victories could not make them easy at home. They tried all possible me thods for bringing about a general peace; or if that failed, for a separate peace with some of the confederates; but there was no disposition in any of them to hearken to it; nor could they engage the northern crowns to offer their mediation13. Some steps were indeed made; for they offered to 114 acknowledge the present government of England : but in all other, points, their demands were still so high, that there was no prospect of a just peace, till their affairs should have brought them to an hum bler posture. But while the campaign, in all its scenes, was our affairs thus unequal and various, the French, though much at sea' weaker at sea, were the most successful there : and though we had the superior strength, we were very unprosperous ; and by our ill conduct we lost much, both in our honour and interest, on that element. The great difficulty that the French were under in their marine was by reason of their two great ports, Brest and Toulon; and from the bringing their b (Ralph has inserted in his ber this year. Whence he col- History a memorial from the lects, that either the secret was king of Denmark on the sub- kept with the utmost caution, iect of peace, in consequence or that the bishop is one of the of a communication from the most inaccurate of historians. French court, dated in Decern- See pp. 482, 483, of his Hist.) O 4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. fleets'together, and sending them back again. The " ~ danger they ran in that, and the delays that it put them under, were the chief occasions of their losses last year 1 but these were, in a great measure, made up to them now. We were sending a very rich fleet of merchants' ships to the Mediterranean, which was valued at many millions; some of these had lain ready a year and a half, waiting for a convoy, -but were still put off by new delays ; nor could they obtain one after Russel's victory, though we were then masters at sea. They were promised a great one in winter. The number of the merchant ships did still increase ; so that the convoy, which was at first designed, was not thought equal to the riches of the fleet, and to the danger they might run by ships that might be sent from Toulon to intercept them. The court of France was watching this care fully : a spy among the Jacobites gave advice, that certain persons sent from Scotland to FranGe, to shew with how small a force they might make themselves masters of that kingdom, had hopes given them- for some time; upon which several military men went to Lancashire and Northumber land, to see what could be expected from thence, if commotions should happen in Scotland: but in February the French said, they could not do what was expected; and the Scotch agents were told, that they were obliged to look after the Srriirna fleet ; which they reckoned might be of more conse quence than even the carrying Scotland could be. The fleet was ready in February ; but new excuses were again made ; for it was said, the convoy must be increased to twenty men of war ; Rook was to command it; a new delay was likewise put in, on OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 201 the pretence of staying for advice from Toulon, 1693. whether the squadron that was laid up there, was to lie in the Mediterranean this year, or to come about to Brest. The merchants were very uneasy under those delays ; since the charge was like to eat -up the profit of the voyage; but no despatch could 115 be had ; and very probable reasons were offered to justify every new retardment. The French fleet had gone early out of Toulon, on design to have de stroyed the Spanish fleet, which lay in the bay of Puzzolo ; but they lay so safe there, that the French saw they could not succeed in any attempt upon them ; afterwards they stood off to the coast of Ca talonia, to assist their army, which was making some conquests there. Yet these were only feints to amuse and to cover their true design. The fleet at Brest sailed away from thence so suddenly, that they were neither completely manned nor victualled ; and they came to Lagos bay, in Algarve. Tenders were sent after them, with the necessary comple ment of men and provisions : this sudden and un provided motion of the French fleet looked as if some secret advice had been sent from England, acquainting them with our designs. But at the se cretary's office, not only there was no intelligence concerning their fleet, but when a ship came in, that brought the news of their having sailed from Brest, they were not believed. Our main fleet sailed out into the sea for some leagues with Rook and the merchant ships : and when they thought they were out of danger, they came back. Rook was unhappy in that, which, upon any other occasion, would have been a great happiness ; lie had a fair and a strong gale of wind ; so that no advice sent after him could 202 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. overtake him : nor did he meet with any ships at sea, that could give him notice of the danger that lay before him. He doubled the cape of St. Vin cent, and had almost fallen in with the French fleet, before he was aware of it : he dreamed of no danger but from the Toulon squadron, till he took a fire- ship; the captain whereof endeavoured to deceive him by a false story, as if there had been only fif teen men of war lying at Lagos, that intended to join D'Estrees: the merchants were for going on, and believed the information ; they were confirmed in this by the disorder the French seemed to be in ; for they were cutting their cables, and drawing near The Tur- ^g snore# The truth was, when they saw Rook's key fleet in . great dan- fleet, they apprehended, by their numbers, that the whole fleet of England was coming toward them : and indeed had they come so far with them, here was an occasion offered, which perhaps may not be found again in an age, of destroying their whole strength at sea. But as the French soon perceived their error, and were forming themselves into a line, Rook saw his error likewise, and stood out to sea, while the merchants fled, as their fears drove them ; a great many of them sticking still close to him : 116 others sailed to Cadiz, and some got to Gibraltar: and instead of pursuing their voyage, put in there : some ships were burnt or sunk, and a very small number was taken by the French. They did not pursue Rook, but let him sail away to the Maderas ; and from thence he came, first to Kinsaie, and then into England. The French tried what they could do upon Cadiz ; but found that it was not practica ble. They came next to Gibraltar, where the mer chants sunk their ships, to prevent their falling into OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. their hands : from thence they sailed along the coast 1693, of Spain, and burnt some English and Dutch ships that were laying at Malaga, Alicant, and in some other places. They hoped to have destroyed the Spanish fleet; but they put in at Port Mahone, where they were safe "• : at length, after a very glo rious campaign, the French came back to Toulon : it is certain, if Tourville had made use of all his ad vantages, and had executed the design as well as it was projected, he might have done us much mis chief; few of our men of war, or merchantmen could have got out of his hands : the loss fell hea viest on the Dutch : the voyage was quite lost ; and the disgrace of it was visible to the whole world, and very sensible to the trading part of the nation. The appearances were such, that it Was generally Great jea- surmised, our councils were betrayed. The secre- taking's tary that attended on the admirals was much sus-mimstiy' pected, and charged with many things but the sus picions rose high, even as to the secretary of state's office. It was said, that our fleet was kept in port till the French were laid in their way, and was then ordered to sail, that it might fall into their hands : many particulars were laid together, which had such colours, that it was not to be wondered at, if they created jealousy, especially in minds sufficiently pre pared for it. Upon inquiry it appeared, that several c I have read many papers and calling frequent councils of relative to this miscarriage, and war. The admirals were de- do not think there was any cri- fective in not sending more fre- minal management in it on the quently to look into Brest ; as part of the admirals, but un- knowing where the French lay doubtedly, an indecisive, unskil- would have been the best rule ful conduct, such as general- for their own conduct. H. Iv attends a divided command, 204 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. of those, who, for the last two years, were put in the subaltern employments through the kingdom, did upon many occasions shew a disaffection to the government, and talked and acted like enemies. Our want of intelligence of the motions of the French, while they seemed to know every thing that we either did or designed to do, cast a heavy reproach upon our ministers, who were now broke so in pieces, that they acted without union or con cert: every one studied to justify himself, and to throw the blame on others : a good share of this- was cast on the earl of Nottingham ; the marquis of Caermarthen was much suspected : the earl of Ro chester began now to have great credit with the queen; and seemed to be so violently set against the whigs, that they looked for dreadful things from 117 him, if he came again to govern; for, being natu rally warm, and apt to heat himself in company, he broke out into sallies, which were carried about, and began to create jealousies, even of the queen her self. I was in some sort answerable for thisd: for when the queen came into England, she was so possessed against him, that he tried all his friends and interest in the court, to be admitted to clear himself, and to recover her favour, but all in vain ; for they found her so alienated from him, that no person would un dertake it. Upon that, he addressed himself to me : I thought, that if he came into the service of the government, his relation to the queen would make him firm and zealous for it : and I served him so ef fectually, that the queen laid aside all her resent- a See postea, p. 700. O. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 205 ments, and admitted him, by degrees, into a high 1693. measure of favour and confidence6. I quickly saw r~ my error : and he took pains to convince me effect ually of it : for he was no sooner possessed of her fa vour, than he went into an interest very different from what I believed he would have pursued. He talked against all favour to dissenters, and for set ting up the notions of persecution and violence, which he had so much promoted in king Charles's time, and professed himself an enemy to the present bi shops, and to the methods they were taking, of preaching and visiting their dioceses, of obliging the clergy to attend more carefully to their, functions, and of endeavouring to gain the dissenters by gentle and calm methods f. The king had left the matters of the church The st»te & of the Wholly in the queen's hands. He found he could not clergy and resist importunities, which were not only vexatious0 ""'"' to him, but had drawn preferments from him, which he came soon to see were ill bestowed : so he de volved that care upon the queen, which she managed with strict and religious prudence : she declared openly against the preferring of those who put in e There was a current report shewed for her, when treasurer, at this time, that lord Rochester was not unlikely to be true. was brought into favour only This is certain, that queenMary, to mortify the princess Ann, before the quarrel with her sis- who, it was said, had made it ter, had very little regard to her request to the king and him. D. See note at p. 685. vol. i. queen, that lord Godolphin f Lord Rochester was always should be in employment, and known to be a zealous church- lord Rochester excluded; which, man: therefore might reason- considering the jealousy lord ably declare his dislike of the Marlborough and Godolphin present set of bishops : but it always had of him, and their is highly improbable he should influence upon the princess, profess himself an enemy to added to the resentment she the commendable methods the had for the little concern he bishop says they were taking. D. 206 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. for themselves ; and took care to inform herself par- ticularly of the merits of such of the clergy as were not so much as known at court, nor using any me thods to get themselves recommended : so that we had reason to hope, that, if this course should be long continued, it would produce a great change in the church, and in the temper of the clergy. She consulted chiefly with the archbishop of Canterbury, whom she favoured and supported in a most parti cular manner. She saw what need there was of it : for a party was formed against him, who set them selves to censure every tttmg he did. It was a me lancholy thing to consider, that, though we never saw an archbishop before him apply himself so en tirely, without partiality or bias, to all the concerns 118 of the church and religion, as he did; and that the queen's heart was set on promoting them, yet such an evil spirit should seem to be let loose upon the clergy. They complained of every thing that was done, if it was not in their own way : and the arch bishop bore the blame of all. He did not enter into any close correspondence, or the concerting measures with the ministry, but lived much abstracted from them : so they studied to depress him all they could. This made a great impression upon him. He grew very uneasy in his great post : we were all soon con vinced, that there was a sort of clergymen among us, that would never be satisfied, as long as the to leration was continued : and they seemed resolved to give it out, that the church was in danger, till* prosecution of dissenters should be again set on foot : nor could they look at a man with patience, or speak of him with temper, who did not agree with them in these things. The bishops fell under the displea^ OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 207 sure of the whigs, by the methods they took, not 169*. only of protecting, but of preferring some of these men, hoping, by that means, both to have softened them and their friends : but they took their prefer ments, as the rewards that they supposed were due to their merit; and they employed the credit and authority which their preferments brought them, wholly against those to whom they owed thenu The whigs were much turned against the king ; and were not pleased with those who had left them, when they were so violent in the beginning of this reign: and it was a hard- thing, in such a divided time, to resolve to be of no party, since men of that temper are pushed at by many, and protected by no side s. Of this we had many instances at that time : and I myself had some very sensible ones : but they are too inconsiderable to be mentioned. In this bad state we were, when a session of parliament came on with great apprehensions, occasioned by our ill success, and by the king's temper, which he could no way constrain, or render more complaisant, but chiefly from the disposition of men's minds, which was practised on with great industry, by the ene mies of the government, who were driving on jea lousies daily. A parliament had been summoned in Ireland by Affairs in the lord Sidney; but they met full of discontent, and were disposed to find fault with every thing : and there was too much matter to work upon ; for the lord lieutenant was apt to excuse or justify s They have however the or rank, from party zeal and comfort of their own rectitude, violence, which is ever factious, far superior to any successful and the bane of virtue. O. corruption in wealth or power 208 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. those who had the address to insinuate themselves _ —fnto his favour: so that they were dismissed, before they brought their bills to perfection. The English in Ireland thought the government favoured the Irish too much; some said, this was the effect of bribery, whereas others thought it was necessary to 119 keep them safe from the prosecutions of the.EngUsh, who hated them, and were much sharpened against them. - The protecting the Irish was indeed in some sort necessary, to keep them from breaking out, or from running over to the French : but it was very plain, that the Irish were Irish still, enemies to the English nation, and to the present government : so that all kindness shewed them, beyond what was due in strict justice, was the cherishing an inveterate enemy. There were also great complaints of an ill administration, chiefly in the revenue, in the pay of the army, and in the embezzling of stores. Of these, much noise was made in England, which drew addresses from both houses of parliament to the king, which were very invidiously penned : every particular being severely aggravated. So the king called back the lord Sidney, and put the government of Ireland into three lords justices ; lord Capel, bro ther to the earl of Essex, sir Cyril Wyche, and Mr. Duncomb. When they were sent from court, the queen did very earnestly recommend to their care, the reforming of many disorders that were prevail ing in that kingdom : for neither had the late de structive war, out of which they were but beginning to recover themselves, nor their poverty, produced those effects that might have been well expected. ^riXr'8 Tne state of Ireland kads me to insert here a aesl^r8 Very Particular instance of the queen's pious care in OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. the disposing of bishoprics: lord Sidney was so far 1693. engaged in the interest of a great family of Ireland, that he was too easily wrought on to recommend a branch of it to a vacant see. The representation was made with an undue character of the person : so the queen granted it. But when she understood that he lay under a very bad character, she wrote a letter, in her own hand, to lord Sidney, letting him know what she had heard, and ordered him to call for six Irish bishops, whom she named to him, and to require them to certify to her their opinion of that person : they all agreed, that he laboured under an ill fame: and, till that was examined into, they did not think it proper to promote him; so that matter was let fall. I do not name the person ; for I intend not to leave a blemish on him : but set this down as an example, fit to be imitated by Christian princes. Another effect of the queen's pious care of the souls of her people was finished this year, after it had been much opposed, and long stopped. Mr. Blair, a very worthy man, came over from Virginia, with a proposition for erecting a college there. In order to which, he had set on foot a voluntary sub scription, which arose to a great sum : and he found out some branches of the revenue there, that went 120 all into private hands, without being brought into any public account, with which a free school and college might be well endowed. The English born there were, as he said, capable of every thing, if they were provided with the means of a good educa tion ; and a foundation of this kind in Virginia, that lay in the middle, between our southern and north ern plantations, might be a common nursery to them VOL. IV. P 210 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 169a. all; and put the people born there in a way of fur ther improvement: Those concerned in the. manage ment of the plantations, had made such advantages of those particulars, out of which the endowment was to be raised, that all possible objections were made to the project, as a design that would take our planters off from their mechanical employments, and make them grow too knowing to be obedient and submissive. The queen was so well pleased with the design, as apprehending the very good ef fects it might have, that no objection against it could move her : she hoped it might be a means of improving her own people, and of preparing some to propagate the gospel among the natives ; and therefore, as she espoused the matter with a parti cular zeal, so the king did very readily concur with her. in it. The endowment was fixed, and the patent was passed for the college, called from the founders, the William and Mary college. Affairs in Affairs in Scotland grew more and more out of Scotland. . . ,,.,-, j • 1 joint. Many whom the king had trusted in the ministry there, were thought enemies to him and his government ; and some took so little care to con ceal their inclinations, that, when an invasion was looked for, they seemed resolved to join in it. They Were taken out of a plot, which was managed by persuading many to take oaths to the government, on design to betray it ; and were now trusted with the most important posts. The presbyterians began to see their error, in driving matters so far, and in provoking the king so much ; and they seemed de sirous to recover his favour, and to manage their matters with more temper. The king came likewise to see that he had been a little too sudden in trust- OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 211 ing some, who did not deserve his confidence. Duke 1693. Hamilton had for some years withdrawn from busi- ness ; but he was now prevailed with to return to council; many letters were intercepted between France and Scotland: in those from Scotland, the easiness of engaging that nation was often repeated, if no time were lost ; it seemed therefore necessary to bring that kingdom into a better state. A session of parliament was held there, to which A session . of parlia- duke Hamilton was sent as the king's commissioner; ment there. the supplies that were asked were granted; and 121 now the whole presbyterian party was again entire in the king's interest; the matters of the church were brought to more temper than was expected : the episcopal clergy had more moderate terms of fered them ; they were only required to make an address to the general assembly, offering to subscribe to a [the O.] confession of faith, and to acknowledge presbytery to be the only government of that church, with a promise to submit to it ; upon which, within a fortnight after they did that, if no matter of scan dal was objected to them, the assembly was either to receive them into the government of the church, or, if they could not be brought to that, the king was to take them into his protection, and maintain them in their churches, without any dependance on the presbytery. This was a strain of moderation that the presbyterians were not easily brought to ; a subscription that owned presbytery to be the only legal government of that church, without owning any divine right in it, was far below their usual pre tensions. And this act vested the king with an au thority, very like that which they were wont to con demn as Erastianism. Another act was also passed, p 2 212 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. requiring all in any office in church or state, to take, besides the oath of allegiance, a declaration called the assurance, owning the king and queen to be their rightful and lawful sovereigns, and promising fidelity to them against king James, and all his ad herents. The council was also impowered to tender these, as they should see cause for it, and to fine and imprison such as should refuse them. When the session was near an end, Nevil Payne was brought before the parliament, to be examined, upon the many letters that had been intercepted. There was a full evidence against him in many of his own let ters ; but he sent word to several of the lords, in particular to duke Hamilton, that as long as his life was his own, he would accuse none : but he was re solved he would not die; and he could discover enough to deserve his pardon. This struck such terror into many of them, whose sons or near rela tions had been concerned with him, that he, moving for a delay, on a pretence of some witnesses that were not then at hand, a time was given him beyond the continuance of the session; so he escaped, and, that inquiry was stifled : the session ended calmly. But the king seemed to have forgot Scotland so en tirely, that he let three months go over, before he took notice of any of their petitions : and, though he had asked, and had supplies :for an augmentation of forces ; and many had been gained to consent to the tax, by the hope of commissions in the troops 122 that were to be levied; yet the king did not raise any new ones, but raised the supply, and applied it to other uses : this began again to raise an ill hu mour, that had been almost quite laid down in the whole course of this session, which was thought a OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 213 reconciling one. The clergy let the day prefixed 1693. for making their submission to the assembly, slip, and did not take the oaths ; so they could claim no benefit by the act, that had been carried in their fa vour, not without some difficulty. And the law that was intended to save them did now expose them to ruin ; since by it, they, not taking the oaths, had lost their legal rights to their benefices. Yet they were suffered to continue in them, and were put in hope, that the king would protect them, though it was now against law. They were also made to be lieve, that the king did not desire that they should take the oaths, or make any submission to presby tery : and it is certain, that no public signification of the king's mind was made to them ; so they were easily imposed on by surmises and whispers ; upon this the distractions grew up afresh. Many con cluded there, as well as in England, that the king's heart led him still to court his enemies, even after all the manifest reasons he had to conclude, that the steps they made towards him were only feigned sub missions, to gain such a confidence, as might put it in their power to deliver him up h. The earl of Middletoun went over to France, in The eari of .... n 1 • 1 • it ii Middletoun the beginning of this year : and it was believed, he went to was sent by a great body among us, with a proposi tion, which, had he had the assurance to have made, bThe earl of Portland once doms, and he really believed it in discourse with the king, (I was true. The king told him had it from one that was pre- he was very much mistaken, sent,) said the English were for there were as wise and ho- the strangest people he had nest men amongst them, as ever met with : for by their were in any part of the world, own accounts of one another, (and fetched a great sigh,) " but there was never an honest nor " they are not my friends." D. an able man in the three king- p 3 2U THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. and they the wisdom to have accepted, might have much increased our factions and jealousies. It was, that king James should offer to resign his title in favour of his son, and likewise to send him to be bred in England, under the direction of a parlia ment, till he should be of age ; but I could never hear that he ventured on this advice ; in another he succeeded better. When king James thought the invasion from Normandy, the former year, was so well laid, that he seemed not to apprehend it could miscarry, he had prepared a declaration, of which some copies came over. He promised nothing in it, and pardoned nobody by it. But he spoke in the style of a conqueror, who thought he was master, and therefore would limit himself by no promises, but such as were conceived in general words, which might be afterwards expounded at pleasure. This was much blamed, even by his own party, who thought that they themselves were not enough se cured by so loose a declaration : so the earl of Mid dletoun, upon his going over, procured one of an- 123 other strain, which, as far as words could go, gave all content: for he promised every thing, and* par doned all persons. His party got this intowtheir hands ; I saw a copy of it, and they waited for a fit occasion to publish it to the nation '. The duke We were also at this time alarmed with a nego- offered°U tiation, that the court of France was setting on foot Spaniards. at Madrid : they offered to restore to the crown of 1 (" His lordship might also " April 17th, and was dispersed " have said, that by the care of " by the Jacobite party in Lon- " the said party it was printed, " don, about the middle of May " and that it was still extant " following." Ralph's Hist, of " in the State Tracts of this England, vol. ii. p. 418.) " reign. This piece was dated OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 215 Spain all that had been taken from it since the 1693. peace of Munster, on condition that the duke of An- jou should be declared the heir of that crown, in de fault of issue by the king : the grandees of Spain, who are bred up to a disregard and contempt of all the world besides themselves, were inclinable to en tertain this proposition ; though they saw that by so doing, they must lose the house of Austria, the elector of Bavaria, and many of their other allies. But the king himself, weak as he was, stood firm and intractable ; and seemed to be as much set on watching their conduct, as a man of his low genius could possibly be. He resolved to adhere to the al liance, and to carry on the war ; though he could do little more than barely resolve on it. The Spaniards thought of nothing but their intrigues at Madrid; and for the management of the war, and all their affairs, they left the care of that to their stars, and to their allies. The king came over to England in November ; The duke he saw the necessity of changing both his measures bury isews and his ministers; he expressed his dislike of the'f^ent™de whole conduct at sea; and named Russel for theofstate- command of the fleet next . year : he dismissed the earl of Nottingham, and would immediately have brought the earl of Shrewsbury again into the mi nistry : but when that lord came to him, he thought the king's inclinations were still the same that they had been for some years, and that the turn which' he was now making was not from choice, but force; so that went off; and the earl of Shrewsbury went into the country : yet the king soon after sent for him, and gave him such assurances, that he was again made secretary of state, to the general satis- p 4 216 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. faction of the whigs k. But the person that had the king's confidence to the highest degree was the earl of Sunderland, who, by his long experience, and his knowledge of meh and things, had gained an ascend ant over him, and had more credit with him than any Englishman ever had ' : he had brought the king to this change of councils, by the prospect he gave him of the ill condition his affairs were in, if he did not entirely both trust and satisfy those, who, in the present conjuncture, were the only party that both could and would support him m- It was said, 124 that the true secret of this change of measures was, that the tories signified to the king plainly, that they could carry on the war no longer, and that therefore he must accept of such a peace as could be had : this was the most pernicious thing that could be thought on, and the most contrary to the king's k (Another reason appears to vol. ~ O. Mr. Montague (who have existed for the earl of was the worst bred gentleman Shrewsbury's return to office; I ever saw) had reflected in a the danger of refusing the post very rude manner upon lord of secretary which was from Sunderland before the king, at king William's knowledge of his the cabinet, who was highly engagements with James, and incensed at his behaviour, and after the king's actually charg- ordered him to wait upon lord ing him with them. See Mac- Sunderland next day to lask his pherson's Original Papers, vol. i. pardon ; which he did, and p. 481. See also Dalrymple's with a very saucy air told him Memoirs, vol. i. p. 291. and vol. the king had commanded him iii. p. 40. In the Correspond- to ask his pardon, and therefore ence of lord Shrewsbury, lately he did it : the other replied, published by Mr. Coxe, there is "I know very well the king nothing subversive of the truth " commanded you to ask my of the above statement. His " pardon, but he did not corn- extreme reluctance to resume " mand me to give it you, and the employment, from whatever " therefore I do not do it." cause it originated, is to be But Montague was glad to ask seen in p. 1. c. 2. p. 18 — 30.) it in a more respectful manner 1 See postea, page 207. See before he had it. D. also page 756, in the former m See antea, p. 4. O. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 217 notions and designs ; but they being positive, he was 1693. forced to change hands, and to turn to the other party ; so the whigs were now in favour again, and every thing was done that was like to put them in good humour. The commission of the lieutenancy for the city of London, on which they had set their hearts, much more perhaps than it deserved, was so altered, that the whigs were the superior number ; and all other commissions over England were much changed. They were also brought into many places of trust and profit ; so that the king put his affairs chiefly into their hands : yet so, that no tory, who had expressed zeal or affection for the government, was turned out. Upon this, the whigs expressed new zeal and confidence in the king. All the money that was asked, for the next year's expense, was granted very readily. Among other funds that were created, one was a bank for constituting a bank, which occasioned great de bates : some thought a bank would grow to be a monopoly. All the money of England would come into their hands ; and they would in a few years be come the masters of the stock and wealth of the na tion. jOthers argued for it : that the credit it would have must increase trade and the circulation of money, at least in bank notes. It was visible, that all the enemies of the government set themselves against it with such a vehemence of zeal, that this alone convinced all people, that they saw the strength that our affairs would receive from it. I had heard the Dutch often reckon up the great advantages they had from their banks; and they concluded, that as long as England continued jealous of the go- 218 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1693. vernment, a bank could never be settled among us, nor gain credit enough to support itself: and upon that, they judged that the superiority in trade must still lie on their side. This, with all the other re mote funds that were created, had another good ef fect : it engaged all those who were concerned in them, to be, upon the account of their own interest, zealous for maintaining the government; since it was not to be doubted, but that a revolution would have swept all these away. The advantages that the king, and all concerned in tallies, had from the bank, were soon so sensibly felt, that all people saw into the secret reasons, that made the enemies of 125 the constitution set themselves with so much ear nestness against it. The con- , The inquiry into the conduct at sea, particularly fleet exa- with relation to the Smirna fleet, took up much time, and held long: great exceptions were taken to the many delays ; by which it seemed a train was laid, that they should not get out of our ports, till the French were ready to lie in their way and intercept them ; our want of intelligence was much complained of: the instructions that the admirals who commanded the fleet had received from the ca binet council, were thought ill given, and yet worse executed ; their orders seemed weakly drawn, am biguous, and defective : nor had they shewed any zeal in doing more than strictly to obey such orders; they had very cautiously kept within them, and had been very careful never to exceed them in a tittle : they had used no diligence to get certain informa tion concerning the French fleet, whether it was still in Brest or had sailed out; but in that important. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 219 matter, they had trusted general and uncertain re- 1693. ports too easily : nor had they sailed with Rook till' he was past danger. To all this their answer was, that they had observed their orders ; they had rea son to think the French were still in Brest ; that therefore it was not safe to sail too far from the coast of England, when they had (as they under stood) ground to bebeve, that they had left behind them a great naval force, which might make an im pression on our coast, when they were at too great a distance from it ; the getting certain intelligence from Brest was represented as impracticable. They had many specious things to say in their own de fence, and many friends to support them ; for it was now the business of one party to accuse, and of an other to justify that conduct. In conclusion, there was not ground sufficient to condemn the admirals ; as they had followed their instructions : so a vote passed in their favour. The rest of the business of the session was managed both with dexterity and success : all ended well, though a little too late : for the session was not finished before the end of April. Prince Lewis of Baden came this winter to concert measures with the king: he stayed above two months in England, and was treated with very sin, gular respects, and at a great expense. The tories began in this session to obstruct the 1694. king's measures more openly than before ; the earls vemment of Rochester and Nottingham did it in the house of misre?re" 0 sented. lords with a peculiar edge and violence: they saw how great a reputation the fair administration of justice by the judges, and more particularly that equity which appeared in the whole proceedings of 126 220 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. the court of chancery, gave the government; there- fore they took all occasions that gave them any handle to reflect on these. We had many sad de clamations, setting forth the misery the nation was under, in so tragical a strain, that those who thought it was quite otherwise with us, and that under all our taxes and losses, there was a visible increase of the wealth of the nation, could not hear all this without some indignation. The bishops The bishops had their share of ill humour vented are heavily # , charged, against them ; it was visible to the whole nation, that there was another face of strictness, of humility and charity among them, than had been ordinarily observed before ; they visited their dioceses more ; they confirmed and preached oftener than any who had in our memory gone before them; they took more care in examining those whom they ordained, and in looking into the behaviour of their clergy, than had been formerly practised; but they were faithful to the government, and zealous for it ; they were gentle to the dissenters, and did not rail at them, nor seem uneasy at the toleration. This was thought such a heinous matter, that all their other diligence was despised ; and they were represented as men who designed to undermine the church, and to betray it. Debates Qf this I will give one instance ; the matter was concerning ° divorce, of great importance; and it occasioned great and long debates in this and in the former session of parliament: it related to. the duke of Norfolk, who had proved his wife guilty of adultery, and did move for an act of parliament, dissolving his mar riage, and allowing him to marry again : in the later ages of popery, when marriage was reckoned OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 221 among the sacraments, an opinion grew to be re- 1694. ceived, that adultery did not break the bond, and that it could only entitle to a separation, but not such a dissolution of the marriage, as gave the party that was injured a right to marry again " : this be came the rule of the spiritual courts ; though there was no definition made about it before the council of Trent. At the time of the reformation, a suit of this nature was prosecuted by the marquis of North ampton ° : the marriage was dissolved, and he mar ried a second time ; but he found it necessary to move for an act of parliament to confirm this sub sequent marriage : in the reformation of the ecclesi astical laws, that was prepared by Cranmer and others, in king Edward's time, a rule was laid down allowing of a second marriage upon a divorce for adultery. This matter had lain asleep above an hundred years, till the present duke of Rutland, then lord Roos, moved for the like liberty. At that time a sceptical and libertine spirit prevailed, so 127 that some began to treat marriage only as a civil contract, in which the parliament was at full liberty to make what laws they pleased ; and most of king Charles's courtiers applauded this, hoping by this doctrine that the king might, be divorced from the queen. The greater part of the bishops, apprehend ing the consequence that lord Roos's act might have, opposed every step that was made in it; though many of them were persuaded, that in the case of adultery, when it was fully proved, a second n (Such an opinion was en- fourth century.) tertained by some doctors of ° In the reign of king Ed- the church, as early as the ward Vlth. O. 222 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. marriage might be allowed p. In the duke of Nor- ~ folk's case, as the lady was a papist, and a busy Ja cobite, so a great party appeared for her. All that favoured the Jacobites, and those who were thought engaged in lewd practices, espoused her concern with a zeal that did themselves little honour q. Their number was such, that no progress could be made in the bill, though the proofs were but too full and too plain. But the main question was, whe ther, supposing the matter fully proved, the duke of Norfolk should be allowed a second marriage : the bishops were desired to deliver their opinions, with their reasons : all those, who had been made during the present reign, were of opinion, that a second marriage in that case was lawful and conformable, both to the words of the gospel, and to the doctrine of the primitive church; and that the contrary opinion was started in the late and dark ages : but p (Cosin, the learned bishop vicious man, and besides his of Durham, had given his rea- own example, had been the ori sons, in support of that persua- ginal introducer of all the bad sion in the lord Roos's case, company she kept, to her ac- and they were published at this quaintance. After sir John Fen- time by the order of the duke wick's trial, the earl of Peter- of Norfolk.) borough promoted the bringing 1 The bishop lived in such the bill in a second time, in re- constant apprehensions of a hal- venge for her behaviour on that ter, that he finds a Jacobite in- occasion ; when it met with In fluence predominant in all trans- tie opposition, her father, the actions : the truth was, the earl old earl of Peterborough, being of Peterborough and all her re- dead, who kept his nephew in lations opposed the bill with some awe, and would not have great zeal and warmth ; and suffered his daughter to have though nobody pretended to been insulted by one of his own justify her conduct, there were family, and was known to be many reasons for alleviating the as great a blusterer, and thought rigour of her punishment. The to have more real courage, than duke being notoriously a very his nephew. D. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 223 all the bishops, that had been made by the two for- 1694. mer kings, Were of another opinion ; though some of them could not well tell why they were so. Here was a colour for men, who looked at things superficially, to observe that there was a difference of opinion, between the last made bishops and those of an elder standing : from which they inferred, that we were departing from the received doctrine of our church ; and upon that topic the earl of Rochester charged us very vehemently. The bill was let fall at this time ; nor was the dispute kept up, for no books were writ on the subject of either side. The king went beyond sea in May ; and the cam- The cam paign was opened soon after : the armies of both Flanders. sides came very near one another: the king com manded that of the confederates, as the dauphin did the French : they lay between Brussels and Liege ; and it was given out, that they intended to besiege Maestricht; the king moved toward Namur, that he might either cut off their provisions, or force them to fight; but they were resolved to avoid a battle : so they retired likewise, and the campaign passed over in the ordinary manner ; both of them moving and watching one another. The king sent 128 a great detachment to break into the French coun try at Pont Esperies : but though the body he sent had made a great advance, before the French knew any thing of their march, yet they sent away their cavalry with so much haste, and in so continued a march, that they were possessed of the pass before the body the king had sent could reach it ; whereby they gained their point, though their cavalry suf fered much. This design failing, the king sent an other body towards Huy, who took it in a few days ; 224 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. ft was become more necessary to do this for the co vering of Liege, which was now much broken into faction ; their bishop was dead, and there was a great division in the chapter : some were for the elector of Cologne, and others were for the elector palatine's brother: but that for the elector of Co logne was the stronger party, and the court of Rome judged in their favour. The differences between that court and that of Versailles were now so far made up, that the bulls for the bishops, whom the king had named to the vacant sees, were granted, upon the submission of all those who had been con cerned in the articles of 1682. Yet after all that reconciliation, the real inchnations of the court of Rome lay still towards the confederates : the alli ance that France was in with the Turk was a thing of an odious sound at Rome. The taking of Huy covered Liege ; so that they were both safer and quieter. The confederates, especially the English and the Dutch, grew weary of keeping up vast ar mies, that did nothing else, but lay for some months advantageously posted, in view of the enemy, with out any action. on the On the Rhine, things went much in the usual manner; only at the end of the campaign, the prince of Baden passed the Rhine, and raised great contributions in Alsace, which the French suffered him to do, rather than hazard a battle. There was nothing of any importance done on either side in Piedmont; only there appeared to be some secret management between the court of France and that of Turin, in order to a peace : it was chiefly nego tiated at Rome, but was all the while denied by the duke of Savoy. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 225 In Catalonia, the Spaniards were beat off from 1694* some posts, and Gironne was taken; nor was Bar- And in ca. celona in any condition to have resisted, if thetal<""a' French had set down before it. The court of Ma drid, felt their weakness, and saw their danger so visibly, that they were forced to implore the protec tion of the English fleet : the French had carried the best part of their naval force into the Mediter ranean, and had resolved to attack Barcelona both by sea and land at the same time l and, upon their success there, to have gone round Spain, destroying their coast every where. All this was intended to 129 force them to accept the offers the French were willing to make them ; but to prevent this, Russel was ordered to sail into .the Mediterranean with a fleet of threescore great ships : he was so long stopped in his voyage by contrary winds, that the French, if they had pursued their advantages, might have finished, the conquest of Catalonia ; but they resolved not to hazard their fleet ; so it was brought back to Toulon, long before Russel could get into the Me diterranean, which was now left entirely to him* But it was thought, that the French intended to make a second attempt, in the end of the year, as soon as he should sail back to England: so it was proposed, that he might lie at Cadiz all the winter. This was an affair of that importance, that it was long and much debated before it was resolved on. It Was thought a dangerous thing to expose the our fleet best part of our fleet, so much as it must be, while aya it lay at so great a distance from us, that convoys of stores and provisions might easily be intercepted : and indeed, the ships were so low in their provi sions, when they came back to Cadiz, (the vessels VOL. IV. Q THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. that were ordered to carry them having been stop- ped four months in the channel by contrary winds,). that our fleet had not then above a fortnights vic tuals on board: yet when the whole matter was thoroughly canvassed, it was agreed, that our ships* might both lie safe and be well careened at Cadiz ; nor was the difference in the expense, between their lying there and in our own ports, considerable. By our lying there, the French were shut within the Me diterranean ; so that the ocean and their coasts were left open -to us. They were in effect shut up within Toulon ; for they, having no other port in those seas but that, resolved not to venture abroad; so that now we were masters of the seas every where. These considerations determined the king to send orders to Russel to lie all the winter at Cadiz; which produced very good effects; the Venetians and the great duke had not thought fit to own the king till then: a great fleet of stores and ammuni tion, with all other provisions for the next cam paign, came safe to Cadiz : and some clean men of war were sent out, in exchange for others, which were ordered home. camlr!t!0n But while we were very fortunate in our main fleet, we had not the like good success in an at tempt that was made on Camaret, a small neck of land that hes in the mouth of the river of Brest, and would have commanded that river, if we could have made ourselves masters of it. Talmash had formed the design of seizing on it ; he had taken care to be well informed of every thing relating to it ; six thousand men seemed to be more than were 130 necessary for taking and keeping it: the design^ and the preparation* for it, were kept so secret, that OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 227 there was not the least suspicion of the project, till 1694. the hiring transport ships discovered it. A propo-"" sition had been made of this two years before to the earl of Nottingham ; who, among other things, charged Russel with it, that this had been laid be fore him, by men that came from thence, but that he had neglected it : whether the French appre hended the design from that motion, or whether it "was now betrayed to them, by some of those who were in the secret, I know not : it is certain, that they had such timely knowledge of it, as put them on their guard. The preparations were not quite ready by the day that was settled : and, when all was ready, they were stopt by a westerly wind for some time : so that they came thither a month later than was intended. They found the place was well fortified by many batteries, that were raised in different fines upon the rocks, that lay over the place of descent : and great numbers were there ready to dispute their landing. When our fleet came so near as to see all this, the council of officers were all against making the attempt ; but Talmash had set his heart so much upon it, that he could not be diverted from it. He fancied, the men they saw were only a rabble it miscar- brought together to make a show, though it ap-ne ' peared very evidently, that there were regular bo dies among them, and that their numbers were double to hisr. He began with a landing of six r (" We are therefore to in- " what his own eyes beheld ; "fer, that the commander in " which is utterly inconceivable, "chief, whom the author soon " as well as irreconcileable with " after calls a good officer, was " all the accounts which are " the only man who could de- " extant of this undertaking." " rive no information from Ralph's History of England^ a 2 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. hundred men, and put himself at the head of them ; "the men followed him with great courage ; but they were so exposed to the enemies fire, and could do them so little harm, that it quickly appeared, it was needlessly throwing away the lives of brave men, to persist longer in so desperate an undertaking. The greatest part of those who landed were killed or taken prisoners ; and not above an hundred of them came back. Talmash himself was shot in the thigh, of which he died in a few days, and was much la mented ; for he was a brave and generous man, and a good officer, very fit to animate and encourage in ferior officers and soldiers; but he was much too apt to be discontented, and to turn mutinous ; so that, upon the whole, he was one of those dangerous men, that are capable of doing as much mischief as good service s. Thus that design miscarried, vol. ii. p. 501, where the asser tion is also disproved, that the council of officers was against making the attempt. The mis carriage of the enterprise is attributed by Ralph to other causes. Seep. 501^-504. But an additional cause, unknown to this historian, has been brought to light in these days. For sir John Dalrymple in the third volume of his Memoirs of Great Britain &c. on the authority of state papers, relates, that the resolution to attack this place was betrayed to king James b"y lord Godolphin, first lord of the treasury, and afterwards by a letter from lord Marlborough, eldest lieutenant general in the service, dated the fourth of May ; in the same way as a project against Toulon was be trayed two years afterwards by lord Sunderland. See p. 43 . &c. and Macpherson's Original Pa pers, vol. i. pp. 480. 487. Ralph had before found reason for sup posing that admiral Russel also was no well-wisher to the suc cess of the enterprise. Yet Mr. Coxe, in his Correspondence of the duke of Shrewsbury lately published, is more inclin ed to assign the failure to the publicity of the design, and to other causes which he enume rates in p. i. chapter 3. p. 31.) s It was Qommonly thought, that he was Oliver Cromwell's son, and he had a very particu lar sort of vanity, in desiring it should be so understood- This is certain, that for some time before he was born, Oliver had a very intimate correspondence OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. which, if it had been undertaken at any time before ]694. the French were so well prepared to receive us,"- might have succeeded; and must have had great effects. Our fleet came back to Plymouth ; and after they 131 had set the land forces ashore, being well furnished ™^tF"™h with bomb-vessels and ammunition, they were or-ba,ded- dered to try what could be done on the French coast; they lay first before Dieppe, and burnt it almost entirely to the ground ; they went next to Havre de Grace, and destroyed a great part of that town: Dunkirk was the place of the greatest im portance : so that attempt was long pursued in se veral ways ; but none of them succeeded. These bombardings of the French towns soon spread a terror among all that lived near the coast; batte ries were every where raised, and the people were brought out to defend their country ; but they could do us no hurt, while our bombs at a mile's distance did great execution : the action seemed inhuman ; but the French, who had bombarded Genoa without a previous declaration of war, and who had so often put whole countries under military execution, even after they had paid the contributions that had been laid on them, (for which they had protection given them,) had no reason to complain of this way of car rying on the war, which they themselves had first begun. The campaign ended every where, to the ad- Affairs in with his mother. He was ex- with a good deal of mirth, at -tremely lewd, and bishop Bur- dinner at my old lord Mainard's, net, who was very much his supposing the bishop thought friend, took the freedom to tell some might be very allowa- him he was too lewd; which ble. D. I heard him tell once himself, Q 3 230 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. vantage of the confederates, though no signal suc- cesses had happened to their arms; and this new scene of action at sea raised the hearts of our people as much as it sunk our enemies. The war in Turky went on this year with various success : the Vene tians made themselves masters of the isle of Scio, the richest and the best peopled of all the islands in the Archipelago : those of that island had a greater share of liberty left them than any subjects of the Ottoman empire ; and they flourished accordingly : the great trade of Smirna, that lay so near them, made them the more considerable : the Venetians fortified the port, but used the natives worse than the Turks had done : and as the island had a greater number of people upon it, than could subsist by the productions within themselves, and the Turks pro hibited all commerce with them from Asia, from whence they had their bread, the Venetians could not keep this possession, unless they had carried off the greatest part of the inhabitants to the Morea, or their other dominions that wanted people. Ther Turks brought their whole power at sea together, to make an attempt for recovering this island: two actions happened at sea, within ten days one of another ; in the last of which the Venetians pretended they had got a great victory : but their abandoning Scio, in a few days after, shewed that they did not find it con- 132venient to hold that island, which obliged them to keep a fleet at such a distance from their other do minions, and at a charge, which the keening the island could not balance. The Turks sent, as they did every year, a great convoy to Caminieck, guarded by the Crim-Tartars: the Polish army routed the convoy, and became masters of all the provisions ; OF £. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 231 but a second convoy was more happy, and got into 1694. the place ; otherwise it must have been abandoned. There was great distraction in the affairs of Poland : their queen's intrigues with the court of France gave much jealousy ; their diets were broke up in confusion ; and they could never agree so far in the preliminaries, as to be able by their forms to do any business. In Transilvania, the emperor had, after a long blockade, forced Giula to surrender ; so that the Turks had now nothing in those parts, on the north of the Danube, but Temeswaer. The grand vizier came into Hungary with a great army, while the emperor had a very small one to oppose him. If the Turks had come on resolutely, and if the weather had continued good, it might have brought a fatal reverse on all the imperial affairs, and re trieved all that the Turks had lost. But the grand vizier lay still, while the emperor's army increased, and such rains fell, that nothing could be done. The affairs of Turky were thus in great disorder : the grand seignior died soon after : and his successor in that empire gave his subjects such hopes of peace, that they were calmed for the present. At the end of the campaign, the court of France Attempts flattered their people with hopes of a speedy end 0f 01 " the war : and some men of great consideration were sent to try what terms they could bring the empire or the States to : but the French were yet far from offering conditions, upon which a just or a safe peace could be treated of: the States sent some as far as to Maestricht, to see what powers those sent from France had brought with them, before they would grant them the passports that they desired : and when they saw how limited these were, the Q 4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. negotiation was soon at an end ; or rather, it never began. When the French saw this, they disowned their having sent any on such an errand; and, pre tended, that this was only an artifice of the confe derates, to keep one another and their people in heart, by making them believe, that they had now only a small remnant of the war before them, since the French had instruments every where at work to solicit a peace. paru'ZTntf The kinf came to England in the beginning of November ; and the parliament was opened with a calmer face than had appeared in any session dur- 133 ing this reign: the supplies that were demanded, the total amounting to five millions, were all granted readily : an ill humour indeed appeared in, some, who opposed the funds, that would most easily and most certainly raise the money that was given, upon this pretence, that such taxes would grow to be a general excise ; and that the more easily money was raised, it would be the more easy to continue such duties to a longer period, if not for ever ; the truth was, the secret enemies of the government proposed such funds, as would be the heaviest to the people, and would not fully answer what they were esti mated at ; that so the nation might be uneasy under that load, and that a constant deficiency might bring on such a debt, that the government could not discharge, but must sink under it. fr" uent°l With the supply bills, as the price or bargain for pariia- them, the bill for frequent parliaments went on ; it ments. enacted, that a new parliament should be called every third year, and that the present parliament should be dissolved before the first of January 1 695-6 ; and to this the royal assent was given : it OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. was received with great joy, many fancying that all 1694. their other laws and liberties were now the more se cure, since this was passed into a law. Time must tell what effects it will produce ; whether it will put an end to the great corruption with which elections were formerly managed, and to all those other prac tices that accompanied them. Men that intended to sell their own votes within doors, spared no cost to buy the votes of others in elections : but now it was hoped we should see a golden age, wherein the character men were in, and reputation they had, would be the prevailing considerations in elections ; and by this means it was hoped, that our constitu tion, in particular that part of it which related to the house of commons, would again recover both its strength and reputation ; which was now very much sunk; for corruption was so generally spread, that it was believed every thing was carnecTby that me thod '. """ " ~ But I am now coming towards the fatal period of The queen's this book. The queen continued still to set a great tion. example to the whole nation, which shined in all the parts of it. She used all possible methods for re forming whatever was amiss : she took ladies off from that idleness, which not only wasted their time, but exposed them to many temptations ; she engaged many both to read and to work; she wrought many hours a day her self, with her ladies and her maids of honour working about her, while one read to them all ; the female part of the court had been in the former reigns subject to much cen- * (It was not found that this practice, which for other rea- alterative helped the disorder sons was afterwards adopted.) any more than the present THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. sure; and there was great cause for it; but she jg4 freed her court so entirely from all suspicion, that there was not so much as a colour for discourses of that sort ; she did divide her time so regularly, be tween her closet and business, her work and diver- sion* that every minute seemed to have its proper employment: she expressed so deep a sense of reli gion/with so true a regard to it ; she had such right principles and just notions; and her deportment was so exact in every part of it, all being natural and unconstrained, and animated with due life and cheer fulness ; she considered every thing that was laid before her so carefully, and gave such due encou ragement to a freedom of speech : she remembered every thing so exactly, observing at the same time the closest reservedness, yet with an open air and frankness": she was so candid in all she said, and cautious in every promise she made ; and, notwithi- standing her own great capacity, she expressed such a distrust of her own thoughts, and was so entirely resigned to the king's judgment, and so constantly determined by it,' that when I laid all these things together, which I had large opportunities to observe, it gave a very pleasant prospect, to balance the me lancholy view that rose from the ill posture of our affairs in all other respects. It gave us a very par ticular joy, when we saw that the person whose con*- dition seemed to mark her out as the defender and perfecter of our reformation, was such in all respects in her public administration, as well as in her pri vate deportment, that she seemed well fitted for ac complishing that work, for which we thought she u i pensieri stretti, et il viso sciolto. See Sir H. Wotton's Letter to Milton, printed before the Mask. O. OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 235 was born : but we soon saw this hopeful view 1694. blasted, and our expectations disappointed in the " loss of her x. It was preceded by that of archbishop Tillotson ; Archbishop who was taken ill of a fit of a dead palsy, in Novem- death!"11 ber, while he was in the chapel at Whitehall, on a Sunday, in the worship of1 God : he felt it coming on him ; but not thinking it decent to interrupt the divine service, he" neglected it too long ; till it fell so heavily on him, that all remedies were ineffectual: and he died the fifth day after he was taken ill. His distemper did so oppress him, and speaking was so uneasy to him, that though it appeared, by signs and other indications, that his understanding re mained long clear, yet he was not able to express himself so as to edify others. He seemed still se rene and calm ; and in broken words he said, he thanked God, he was quiet within, and had nothing then to do, but to wait for the will of Heaven. I preached his funeral sermon, in which I gave a cha racter of him which was so severely true, that I per- x The duke of Leeds told granted, that she was of his me, that king William, before opinion, every time she did riot he went abroad, told him, that think fit-to contradict him. The he must be very cautious of earl of Nottingham, who was saying any thing before the much in her confidence, told queen that looked like a disre- me, he was very sure, if she spect to her father, which she had outlived her husband, she never forgave anybody; and would have done her utmost j to the marquis of Halifax, in par- have restored her father,, but ticular, had lost all manner of under such restrictions, as credit with her, for some un- should have prevented his ever seasonable jests he had made making any attempts upon the upon this subject : that he, the religion or liberties of his duke, might depend upon what country. D. (This note has she said to him to be strictly been already published by sir true, though she would not al- John Dalrymple, in the third ways tell the whole truth ; and Appendix to his Memoirs, j). that he must not take it for 169.) 236 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. haps kept too much within bounds, and said less — - than he deserved. But we had lived in such friend- 135 ship together, that I thought it was more decent, as it always is more safe, to err on that hand: he was the man of the truest judgment and best temper I had ever known ; he had a clear head, with a most tender and compassionate heart ; he was a faithful and zealous friend, but a gentle and soon conquered enemy; he was truly and seriously religious, but without affectation, bigotry, or superstition ; his no tions of morality were fine and sublime ; his thread of reasoning was easy, clear, and solid ; he was not only the best preacher of the age, but seemed to have brought preaching to perfection ; his sermons were so well heard and liked, and so much read, that all the nation proposed him as a pattern, and studied to copy after him ; his parts remained with him clear and unclouded ; but the perpetual slan ders, and other ill usage he had been followed with, for many years, most particularly since his advance ment to that great post, gave him too much trouble and too deep a concern : it could neither provoke him, nor fright him from his duty ; but it affected his mind so much, that this was thought to have shortened his days. sancroft's Sancroft had died a year before, in the same poor and despicable manner in which he had lived for some years ; he died in a state of separation from the church ; and yet he had not the courage to own it in any public declaration : for neither living nor dying did he publish any thing concerning it : his death ought to have put an end to the schism that' some were endeavouring to raise ; upon this pre tence, that a parliamentary deprivation was never to OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 237 be allowed, as contrary to the intrinsic power of 1694. the church ; and therefore they looked on Sancroft as the archbishop still, and reckoned Tillotson an usurper ; and all that joined with him were counted schismatics ; they were willing to forget, as some of them did plainly condemn, the deprivations made in the progress of the reformation, more particularly those in the first parliament of queen Elizabeth's reign, and the deprivations made by the act of uni formity in the year 1662 : but from thence the con troversy was carried up to the fourth century ; and a great deal of angry reading was brought out on both sides, to justify or to condemn those proceed ings. But arguments will never have the better of interest and humour; yet now, even according to their own pretensions, the schism ought to have ceased ; since he, on whose account it was set up, did never assert his right ; and therefore that might have been more justly construed a tacit yielding it : but those who have a mind to embroil church or state will never want a pretence, and no arguments 136 will beat them from it. Both king and queen were much affected withTenison Tillotson's death : the queen for many days spoke of him in the tenderest manner, and not without tears; he died so poor, that if the king had not forgiven his first-fruits, his debts could not have been all paid: so generous and charitable was he in a post out of which Sancroft had raised a great estate, which he left to his family y : but Tillotson was rich in good works. His see was filled by Tenison, bi- y (The contrary of this is him, and he bestowed the re- well known. It was but a small venues of his see in hospitality estate which he left behind and charity.) 238 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1604. shop of Lincoln; many wished that StiUingfleet ' might have succeeded, he being not only so emi nently learned, but judged a man in all respects fit for the post. The queen was inclined to him ; she spoke with some earnestness, oftener than once, to the duke of Shrewsbury on that subject: she thought he would fill that post with great dignity : she also pressed the king earnestly for him : but as his ill health made him not capable of the fatigue that be longed to this province, so the whigs did generally apprehend, that both his notions and his temper were too high ; and all concurred to desire Tenison, who had a firmer health, with a more active temper; and was universally well liked, for having served the cure of St. Martin's, in the worst time, with so much courage and discretion ; so that at this time he had many friends and no enemies z. The small pox raged this winter about London ; some thousands dying of them ; which gave us great apprehensions with relation to the queen; for she :;. had never had them. The queen's In conclusion, she was taken ill, but the next day that seemed to go off : I had the honour to be half an hour with her that day: and she complained then of nothing. The day following she went abroad ; z Tenison was presented to whom the Roman catholics had St. Martin's by lord chan- any advantage in king James's cellor Nottingham, and re- reign. Pulton, the Jesuit, re commended to him by Tillot- fused to dispute with hirii any son, as a strong bodied man, longer, because he found he therefore fit to take care of so had all the good qualities of a large a parish. He was ex- tailor's goose, which were, be- ceeding dull and covetous, ing very hot and heavy. His lived to a great age, and died successor recovered a very great very nch; was a zealous par- sum after his death for dilapi- ty man, and the only divine dations. D. of the church of England over OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 239 but her illness returned so heavily on her, that she could disguise it no longer : she shut her self up ' long in her closet that night, and burnt many pa pers, and put the rest in order : after that, she used some slight remedies, thinking it was only a trans ient indisposition ; but it increased upon her ; and within two days after, the small pox appeared, and with very bad symptoms. I will not enter into' an other's province, nor speak of matters so much out of the way of my own profession : but the physician's part was universally condemned, and her death was imputed to the negligence or unskilfulness of Dr. Ratcliffe. He was called for ; and it appeared but too evidently that his opinion was chiefly consi dered, and was most depended on \ Other phy sicians were afterwards 'called; but not till it was 1694. a He was deemed the ablest man of his profession, not from learning in it, which hewould be thought to despise, but from an extraordinary sagacity (which he certainly had, and is a great talent) in an early and quick discovery of a distemper : but he was vain and insolent, an hu mourist in his practice ; proud of his fame in his profession, which fed his natural haughtiness, and made him think himself above, and refuse the attending of the highest personages, when he had taken any prejudice to them, which he was much given to, and as it actually happened even with regard to queen Anne, whom he would not come to in her last illness, though sent for, because of something he took amiss of her. The case of the duke of Gloucester's death, and this a- gainst the strong force of his party zeal, for he was a tory of the highest sort, and which made his friends of that kind severely reproach him, so much that sir John Packington, one of his constant companions, made a public complaint of him for it in the house of com mons ; and I have been told, that he was so affected with it in his own mind, as never to recover of it. This behaviour of his may by some of the pro fession be called the dignity of it ; but the practice of it ought to be corrected by law,' let the patient be of any sort. How often is that word dignity a- bused ! He accumulated a vast fortune by his business, but left most of it to be disposed of in ostentatious and useless works. 0. 240 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN • t 1694. too late. The king was struck with this beyond ex- repression : he came, on the second day of her illness, and passed the bill for frequent parliaments ; which if he had not done that day, it is very probable he would never have passed itb. The day after, he called me into his closet, and gave a free vent to a most tender passion ; he burst out into tears ; and cried out, that there was no hope of the queen ; and that from being the happiest, he was now going to be the miserablest creature upon earth. He said, during the whole course of their marriage, he had never known one single fault in her ; there was a worth in her that nobody knew besides himself; though he added, that I might know as much of her as any other person did. Never was such a face of universal sorrow seen in a court or in a town as at this time : all people, .men and women, young and old, could scarce refrain from tears : on Christmas- day, the small pox sunk so entirely, and the queen felt her self so well upon it, that it was for a while concluded she had the measles, and that the danger was over. This hope was ill grounded, and of a short continuance: for before night all was sadly changed. It appeared, that the small pox were now so sunk, that there was no hope of raising them. The new archbishop attended on her ; he performed b (According to sir John Dal- Burnet ought perhaps rather to rynrple, in the third volume of have said, that if the queen's his Memoirs, he assigned this illness had not happened, his reason for refusing the bill : majesty would not have passed " that as he found the English the bill, for upon her death he " constitution the best in the could scarce have avoided it, " world when he saved it, he yet that the bishop forgets the " would not presume to make bargain which he had spoken of " it better." Book i. p. 42. before, at p. 133. Ralph's Hist. Ralph observes, that bishop vol. ii. p. 535.) ^ . OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 241 all devotions, and had much private discourse with 1694. her: when the desperate condition she was in was evident beyond doubt, he told the king, he could not do his duty faithfully, unless he acquainted her with the danger she was in : the king approved of it, and said, whatever effect it might have, he would not have her deceived in so important a matter. And, as the archbishop was preparing the queen with some address, not to surprise her too much with such .tidings, she presently apprehended his drift, but shewed no fear nor disorder upon it. She said, she thanked God she had always carried this in her mind, that nothing was to be left to the last hour ; she had ^nothing then to do, but to look up to God, and submit to his will ; it went further indeed than submission ; for she seemed to desire death rather than life; and she continued to the last minute of her fife in that calm and resigned state. She had formerly wrote her mind, in many particulars, to the king: and she gave order, to look carefully for a small scrutoir that she made use of, and to deliver it to the king: and, having despatched that, she avoided the giving her self or him the tenderness which a final parting might have raised in them both. She was almost perpetually in prayer: the day before she died, she received the sacrament, all 138 the bishops who were attending being admitted to receive it with her : we were, God knows, a sorrow ful company ; for we were losing her who was our chief hope and glory on earth ; she followed the whole office, repeating it after the archbishop ; she .apprehended, not without some concern, that she should not be able to swallow the bread, yet it went down easily. When this was over, she composed VOL. iv. R 242 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1694. her self solemnly to die ; she slumbered sometimes, but said she was not refreshed by it ; and said often, that nothing did her good but prayer; she tried once or twice to have said somewhat to the king, but was not able to go through with it. She ordered the archbishop to be reading to her such passages of scripture, as might fix her attention, and raise her devotion: several cordials were given, but all was ineffectual ; she lay silent for sotae hours : and some words that came from her, shewed her thoughts And death, began to break : in conclusion, she died on the 28th of December, about one in the morning,- in the thirty-third year of her age, and in the sixth of her reign. She was the most universally lamented princess, and deserved the best to be so, of any in our age or in our history. I will add no more concerning her, in the way of a character : I have said a great deal already in this work ; and I wrote a book, as an es say on her character, in which I have said nothing, but that which I knew to be strictly true, without the enlargement of figure or rhetoric c- The king's c Till her grace of Marl- (The duke of Shrewsbury, in a borough was pleased to publish letter to admiral Russel, writes her own very bad conduct, I thus : " I know you will be as can with great truth affirm, that " much concerned to receive I never heard an ill character " the melancholy account as I given of her majesty by any bo- " am to send it, that the queen dy. She was generally thought " fell ill of the small pox the to submit to the king's ill nu- " 20th of December (1694), mours and temper more than " and died the 28th in the she had reason to do, consider- " morning. Certainly there was ing the insolent treatment she " never any one more really and frequently received from him, " universally lamented ; but the which she was never known to " king particularly has been complain of herself, but I have " dejected by it, beyond what heard most of her servants speak "could be imagined: but I of it with great indignation. D, » hope he begins to recover out OF K. WILLIAM AND Q. MARY. 243 affliction for her death was as great as it was just ; it was greater than those who knew him best thought his temper capable of: he went beyond all bounds in it : during her sickness, he was in an agony that amazed us all, fainting often, and breaking out into most violent lamentations : when she died, his spirits sunk so low, that there was great reason to apprehend that he was following her ; for some weeks after, he was so little master of himself, that he was not capable of minding bu siness or of seeing company d. He turned himself much to the meditations of religion, and to secret prayer; the archbishop was often and long with him ; he entered upon solemn and serious resolu tions of becoming, in all things, an exact and an ex emplary Christian. And now I am come to the pe riod of this book, with a very melancholy prospect : but God has ordered matters since, beyond all our expectations. " of his great disorder, and " that a little time will restore " him to his former application " to business." Coxes Shrews bury Correspondence, p. 218. See also p. 219. where the con tinuance of the king's affliction is mentioned.) d I have seen a letter of the queen's, containing a strong but decent admonition to the king, for some irregularity in his con duct. The expressions are so general, that one can neither make out the fact or person al luded to. This was thought improper to be published by sir J. D. (alrymple.) H. 1694. R 2 THE 139 HISTORY OF MY OWN TIMES. BOOK VI. Of the life and reign of king William III. THE two houses of parliament set an example, 1695. , , . r> l • The.pro- that was followed by the whole nation, ol mating ceeding in consolatory and dutiful addresses to the king. Theparl queen was buried with the ordinary ceremony, and with one piece of magnificence that could never happen before ; for both houses of parliament went in procession before the chariot that carried her body to Westminster abbey; where places were prepared for both houses, to sit in form, while the archbishop preached the funeral sermon. This could never happen before, since the sovereign's death had 140 always dissolved our parliaments : it is true, the earl of Rochester tried if he could have raised a doubt of the legality of this parliament's continuance, since it was summoned by king William and queen Mary; so upon her death, the writ, that ran in her name, R 3 coin. 246 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. seemed to die with her : this would have had fatal consequences, if in that season of the year all things must have stood still, till a new parliament could have been brought together : but the act, that put the' administration entirely in the king, though the queen had a share in the dignity of sovereign, made this cavil appear to be so ill grounded, that nobody seconded so dangerous a suggestion. The ni The parliament went on with the business of the state of the . . 1 • ¦¦ ¦. 1 n -n 1 nation ; in which the earl of Rochester and that party artfully studied, all that was possible, to em broil our affairs : the state of our coin gave them too great a handle for it. We had two sorts of coin, the one was milled, and could not be practised on : but the other was not so, and was subject to clipping ; and in a course of some years, the old money was every year so much diminished, that it at last grew to be less than the half of the intrinsic value ; those who drove this trade were as much enriched, as the nation suffered by it : when it came to be generally observed, the king was advised to issue put a pro clamation, that no money should pass for the future, by the tale, but by the weight, which would put a present end to clipping. But Seimour, being then in the treasury, opposed this; he advised the king to look on, and let that matter have its course : the parliament would in due time take care of it ; but in the mean while, the badness of money quickened the circulation, while every one studied to put out of his hands all the bad money; and this would make all people the readier to bring their cash into the exchequer; and so a loan was more easily made. The badness of the money began now to grow very visible; it was plain, that no remedy could be pro- OF KING WILLIAM III. 247 vided for it, but by recoining all the specie of Eng- 1695. land; and that could not be set about in the end of a session. The earls of Rochester and Nottingham represented this very tragically in the house of lordsj where it was not possible to give the proper re medy ; it produced only an act, with stricter clauses and severer penalties against clippers; this had no other effect, but that it alarmed the nation, and sunk the value of our money in the exchange ; gui neas, which were equal in value to twenty-one shil lings and six-pence in silver, rose to thirty shillings, that is to say, thirty shillings sunk to twenty-one shillings and six-pence a. This public disgrace put on our coin, when the evil was not cured, was in 141 effect a great point carried; by which there was an opportunity given to sink the credit of the govern ment and of the public funds ; and it brought a dis count of above 40/. per cent, upon tallies. Another bill was set on foot, which was long pur- a wn con- i 1 -iii • eerning sued, and, in conclusion, carried by the tories : it trials for was concerning trials for treason ; and the design of it seemed to be, to make men as safe in all treason able conspiracies and practices as was possible b. Two witnesses were to concur to prove the same fact, at the same time u : council in matters of fact, a (Ralph, citing some MS. of the motives influencing per- observations on this subject, sons, who, in a point of the ut- states, that a great part of our most concern to the safety of base coin was minted in Hoi- the subject, proposed regula- land, and from thence obtruded tions, which were, in the bi- upon us : that after having beat shop's own opinion, just and down the value of guineas abroad reasonable.) to nineteen shillings sterling, the c But see the act, and also Dutch remitted them to Eng- the journals of both houses, re- land.-where they were currentfor lating to this matter, especially thirty. Hist, of England, vol. ii. for the conferences, which are p. 566.) very well worth reading. See b (A charitable representation postea, 142, 1 6 1 . O. 248 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. and witnesses upon oath, were by it allowed to the prisoners; they were to have & copy of the indict ment, and the pannel in due time : all these things were in themselves just and reasonable : and if they had been moved by other men, and at another time, they would have met with little opposition: they were chiefly set on by Finch, the earl of Notting ham's brother, who had been concerned in the hard prosecutions for treasons in the end of king Charles's reign, and had then carried all prerogative points very far; but was during this reign in a constant opposition to every thing that was proposed for the king's service : he had a copious way of speaking, with an appearance of beauty and eloquence to vuU gar hearers : but there was a superficialness in most of his harangues, that made them seem tedious to better judges ; his rhetoric was all vicious, and his reasoning was too subtle. The occasion given for this bill leads me to give an account of some trials for treason, during the last harvest, which, for the relation they have to this matter, I have reserved for this place. Trials in Lunt, an Irishman, who was bold and poor, and ' of a mean understanding, had been often employed to carry letters and messages between Ireland and England, when king James was there. He was once taken up on suspicion, but he was faithful to his party, and would discover nothing ; so he con tinued after that to be trusted by them. But, being kept very poor, he grew weary of his low estate, and thought of gaining the rewards of a discovery. He fell into the hands of one Taaff, an Irish priest, who had not only changed his religion, but had married in king James's time. Taaff came into the service of OF KING WILLIAM III. 249 the present government, and had a small pension. 1695. He was long in pursuit of a discovery of the im posture in the birth of the prince of Wales, and was engaged with more success in discovering the con cealed estates of the priests, and the religious orders, • in which some progress was made. These seemed to be sure evidences of the sincerity of the man, at least in his opposition to those whom he had for- 142 saken, and whom he was provoking in so Sensible a manner. All this I mention, the more particularly, to shew how little that sort of men is to be depended on ; he possessed those, to whom his other disco veries gave him access, of the importance of this Lunt, who was then come from St. Germains, and who could make great discoveries : so Lunt was ex amined by the ministers of state ; and he gave them an account of some discourses and designs against the king, and of an insurrection that was to have broke out in the year 1692, when king James was designing to come over from Normandy; for, he said, he had carried at that time commissions to the chief men of the party, both in Lancashire and Che shire. A carrier had been employed to carry down great quantities of arms to them : one of the chests, in which they were put up, had broke in the car riage, so the carrier saw what was in them ; and he deposed he had carried many of the same weight and size ; the persons concerned, finding the carrier was true and secret, continued to employ him in that sort of carriage for a great while. Lunt's story seemed probable and coherent in all its circum stances : so orders were sent to seize on some per sons, and to search houses for arms. In one house they found arms for a troop of horse, built up within 250 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN i«95. walls, very dexterously. Taaff was all this while very zealous in supporting Lunt's credit, and in assisting him in his discoveries ; a solemn trial of the prison ers was ordered in Lancashire. When the set time drew near, Taaff sent, them word, that, if he should be well paid for it, he would bring them all off; it may be easily imagined that they stuck at nothing for such a service ; he had got out of Lunt all his depositions, which he disclosed to them ; so they had the advantage of being well prepared to meet, and overthrow his evidence in many circumstances : and at the trial, Taaff turned against him, and witnessed- many things against Lunt, that shook his credit. There was another witness that supported Lunt's evidence ; but he was so profligate a man, that great and just objections lay against giving him any cre dit; but the carrier's evidence was not shaken. Lunt, in the trial, had named two gentlemen wrong* mistaking the one for the other : but he quickly cor rected his mistake; he had seen them but once, and they were both together ; so he might mistake their names : but he was sure these were the two persons with whom he had those treasonable negotiations. Taaff d had engaged him in company in London, to whom he had talked very idly, like a man who re solved to ltiake a fortune by swearing: and it 143 seemed, by what he said, that he had many disco- d This man was brought to what became of them after- me so late as since I was wards I cannot say. He went speaker; he was then very old to some of the then ministry, and poor. I saw some of his and I saw him no more. He papers, of which he had many, had been a secretary to Dadaj relating to the discoveries he the pope's nuntio to king James. had made of estates here given He told me he had continued a to superstitious uses. They protestant from the time of his seemed to be of importance, but first change. O. OF KING WILLIAM III. 251 veries yet in reserve, which he intended to spread 1695. among many, till he should grow rich and consider able by it : this was sworn against him : by all these things, his evidence was so blasted, that no credit was given to him. Four of the judges were sent down to try the prisoners at Manchester and at Chester ; where they managed matters with an im partial exactness : any leaning that appeared was in favour of the prisoners, according to a characteristic that judges had always pretended to, but had not of late deserved so well as upon this occasion, of being counsel for the prisoner. The evidence that was brought against Lunt was afterwards found to be false ; but it looked then with so good an appear ance, that both the king's council and the judges were satisfied with it ; and so, without calling for the rest of the evidence, the matter was let fall : and when the judges gave the charge to the jury, it was in favour of the prisoners, so that they were ac quitted. And the rest of those who were ordered to be tried after them were all discharged without trial. The whole party triumphed upon this, as a vic tory ; and complained both of the ministers of state and of the judges; the matter was examined into by both houses of parliament ; and itJ evidently ap peared, that the proceeding had been, not only ex actly according to law, but that all reasonable favour had been shewed the prisoners : so that both houses were fully satisfied ; only the earls of Rochester and Nottingham hung on the matter long, and with great eagerness ; and in conclusion, protested against the vote, by which the lords justified these proceed ings. This examination was brought on with much , 252 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. noise, to give the more strength to the bill of treaA sons : but the progress of the examination turned so much against them who had made this use of itj that it appeared there was no just occasion, given by that trial, to alter the lawe. Yet the commons passed the bill : but the lords insisted on a clause, that all the peers should be summoned to the trial of a peer, that was charged with high treason ; the commons would not agree to that ; and so the bill was dropt for this time. By the late trial it had manifestly appeared, how little the crown gained by one thing, which yet was thought an advantage^ that the witnesses for the prisoner were not upon oath : many things were upon this occasion wit nessed in favour of the prisoners, which were after wards found to be notoriously false ; and it is cer tain, that the terror of an oath is a, great restraint, and many, whom an oath might overawe, would 144 more freely allow themselves the liberty of lying, in behalf of a prisoner, to save his life. complaints When this design failed, another was set up bank? against the bank, which began to have a flourishing credit, and had supplied the king so regularly with money, and that upon such reasonable terms, that those who intended to make matters go heavily, tried what could be done to shake the credit of the bank. But this attempt was rejected in both houses with indignation ; it was very evident, that public credit would signify little, if what was established in one c (But see an account of this Ralph had the statements of Bo- prosecution of the Lancashire yer in his Life of king William, and Cheshire gentlemen in and of Tindal in his Continua- Ralph's History of England, tion of Rapin's History, before vol. ii. p. 523—528, 560, 561. him.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 253 session of parliament, might be fallen upon, and 1695. shaken in another. Towards the end of the session, complaints were inquiries made of some military men, who did not pay their pra°tices"P quarters, pretending their own pay was in arrear ; but it appearing that they had been payed, and the matter being further examined into, it was found that the superior officers had cheated the subalterns, which excused their not paying their quarters. Upon this, the inquiry was carried further ; and such dis coveries were made, that some officers were broke upon it, while others prevented complaints, by satis fying those whom they had oppressed : it was found out, that the secretary of the treasury f had taken two hundred guineas, for procuring the arrears due to a regiment, to be payed ; whereupon he was sent to the tower, and turned out of his place : many were the more sharpened against him, because it was believed that he, as well as Trevor the speaker, were deeply concerned in corrupting the members of the house of commons : he had held his place both in king Charles and king James's time : and the share he had in the secret distribution of money had made him a necessary man for those methods. But the house, being on this scent, carried the matter still further. In the former session of parlia ment an act had passed, creating a fund for the re payment of the debt owing to the orphans, by the chamber of London; and the chamber had made Trevor a present of a thousand guineas, for the ser vice he did them in that matter'; this was entered in their books ; so that full proof was made of it. It fGuy. O. 254 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. was indeed believed, that a much greater present had been made him in behalf of the orphans: but no proof of that appeared ; whereas, what had been taken in so public a manner could not be hid. This was objected to Trevor as corruption, and a breach of trust ; and upon it he was expelled the house ; and Mr. Paul Foley was chosen speaker in his room; who had got great credit by his integrity, and his constant complaining of the administration. 145 One discovery made way for another : it was the presents found, that in the books of the East India company, EaSe India6 tnere were entries made of great sums given, for company. secret service done the company, that amounted to 170,000 pounds ; and it was generally believed, that the greatest part of it had gone among the members of the house of commons ; for the two preceding winters there had been attempts, eagerly pursued by some, for breaking the company, and either open ing a free trade to the Indies, or at least erecting a new company : but it was observed, that some of the hottest sticklers against the company did insen sibly, not only fall off. from that heat, but turned to serve the company, as much as they had at first en deavoured to destroy it. Seimour was among the chief of these : and it was said, that he had 12,000 - pounds of their money, under the colour of a bargain for their salt-petre. Great pains and art was used to stifle this inquiry; but curiosity, envy, and ill- nature, as well as virtue, will on such occasions al ways prevail, to set on inquiries. Those who have had nothing, desire to know who 'have had some thing, while the guilty persons dare; not shew too great a concern in opposing discoveries. Sir Tho mas Cook, a rich merchant, who was governor of OF KING WILLIAM III. 255 the company, was examined concerning that great 1695. sum given for secret service ; but he refused to an- ~ swer. So a severe bill was brought in against him, in case he should not, by a prefixed day, confess how all that money had been disposed of. When the bill was sent up to the lords, and was like to pass, he came in, and offered to make a full disco very, if he might be indemnified for all that he had done or that he might say in that matter : the ene mies of the court hoped for great discoveries, that sbould disgrace both the ministers and the favour ites : but it appeared, that, whereas both king Charles and king James had obliged the company to make them a yearly present of 10,000 pounds, that the king had received this but once ; and that, though the company offered a present of 50,000 pounds, if the king would grant them a new charter, and con sent to an act of parliament confirming it, the king had refused to hearken to it. There were indeed presumptions, that the marquis of Caermarthen had taken a present of 5000 guineas, which were sent back to sir Thomas Cook, the morning before he was to make his discovery. The lords appointed twelve of their body to meet with twenty-four of the house of commons, to examine into this matter ; but they were so ill satisfied with the account that was given them by the four persons who had been entrusted with this secret, that by a particular act, that passed 146 both houses, they were committed to the tower of London, till the end of the next session of parliament, and restrained from disposing of their estates, real or personal. These were proceedings of an extra ordinary nature, which could not be justified, but from the extraordinary occasiop that was given for 256 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. them. Some said, tins looked like the setting up a court of inquisition, when new laws were made on purpose to discover secret transactions ; and that no bounds could be set to such a method of proceed ing. Others said, that when entries were made of such sums, secretly disposed of, it was as just for a parliament to force a confession, as it was common in the course of the law to subpoena a man, to de clare all his knowledge of any matter, how secretly soever it might have been managed, and what person soever might have been concerned in it. The lord president felt that he was deeply wounded with this discovery ; for while the act, against Cook, was passing in the house of lords, he took occasion to affirm, with solemn protestations, that he himself was not at all concerned in that matter ; but now all had broke out : one Firebrace, a merchant, em ployed by the East India company, had treated with Bates, a friend of the marquis of Caermar- then's ; and for the favour that lord was to do them, in procuring them a new charter, Bates was to have for his use five thousand guineas. But now a new turn was to be given to all this : Bates swore, that he indeed received the money, and that he offered ft to that lord, who positively refused to take it; but, since it was already payed in, he advised Bates to keep it to himself; though by the examination, it appeared, that Bates was to have five hundred pounds for his own negotiating the affair : it did also appear, that the money was payed into one of that lord's servants ; but he could not be come at : upon this discovery, the house of commons voted an impeachment for a misdemeanour against the lord president ; he, to prevent that, desired to be heard OF KING WILLIAM III. 257 speak tp that, house in his own justification; when 1695. fie was before them, he set out the services that he~ had done the nation, in terms that were not thought very decent s ; he assumed the greatest share of the honour of the revolution to himself ; he expressed a great uneasiness, to be brought under so black an imputation, from which he cleared himself as much as words could do ; in the end, he desired a present trial. Articles were upon that brought against him ; he, in answer to these, denied his having received the money. But his servant, whose testimony only could have cleared that point, disappearing, the sus picion stuck still on him. It was intended to hang 147 up the matter to another session ; but an act of grace came in the end of this, with an exception in deed as to corruption - ; yet this whole discovery was let fall, and it was believed too many of all sides were concerned in it : for by a common conr sent, it was never revived; and thus the session ended. The first consultation, after it was over, was con- cousuita- t'ons aDout cerning the com, what methods should be taken to the coin. prevent further clipping, and for remedying so great an abuse. Some proposed the recoining the money, with such a raising of the value of the species as should balance the loss upon the old money, that was to be called in : this took with so many, that it was not easy to correct an ertor, that must have s (" He displeased the pride voL iii. p. 55-) " of his audience by an arro- -h (Ralph observes, that this " gant expression "on which he is too general an expression ; for " laid arrogant emphases, ' that all the exceptions of that kind '« if it had not bien for him, are confined to the affair of " they had not then been sitting the East India company. His- " ilvere-:"I)alrymple's Memoirs, tory, vol. ii. p. 560.) VOL. IV. S 258 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. had very bad effects in the conclusion : for the only ~ " fixed standard must be the intrinsic value : of an ounce of silver ; and it was a public robbery, that would very much prejudice our trade, not to keep the value of our species near an equality with its weight and fineness in silver. So that the difference between the old and new money, could only be set right by the house of commons, in a supply to be given for that end. The lord keeper Somers did indeed propose that which would have put an effec tual stop to clipping for the future; it was, that a proclamation should be prepared with such secrecy, as to be published over all England on the ' same day, ordering money to pass only by weight ; but that, at the same time, during three or four days after the proclamation, all persons in every county, that had money, should bring it in to be told and weighed ; and the difference was to be registered, and the money to be sealed up, to the end of the time given, and then to be restored to the owners ; and an assurance was to be given, that this defi ciency in weight should be laid before the parliament, to be supplied another way, and to be allowed them in the following taxes. But though the king liked this proposition, yet all the rest of the council were against it. They said, this would stop the circula tion of money, and might occasion tumults in the markets. Those, whose money was thus to be weighed, would not believe that the difference, be tween the tale and the weight, Would be allowed them, and so might grow mutinous ; therefore, they were for leaving this matter to the consideration of the next parliament. So this proposition was laid aside : which would have saved the nation above a OF KING WILLIAM III. 259 million of money. For now, as all people believed, 1 695. that the parliament would receive the dipt money ~" in its tale, clipping went on, and became more visi bly scandalous than ever it had been '. There was indeed reason to apprehend tumults ; 148 for how, after the queen's death, the Jacobites be- £°nsUta" gan to think that the government had lost the half *™™ft(£e of its strength, and that things could not be kept quiet at home, when the king should be beyond sea. Some pretended, they were for putting the princess in her sister's place ; but that was only a pretence, to which she gave no sort of encouragement : king James lay at bottom. They fancied, an invasion in the king's absence would be an easy attempt, which would meet with little resistance : so they sent some over to France, in particular one Charnock, a fellow of Magdalen college, who in king James's time had turned papist, and was a hot and active agent among them : they undertook to bring a body of 2000 horse, to meet such an army as should be sent over ; but Charnock came back with a cold account, that nothing could be done at that time k ; upon which it was thought necessary to send over a man of quality, who should press the matter with some more au thority : so the earl of Ailesbury was prevailed on to go : he was admitted to a secret conversation with the French king : and this gave rise to a design, which was very near being executed the following winter. But if sir John Fenwick did not slander king a design to ° assassinate James, they . at this time proposed a shorter and the i^ng. more infallible way, by assassinating the king ; for ' (See afterwards, pp. 161, k (See more of this man af- and 171.) terwards at pp. 165. 171.) S 2 260 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. he said, that some came over from France about this time, who assured their party, and himself in particular, that a commission was coming over, signed by king James, which they affirmed they had seen, warranting them to attack the king's per son. This, it is true, was' not yet arrived; but some affirmed they had seen it, and that it was trusted to one who was on his way hither ; there-s fore, since the king was so near going over to Hol land, that he would probably be gone before the commission could be in England; it was debated among the Jacobites, whether they ought not to take the first opportunity to execute this commis-, sion, even though they had it not in their hands ; it was resolved to do it ; and a day was set for it ; but, as Fenwick said, he broke the design ; and sent them word, that he would discover it, if they would not promise to give over the thoughts of it : and upon this reason he believed, he was not let into the secret the following winter. This his lady told me from him, as an article of merit to obtain his pardon : but he had trusted their word very easily, it seems, since he gave the king no warning to be on his guard ; and the two witnesses, whom he said he could produce to vouch this, were then under prose- 149 cqtion, and outlawed : so that the proof was not at hand, and the warning had not been given, as it ought to have been. But of all this, the govern ment knew nothing, and suspected nothing at this time. 4en7in"ti>e The kipg settled the government of England in king-s ab. seven lords justices, during his absence ; and in this sence. . a great error was committed, which had some ill effects, and was like to have had worse : the queen, - OF KING WILLIAM III. 261 when she was dying, had received a kind letter 1695. from, and had sent a reconciling message to, the prin- cess ; and so that breach was made up. It is true, the sisters did not meet ; it was thought, that might throw the queen into too great a commotion ; so it was put off till it was too late ; yet *the princess came soon after to see the king; and there was after that an appearance of a good correspondence between them : but it was little more than an ap pearance. They lived still in terms of civility, and in formal visits. But the king did not bring her into any share in business ; nor did he order his ministers to wait on her, and give her any account of affairs. And now, that he was to. go beyond sea, she was not set at the head of the councils, nor was there any care taken to oblige those who were about her. This looked either like a jealousy and dis trust1, or a coldness towards her, which gave all the secret enemies of the government a colour of complaint m. They pretended zeal for the princess, 1 All princes have it, more or giving the opportunity. O. less, with regard to their sue- m' The earl of Jersey told me, cessors. The princess was not the king, besides hating of her only next to him in succession, most heartily, (for he often but there was a party which said, if he had married her, he might have made a claim for should have been the misera- her against him. She was a blest man upon the earth,) af- very good woman, and not like- ter the queen died, was ex- ly of herself to give into it. tremely jealous of her. He But she was not of the strong- thought he was little beloved est understanding, and always himself, and that it was gene- influenced by others, who might rally understood that he reign- have found their account in it; ed in her wrong, and having a and power is a very tempting son, made every body look upon consideration. Successors are the establishment to be in her, often' deSif ing to govern before and supposed they would act their time, which is generally accordingly. But after the duke to the distraction of the state ; of Gloster died, had very dif- and therefore wise princes avoid ferent notions, and thought it s 3 262 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. though they came little to her; and they made it very visible, on many occasions, that this was only a disguise for worse designs. The death Two great men had died in Scotland the former of some ° lords. winter, the dukes of Hamilton and Queensbury: they were brothers-in-law, and had been long great friends; but they became irreconcileable enemies. The first had more application, but the other had the greater genius ; they were incompatible with each other, and indeed with all other persons ; for both loved to be absolute, and to direct every thing. The marquis of Halifax died in April this year; he had gone into all the measures of the tories ; only he took care to preserve himself from criminal en gagements ; he studied to oppose every thing, and to embroil matters all he could ; his spirit was resU less, and he could not bear to be out of business ; his vivacity and judgment sunk much in his last years, as well as his reputation ; he died of a gan: grene, occasioned by a rupture that he had long neglected ; when he saw death so near him, and was warned that there was no hope, he shewed a great firmness of mind, and a calm that had much of true philosophy at least ; he professed himself a sincere 150 Christian, and lamented the former parts of his life, with solemn resolutions of becoming in all respects another man, if God should raise him up. And so, I hope, he died a better man than he lived. The lords The seven lords justices were, the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord keeper, the lord privy seal, the lord steward, the lord chamberlain, the first secre tary of state, and the first commissioner of the trea- would be an easy matter to set ing to come into any measures her aside, and seemed very will- for that end. D. OF KING WILLIAM III. 263 sury : they had no character nor rank, except when 1695: four of them were together; and they avoided as- sembling to that number, except at the council board, where it was necessary ; and when they were together, they had the regal authority vested in them. They were chosen by the posts they were in. So that no other person could think he was neglect ed by the preference : they were not envied for this titular greatness ; since it was indeed only titular ; for they had no real authority trusted with them ". They took care to keep within bounds, and to do nothing but in matters of course, till they had the king's orders, to which they adhered exactly : so that no complaints could be made of them, because they took nothing on them, and did only keep the peace of the kingdom, and transmit and execute the king's orders. The summer went over quietly at home; for though the Jacobites shewed their dis position on some occasions, but most signally on the prince of Wales's birthday, yet they were wiser than to break out into any disorder, when they had no hopes of assistance from France. About the end of May, the armies were brought The cam- together in Flanders : the king drew his main force Flanders. towards the French lines ; and the design was form ed to break through, and to destroy the French Flanders: Luxembourg died this winter; so the command of the French armies was divided be tween Villeroy and Bouflers : but the former com manded the stronger army. An attempt was made on the fort of Knock, in order to forcing the lines; "Would the princess or the to them? The case of the people about her have liked queen was very different almost these restrictions,, or submitted in every respect. O. . . ) s 4 264 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. and there was some action about it ; but all on the sudden, Namur was invested ; and the king drew off the main part of his army to besiege that place} and left above 30,000 men, under the command of the prince of Vaudemont, who was the best general he had ; for prince Waldeck died above a year before this. With that army he was to cover Flanders and Brabant, while the king carried on the siege. The siege of As soon as Namur was invested, Bouflers threw Namur. himself into it, with many good officers, and a great body of dragoons; the garrison was 12,000 strong: a place so happily situated, so well fortified, and so 151 well furnished and commanded, made the attempt seem bold and doubtful; the dry season put the king under another difficulty; the Maese was so low, that there was not water enough to bring up the barks, loaden with artillery and ammunition, from Liege and Maestricht ; so that many days were lost in bringing these over land ; and if Villeroy had followed the king close, it is thought he must have quitted the design : but the French presumed upon the strength of the place and garrison, and- on our being so little practised in sieges: they thought that Villeroy might make some considerable con» quest in Flanders, and when that was done, come in good time to raise the siege. Prince Vaudemont managed his army with such skill and conduct, that as he covered all the places on which he though* the French had an eye, so he marched with that caution, that though Villeroy had above double his strength, yet he could not force him to an engage* ment, nor gain any advantage over him. The mili tary men, that served under him, magnified his con duct highly, and compared it to any thing that Tu- OF KING WILLIAM III. 265 renne, or the greatest generals of the age had done. 1695. Once it was thoiight he cOuld not get off; but he marched under the cannon of Ghent without any loss. In this, Villeroy's conduct was blamed, but without cause ; for he had not overseen his advan tage, but had ordered the duke of Maytte, the French king's beloved son, to make a motion with the horse which he commanded; and probably, if that had been speedily executed, it might have had ill effects on the prince of Vaudemont : but the duke de Mayne despised Villeroyj and made no haste to obey his orders, so the advantage was lost, and the king of France put him under a slight dis^ grace for it. Villeroy attacked Dixmuyde and Deinse ; the garrisons Were not indeed able to make a great resistance; but they were ill commanded: if their officers had been masters of a true judg ment or presence of mind, they might at least have got a favourable composition, and have saved the garrisons, though the places were not tenable ; yet they were basely delivered up, and about 7000 men were made prisoners of war. And hereupon, though by a cartel that had been settled between the two armies, all prisoners were to be redeemed at a set price, and within a limited^time ; yet the French, having now sO many men in their hands, did, with out either eOlour or shame, give a new essay of their perfidiousness ; for they broke it upon this occasion, as they had often done at sea ; indeed, as often as any advantages on their side ternpted them to it : the governors Of those places Were at first believed to have betrayed their trust, and sold the garrisons as well as the places to the French ; but they were 152 266 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. tried afterwards; and it appeared that it flowed^ from cowardice and want of sense; for which one, of them suffered, and the other was broke with dis grace. Brussels Villeroy marched, toward Brussels, and was fol- barded.m lowed by prince Vaudejnont, whose chief care was to order his motions so, that the French might not get between him and the king's camp at Namur, He apprehended, that Villeroy might bombard Brus sels, and would have hindered it, if the town could have been wrought on to give him the assistance that he desired of them : townsmen, upon all such occasions, are more apt to consider a present, though a small expense, than a great, though an imminent danger : so prince Vaudemont could not pretend to cover them : the electoress of Bavaria was then in the town ; and though Villeroy sent a compliment to her, yet he did not give her time to retire ; but bombarded the place for two days with so much. fury, that a great part of the lower town was burnt, down : the damage was valued at some millions, and the electoress was so frighted, that she miscarried upon it of a boy. When this execution was done, Villeroy marched towards Namur; his army was now so much increased, by detachments brought from the Rhine, and troops drawn out of garrisons, that it was said to be 100,000 strong: both armies, on the Rhine were so equal in strength, that they could only fie on a defensive; neither side being strong enough to undertake any thing: M. de L'Orge commanded the French, and the prince of Baden the imperialists : the former was sinking as much in his health as in his credit ; so a great body OF KING WILLIAM III. 267 was ordered to march from him to Villeroy; and 1695. another body equal to that, commanded by the land-" grave of Hesse, came and joined the king's army. The siege was carried on with great vigour ; the Namur was errors, to which our want of practice exposed us, * en" were all corrected by the courage of our men ; the fortifications, both in strength and in the extent of the outworks, were double to what they had been when the French took the place : our men did not only succeed in every attack, but went much fur ther : in the first great sally, the French lost so many, both officers and soldiers, that after that they kept within their works, and gave us no disturb ance: both the king and the elector of Bavaria went frequently into the trenches ; the town held out one month, and the citadel another: uponVil- leroy's approach, the king drew off all the troops that could be spared from the siege, and placed himself in his way, with an army of 60,000 men; 153 but he was so well posted, that after Villeroy had looked on him for some days, he found it was not advisable to attack him : our men wished for a bat tle, as that which would not only decide the fate of Namur but of the whole war ; the French gave it out, that they would put all to hazard, rather than suffer such a diminution of their king's glory, as the retaking that place seemed to be ; but the signal of the citadel's treating put an end to Villeroy's de signs : upon which, he apprehending that the king might then attack him, drew off with so much pre cipitation, that it looked liker a flight than a re treat. The capitulation was soon ended and signed by Bouflers, who, as was said, was the. first mareschal 268 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN i695. of France that had ever delivered up a place ; he marched but with 5000 men, so it appeared he had lost 7000 during the siege : and we lost in it Only about the same number. This was reckoned one of the greatest actions of the king's life, and indeed One of the greatest that is in the whole history of war. It raised his character much, both at home and abroad, and gave a great reputation to his troops : the king had the entire credit of the matter ; his general officers having a very small share in it, being most of them men Of low genius, and little practised in things of that nature. CohOrft, the chief engineer, signalized himself so eminently on this1 oc casion, that he was looked on as the greatest man of the age : and outdid even Vauban, who had gone far beyond all those that Went before hini, in the conduct of sieges : but it was confessed by all, that Cohorn had carried that art to a much farther per fection during this siege. The subaltern officers and Soldiers gave hopes of a better race, that was growi ing up, and supplied the errors and defects of their superior officers. As the garrison marched out, the" king ordered Bouflers to be stopped, in reprisal for the garrisons of Dixmuyde and Deinse. Bouflers complained of this as a breach of articles, and the action seemed liable to censure. But many author ities and precedents were brought, both frotti law and history, to justify it: all obligations among princes, both in peace and war, must be judged to be reciprocal ; so that he who breaks these first, sets" the other at liberty. At length, the French con sented to send back the .garrisons, pursuant to the cartel; Bouflers Was first set at liberty, and then these garrisons were released according to promise. OF KING WILLIAM III. 269 T^e officers were tried and prpceeded against, by 1695. councils of war, according to martial law ; they were — raised in the army by ill methods, and maintained themselves by worse ; corruption had broke into the 154 army, and oppression and injustice were much com plained of; the king did not approve of those prac-. tices ; but he did not inquire after them, nor punish them with a due severity; nor did he make differ- enpe enough between those who served well, sold npthing, and used their subalterns kindly, and those wlio set every thing to sale, and oppressed all that were under them ; and when things of that kind go unpunished, they will soon make a great progress. There was little more done during the campaign in Flanders ; nor was there any action upon the Rhine. In Italy, there was nothing done in the field by force of arms : but an affair of great consequence was transacted in a very mysterious manner : the duke of Savoy, after a very long blockade, undertook casai was the, siege of Casal ; but he was so ill provided for it, dered? that no good account of it could be expected : the king had so little hopes of success, that he was not easily prevailed on tp consent to the besieging it ; but either the French intended to gain the pope and the Venetians, and in conclusion, that duke himself, with this extraordinary concession ; or, since our fleet was then before Toulon, they judged it more necessary to keep their troops for the defence of their coast and fleet, than to send them to relieve Casal ; so orders were sent to the governor to capi tulate, in such a number of days, after the trenches were opened : so that the place was surrendered, though it was not at all straitened : it was agreed, that it should be restored to the duke of Mantua, 270 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. but so dismantled, that it might give jealousy to no at sea. side ; and the slighting the fortifications went on so slowly, that the whole season was spent in it, a truce being granted all that while. Thus did the French give up Casal, after they had been at a vast expense in fortifying it, and had made it one of the strongest places in Europe. Affairs Our fleet was all the summer master of the Me diterranean ; the French were put under great dis order, and seemed to apprehend a descent ; for Rus sel came before Marseilles and Toulon oftener than once ; contrary winds forced him out to sea again, but with no loss ; he himself told me, he believed nothing could be done there ° ; only the honour of commanding the sea, and of shutting the French Within their ports, gave a great reputation to our affairs. In Catalonia, the French made no progress ; they abandoned Palamos, and made Gironne their frontier. The Spaniards once pretended to besiege Falamos, but they only pretended to do it ; they de sired some men from Russel, for he had regiments 155 of marines on board: they said, they had begun the siege, and were provided with every thing that was necessary to carry it on, only they wanted men ; so he sent them some battalions ; but when they came thither, they found not any one thing that was ne cessary to carry on a siege, not so much as spades, not to mention guns and ammunition : so Russel sent for his men back again. But the French of themselves quitted the place ; for as they found the 0 Admiral Russel never per- still more at being kept there, formed any remarkable service though a most wise and reason- at sea, after La Hogue. He able measure. And he made was very angry at being sent his fortune there by victualling into the Mediterranean, and the fleet. H. OF KING WILLIAM III. 271 charge of the war in Catalonia was great, and though 1695. they met with a feeble opposition from the Spa- niards, yet since they saw they could not carry Bar celona so long as our fleet lay in those seas, they re solved to lay by, in expectation of a better occasion. We had another fleet in our own channel, that was ordered to bombard the French coast; they did some execution upon St. Malos, and destroyed Grandville, that lay not far from it : they also at tempted Dunkirk, but failed in the execution ; some bombs were thrown into Calais, but without any great effect ; so that the French did not suffer so much by the bombardment as was expected : the country indeed was much alarmed by it ; they had many troops dispersed all along their coast ; so that it put their affairs in great disorder, and we were every where masters at sea. Another squadron, commanded by the marquis of Caermarthen, (whose father was created duke of Leeds, to colour the dis missing him from business, with an increase of title,) lay off from the isles of Scilly, to secure our trade, and convoy our merchants ; he was an extravagant man, both in his pleasures and humours; he was slow in going to sea ; and, when he was out, he fan cied the French fleet was coming up to him, which proved to be only a fleet of merchant ships : so he left his station, and retired into Milford Haven : by which means that squadron became useless. This proved fatal to our trade ; many of our Bar-The losses . 11-n • • °* our mer_ badoes ships were taken by French cruisers and pri- chants. vateers : two rich ships, coming from the East In dies, were also taken, 150 leagues to the westward, by a very fatal accident, or by some treacherous ad vertisement ; for cruizers seldom go so far into the 272 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 169,5. ocean ; and to complete the misfortunes of the East - India company, three other ships, that were come near Galway, on the west of Ireland, fell into the hands of some French privateers : those five ships were valued at a million, so here was great occasion pf discontent in the city of London. They com plained, that neither the admiralty nor the govern-. ment took the care that was necessary for preserve ing the wealth of the nation, A French man of 156 war, at the same time, fell upon our factory on the coast of Guinea; he took the small fort we had there, and destroyed it : these misfortunes were very senr sible to the nation, and did much abate the joy which so glorious a campaign would otherwise have raised ; and much matter was laid in for ill humour tq work upon, Affairs in The war went on in Hungary ; the new grand signior came late into the field; but as late as it was, the imperialists were not ready to receive him: he tried to force his way into Transilvania, and took some weak and ill defended forts, which he soon after abandoned ; Veterani, who was the most be loved of all the emperor's generals, lay with a small ajemy to defend the entrance into Transilvania ; the Turks fell upon him, and overpowered him with numbers: ; his army was destroyed, and himself kill ed ; but they sold their lives dear ; the Turks lost double their number, and their best troops in the ac tion ; so that they had only the name and honour of a victory ; they were not able to prosecute it, nor to draw any advantage from it. The stragglers of the defeated army drew together, towards the passes. But none pursued them, and the Turks marched back to Adrianople, with the triumph of having OF KING WILLIAM III. 273 made a glorious campaign. There were some slight 1695. engagements at sea, between the Venetians and the- Turks, in which, the former pretended they had the advantage ; but nothing followed upon them. Thus affairs went on abroad during this summer. There was a parliament held in Scotland, where a pariia- the marquis of Tweedale was the king's . commis- Scotland. sioner: everything that was asked for the king's supply, and for the subsistence of his troops, was granted ; the massacre in Glencoe made still a great noise ; and the king seemed too remiss in inquiring into it. But when it was represented to him, that a session of parliament could not be managed with out high motions and complaints of so crying a mat ter, and that his ministers could not oppose these, without seeming to bring the guilt of. that blood, that was so perfidiously, shed, both on the king and on themselves : to prevent that, he ordered a com mission to be passed under the great seal, for a pre cognition in that matter, which is a practice in the law of Scotland, of examining into crimes before the persons concerned are brought upon their trial. This was looked on as an artifice to cover that trans action by a private inquiry v ; yet, when it was, com plained of in parliament, not without reflections on the slackness in examining into it, the king's com missioner assured them, that by the king's order the matter was then under examination, and that it 157 should be reported to the parliament : the inquiry p (" And an artifice it cer- " the guilt of that blood which " tainly was, both to soften the " had been so perfidiously shed, " report, and defeat the pu- " upon those whose duty it was " nishment ; consequently it " to punish it." Ralph's Hist.. " was not calculated to prevent of England, vol. ii. p. 569.) " bringing, but rather to fasten, VOL. IV. T 274 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. went on ; and, in the progress of it, a new practice of the earl of Braidalbitfs was discovered; for the Highlanders deposed, that, while he was treating with them in order to their submitting to the king, he had assured them, that he still adhered to king James's interest, and that he pressed them to come into that pacification, only to preserve them for his service, till a more favourable opportunity. This, with several other treasonable discourses of his, be ing reported to the parliament, he covered himself with his pardon ; but these discourses happened to be subsequent to it ; so he was sent a prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh : he pretended, he had se cret orders from the king, to say any thing that would give him credit with them ; which the king owned so far, that he ordered a new pardon to be passed for him. A great party came to be formed in this session, of a very odd mixture; the high presbyterians and the Jacobites joined together to oppose every thing ; yet it was not so strong as to carry the majority ; but great heats arose among them. The busi- The report of the massacre of Glencoe was made Giencoe m rull parliament : by that it appeared, that a black design was laid, not only to cut off the men of Glencoe, but a great many more clans, reckoned to be in all above six thousand persons : the whole was pursued in many letters, that were writ with great earnestness; and though the king's orders carried nothing in them that was in any sort blameable q, 1 (How is this assertion con- for military execution on the sistent with the author's pre- men of Glencoe, provided they vious account, p. 89. where could be separated from the it is said, that the order was rest of the Highlanders } Un examined. OF KING WILLIAM III. 275 yet the secretary r of state's letters went much fur- 1 69.'; ther. . So the parliament justified the king's instruc- tions, but voted the execution in Glencoe to have been a barbarous massacre, and that it was pushed on by the secretary of state's letters beyond the king's orders : upon that, they voted an address to be made to the king, that he, and others concerned in that matter, might be proceeded against accord ing to law : this was carried by a great majority. In this session, an act passed in favour of such of the episcopal clergy as should enter into those engagements to the king, that were by law required ; that they should continue in their benefices under the king's protection, without being subject to the power of presbytery. This was carried with some address, before the presbyterians were aware of the consequences of it ; for it was plainly that which they call Erastianism. A day was limited to the clergy for taking the oaths : and by a very zealous and dexterous management, about seventy s of the best of them were brought to take the oaths to the king; and so they came within the protection pro- 158 mised them by the act. Another act passed, that has already produced An act for very fatal consequences to that kingdom, and may pany. yet draw worse after it : the interlopers in the East India trade, finding that the company was like to be* favoured by the parliament, as well as by the court, were resolved to try other methods to break in upon that trade : they entered into a treaty with less an order to extirpate, in- 9 (" Above one hundred, acr stead of bringing men to justice, " cprding to the Lot>don gft- was not in any sort blameable.) " zette, No. 3122." Ralph's ' Dalrymple. O. History, vol. i. p. 580.) T 2 a new com- 276 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. some merchants in Scotland ; and they had, in the "former session, procured an act, that promised letters patents) to all such as should offer to set up new manufactures, or drive any new trade, not yet prac tised by that kingdom, with an exemption for twenty one years from all taxes and customs, and with all such other privileges, as should be found necessary for establishing or encouraging such projects. But here was a necessity of procuring letters patents, which they knew the credit that the East India company had at court would certainly render in effectual. So they were now in treaty for a new act, which should free them from that difficulty. There was one Paterson, a man of no education, but of great notions ; which, as was generally said, he had learned from the Buccaneers, with whom he had consorted for some time. He had considered a place in Darien, where he thought a good settlement might be made, with another over against it, in the South Sea ; and by two settlements there, he fancied a great trade might be opened both for the East and West Indies ; and that the Spaniards in the neighbourhood might be kept in great subjection to them ; so he made the merchants believe, that he had a great secret, which he did not think fit yet to discover, and reserved to a fitter opportunity ; only he desired, that the West Indies might be named in any new act that should be offered to the parlia ment: he made them in general understand, that he knew of a country, not possessed by Spaniards, where there were rich mines, and gold in abun dance. While these matters were in treaty, the time of the king's giving the instructions to his commissioner for the parliament came on; and it OF KING WILLIAM III. 277 had been a thing of course, to give a general instruc- 1695. tion, to pass all bills for the encouragement of trade. Johnstoun ' told the king, that he heard there was a secret management among the merchants for an act in Scotland, under which the East India trade might be set up ; so he proposed, and drew an in struction, impowering the commissioner to pass any bill, promising letters patents for encouraging of trade, yet limited, so that it should not interfere with the trade of England : when they went down 159 to Scotland, the king's commissioner either did not consider this, or had no regard to it ; for he gave the royal assent to an act, that gave the undertakers, either of the East India or West India trade, all possible privileges, with exemption of twenty-one years from all impositions : and the act directed letters patents to be passed under the great seal, without any further warrant for them : when this was printed, it gave a great alarm in England, more particularly to the East India company ; for many of the merchants of London resolved to join stock with the Scotch company ; and the exemption from all duties gave a great prospect of gain. Such was the posture of affairs in Scotland. In Ireland, the three lords justices did not agree Affairs in long together: the lord Capel studied to render himself popular, and espoused the interests of the English against the Irish, without any nice .regard to justice or equity : he was too easily set on, by those who had their own end in it, to do every thing that gained him applause: the other two" were 1 The aforementioned, p. Duncombe. O. (Ralph praises 87. O. bishop Burnet for his account u Sir Cyril Wyche and Mr. of these affairs ; he seems, he T 3 278 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. men of severe tempers, and studied to protect the Irish, when they were opprest ; nor did they try to make themselves otherwise popular, than by a wise and just administration : so lord Capel was highly magnified, and they were as much complained of, by all the English in Ireland. Lord Capel did un dertake to manage a parliament so, as to carry all things, if he was made lord deputy, and had power given him to place and displace such as he should name. This was agreed to, and a parliament Was held there, after he had made several removes : in the beginning Of the session things went smoothly ; the "supply that was asked, for the Support of that government, was granted; all the proceedings in king James's parliament were annulled, and the great act of settlement was confirmed and explained, as they desired : but this good temper was quickly lost, by the heat of sOirte, who had great credit with lord CapeL Complaints were made of sir Charles Porter, the lord chancellor, who was beginning to sfet on foot a tory humour in Ireland, whereas it Was certainly the interest of that government, to have no other division among them, but that of English and Irish, and of protestant and papist x : lord Ca- says, to be influenced by that ant and papist, which sir spirit of truth and plainness, Charles, who well understood which bught to actuate an his- the dangerous consequence of torian. History, vol. i. p. 581.) dividing the protestants, op- * Lord Capel was a very posed to the utmost of his wleak, formal, conceited man'; power* and not from a tory had no other nrerit than being humour, as the partial and ma- a violent party man, which he licious bishop would insinuate. knew so well, that he had no I arrived at Dublin the night thought but for promoting what he died: if lord Capel ever he called the whig interest, in aimed at being popular, he suc- a country where there was no ceeded very ill, for the whole distinction but that of protest- town seemed mad with joy. OF KING WILLIAM III. 279 pel's party moved in the house of commons, that 1695. Porter should be impeached ; but the grounds, upon ~ which this motion was made, appeared to be so fri volous, after the chancellor was heard by the house of commons, in his own justification, that he was voted clear from all imputation, by a majority of two to one ; this set the lord deputy and the lord chancellor, with all the friends of both, at so great 160 a distance from each other, that it put a full stop, for some time, to all business. Thus factions were formed in all the king's do minions ; and he being for so much of the year at a great distance from the scene, there was no pains taken to quiet these, and to check the animosities which arose out of them. The king studied only to balance them, and to keep up among the parties a jealousy of one another, that so he might oblige them all to depend more entirely on himself y. He made a very ridiculous dis- as bishop Burnet, for the like position for the government of reasons of party. " This post," Ireland, a little before his death ; he writes to the duke of Shrews- which the parliament that was bury, " having brought the then assembled would not sub- " news of sir^Charles Porter's mit to, but ordered the lord " death, 1 cannot but look upon chancellor to take the adminis- " it a great good fortune to the tration, till the king's pleasure " king's affairs in Ireland to be was known. D. (The duke " rid of a man, who had formed pf Shrewsbury, who acted with " so troublesome a party in the whig party, speaks in dif- " that kingdom, which may ferent terms of lord Capel, in a " now easily be set right again, letter to the earl of Portland. " if the government be put in " My lord Capel is liked and " good hands, and his employ- " beloved by all parties. The " ment filled with an honest " same, I doubt, cannot be said " and prudent person." III. 8, "of the other two," (Wyche p. 451.) and Duncombe.) Coxe's Shrews- y A politic the king's temper bury Correspondence. I. 4. p. and principles did not seem to 62. And of sir Charles For- incline him to, but his peculiar ter, lord Somers appears to circumstances made it necessary have had the same sentiments throughout his whole reign. A T 4 280 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. As. soon as the campaign was over in Flanders, A^eT^rT the king Intended to come over directly into Eng- caTecT land; buthe was kept long, on the, other side by contrary winds : the first point, that was under de bate upon his rarrival, wasj whether a new parlia ment should be summoned, or the old one be brought difficult and disagreeable mea sure of government, but he held his crown and power ; by : it. Either party in its extremes would, have ruined him. He has been • much misrepresented in this matter, whatever par ticular errors he might have run into, in the course of it. 'As his parliaments were consti tuted, he could have tdpne no thing there, without this temper towards the tories, who were also the majority of the nation. The present family must have done the same, but that they have had the felicity of their parliaments having always a great majority of whigs gene rally, if not constantly, comply ing with the measures and in clination of the government. If king William could have had this, he would have had the like steadiness. He had no fickleness in his nature. But the condition of the kingdom then was such, and his own also, -that his firmness to the whigs, let it have been ever so much, and they ever so complv- ingi could not have obtained for -him a thorough course of whig parliaments : he was therefore obliged to soften the tories, and the rather to re strain by that the impetuosity of revenge, or of impracticable schemes of government, in many of the whigs, (who however in the main loved him;) and by this, and this only, he preserved his crown. Most of, the mal content whigs fell into the to ries, and became part of their body, and were the- least ma nageable of them all. It must however be confessed, that what ever was the motive to it, the opposition to the government in these parliaments afforded precedents of many 1 useful checks upon , courts , and. minis ters, to the confirming of the rights and privileges and pow ers of parliament, especially in the house of commons. To what I have here said, let me add, that whatever strength the court in the present times may have acquired, and (which is al ways wrong) towards the choice of a parliament, which king William had not, and of secur ing it afterwards, (which is still worse,) more than he could do, yet a court has less power (in fact) than ever it had to pursue measures, or preserve ministers, against the sense and inclina tion of parliament, or of the house of commons alone. And instances of this, the present times have afforded. A good use of this, and annual meetings of parliament, are the great palladi um of the constitution of Britain. See pp. 4. 662. in this vol. O. OF KING WILLIAM III. 281 together again, which, by the law that was lately 1695. passed, might sit till Lady-day : the happy state the nation was in put all men, except the merchants, in a good temper ; none could be sure we should be in so good a state next year; so that now probably elections would fall on men who were well affected to the government; a parliament, that saw itself in its last session, might affect to be froward, the mem bers, by such a behaviour, hoping to recommend themselves to the next election ; besides, if the same parliament had been continued, probably the in quiries into corruption would have been carried on, which might divert them from more pressing affairs, and kindle greater heats ; all which might be more decently dropt by a new parliament, than suffered to lie asleep by the old one. These considerations prevailed, though it was still believed that the king's own inclinations led him to have continued the par liament yet one session longer ; for he reckoned, he was sure of the major vote in it. Thus this parlia ment was brought to a conclusion, and a new one was summoned. The king made a progress to the north ; and stayed some days at the earl of Sunderland's, which was the first public mark of the high favour he was in : the king studied to constrain himself to a little more openness and affability than was natural to him ; but his cold and dry way had too deep a root, not to return too oft upon him : the Jacobites were so decried, that few of them were elected ; but many of the sourer sort of whigs, who were much alien ated from the king, were chosen : generally, they were men of estates, but many were young, hot, and without experience. Foley was again chosen 282 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. speaker; the demand of the supply was still very IQj high, and there was a great arrear of deficiencies ; all was readily granted, and lodged on funds that seemed to be very probable. The state The state of the coin was considered, and there rectified, were great and long debates about the proper reme dies z : the motion of raising the money above its in- z This was the scheme of Mr. Lowndes, secretary of the treasury. (See postea, p. 176.) He wrote the best book upon it, with much learning in that way, which was published on that side of the question. But he was fully answered and con futed by the famous Mr. Lock, whose arguments prevailed for the contrary method. I have often wondered, that upon this public occasion, the author should not have mentioned Mr. Lock. It was a fair opportuni ty for it, and to have enlarged upon his character in general. Mr. Lock died the year before this volume was begun, and his works, that have recommended him so much and so deservedly to the world, must have been well known to the writer of this history; some of which (as his tract upon toleration, and his two treatises of go vernment, being written on pur pose to establish the great prin ciples of the revolution) have a close relation to the subject of this work. Besides, the bishop himself, in this vol. p. 539. mentions Filmer's book of go vernment, against which Mr. Lock had professedly written one of the above-named trea tises; and commends Hoadley (now bishop of Winchester) for writings of his against Filmer's notions, and in defence of the same doctrines, relating to go vernment, which Mr. Lock has so well maintained, and says, that Hoadley had done this in vindication of the revolution. I therefore have sometimes thought, that Burnet had a dis like to Mr. Lock, either from the free notions of Mr. Lock in some points of religion ; or from having been an admirer and confident of the first earl of Shaftesbury, whom our author abhorred ; or from some dif ferences they might have had when they were in Holland, and when they both were exiles at the same time, and both of them engaged in the affairs of their own country. But be it as it -will, I do believe the bi shop would not have omitted to speak of so eminent a per son as Mr. Lock, when there were several public occasions for it, and who was also in high esteem with king Wil liam, unless he had contract ed some prejudices against him. O. (The conduct of this important business, the re formation of the coin, was left to Montague, chancellor of the exchequer, afterwards earl of OF KING WILLIAM III. 283 trinsic value was still much pressed; many appre- 1695. hended this matter could not be cured without cast- ing us into great disorders: our money, they thought, would not pass, and so the markets would not be furnished ; and it is certain, that if there had been ill humours then stirring in the nation, this might have cast us into great convulsions. But none hap pened, to the disappointment of our enemies, who had their eyes and hopes long fixed on the effects this might produce. All came in the end to a wise and happy resolution of recoining all the specie of England in milled money ; all the old money Was ordered to be brought in, in public payments or loans to the exchequer, and that by degrees; first the half-crown pieces, and the rest of the money by a longer day: money of a bad allay, as well as clipped money, was to be received ; though this was thought an ill precedent, and that it gave too much encouragement to false coining ; yet it was judged necessary upon this occasion : and it gave a present calm to a ferment that was then working all Eng land over. Twelve hundred thousand pounds was given, to supply the deficiency of the bad and clipped money. So this matter was happily settled, and was put in a way to be effectually remedied ; and it was executed with an order and a justice, with a quiet and an exactness, beyond all men's expectation. So that we were freed from a great and threatening mischief, without any of those effects that were ge nerally apprehended from it. The bill of trials in cases of treason was again An act of trials in cases of Halifax, who called to his aid See Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. treason. sir Isaac Newton, made master iii. book 4. p. 62.) of the mint, and Mr. Locke. 284 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. brought into the house of commons, and passed there; when it came up to the lords, they add? ed the clause for summoning all the peers to the trial of a peer, which was not easily carried; for those who wished well to the bill looked on this as a device to lose it, as no doubt it was; and therefore they opposed it : but, contrary to the hopes of the court, the commons were so desirous of the bill, that, when it came down to them, they agreed to the clause ; and so the bill passed, and had the royal as sent a. Acts con- A severe bill was brought in, for voiding all the lections to elections of parliament men, where the elected had paihament. ^een .^ ^^ eXpense m meat, drink, or money, to procure votes : it was very strictly penned ; but time must shew whether any evasions can be found 162 out to avoid it: certainly, if it has the desired ef fect, it would prove one of the best laws that ever was made in England ; for abuses in elections were grown to most intolerable excesses, which threatened even the ruin of the nation. Another act passed against unlawful and double returns ; for persons had been often returned plainly contrary to the vote of the majority ; and in boroughs, where there was a contest between the select number of the corpora tion and the whole populace, both sides had ob tained favourable decisions, as that side prevailed on " W^iich this most reverend in the power of the crown to ' bishop opposed with all his im- have created as many new potent might; having never peers, or corrupted as many been in reality for any liberty, old ones, as should have con- but that of his own being im- demned whoever they pleased. pertinent, which, by his being D. (See note at p. 464. vol. i. no peer, could have no benefit concerning the peerage of the by this bill. Before this, it was bishops.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 285 which the person elected happened to be; so both elections were returned, and the house judged the' matter. But by this act, all returns were ordered to be made according to the last determination of the house of commons : these were thought good securi ties for future parliaments ; it had been happy for the nation, if the first of these had proved as effec tual as the last was b- 1695. b The last was defective in not binding the house of com mons; who too often varied their determinations, (for party reasons,) to prefer one man to another. But this is now in great measure prevented too, by a provision in an act of 2 George II. called the bribery act, and the resolution of the house of commons, that it ex tends to their proceedings. I earnestly contended for this re solution, against-very strong op position to it by men of dif ferent sides. The use of it is this : when a bad cause was to be established, and the number of votes below could not do it, then the right of election was al tered by the house, to be suited to the minority of the electors ; which was a short and easy me thod. But now the members must be accommodated to a for- ,mer determined (by the house) right of election ; which is often a long and difficult thing to do; and so a good cause has a better chance for success; and it has had its effect in many instances. I am sorry to say all this, and to use the language I do upon it, but it is too true, and has been a vice of all parties, to their shame and reproach ; and the more so, as it has been avowed, justified, and boasted of, under the scandalous pretence of serv ing their party friends against justice ! I have many times re flected upon it with some grief, in a farther light than of the thing itself. I think I have seen it derive itself to much iniquity in other determinations, and to have been almost habitual, when public or private friendships and attachments have been con cerned, and even tp have cor rupted in it some persons, other wise very worthy and respectable men. Good God! what would be thought, and said, and done, if such judgments should be given in Westminster hall ? And is not justice the same in every judicature? One would think it was not. But beware, my son, and fly from the contagion, if it should ever prevail again. Remember, and often think of, and carry with you in parlia ment, the great and noble say ing of Mr. Chillingworth : " I " will never do that for prefer- " merit, which I would not do " but for preferment. I will " never say that, living and in " health, which I would not " say were I dying." See post- ea, 410. O. (By an act pass ed in the late king's time, called the GrenviUe act, the mem- 286 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. Great complaints were made in hoth houses of complaints the act for the Scotch East India company, and ad- scoteh act dresses were made to the king, setting forth the in- conveniencies that were like to arise from thence to England: the king answered, that he had been ill served in Scotland: but he hoped remedies should be found, to prevent the ill consequences that they ap prehended from the act : and soon after this, he turned out both the secretaries of state and the marquis of Tweedale: and great changes were made in the whole ministry of that kingdom, both high and low. No inquiry was made, nor proceedings ordered, concerning the business of Glencoe : so that furnished the libellers with some colours in aspersing the king, as if he must have been willing to suffer it to be executed, since he seemed so unwilling to let it be punished. Scotland But when it was understood in Scotland that the on support- king had disowned the act for the East India com- ing * ' pany, from which it was expected that great riches, should flow into that kingdom, it is not easy to con ceive how great and how general an indignation was spread over the whole kingdom : the Jacobites saw What a game it was like to prove in their hands; they played it with great skill, and to the advantage of their cause, in a course of many years ; and con tinue to manage it to this day : there was a great deal of noise made of the Scotch act in both houses of parliament in England, by some who seemed to have no other design in that, but to heighten our distractions by the apprehensions that they ex pressed. The Scotch nation fancied nothing but bers of election committees are oath, well and truly to try every chosen by ballot, and take an petition.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 287 mountains of gold; and the credit of the design rose 1695, so high, that subscriptions were made, and advances of money were offered, beyond what any believed the wealth of that kingdom could have furnished. 163 Paterson came to have such credit among them, that the design of the East India trade, how pro mising soever, was wholly laid aside : and they re solved to employ all their wealth in the settling a colony, with a port and fortifications, in Darien; which was long kept a secret, and was only trusted to a select number, empowered by this new com pany, who assumed to themselves the name of the African company, though they never meddled with any concern in that part of the world : the unhappy progress of this affair will appear in its proper time. The losses of the merchants gave great advan- a motion tages to those who complained of the administra- cnr of "trade. tion ; the conduct, with relation to our trade, was represented as at best a neglect of the nation and of its prosperity: some, with a more spiteful malice, said, it was designed that we should suffer in our trade, that the Dutch might carry it from us: and how extravagant soever this might seem, it was often repeated by some men of virulent tempers. And in the end, when all the errors, with relation to the protection of our trade, were set out, and much aggravated, a motion was made to create, by act of -parliament, a council of trade. This was opposed by those who looked on it as a change of our constitution in a very essential point : the executive part of the government was wholly in the king : so that the appointing any council by act of parfiament, began a precedent of their breaking in upon the execution of the law, in which it could THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. not be easy to see how far they might be carried ; it was indeed offered, that this council should be much limited as to its powers; yet many appre hended, that if the parliament named the persons, how low soever their powers might be at first, they would be enlarged every session ; and from being a council to look into matters of trade, they would be next empowered to appoint convoys and cruizers ; this in time might draw in the whole admiralty, and that part of the revenue or supply that was appro priated to the navy; so that a king would soon grow to be a duke of Venice ; and indeed those who set this on most zealously, did not deny that they designed to graft many things upon it. The king was so sensible, of the ill effects this would have, that he ordered his ministers to oppose it as much as possibly they could : the earl of Sun derland, to the wonder of many, declared for it, as all that depended on him promoted it : he was afraid of the violence of the republican party, and would not venture on provoking them c; the ministers were 164 much offended with him, for taking this method to recommend himself at their cost; the king himself took it ill, and he told me, if he went on, driving it as he did, that he must break with him; he imputed it to his fear ; for the unhappy steps he had made in king James's time gave his enemies so many handles and colours, for attacking him, that he would ven ture on nothing that might provoke them. Here was a debate plainly in a point of prerogative, how c (Ralph supposes the num- p. 625. Perhaps the bishop ber of the adherents to republi- comprehended in the term most canism to be scarcely numerous of those whigs who were anti- enough to deserve the name of courtiers.) a party. See his Hist. vol. ii. OF KING WILLIAM III. 289 far the government should continue on its ancient .1695. bottom of monarchy, as to the executive part; or how fat it should turn to a commonwealth ; and yet .by an odd reverse, the whigs, who were now most employed, argued for the prerogative, while the tories seemed .zealous for public liberty : §0 power fully does interest bias men of all forms. This was going on, and probably would have a con- passed in both houses, when the discovery of a con- covered. spiracy turned men's thoughts quite another way/. so that all angry motions were let fall, and the ses sion came to a very happy conclusion, with greater advantages to the king than could have been other wise expected. We were all this winter alarmed, from many different quarters, with the insolent dis courses of the Jacobites, who seemed so well as sured of a sudden revolution, which was to be both quick and entire, that at Christmas, they said, it -would be brought about within six weeks. The French fleet, which we had so long shut up within Toulon, was now fitting out, and was ordered to come round to Brest ; our fleet that lay at Cadiz was not strong enough to fight them, when they should pass the straits : Russel had come, home, with many of the great ships, and had left only a squadron there ; but a great fleet was ordered to go thither : it was ready to have sailed in December, but was kept in our ports by contrary winds till February; this, was then thought a, great unhappi- ness ; but we found afterwards, that our preserva tion was chiefly owing to it ; and it was so extraor dinary a thing, to seethe wind fixed at south-west during the whole winter, that few could resist the observing a signal providence of God in it. We were vol. iv. u 290 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. all this while in great pain- for Rook, who com- ~ ~~ manded the squadron that lay at Cadiz; and was like to suffer for want of the provisions and stores which this fleet was to carry him, besides the addi tion of strength this would bring him, in case the -Toulon squadron should come about : we were only apprehensive of danger from that squadron ; for we thought that we could be in none at home, till that fleet was brought about : the advertisements came from many places, that some very important thing 165 was ready to break out : it is true, the Jacobites fed their party with such stories every year ; but they both talked and wrote now with more than ordinary assurance. The king had been so accustomed to alarms and reports of this kind, that he had now so little regard to them, as scarce to be willing to hearken to those who brought him such advertise ments. He was so much set on preparing for the next campaign, that all other things were little con sidered by him. of assassi- < But in the beginning of February, one captain kfng?S e Fisher came to the earl of Portland, and in general told him, there was a design to assassinate the king ; but he would not or could not then name any of the persons who were concerned in it ; he never ap peared more, for he had assurances given him, that he should not be made use o&as a witness : few days after that, one Pendergrass, an Irish officer, came to the earl of Portland, and discovered all that he knew of the matter ; he freely told him his own name ; but would not name any of the conspirators; La Rue, a Frenchman, came also to brigadier Levison, and discovered to him all that he knew; these two {Pendergrass and La Rue) were brought to the OF KING WILLIAM III. 291 king apart, not knowing of one another's discovery : they gave an account of two plots then on foot, the' one for assassinating the king, and the other for in vading the kingdom. The king was not easily brought to give credit to this, till a variety of cir cumstances, in which the discoveries did agree, con vinced him of the truth of the whole design. It has been already told, in how many projects king James was engaged for assassinating the king ; but all these had failed ' ; so now one was laid, that gave better hopes, and looked liker a military action than a foul murder : sir George Berkeley, a Scotch man8, received a commission from king James, to go and attack the prince of Orange in his winter quarters ' : Charnock u, sir William Perkins, captain 1695. r (But. see above at page 96. " All the prisoners," observes Dalrymple, " with their last " breath acquitted the late king " of any knowledge of the in- " tended assassination," Me moirs, vol. iii. book 4. p. 76. It may be added, that those persons at the same time con fessed, and many of them justi fied, their own conduct in the affair. Compare what follows, at pp. 171, 172.) 5 (The name of this man, who was a disgrace, as an as sassin, to any name, was Bar clay, not Berkeley.) 1 (" Before I parted from St. " Germains, the king gave me " a commission to authorize " me, and all those who should "join me in his majesty's cause, -" to rise in arms and make war " upon the prince of Orange " and all his adherents. Which " commission was exactly as follows : " JAMES R. " Our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby fully authorize, strictly require, and expressly ' command our loving subjects ' to rise in arms and make war ' upon the prince of Orange, '¦ the usurper of our throne, : and all his adherents, and to '• seize for our use all such • forts, towns, strong holds, : within our dominion of Eng- •' land, as may serve to further ; our interest, and to do from : time to time such other acts ; of hostility against the prince of Orange and his adherents, ; as may conduce wiost to our service, we judging this the properest, justest, and most effectual means of procuring our restoration and their de liverance; and we do here by indemnify them for what they shall act in pursuance U 2 292 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1695. Porter, and La Rue, were the men to whose con- ^ duct the matter was trusted; the duke of Berwick came over, and had some discourse with them about the method of executing it: forty persons were •thought necessary for the attempt ; they intended to watch the king, as he should go out to hunt, or come back from it in his coach ; some of them were to engage the guards, while others should attack the king, and either carry him off a prisoner, or, in : of this our royal command. Given at our court of St. Ger- ! mains en Laye, 27th of De cember, 1695. " Which day I posted from '- St. Germains, having none with me but major Holmes; '• and about the 27th, old stile, '¦ I arrived at London. Soon : after my arrival there, I came 1 acquainted with Mr. Char- 1 nock, who at our first meeting : complained to me, that he and ' some others had a design on : foot, which would have un- 1 doubtedly facilitated the king's : return, but that his majesty ' would never permit them to ' put it in execution. A few ' days after that, Mr. Char- ' nock made me acquainted 1 with sir William Perkins, ' who was concerned with him • in all their proposals, who ' then opened the design to ' me, and assured me they ' wanted nothing for perfect- ' ing of it, but his majesty's ' leave ; it was to form a par- ' ty to fall upon the prince of ' Orange, which I did much * approve of, if it could be car- ' ried on with that secrecy ' and conduct as a thing of ' that consequence ought to be. " Presuming there- " fore upon the commission I " had from his majesty, to make " war upon the prince of O- " range and all his adherents, " I thought myself sufficiently " authorized to engage with " them to attack that prince " when his guards were about " him ; upon which I shewed '" them my commission, which " they were much pleased with." Sir George Barclay's Relatioti ¦oftlve Attempt against the Prince of Orange, inserted in the Life of King James II. lately edited by Dr. Clarke, vol. ii. tom< 4. P- S47-) u (" The officers were about " ten in number, the highest of " whom in rank was lieutenant " colonel Lowick; but the most " rem arkable was captain Char- " nock, formerly fellow of Mag- " dalen college, who had been " one of the instruments to " serve king James in invading " the rights of that college, and " who now shewed that the " distance is small between a " dependant, a criminal, and a " cowardly spirit." Dalrym- ple's Memoirs, vol. iii. book 4. p. 74.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 293 case pf any resistance, kill him. This soft manner 1695. was proposed, to draw military men to act in it, as a warlike exploit : Porter and Knightly went and viewed the grounds, and the way through which the king passed, as he went between Kensington and Richmond park, where he used to hunt com- 166 monly on Saturdays ; and they pitched on two places, where they thought they might well execute the de sign. King James sent over some of his guards to assist in it; he spoke himself to one Harris to go Over, and to obey such orders as he should receive from Berkeley ; he ordered money to be given him, and told him, that, if he was forced to stay long at Calais, the president there would have orders to fur nish him. When the duke of Berwick had laid the matter 1696. so well here, that he thought it could not miscarry, vade the" he went back to France, and met king James at St. lilnsd0In• Denis, who was come so far on his way from Paris x : he stopped there, and after a long conference with the duke of Berwick, he sent him first to his queen at St. Germains, and then to the king of France, * (" The duke of Eerwick " ing received information dur- " was so much convinced, from " ing his stay in London, that " near observation, of the weak- " a conspiracy was carrying on " ness of his father's friends, " against the person of the "and their incapacity to ren- " prince of Orange, he thought, " der him any effectual service, " his principal commission be- " that no attempt was made by " ing at an end, he ought to " him to excite an insurrec- " lose no time to return to " tion." Somerville's Hist, of " France, that he might not be Political Transactions, vol. i. " confounded with the conspi- chap. 16. p. 422. referring to " rators, whose design appeared the Memoirs of the Duke of " to him difficult to execute." Berwick, under the year 1696. Duke of Berwick's Memoirs, The duke there says, that " hav- vol. i. p. 132.) u 3 294 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. and he himself called for a notary, and passed some act: but it was not known to what effect When that was done, he pursued his journey to Calais, to set himself at the head of an army of about 20,000 men, that were drawn out of the garrisons which lay near that frontier. These being full in that season, an army was in a very few days brought together, without any previous warning or noise. There came every winter a coasting fleet, from all the seaports of France to Dunkirk, with all the pro visions for a campaign; and it was given out, that the French intended an early one this year. So that this coasting fleet was ordered to be there by the end of January ; thus here were transport ships, as well as an army, brought together in a very silent manner ; there was also a small fleet of cruizers, and some men of war ready to convoy them over ; many regiments were embarked, and king James was waiting at Calais, for some tidings of that on which he chiefly depended ; for upon the first notice of the success of the assassination, he was resolved to have set sail: so near was the matter brought to a crisis, when it broke out by the discovery made by the persons above named. La Rue told all par ticulars with the greatest frankness, and named all the persons that they had intended to engage in the execution of it ; for several lists were among them, and those who concerted the matter had those lists given them; and took it for granted, that every man named in those lists was engaged ; since they were persons on whom they depended, as knowing their inclinations, and believing that they would readily enter into the project: though it had not been, at that time, proposed to many of them, as it OF KING WILLIAM III. 295 appeared afterwards. The design was laid, to strike l696- the blow on the 15th of February, in a lane thatigy turns down from Turnham Green to Brentford; and the conspirators were to be scattered about the Green, in taverns and alehouses, and to be brought together upon a signal given. ' They were cast into several parties, and an aide de camp was assigned tp every one of them, both to bring them together, and to give the whole the air of a military action : Pen dergrass owned very freely to the king, that he was engaged in interest against him, as he was of a reli gion contrary to his ; he said, he would have no reward for his discovery; but he hated a base acr tion ; and the point of honour was the only motive that prevailed on him : he owned, that he was deT sired to assist in the seizing on him, and he named the person that was fixed on to shoot him ; he ab horred the whole thing, and immediately came to reveal it : his story did in all particulars agree with La Rue's : for some time he stood on it as a point * ; of honour, to name no person ; but upon assurance given him, that he should not be brought as a wit ness against them, he named all he knew : the king ordered the coaches and guards to be made ready next morning, being the 15th of February, and on Saturday, his usual day of hunting : but some acci dent was pretended to cover his not going abroad that day; the conspirators continued to meet together, not doubting but that they should have occasion to execute their design the next Saturday ; they had some always about Kensington, who came and went continually, and brought them an account of every thing that passed there : on Saturday the 22d of February, they put . themselves in a readiness; and, u 4 296* THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. were going out to take the posts assigned them ; but were surprised when they had notice that the king's hunting was put off a second time; they ap prehended they might be discovered : yet, as none were seized, they soon quieted themselves. Many of Next night, a great many of them were taken in Wraton their beds: and the day following, the whole disco- seked on. very wag laid before the privy councii . at the same time, advices were sent to the king from Flanders, that the French army was marching to Dunkirk, on design to invade England : and now, by a very happy providence, though hitherto a very unaccept able one, we had a great fleet at Spithead readyrto sail: and we had another fleet, designed for the summer's service in our own seas, quite ready, though not yet manned. Many brave seamen, see ing the nation was in such visible danger, came out of their lurking holes, in which they were hiding themselves from the press, and offered their service ; 168 and all people shewed so much zeal, that in three days Russel, who was sent to command, stood over to the coast of France, with a fleet of above fifty men of war. The French were amazed at this; and upon it their ships drew so near their coasts, that he durst not follow them in such shallow water, but was contented with breaking their design, and driv ing them into their harbours. King James stayed for some weeks there. But, as the French said, his malignant star still blasted every project that was formed for his service. The design The court of France was much out of counte- of the inva sion broken, nance with this disappointment; for that king had ordered his design of invading England to be com municated to all the courts in which he had minis- OF KING WILLIAM III. 297 ters : and they spoke of it with such an air of assur- 1696. ance, as gave violent presumptions that the king of France knew of the conspiracy against the king's person, and depended upon it ; for indeed, without that, the design was impracticable, considering how great a fleet we had at Spithead; nor could any men of common sense have entertained a thought of it, but with a view of the confusion into which the intended assassination must have cast us. They went on in England seizing the conspirators ; and a pro clamation was issued out for apprehending those that absconded, with a promise of a thousand pound reward, to such as should seize on any of them, and the offer of a pardon to every conspirator that should seize on any of the rest : this set all people at work, and in a few weeks most of them were apprehend ed ; only Berkeley was not found, who had brought the commission from king James, though great search was made for him. For, though the reality of such a commission was fully proved afterwards, in the trials of the conspirators, by the evidence of those who had seen and read it, all written in king James's own hand, (such a paper being too import ant to be trusted to any to copy,) yet much pains was taken to have found the very person who was entrusted with it : the commission itself would have been a valuable piece, and such an original as was not to be found any where. The military men would not engage on other terms ; they thought, by the laws of war, they were bound to obey all orders that run in a military style, and no other ; and so they imagined, that their part in it was as innocent as the going on any desperate design during a campaign : many of them repined at 298 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. the service,: and wished that it had not been put on " them; but, being commanded, they fancied that they were liable to no blame nor infamy, but ought to be treated as prisoners of war. 169 Among those who were taken, Porter and Pen- co°vereddaii dergrass were brought in. Porter had been a vi cious man, engaged in many ill things ; and was very forward and furious in all their consultations : the lord Cutts, who, as captain of the guards-, was present, when the king . examined Pendergrass, ; but did not know his name, when he saw him brought in, pressed him to own himself, and the service that he had already done ; but he claimed the promise ®f not being forced to be a witness, and would say no thing : Porter was a man of pleasure, who loved not the hardships of a prison, and much less the solem nities of an execution ; so he confessed all : and then Pendergrass, who had his dependance on him, freely confessed likewise : he said, Porter was the man who had trusted him ; he could not be an instru ment to destroy him ; yet he lay under no obligai tions to any others among them. Porter had been in the management of the whole matter : so he gave a very copious account of it all, from the first begin ning. And now it appeared, that Pendergrass had been but a very few days among them, and had seen very few of them ; and that he came and discovered the conspiracy the next day after it was opened to him. Both houses When by these examinations the matter was clear 01 pariia- ment enter and undeniable, the king communicated it, in a into a vo- , , ° luntaryas- speech to both houses of parliament: they imme* diately made addresses of congratulation, with as surances of adhering to him against all his enemies, OF KING WILLIAM III. 299 and in particular, against king James; and after 1696. that, motions were made in both houses for an asso- ciation, wherein they should own him as their right ful and lawful king, and promise faithfully to adhere to him against king James, and the pretended prince of Wales ; engaging at the same time to maintain the act of succession, and to revenge his death on all who should be concerned in it. This was much opposed in both houses, chiefly by Seimour and Finch in the house of commons, and the earl of Nottingham in the house of lords : they went chiefly upon this, that rightful and lawful were words that had been laid aside in the beginning of this reign ; that . they imported one that was king by descent, and so could not belong to the present king; They said, the crown and the prerogatives of it were vested in him, and therefore they would obey him, and be faithful to him, though they could not ac knowledge him their rightful and lawful king. Great exceptions were also taken to the word revenges® not of an evangelical sound ; but that word was so explained, that these were soon cleared; revenge was to be meant in a legal sense, either in the pro secution of justice at home, or of war abroad; andl70 the same word had been used in that association into which the nation entered, when it was apprer hended that queen Elizabeth's life was in danger, by the practices of the queen of Scots. After a warm debate, it was Carried in both houses, that an asso ciation should be laid on the table, and that it might be signed by all such as were willing of their own accord to sign it ; only with this difference, that inr stead of the words rightful and lawful king, the lords put these words ; that king William hath the 300 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. right by law to the crown of these realms, and that neither king James, nor the pretended prince of Wales, nor any other person, has any right whatso ever to the same. This was done to satisfy those, who said, they could not come up to the words rightful and lawful', and the earl of Rochester of fering these words, they were thought to answer the ends of the association, and so were agreed to. This was signed by both houses, excepting only fourscore in the house of commons Y, and fifteen in the house of lords : the association was carried from the houses of parliament over all England, and was signed by all sorts of people, a very few only excepted : the bi shops also drew a form for the clergy, according to that signed by the house of lords, with some small variation, which was so universally signed, that not above, an hundred all England over refused it. Soon after this, a bill was brought into the house of commons, declaring all men incapable of public trust, or to serve in parliament, who did not sign the association ; this passed with no considerable op position ; for those who had signed it of their own accord, were not unwilling to have it made general ; and such as had refused it when it was voluntary, were resolved to sign it as soon as the law should be made for it. And at the same time, an order passed in council, for reviewing all the commissions in England, and for turning out of them all those who had not signed the association while it was vo luntary ; since this seemed to be such a declaration of their principles and affections, that it was not thought reasonable, that such persons should be any y (Ralph says ninety-two commoners. Hist, of England, vol.ir. p. 654.) OF KING WILLIAM III. SOI longer either justices of peace or deputy lieute- l696- nants. The session of parliament was soon brought to a a fund conclusion. They created one fund, upon which XdYank. two millions and an half were to be raised, which the best judges did apprehend was neither just nor prudent. A new bank was proposed, called the land bank, because the securities were to be upon land : this was the main difference between it and the bank of England: and by reason of this it was pre- 171 tended, that it was not contrary to a clause in the act for that bank, that no other bank should be set up in opposition to it. There was a set of under takers, who engaged that it should prove effectual for the money for which it was given : this was chiefly managed by Foley, Harley, and the tories ; it was much laboured by the earl of Sunderland; and the king was prevailed on to consent to it, or rather to desire it, though he was then told by many, of what ill consequence it would prove to his affairs: the earl of Sunderland's excuse for himself, when the error appeared afterwards but too evidently, was, that he thought it would engage the tories in interest to support the government. After most of the conspirators were taken, and all charnock and others examinations were over, some of them were brought tried and to their trials. Charnock, King, and Keys, were be-01""""" gun with : the design was fully proved against them. Charnock shewed great presence of mind, with tem per and good judgment, and made as good a defence as the matter could bear : but the proof was so full, that they were all found guilty. Endeavours were used to persuade Charnock to confess all he knew; for he had been in all their plots from the beginning: THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN i^596i his brother was employed to deal with him, and he seemed to be once in suspense: but the next time that his brother came to him, he told him, he could not save his own life without doing that which would take away the lives of so many, that he did not think his own life worth it. This shewed a greatness of mind, that had been very valuable, if it had been better directed. Thus this matter was un derstood at the time. But many years after thisy the lord Somers gave me a different account of it z. Charnock, as he told me, sent an offer to the king, of a full discovery of all their consultations and de signs; and desired no pardon, but only that he might live in some easy prison ; and if he was found to prevaricate, in any part of his discovery, he would look for the execution of the sentence : but the king apprehended, that so many persons would be found concerned, and thereby be rendered desperate^ that he was afraid to have such a scene opened, and would not accept of this offer a. At his death, Char nock delivered a paper, in which lie confessed he was engaged in a design to attack the prince of Orange's guards ; but he thought himself bound to z I do not recollect any thing the seals in his hands. King amongst lord Somers's papers William alwaysvdeclined taking relative to this plot. Sir R. them, not being prepared with Blackmore's narrative is the a secretary to his mind, and best general account of it, and choosing the appearance of re- it seems surprising that lord taining the duke in his service. Shrewsbury would not let it be H. published at the time. Soon a Like the story of Pompey after the discovery, his grace re- in Spain. O. (" The king ge- tired, on account (as he gave" " nerously answered,' He wished out) of health, into the coun- " not to know them." Dal- try, and never returned to the rymple's Memoirs, vol. iii. book exercise of his office, for any 4. p. 75.) length of time, though he kept OF KING WILLIAM III. 303 cleat king Janies from having given any commission 1696. to assassinate him. King's paper, who suffered with ' him, was to the same purpose ; and they both took pains to clear all those of their religion from any accession to it. King expressed a sense of the un-172 lawfulness of the undertaking; but Charnock seemed fully satisfied with the lawfulness of it. Keys was a poor ignorant trumpeter, who had his dependance on Porter, and now suffered chiefly upon his evi dence, for which he was much reflected on : it was said, that servants had often been witnesses against their masters, but that a master's witnessing against his servant was somewhat new and extraordinary. The way that Charnock and King took to vindi- King James cate king James did rather fasten the imputation quitted by more upon him; they did not deny, that he hadthem' sent over a commission to attack the prince of O- range, which, as Porter deposed, Charnock told him he had seen ; if this had been denied by a dying man, his last words would have been of some weight: but instead of denying that which was sworn, he only denied, that king James had given a commis sion for assassination : and it seems great weight was laid on this word; for all the conspirators agreed in it, and denied that king James had given a com mission to assassinate the prince of Orange. This was an odious word, and perhaps no person was ever so wicked, as to order such a thing, in so crude a manner: but the sending a commission to attack the king's person was the same thing upon the matter ; and was all that the witnesses had deposed. There fore their not denying this, in the terms in which the witnesses swore it, did plainly imply a confession that it was true. But some, who. had a mind to de* 304 THE. HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. ceive themselves or others* laid hold on this, and ~~ made great use of.it, that dying men had acquitted king James of the assassination. Such slight colours will serve, when people are engaged beforehand to believe as their affections lead them b. Friend and Sir John Friend and sir William Perkins were fried and tried next. The first of these had risen from mean suffered, beginnings to great credit and much wealth; he was employed by king James, and had all this while stuck firm to his interests : his purse was more con sidered than his head, and was open on all occasions, as the party applied to him : while Parker was for merly in the tower, upon information of an assassin ation of the king designed by him, he furnished the money that corrupted his keepers, and helped him to make his escape out of the tower : he knew of the assassination, though he was not to be an actor in it : but he had a commission for raising a regi ment for king James, and he had entertained and paid the officers who were to serve under him : he had also joined with those who had sent over Char- I73 nock, in May 1695, with the message to king James, mentioned in the account of the former year : it ap- , pearing now, that they had then desired an invasion with 8000 foot, and 1000 horse, and had promised to join these with 2000 horse, upon their landing. In this, the earl of Ailesbury, the lord Montgomery, son to the marquis of Powis, and sir John Fenwick, b (Read the commission it- actions, vol. i. p. 423, observes, self above at p. 165, and a vin- that the authors who accuse dication of king James from any James, fall into inaccuracy by knowledge of or participation connecting the commands he in the horrible design to assas- gave to promote a general in- sinate William, in king James's - surrection, with the intention Life, vol. ii. p. 544 — 557. So- of those who conspired to as- merville, in his Political Trans- sassinate William.) ¦ OF KING WILLIAM III. 305 were also concerned : upon all this evidence, Friend !696. was condemned, and the earl of Ailesbury was com mitted prisoner to the tower. Perkins was a gentle man of estate, who had gone violently into the pas sions and interests of the court in king Charles's time : he was one of the six clerks in chancery, and ' took all oaths to the government, rather than lose his place : he did not only consent to the design of assassination, but undertook to bring five men who should assist in it; and he had brought up horses for that service, from the country; but had not named the persons; so this lay yet in his Own breast : he himself was not to have acted in it, for he likewise had a commission for a regiment; and therefore was to reserve himself for that service : he had also provided a stock of arms, which were hid under ground, and were now discovered : upon this evidence he was condemned. Great endeavours were used, both with Friend and him, to confess all they knew : Friend was more sullen, as he knew less ; for he was only applied to and trusted when they needed his money : Perkins fluctuated mOre ; he confessed the whole thing for which he was con demned; but would not name the five persons whom he was to have sent in to assist in the assassination ; he said, he had engaged them in it, so he could not think of saving his own life by destroying theirs : he confessed he had seen king James's commission ; the words differed a little from those which Porter had told ; but Porter did not swear that he saw it him self; he only related what Charnock had told him concerning it ; yet Perkins said, they were to the same effect : he believed, it was all writ with king James's own hand ; he had seen his writing often, VOL. iv. x 306 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. and was confident it was writ by him : he owned, that he had raised and maintained a regiment; but he thought he could not swear against his officers, since he himself had drawn them into the service ; and he affirmed that he knew nothing of the other regiments : he sent for the bishop of Ely, to whom he repeated all these particulars, as the bishop him self told me ; he seemed much troubled with a sense of his former life, which had been very irregular : the house of commons sent some to examine him : but he gave them so little satisfaction, that they left 174 him to the course of the law : his tenderness, in not accusing those whom he had drawn in, was so ge nerous, that this alone served to create some regard for a man who had been long under a very bad cha racter. In the beginning of April, Friend and he were executed together. A very unusual instance of the boldness of the Jacobites appeared upon that occasion; these two had not changed their religion, but still called them selves protestants ; so three of the nonjuring clergy men waited on them to Tyburn, two of them had been oft with Friend, and one of them with Per- Theyhada kins ; and all the three, at the place of execution, public ab- . . , . solution joined to give them public absolution, with an 1m- g»ent em- position of hands, in the view of all the people0; a strain of impudence, that was as new as it was wicked ; since these persons died, owning the ill designs they had been engaged in, and expressing no sort of repentance for them. So these clergy men, in this solemn absolution, made an open decla ration of their allowing and justifying these persons, c See Kennett's History, 718, 719. O. OF KING WILLIAM III, 307 in all they had been concerned in: two of these 1696. were taken, and censured for this in the king's bench, the third made his escape. Three other conspirators, Rookwood, Lowick, and other con- Cranborn, were tried next. By this time, the newS^d act for trials in such cases began to take place, so executed- these held long ; for their council stuck upon every thing. But the evidence was now more copious : for three other witnesses came in ; the government being so gentle as to pardon even the conspirators ¦' ; who confessed their guilt, and were willing to be witnesses against others. The two first were pa pists, they expressed their dislike of the design; but insisted on this, that as military men they were bound to obey all military orders ; and they thought that the king, who knew the laws of war, ought to have a regard to this, and to forgive them. Cran- born called himself a protestant, but was more sul len than the other two ; to such a degree of fury and perverseness had the Jacobites wrought up their party. Knightly was tried next ; he confessed all, and upon that, though he was condemned, he had a reprieve, and was afterwards pardoned. These were all the trials and executions that even this black conspiracy drew from the government; for the king's inclinations were so merciful, that he seemed uneasy even under these acts of necessary justice. Cook was brought next upon his trial, on account cook tried of the intended invasion; for he was not charged v^ione. m" with the assassination ; his trial was considered as introductory to the earl of Ailesbury's ; for the evi dence was the same as to both. Porter and Good- 175 man were two witnesses against him ; they had been with him at a meeting, in a tavern in Leaden- x 2 308 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. hall street, where Charnock received instructions to go to France, with the message formerly mentioned.; all that was brought against this was, that the masr ter of the tavern and two of his servants swore, that they remembered well when. that company was at the tavern, for they were often coming into the room where they sat, both at dinner time and after it; and that they saw not Goodman there, nay, they were positive that he was not there. On the other hand, Porter deposed, that Goodman was not with them at dinner; but that he came to that house after dinner, and sent him in a note ; upon which he, with the consent of the company, went out and brought him in : and then it was certain, that the servants of the house were not in that con stant attendance ; nor could they be believed in a negative, against positive evidence to the contrary. Their credit was not such, but that it might be well supposed, that, for the interest of their house, they might be induced to make stretches : the evidence was believed, and Cook was found guilty, and con demned; he obtained many short reprieves, upon assurances that he would tell all he knew : but it was visible he did not deal sincerely: his punish ment ended in a banishment. Sir John Fenwick was taken not long after, going over to France, and was ordered to prepare for his trial : upon which he seemed willing to discover all he knew : and in this, he went off and on, for he had no mind to die, and hoped to save himself by some practice or other: several days were set for his trial, and he procured new delays, by making some new discoveries: at last, when he saw that slight and general ones would not serve his turn, he sent for the duke of Devon- OF KING WILLIAM III. shire, and wrote a paper as a discovery, which he 1696. gave him to be sent to the king; and that duke af- firming to the lords justices, that it was not fit that paper should be seen by any, before the king saw it, the matter was suffered to rest for this time. The summer went over, both in Flanders and on The cam- the Rhine, without any action : all the funds given y0nd sea' for this year's service proved defective, but that of r;ed on!" the land bank failed totally : and the credit of the bank of England was much shaken. About five millions of clipped money was brought into the ex chequer ; and the loss that the nation suffered, by the recoining of the money, amounted to two mil lions and two hundred thousand pounds. The coin age was carried on with all possible haste ; about eighty thousand pounds was coined every week : yet still this was slow, and the new money was ge nerally kept up; so that, for several months, little 176 of it appeared. This stop in the free circulation of money put the nation into great disorder: those who, according to the act of parliament, were to have the first payments in milled money, for the loans they had made, kept their specie up, and would not let it go but at an unreasonable advan tage. The king had no money to pay his army, so they were in great distress, which they bore with wonderful patience : by this means, the king could undertake nothing, and was forced to lie on the de fensive : nor were the French strong enough to make an impression in any place ; the king had a mighty army, and was much superior to the enemy ; yet he could do nothing ; and it passed for a happy campaign, because the French were not able to take any advantage from those ill accidents that our x 3 310 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 16*96. want of specie brought us under; which indeed were such, that nothing but the sense all had of the late conspiracy kept us quiet and free from tumults. It now appeared, what a strange error the king was led into, when he accepted of so great a sum, to be raised by a land bank: it was scarce honourable, and not very safe at any time ; but it might have proved fatal at a time in which money was like to be much wanted, which want would have been less felt, if paper credit had been kept up : but one bank working against another, and the goldsmiths against both, put us to great straits: yet the bank sup plied the king in this extremity, and thereby con vinced him, that they were his friends in affection as well as interest d, A They had deputies in Flan ders and Holland, for manag ing the remittances of money to pay the army. I have seen some of their letters in the bank, in one of which it is said, Mr. Lowndes's book (see antea, 1 6 1.) had frightened. and asto nished all persons on that side the water, that the exchange there fell upon it, that one of the deputies was forced to go to the Hague to possess the people in Holland that this scheme was the notion only of one man, and would not take effect ; and that without the coin was made good, we should be in a miserable condition, and that it would be impossi ble to carry on the war. The letter is dated Antwerp, 19th of December, 1695. The then deputies were sir Henry Funess and sir Theodore Janssen. In these letters, mention is made of Mr. Hill with good respect for his assistance to the depu ties in their service of the ar my. He was then abroad, a deputy paymaster of the troops then, and was afterwards, I think, one of our ministers at the treaty of Ryswick. ^He was very able in business, and much esteemed by king Wil liam, whom he almost adored, and often reflected with some severity on his own party, (he was a tory,) for their false no tions of foreign affairs, with re gard to England, and for their not better supporting the king in the war. i have read many of his letters, and they prove him to have been a very consi derable person, and made for higher stations than he arrived to. He was some time in the admiralty, and every where in general estimation with people of all denominations for his OF KING WILLIAM III. 311 The secret practices in Italy were now ready to 1696. break out ; the pope and the Venetians had a mind ~ . peace m to send the Germans out of Italy, and to take the piedn,ont' duke of Savoy out of the necessity of depending on those they called heretics. The management in the abilities and his virtue. He had an academical education, was a scholar, and had taken deacon's orders, which he laid aside while employed in civil affairs. But upon his withdraw ing from them, he resumed his clerical character, took priest's orders, and became a fellow of Eton college. He lived, the latter part of his life, in no high fashion at Richmond in Surrey ; where however he was much resorted to by the most emi nent persons of that time. The royal family shewed him very particular regards, and he was strongly pressed to accept of a bishopric ; but it being one of the smallest, and he desirous to have had that of Ely, which he could not have, he declined the other : some who wished him very well, thought, as he was unmarried, and had no chil dren, he should rather have cho sen a small bishopric, to have enriched and adorned it out of his great fortune, for an esta blishment of his fame, and for some retribution of gratitude to the public. But his thoughts lay entirely towards raising his family, to which, in three branches of it, he left the whole of his estate. It was very large, and sufficient to satisfy every public and private claim upon his generosity. It was all ac quired by himself, from his em ployments and his own im provements of it, and without any reproach as to the manner of it, that I ever heard of. He was however too rich, or died at least too much so. He con tinued a tory to the last, but of that sort who were earnest for the succession in the house of Hanover, when that was a very small party. See postea, 488. O. (Ralph, in his Hist, of England, vol. ii. pp. 667, 668, observes^ that although the inefficiency of the campaign is ascribed, by Burnet, to the land bank, at the expense of his" being guilty of great inconsistency in the above statement, yet the same was in reality not so much owing to the want of specie, or the fail ure of any particular fund, as to the precaution used on both sides not to expose themselves unnecessarily, when a peace was expected, as also to the nego tiation then pending between the courts of France and Savoy. But after all, with Ralph's good leave, the truth perhaps was, that the peace itself, which might have been concluded be fore on nearly as good terms, through the mediation of the northern courts, was owing to the exhausted finances of the belligerent powers ; and if so, their inactivity also might ori ginate, at least in part, from the same cause.) X 4 312 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. business of Casal looked so dark, that the lord Gal- way, who was the king's general and envoy there, did apprehend there was somewhat mysterious un der it. One step more remained, to settle the peace there ; for the duke of Savoy would not own that he was in any negotiation, till he should have re ceived the advances of money that were promised him from England and Holland ; for he was much set on the heaping of treasure, even during the war; to which end he had debased his coin so, that it was not above a sixth part in intrinsic value of what it passed for. He was always beset with his priests, who were perpetually complaining of the progress that heresy was like to make in his do minions ; he had indeed granted a very full edict in 177 favour of the Vaudois, restoring their former liber ties and privileges to them, which the lord Galway took care to have put in the most emphatiGal words, and passed with all the formalities of law, to make it as effectual as laws and promises can he: yet every step that was made in that affair went against the grain, and was extorted from him by the intercession of the king and the States, and by the lord Galway's zeal. In conclusion, the French were grown so weary of that war, and found the charge of it so heavy, that they offered, not only to restore all that had been taken, but to demolish Pignerol, and to pay the duke some millions of crowns ; and to complete the whole, that the duke of Burgundy should marry his daughter: to this he consented; but to cover this defection from his allies, it was further agreed, that Catinat should draw his army together, before the duke could bring his to make head against him; and OF KING WILLIAM III. 313 that he should be ordered to attempt the bombard- 1696; ment of Turin, that so the duke might seem to be ~~ ~~ forced, by the extremity of his affairs, to take such conditions as were offered him. He had a mind to have cast the blame on his allies ; but they had as sisted him more effectually at this time than on other occasions : a truce was first made, and that, after a few months, was turned into an entire peace; one article whereof was, that the Milaneze should have a neutrality granted them, in case the German forces were sent out of Italy ; all the Italian princes and states concurred in this, to get rid of the Ger mans as soon as was possible ; so the duke of Savoy promised to join with the French to drive them out. Valence was the first place that the duke of Savoy attacked; there was a good garrison in it, and it was better provided than the places of the Spaniards generally were : it was not much pressed, and the siege held some weeks, many dying in it. At last, the courts of Vienna and Madrid accepted of the neutrality, and engaged to draw the Germans out of these parts, upon an advance of money, which the princes of Italy were glad to pay, to be delivered from such troublesome guests. Thus ended the war in Piedmont, after it had lasted six years : Pignerol was demolished ; but the French, by the treaty, might build another fort at Fenestrella, which is in the middle of the hills : and so it will not be so important as Pignerol was, though it may prove an uneasy neighbour to the duke of Savoy. His daughter was received in France as duchess of Burgundy, though not yet of the age of consent : for she was but ten years old. Nothing of consequence passed in Catalonia; the 178 314 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. French went no further than Gironne, and the Spa- niards gave them no disturbance; both the king and queen of Spain were at this time so ill, that, as is usual upon such occasions, it was suspected they were both poisoned : the king of Spain relapsed of ten, and at last remained in that low state of health, in which he seemed to be always rather dying than living. The court of France were glad of his reco very ; for they were not then in a condition to un dertake such a war, as the dauphin's pretensions must have engaged them in. Affairs in In Hungary, the Turks advanced again towards Hungary. TransiLvania, where the duke of Saxony commanded the imperial army : the Turks did attack them, and they defended themselves so well, that; though they were beat, yet it cost the Turks so dear, that the grand signior could undertake nothing afterwards. The imperialists lost about 5000 men; but the Turks lost above twice that number ; and the grand signior went back with an empty triumph, as he did the former year : but another action happened, in a very remote place, which may come to be of a very great consequence to him. The Muscovites, after they had been for some years under the di vided monarchy of two brothers, or rather of a sis ter, who governed all in their name, by the death of one of these, came now under one czar : he entered into an alliance with the emperor against the Turks; and Azuph, which was reckoned a strong place, that commanded the mouth of the Tanais or Donn, where it falls into the Meotis-palus,. after a long siege, was taken by his army. This opened the Euxine sea to him ; so that, if he be furnished with men, skilled in the building and in the sailing of OF KING WILLIAM III. 315 ships, this may have consequences that may very 1696. much distress Constantinople, and be in the end fatal" to that empire. The king of Denmark's health was now on a decline ; upon which the duke of Holstein was taking advantage, and new disputes were like to arise there. Our affairs at sea went well with relation to Affairs at. trade : all our merchant fleets came happily home ; we made no considerable losses ; on the contrary, we took many of the French privateers ; they now gained little in that way of war, which in some of the former years had been very advantageous to them. Upon the breaking out of the conspiracy, orders were sent to Cadiz for bringing home our fleet ; the Spaniards murmured at this, though it was reasonable for us to take care of our selves in the first place. Upon that, the French fleet was also ordered to come about ; they met with rough wea ther, and were long in the passage: so that if we 179 had sent a squadron before Brest, we had probably made some considerable advantage; but the fleet was so divided, that faction appeared in every order and in every motion ; nor did the king study enough to remedy this, but rather kept it up, and seemed to think that was the way to please both parties c ; but he found afterwards, that by all his manage ment with the tories, he disgusted those who were affectionate and zealous for him ; and that the tories had too deep an alienation from him to be overcome with good usage : their submissions however to him gained their end, which was to provoke the whigs to be peevish and uneasy. Our fleet sailed towards the isle of Rhee, with some bomb vessels : some e See antea, p. 160. O. 316 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. small islands were burnt and plundered, as St. Mar- ^ — tin's was bombarded : the loss the French made was not considerable in itself, but it put their affairs in great distraction : and the charge' they were at in defending their coast was much greater than ours in attacking it. This was the state of affairs in England and abroad, during this summer. Affairs in Scotland was falling under great misery by reason of two successive bad harvests, which exhausted that nation, and drove away mahy Of their people ; the greatest number went over to Ireland : a parlia ment was held at Edinburgh, and, in a very thin house, every thing that was asked was granted: they were in a miserable "condition, for two such bad years lay extremely heavy on them. a treaty of This summer, the French were making steps to- peace set on foot by the wards a peace ; the court was very uneasy under so long and so destructive a war; the country was ex hausted ; they had neither men nor money : their trade was sunk to nothing, and public credit was lost : the creation of new offices, which always was considered as a resource never to be exhausted, did not work as formerly; few buyers or undertakers appeared : that king's health was thought declining ; he affected secrecy and retirement, so that both the temper of his mind and the state of his affairs dis posed him to desire a peace. One Callieres was sent to make propositions to the States, as D'Avaux was pressing the'king of Sweden to offer his mediation : the States would hearken to no proposition, till two preliminaries were agreed to ; the first was, that all things should be brought back to the state in which they were put by the treaties of Munster and Nimeguen. This imported, not only the restoring OF KING WILLIAM III. 317 Mons and Charieroy, but likewise Strasburg and 1696. Luxembourg, and that in the state which they were — in at present ; the other preliminary was, that France 180 should own the king, whensoever the peace should be concluded. The emperor, who designed to keep off any negotiation as much as possible, moved that this should be done before the treaty was opened : but the king thought the other was sufficient, and would not suffer the peace to be obstructed by a thing that might seem personal to himself. To all this the court of France, after some delays, con sented ; but that spirit of chicane and injustice, that had reigned so long in that court, did still appear in every step that was made: for they made use of equivocal terms in every paper that was offered in their name ; the States had felt the effects of these in former treaties too sensibly not to be now on their guard against them : the French still returned to them, and when some points seemed to be quite settled, new difficulties were still thrown in. It was proposed by the French, that the .popish religion, must continue still at Strasburg, that the king, of France could not in conscience yield that point : it was also pretended, that Luxembourg was to be re stored in the same state in which it was when the French took it: these variations did almost break off the negotiation ; but the French would not let it fall, and yielded them up again : so it was visible all this was only an amusement, and an artifice, by this shew of peace, to get the parliament of England to declare for it : since as a trading nation must grow weary of war, so the party they had among us would join in with the inclination thatwas now become gene ral to promote the peace : for though our affairs were 318 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. in all respects, except that of the coin, in so good a condition, that we felt our selves grow richer by the war, yet during each campaign we ran a greater risk than our enemies did : for all our preservation hung on the single thread of the king's life, and on that prospect the party that wrought against the govern ment had great hopes, and acted with much spirit during the war, which we had reason to think must sink with a peace. a session of The parliament met in November; and at the parliament . . . . . in England, opening ot the session, the king, in his speech to the two houses, acquainted them with the overtures that were made towards a peace : but added, that the best way to obtain a good one was to be in a posture for carrying on the war f. The great difficulty was to find a way to restore credit : there was a great arrear due ; all funds had proved deficient ; and the total failing of the land bank had brought a great confusion on all payments; the arrears were put upon the funds of the revenue, which had been 181 granted for a term of but five years, and that was now ending ; so a new continuance of those revenues was granted ; and they were put under the manage ment of the bank of England, which, upon that se curity, undertook the payment of them all. It was long before all this was fully settled : the bank was not willing to engage in it; yet at last it was agreed: f During all this and the next to let him resign the seals of year, the duke of Shrewsbury his office, but he could not pre- lived retired in the country, and vail till the year 1699, when could not be. brought to town the earl of Jersey was appoint- upon any persuasions of his ed to succeed him. The whigs friends, pretending ill health, and wanted to bring in the lord spitting of blood. He was al- Wharton, but the king could ways pressing the king, who had not endure him. H. a great personal regard for him, OF KING WILLIAM III. 319 and the bank quickly recovered its credit so entirely, 1696. that there was no discount upon the notes. The ar- rear amounted to ten millions : and five millions more were to be raised for the charge of the follow ing year. So that one session was to secure fifteen millions, a sum never before thought possible to be provided for in any one session. There was not specie enough for giving that quick circulation which is necessary for trade ; so to remedy that, the treasury was empowered to give out notes, to the value of almost three millions, which were to circu late as a species of money, and to be received in taxes, and were to sink gradually, as the money should arise out of the fund that was created to an swer them ; by these methods all the demands, both for arrears and for the following year, were an swered. The commons sent a bill to the lords, li miting elections to future parliaments, that none should be chosen but those who had such a propor tion of estate or money ; the lords rejected it : they thought it reasonable to leave the nation to their freedom, in choosing their representatives in parlia ment : it seemed both unjust and cruel, that if a poor man had so fair a reputation as to be chosen, notwithstanding his poverty, by those who were willing to pay him wages, that he should be branded with an incapacity because of his small estate. Cor ruption in elections was to be apprehended from the rich rather than from the poor. Another bill was sent up by the commons, but rejected by the lords, prohibiting the importation of all East India silks and Bengales : this was proposed, to encourage the silk manufacture at home; and petitions were brought THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. for it by great multitudes, in a very tumultuary way; but the lords had no regard to that. Fenwick's The great business of this session, that held long est in both houses, was a bill relating to sir John Fenwick : the thing was of so particular a nature, that it deserves to be related in a special manner.; and the great share that I bore in the debate, when it was in the house of lords, makes it more necessary for me copiously to enlarge upOn it: for it may at first view seem very liable to exception, that a man of my profession should enter so far into a debate of that nature s. Fenwick, when he was first taken, 182 writ a letter to his lady, setting forth his misfortune, and giving himself for dead, unless powerful applica tions could be made for him, or that some of the jury could be -hired to starve out the rest; and to that he added, this or nothing can save my life : this letter was taken from the person to whqni he had given it: at his first examination;, before the lords justices, he denied every thing, till he was shewed this letter; and then he was confoundeds In his private treaty with the duke of Devonshire^ he desired an assurance of life, upon his promise to tell all he knew; but the king refused that, and would have it left to himself, to judge of the truth and the importance of the discoveries he should make. So he, resolving to cast himself on the king's s.The bishops of Winchester shew so much indecent zeal, in and Durham were both very a matter so little becoming his old; and the king had a personal profession. To my own know- peek to sir John, that appeared ledge, rewards and punishments throughout the whole transac- were very liberally pronrised.and tion ; which, it was generally threatened upon that occasion. thought, induced the bishop to D. (See "'below at pp; 190. 219-) OF KING WILLIAM III. 321 mercy, sent him a paper, in which, after a bare ac- 1696. count of the consultations among the Jacobites, (in which he took care to charge none of his own party,) he said, that king James, and those who were em ployed by him, had assured them, that both the earls of Shrewsbury and Marlborough, the lord Godolphin, and admiral Russel, were reconciled to him, and were now in his interests, and acting for him. This was a discovery that could signify nothing, but to give the king a jealousy of those persons ; for he did not offer the least shadow or circumstance, ei ther of proof or of presumption, to support this ac cusation. The king, not being satisfied herewith, sent an order for bringing him to a trial, unless he made fuller discoveries : he desired to be further ex amined by the lords justices, to whom he, being upon oath, told some more particulars ; but he took care to name none of his own side, but those against whom evidence was already brought, or who were safe and beyond sea; some few others he named, who were in matters of less consequence, that did not amount to high treason ; he owned a thread of negotiations, that had passed between them and king James, or the court of France ; he said, the earl of Ailesbury had gone over to France, and had been admitted to a private audience of the French king, where he had proposed the sending over an army of 30,000 men, and had undertaken that a great body of gentlemen and horses should be brought to join them h : it appeared by his discoveries, that h There is too much reason the duke of Newcastle, that his to think, from late discoveries, father, the first lord Pelham, that the greatest part of sir J. then a lord of the treasury, and a Fenwick's informations were staunch whig, voted against the true. My father was told by bill, because he thought it hard VOL. IV. Y THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. the Jacobites in England were much divided : some were called compounders, and others noncompound- ers. The first sort desired securities from king James, for the preservation of the religion and liber ties of England ; whereas the second sort were for trusting him upon discretion, without asking any terms, putting all in his power, and relying entirely on his honour and generosity. These seemed indeedi to act more suitably to the great principle upon 183 which they all insisted, that kings have their power from God, and are accountable only to him for the exercise of it. Dr. Lloyd, the deprived bishop of Norwich, was the only eminent clergyman that Went into this : and therefore, all that party had, upon Bancroft's death, recommended him to king James, to have his nomination for Canterbury '. • Manyde- Fenwick put all this, in writing, upon assurance that he should not be forced to witness any part of it. When that was sent to the king, all appearing to be so trifling, and no other proof being offered for any part of it, except his own word, which he had stipulated should not be made use of, his ma jesty sent an order to bring him to his trial. But as the king was slow in sending this order, so the duke of Devonshire, who had been in the secret ma nagement of the matter, was for some time in the country : the lords justices delayed the matter till to put a man to death, who on who knew he could tell tales. compulsion, i. e. to save his life, The consequence was, that he had told disagreeable truths; was afraid to affirm his own and the management of party tale, and lost his life. H. was such, that sir J. Fenwick > Dean Prideaux speaks very was prevented from speaking highly of the worthiness of this out, lest he should exasperate bishop. See the life of the the great men on both sides, dean. O. OF KING WILLIAM III. he came to town : and then the king's coming was 1696. so near, that it was respited till he came over. By ~ these delays, Fenwick gained his main design in them, which was to practise upon the witnesses k. His lady began with Porter; he was offered, that Practices if he would go beyond sea, he should have a goodness!"'" sum in hand, and an annuity secured to him for his life : he hearkened so far to the proposition, that he drew those who were in treaty with him, together with the lady herself, who carried the sum that he was to receive, to a meeting, where he had provided witnesses, who should overhear all that passed, and should, upon a signal, come in, and seize them with the money; which was done, and a prosecution upon it was ordered The practice was fully proved, and the persons concerned in it were censured, and pu nished : so Porter was no more to be dealt with. Goodman was the other witness : first they gathered matter to defame him, in which his wicked course of life furnished them very copiously; but they trusted not to this method, and betook themselves to another, in which they prevailed more effectually; they persuaded him to go out of England : and by this means, when the last orders were given for Fenwick's trial, there were not two witnesses against him ; so by the course of law, he must have been ac quitted: the whole was upon this kept entire for k The king before the session The papers were transmitted to had sir J. Fenwick brought to the king in Flanders, through the cabinet council, where he the duke of Devonshire, lord was present himself. But sir steward, and that noble person John would not explain his voted against the attainder. paper j the original of it was The papers are printed in the amongst lord Somers's manu- Journals of the lords and com- scripts, which were burnt in the mons. H. fire in Lincoln's Inn, 1752. Y 2 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1696. the session of parliament. The king sent to the house of commons the two papers that Fenwick had sent him ' ; Fenwick was brought before the house : but. he refused to give any farther account of the matter contained in them ; so they rejected them as false and scandalous, made only to create jealousies : 184 and they ordered a bill of attainder to-be brought against Fenwick ; which met with great opposition in both houses, in every step that was made m. The debates were the hottest, and held the longest, of any that ever I knew. The lords took a very ex traordinary method to force all their absent mem bers to come up ; they sent messengers for them to bring them up, which seemed to be a great breach on their dignity; for the privilege of making a proxy was an undoubted right belonging to their peerage ; but those who intended to throw out the bill re- a bin of solved to have a full house. The bill set forth the attainder , against artifices Fenwick had used to gain delays ; and the Trunim nlr Fenwick. 1 Sir John had little reason end of government would have to depend upon his majesty's been answered with much less mercy. He had served in Hoi- clamour. It is probable that land in king James's reign ; the resentment of the whigs where the prince of Orange re- against sir J. Fenwick, for le- flected very severely upon his veiling his discoveries almost courage, which occasioned his entirely against their party, was making some returns that pro- the true cause of this extraor- ¦ voked the prince to say, that if dinary proceeding by bill of at- he had been a private person, tainder. Some of these he he must have cut sir John's named (as lord Marlborough throat. D. (See also the Life of and lord Shrewsbury) had been K. James II. vol. ii. p. 557.) tampering with king James m This affair was well con- during this reign. He named ducted in parliament on the also admiral Russel and lord part of the whigs, but neither Godolphin; of the latter there the man nor the occasion de- was no doubt, and of Russel's served so extraordinary a stretch; treachery too strong proofs and had he been imprisoned for have since appeared. H. life, or banished, every rational OF KING WILLIAM III. 325 practice upon Porter, and Goodman's escape; the 1696. last having sworn treason against him at Cook's trial, and likewise to the grand jury, who had found the bill against him upon that evidence. So now Porter appearing, and giving his evidence against him, and the evidence that Goodman had given being proved, it was inferred, that he was guilty of high treason, and that therefore he ought to be attainted. The substance of the arguments brought against Reasons this way of proceeding was, that the law was au asamst men's security, as well as it ought to be their rule : if this was once broke through, no man was safe : men would be presumed guilty without legal proofs, and be run down, and destroyed by a torrent : two witnesses seemed necessary, by an indisputable law of justice, to prove a man guilty : the law of God given to Moses, as well as the law of England, made this necessary : and, besides all former ones, the law lately made for trials in cases of treason was such a sacred one, that it was to be hoped, that even a par liament would not make a breach upon it. A written deposition was no evidence, because the person ac cused could not have the benefit of cross interrogat ing the witness, by which much false swearing was often detected : nor could the evidence given in one trial be brought against a man who was not a party in that trial: the evidence that was offered to a grand jury was to be examined all over again at the trial; till that was done, it was not evidence. It did not appear, that Fenwick himself was concerned in the practice upon Porter; what his lady did, could not be charged on him: no evidence was brought that Goodman was practised on ; so his withdrawing himself could not be charged on Fen- Y 3 THE HISTORY^ OF THE REIGN I696. wick. Some very black things were proved against Goodman, which would be strong to set aside his testimony, though he were present ; and that proof, which had. been brought in Cook's trial, against Por ter's evidence, was again made use of, to prove, that as he was the single witness, so he was a doubtful 185 and suspected one: nor was it proper, that a bill of this nature should begin in the house of commons, which could not take examinations upon oath. This was the substance of the arguments that were urged against the bill n. 1697- On the other hand, it was said, in behalf of the Reasons for, ... , - , the bill, bill, that the nature of government required, that the legislature should be recurred to in extraordi nary cases, for which effectual provision could not be made by fixed and standing laws : our common law grew up out of the proceedings of the courts of law : afterwards, this in cases of treason was thought too loose, so the law in this point was limited, first by the famous statute in king Edward the third's time, and then by the statute in king Edward the sixth's time ; the two witnesses were to be brought face to face with the person accused : and that the law, lately made, had brought the method of trials n The bishop most ingeni- reputation, and actually in cus- ously has left out the chief ar- tody, was a subject proper for gument on one side, and stuffed the legislature to exert its ut- up the other with a vast deal of most authority upon, which matter that is nothing to the ought never to be exercised but purpose; there was nobody de- when there is eminent danger nied but a bill of attainder to the public; which could not might be justifiable in some, be pretended in this case. But cases, but the dispute was, whe- the protest signed by two and ther sir John Fenwick, a man fifty lords had sufficiently an- of no fortune, (besides an an- swered the bishop's elaborate nuity,) with a very indifferent harangue. D. (See it at p 193.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 327 to a yet further certainty ; yet in that, as well as in 1697. the statute of Edward III. parliamentary proceed- ings were still excepted0; and indeed, though no such provision had been expressly made in the acts themselves, the nature of government puts always an exception in favour of the legislative authority. The legislature was indeed bound to observe justice and equity, as much, if not more, than the inferior Courts ; because the supreme court ought to set an example to all others : but they might see cause to pass over forms, as occasion should require ; this was the more reasonable among us, because there was no nation in the world besides England, that had not recourse to torture, when the evidence was probable, but defective : that was a mighty restraint, and struck a terror into all people ; and the freest governments, both ancient and modern, thought they could not subsist without it. At present, the Venetians have their civil inquisitors, and the Grisons have their high courts of justice, which act without the forms of law, by the absolute trust that is reposed in them, such as the Romans reposed in dictators, in the time of their liberty. England had neither torture, nor any unlimited magistrate in its constitution ; and therefore, upon great emergen^ cies, recourse must be had to the supreme legisla ture. Forms are necessary in subordinate courts; but there is no reason to tie up the supreme one by them : this method of attainder had been practised among us at all times ; it is true,, what was done in this way at one time was often reversed, at another ; but that was the effect of the violence of the times ; 0 See my printed copy of the trials of the earl of Kilmar nock, &e. O. v Y 4 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. and was occasioned often, by the injustice of those; attainders: the judgments of the inferior courts 186 were upon the like account often reversed; but when parliamentary attainders went upon good grounds, though without observing the forms of law, they were never blamed, not to say condemned. When poisoning was first practised in England, and put in a pot of porridge in the bishop of Rochester's house, this, which was only felony, was by a special law made to be high treason : and a new punish-: ment was appointed by act of parliament : the poi soner was boiled alive. When the nun of Kent pre tended to visions, to oppose king Henry the eighth's divorce, and his second marriage; and said, if he married again, he should not live long after it, but should die a villain's death ; this was judged in par liament to be high treason ; and she and her accom plices suffered accordingly. After that, there passed many attainders in that reign, only upon deposi tions, that were read in both houses of parliament : it is true, these were much blamed, and there was great cause for it ; there were too many of them ; for this extreme way of proceeding is to be put in practice but seldom, and upon great occasions ; whereas, many of these went upon slight grounds, such as the uttering some passionate and indecent words, or the using some embroidery in garments and coats of arms, with an ill intent. But that, which was indeed execrable, was, that persons in prison were attainted, without being heard in their own defence ; this was so contrary to natural justice, that it could not be enough condemned. In king Edward the sixth's time, the Lord Seimour was at tainted in the same manner, only with this diffe- OF KING WILLIAM III. 329 rence, that the witnesses were brought to the bar, 1697. and there examined; whereas, formerly, they pro ceeded upon some depositions that were read to them : at the duke of Somerset's trial, which was both for high treason and for felony, in which he was acquitted of the former, but found guilty of the latter, depositions were only read against him ; but the witnesses were not brought face to face, as he pressed they might be : upon which it was, that the following parliament enacted, that the accusers (that is the witnesses) should be examined face to face, if they were alive : in queen Elizabeth's time, the parliament went out of the method of law, in all the steps of their proceedings against the queen of Scots ; it is true, there were no parliamentary at tainders in England, during that long and glorious reign, upon which those who opposed the bill in sisted much ; yet that was only, because there then was no occasion here in England for any such bill : but in Ireland, where some things were notoriously true, which yet could not be legally proved, that government was forced to have, on many different 187 occasions, recourse to this method. In king James the first's time, those who were concerned in the gunpowder plot, and chose to be killed rather than taken, were by act of parliament attainted after their death ; which the courts of law could not do, since by our law a man's crimes die with himself; for this reason, because he cannot make his own de fence, nor can his children do it for him. The fa mous attainder of the earl of Strafford, in king Charles the first's time, has been much and justly censured ; not so much, because it passed by bill, as because of the injustice of it : he was accused, for 330 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697* having said, upon the house of commons refusing to "grant the subsidies the king had asked, That the king was absolved from all the rules of govern ment, and might make use of force to subdue this kingdom. These words were proved only by one witness, all the rest of the council, who were present, deposing, that they remembered no such words, and were positive, that the debate ran only upon the war with Scotland; so that though this kingdom, singly taken, must be meant of England, yet it might well be meant of that kingdom, which was the subject then of the debate ; since then the words were capable of that favourable sense, and that both he who spoke them and they who heard them affirmed that they were meant and understood in that sense p, it was a most pernicious precedent, first to take them in the most odious sense possible, and then to destroy him who said them, upon the tes timony of one single exceptionable witness; whereas, if, upon the commons refusing to grant the king's demand, he had plainly advised the king to subdue his people by force, it is hard to tell what the par liament might not justly have done, or would not do again in the like case. In king Charles the se cond's time, some of the most eminent of the re gicides were attainted after they were dead; and in king James's time, the duke of Monmouth was attainted by bill : these last attainders had their first beginning in the house of commons. Thus it appeared, that these last two hundred years, not to P In his speech at his death, had been false. O. (The earl he does not deny the charge, in his speech enters on no par- although it was very incumbent ticulars.) upon him to have done it, if it OF KING WILLIAM III. 331 mention much ancienter precedents, the nation had i6"97- upon extraordinary occasions proceeded in this par liamentary way by bill. There were already many precedents of this method ; and whereas it was said, that an ill parliament might carry these too far ; it is certain, the nation, and every person in it, must be safe, when they are in their own hands, or in those of a representative chosen by themselves : as on the other hand, if that be ill chosen, there is no help for it ; the nation must perish, for it is by their own fault; they have already too many precedents for 188 this way of proceeding, if they intend to make an ill use of them : but a precedent is only a ground or war- ' rant for the like proceeding upon the like occasion i. Two rules were laid down for all bills of this na-The , grounds ture : first, that the matter be of a very extraordi- upon which i -iii i -i sucn a bill nary nature: lesser crimes had better be passed was neces- over than punished by the legislature. Of all the^.™ crimes that can be contrived against the nation, cer tainly the most heinous one is, that of bringing in a foreign force to conquer us : this ruins both us and our posterity for ever: distractions at home, how fatal soever, even though they should end ever so tragically, as ours once did in the murder of the king, and in a military usurpation, yet were capable of a crisis and a cure. In the year 1660, we came again to our wits, ^and all was set right again ; whereas there is no prospect, after a foreign con quest, but of slavery and misery : and how black i I never could understand, done, though it were never done why a precedent, unless in ce- before : if it be wrong, its hav- remonial matters, should ever ing been done a thousand times be thought a warrant for the can never justify its being done like proceedings. If the thing any more. D. in itself be right, it ought to be 332 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. soever the assassinating the king must needs appear, ~ yet a foreign conquest was worse, it was assassinat ing the kingdom : and therefore the inviting and contriving that, must be the blackest of crimes. But, as the importance of the matter ought to be equal to such an unusual way of proceeding, so the certainty of the facts ought to be such, that if the defects in legal proof are to be supplied, yet this ought to be done upon such grounds, as make the fact charged appear so evidently true, that though a court of law could not proceed upon it, yet no man could raise in himself a doubt concerning it. Anciently, treason was judged, as felony still is, upon such presumptions as satisfied the jury : the law has now limited this to two witnesses brought face to face ; but the parliament may still take that liberty which is denied to inferior courts, of judging this matter as an ordinary jury does in a case of felony. In the present case, there was one witness, viva voce, upon whose testimony several persons had been condemned, and had suffered ; and these neither at their trial nor at their death disproved or denied any circumstance of his depositions. If he had been too much a libertine in the course of his life, that did not destroy his- credit as a witness : in the first trial, this might have made him a doubt ful witness ; but what had happened since, had de stroyed the possibility even of suspecting his evi dence ; a party had been in interest concerned to inquire into his whole life, and in the present case had full time for it ; and every circumstance of his deposition had been examined ; and yet nothing was discovered that could so much as create a doubt; all was still untouched, sound and true. The only OF KING WILLIAM III. 333 circumstance in which the dying speeches of those 1697. who suffered -on his evidence seemed to contra- ^gg diet him, was concerning king James's commis sion : yet none of them denied really what Porter had deposed, which was, that Charnock told him, that there was a commission come from king James, for attacking the prince of Orange's guards : they only denied, that there was a commission for assas sinating him. Sir John Friend and sir William Perkins were condemned, for the consultation now given in evidence against Fenwick : they died, not denying it ; on the contrary, they justified all they had done : it could not be supposed, that, if there had been a tittle in the evidence that was false, they should both have been so far wanting to themselves and to their friends, who were to be tried upon the same evidence, as not to have declared it in the so- lemnest manner : these things were more undeniably certain than the evidence of ten witnesses could possibly be. Witnesses might conspire to swear a falsehood ; but in this case, the circumstances took away the possibility of a doubt. And therefore, the parliament, without taking any notice of Goodman's evidence, might well judge Fenwick guilty, for no man could doubt of it in his own mind. The ancient Romans were very jealous of their liberty ; but how exact soever they might be in or dinary cases, yet when any of their citizens seemed to have a design of making himself king, they either created a dictator to suppress or destroy him, or else the people proceeded against him in a sum mary way. By the Portian law, no citizen could be put to death for any crime whatsoever ; yet such regard did the Romans pay to justice, even above THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. law, that, when the Campanian legion had perfidi* ously broke in upon Rhegium, and pillaged it, they put them all to death for it. In the famous case of Catiline's conspiracy, as the evidence was clear, and the danger extreme; the accomplices in it were ex ecuted, notwithstanding the Portian law : and this was done by the order of the senate, without either hearing them make their own defence, or admit ting them to claim the right which the Valerian law gave them, of an appeal to the people. Yet that whole proceeding was chiefly directed by the two greatest assertors of public liberty that ever lived, Cato and Cicero; and Caesar, who opposed it on pretence of its being against the Portian law, was for that reason suspected of being in the conspiracy; it appeared afterwards, how little regard he had, either to law or liberty, though, upon this occasion, he made use of the one to protect those who were 190 in a plot against the other. This expression was much resented by those who were against this bill, as carrying a bitter reflection upon them, for oppos ing it. The bin In conclusion, the bill passed, by a small majority of only seven in the house of lords r ; the royal as- r Several of the principal his life,) that preserved so ge- ministers of state were against neral an esteem with all parties the bill, and some of the whig as he did. When he came back bishops. Trevor, the attorney to the whigs, he was made privy general, had divided against it seal, "and afterwards president in the house of commons. But of the council, and had much he. had been. leaving his party joy in both. He liked being for some time before, as he told at court, and was much there me himself. Hewas the only after he had these offices, but man almost that I ever knew was very awkward in it, as you who changed his party as he may well imagine, by having had done, (for he returned to been the most reserved, grave, the whigs at the latter end of and austere judge I ever saw in OF KING WILLIAM III. sent was soon given to it ; Fenwick then made all possible applications to the king for a reprieve ; and as a main ground for that, and as an article of me rit, related how he had saved the king's life, two years before, as was already told in the beginning of the year 1695. But as this fact could not be proved, so it could confer no obligation on the king, since he had given him no warning of his danger ; and, according to his own story, had trusted the conspirators' words very easily, when they promised to pursue their design no farther, which he had no reason to dos. So that this pretension was not much considered ; but he was pressed to make a full discovery ' ; and for some days he seemed to be in 1697. Westminster HaH. He was a very able and upright judge ; but Holt affected to disparage his law. After I was speaker, and of the council, I had fre quent conversations with him ; and he was then very commu nicative. O. s (There is the following paragraph in sir John's speech on the scaffold : " I might have " expected mercy from that " prince (prince of Orange,) " because I was instrumental " in saving his life ; for when " about April 95, an attempt " formed against him came to " my knowledge, I did, partly " by dissuasions, and partly by " delays, prevent ; which, I *,' suppose, was the reason that " the last villainous project was ". concealed from me.") ' Vernon, afterwards secre tary of state, says, in a letter to the duke of Shrewsbury, which I have seen, that the king was a great while very averse to the bringing of this matter before the parliament. This letter is in a large collection of letters from Mr. Vernon to that duke, now in the hands of the earl of Car digan. (These letters have been printed.) O. He said he> had discovered too much already, for having endeavoured to cre ate jealousies between the king and some of his best subjects, was part of his charge in the preamble to the bill, and he did not know how far any thing he could say might be taken in that sense, therefore hoped their lordships would not press him to proceed in what had turned so much to his prejudice. But had that, which the bishop thinks scarce deserves to be mentioned, broke out before the bill passed, as it did imme diately after, it would certainly have prevented its passing ; it being visible to every body, that sir John had been intrigued and tricked out of his life. But 336 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. some suspense what course to take. He desired to be secured, that nothing which he confessed should turn to his own prejudice ; the house of lords sent an address to the king, entreating, that they might be at liberty to make him this promise ; and that was readily granted. He then farther desired, that, upon his making a full confession, he might be as sured of a pardon, without being obliged to become a witness against any other person : to this the lords answered, that he had to do with men of honour, and that he must trust to their discretion ; that they would mediate for him with the king, in proportion as they should find his discoveries sincere and im portant : his behaviour to the king hitherto had not been such as to induce the lords to trust to his can dour, it was much more reasonable that he should trust to them. Upon this, all hopes of any disco veries from him were laid aside. But a matter of another nature broke out, which, but for its singular circumstances, scarce deserves to be mentioned. Practices There was one Smith, a nephew of sir William against the x duke of Perkins, who had for some time been in treaty at bury. the duke of Shrewsbury's office, pretending that he could make great discoveries, and that he knew all the motions and designs of the Jacobites : he sent many dark and ambiguous letters to that duke's under secretary u, which were more properly to be the earl of Carlisle timed it so " passed at all, when one con- ill, that it could be of no ser- " siders who they were that vice to him. D. " voted against it, particularly u Vernon. O. (Vernon, " all the lords justices who had in a letter to the duke of " voices, except the archbishop Shrewsbury, says, " that the " of Canterbury, (Tenison,) " bill of attainder was carried " who spoke for the bill to ad- " only by a majority of seven, " miration." Coxe' s Shrewsbury " and that one would wonder it Correspondence, III. 3. p. 45 2. OF KING WILLIAM III. 337 called amusements than discoveries; for he only 1697, gave hints and scraps of stories; but he had got a" ' promise not to be made a witness, and yet he never offered any other witness, nor told where any of those he informed against were lodged, or how they might be taken. He was always asking more mo ney, and bragging what he could do if he were well 191 supplied, and he seemed to think he never had enough. Indeed, before the conspiracy broke out, he had given such hints, that when it was disco vered, it appeared, he must have known much more of it than he thought fit to tell x. One letter he wrote, two days before it was intended to have been put in execution, shewed, he must have been let into the secret very far, (if this was not an artifice to lay the court more asleep,) for he said, that as things ripened and came near execution, he should certainly know them better : it was not improbable, that he himself was one of the five, whom Perkins under took to furnish, for assisting in the assassination ; and that he hoped to have saved himself by this pre tended discovery, in case the plot miscarried. The duke of Shrewsbury acquainted the king with his discoveries, but nothing could then be made either of them or of him. When the whole plot was un ravelled, it then was manifest from his letters, that he must have known more of it than he would own : but he still claimed the promise before made him, that he should not be a witness. Upon the whole, therefore, he rather deserved a severe punishment, than any of those rewards which he pretended to. He was accordingly dismissed by the duke of Shrews- x Itwas so said : but Mr. Ver- he says in one of the letters be- non was of another opinion, as fore mentioned. O. , VOL. IV. Z 338 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. bury, who thought that even this suspicious be- *" haviour of his did not release him from keeping the promises he had made him. Smith, thereupon, went to the earl of *** *", and possessed him with bad im pressions of the duke of Shrewsbury, and found him much inclined to entertain them : he told him, that he had made great discoveries, of which that duke would take no notice ; and because the duke's ill health had obliged him to go into the country two days before the assassination was intended z, he put this construction upon it, that he was willing to be out of the way, when the king was to be murdered. To fix this imputation, he shewed him the copies of all his letters, all of which, but the last more espe cially, had the face of a great discovery. The lord *** y carried this to court, and it made such an im pression there, that the earl of Portland sent Smith money, and entertained him as a spy, but never could by his means learn any one real piece of intel ligence. When this happened, the king was just going beyond sea ; so Smith's letters were taken, and sealed up by the king's order, and left, in the hands of sir William Trumball, who was the other secre tary of state. This matter, lay quiet till Fenwick began to make discoveries ; and when lord *** un derstood that he had not named himself, (about which he expressed too vehement a concern,) but 192 that he had named lord Shrewsbury, it was said, that he entered into a negotiation with the duchess y Monmouth, afterwards earl the assassination was to have of Peterborough. O. been, and after he had received - Mr. Vernon fully clears the this letter. But it was unfor- duke with regard to his going tunate that he did so. O. out of town two days before OF KING WILLIAM III. 339 of Norfolk b, that she should, by Fenwick's lady, en- 1697. courage him to persist in his discoveries : and that he dictated some papers to the duchess, that should be offered to him, as an additional one; in which many little stories were related, which had been told the king, and might be believed by him; and by these, the king might have been disposed to believe the rest of Fenwick's paper : and the whole ended in some discoveries concerning Smith, which would naturally occasion his letters to be called for, and then they would probably have had great effect. The duchess of Norfolk declared, that he had dic tated all these schemes of his to her, who copied them, and handed them to Fenwick ; and that he had left one paper with her ; it was short, but con tained an abstract of the whole design, and referred to a larger one, which he had only dictated to her. The duchess said, she had placed a gentlewoman, who carried her messages to Fenwick's lady, to over hear all that passed ; so that she both had another witness, to support the truth of what she related, and a paper left by him with her. She said, that Fenwick would not be guided by him ; and said, he would not meddle with contrived discoveries : that thereupon this lord was highly provoked : he said, if Fenwick would follow his advice, he would cer tainly save him ; but if he would not, he would get the bill to pass. And, indeed, when that matter was depending, he spoke two full hours in the house of lords, in favour of the bill, with a peculiar vehe mence. Fenwick's lady, being much provoked at this, got her nephew, the earl of Carlisle, to move the lords, that Fenwick might be examined, concerning b She was niece to the earl of Monmouth. O. z2 • 340 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1 697- any advices that had been sent him with relation to — yg discoveries : and upon this, Fenwick told what his lady had brought him, and thereupon the duchess of Norfolk and her confident were likewise interro gated, and gave the account which I have here re lated : in conclusion, Smith's letters were read, and he himself was examined. This held the lords several days ; for the earl of Portland, by the king's orders,' produced all Smith's papers : by them it appeared, that he was a very insignificant spy, who was always insisting in his old strain of asking money, and tak ing no care to deserve it. The earl of *** was c, upon the accusation and evidence above mentioned, sent to the tower d, and turned out of all his em ployments. But the court had no mind to have the matter farther examined into ; for the king spoke to my self to do all I could to soften his censure, which 193 he afterwards acknowledged I had done. I did not know what new scheme of confusion might have been opened by him in his own excuse. The house of lords was much set against him, and seemed re solved to go great lengths. To allay that heat, I put them in mind, that he set the revolution first on foot, and was a great promoter of it, coming twice over to Holland to that end : I then moved, that he should be sent to the tower : this was agreed to, and he lay there till the end of the session, and was re moved from all his places : but that loss, as was be lieved, was secretly made up to him, for the court was resolved not to lose him quite c. c Monmouth, afterwards Pe- having spoken undutiful words terborough, who well deserved of the king. It was done in this censure, and was a tho- his discourse upon this matter rough bad man. H. with the duchess of Norfolk. O. d In this resolution of the e Very bad this in all parts lords, mention is made of his of it. He deserved almost any OF KING WILLIAM III. 341 Fenwick, seeing no hope was left, prepared him- 1697. self to die f : he desired the assistance of one of the Fenwick's deprived bishops, which was not easily granted; but executlon- in that, and in several other matters, I did him such service, that he wrote me a letter of thanks upon it. He was beheaded on Tower-hill, and died very composed, in a much better temper than was to be expected ; for his life had been very irregular. At the place of his execution, he delivered a paper in writing, wherein he did not deny the facts that had punishment. I wonder any man of honour could keep him company after such an attempt. He was of the worst principles of any man of that or perhaps any age. Yet from some glit tering in his character, he had some admirers. He was Pope's hero. O. (See the bishop's ac count of Smith's disclosures, and of the earl of Monmouth's transactions with him and sir John Fenwick, examined by Ralph, in his Hist. vol. ii. p. 709 — 714. Little additional light is thrown on this business in the Shrewsbury Correspondence, lately published by Mr. Coxe. See p. 3. c. 2. 3. p. 43 1 — 468.) f And petitioned the house of lords to intercede with the king for a reprieve for two days, which the house came readily into, (notwithstanding a strange confused story the archbishop of Canterbury told of a paper found upon Keh-- sington road, though he could neither tell where it was, nor what was in it,) and order ed the bishops of London and Salisbury to wait upon the king with their address ; which the last positively refused, and said, their lordships might send him to the tower, but they had no right to send him to Ken sington. I never saw so uni versal an indignation as this raised in the house. The earl of Rochester said, he thought the bishop had moved very well, therefore he seconded him that he should be sent immediately to the tower, for refusing to obey the orders of the house ; but the earl of Scarborow, who was the lord of the bedchamber in wait ings said, he hoped they would not insist upon doing a hardship to the only man in the house that would think it one : there fore desired he might have the honour to attend the bishop of London with an address, that he was sure would be very gra ciously received : which was a- greed to, though with the ut most contempt for the reverend prelate. If he received a letter of thanks afterwards, it is a great proof that sir John died a much better Christian than he had lived. D. King James's Memoirs confirm the facts mentioned by Fenwick, and add many more of a similar kind. H. Z 3 342 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. been sworn against him e, but complained of the in- justice of the procedure, and left his thanks to those who had voted against the bill. He owned his loy alty to king James, and to the prince of Wales after him ; but mentioned the design of assassinating king William in terms full of horror. The paper was sup posed to have been drawn by bishop White h, and the Jacobites were much provoked with the para graph last mentioned '. This was the conclusion of that unacceptable affair, in which I had a much e (As a direct contradiction to the truth of this assertion, Ralph, in his Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 715, produces the fol lowing parts of sir John Fen wick's last speech : " As for " what I am now to die, I call *' God to witness, I went not " to that meeting in Leaden- " hall-street with any such in- " ten tion as to invite king " James by force to invade this " 'nation ; nor was I myself pro- " vided with either horse or " arms, or engaged for any " number of men, or gave par- " ticular consent for any such " invasion, as is most falsely " sworn against me I do " also declare in the presence " of God, that I knew nothing " of king James's coming to *' Calais, nor of any invasion " intended' from thence, till it " was publicly known. And " the only notion I had that " something might be attempt- " ed, was from the Toulon fleet " coming to Brest." He begs also God to pardon those who with great zeal have sought his life, and brought the guilt of his innocent blood upon this nation, no treason being proved upon him. In a note inserted in the 8vo edition of bishop Burnet's History, it is replied, that " whether sir John Fen- " wick went to the above-men- " tioned meeting with an in- " tention to invite king James " or not, or to invite him to " invade this nation by force, " or only by a few from abroad, " who might trust to a greater " strength at home, yet here is " no denial that he was at the " meeting where it was agreed " to invite king James to invade " this nation." It is added, that his words imply, ** that he " did give a general consent to " an invasion by force.") h The deprived bishop of Pe terborough. O. * (It is to be hoped, not all, if any of them. From Porter's information given in sir Richard Blackmore's History of this Conspiracy, p. 85, it appears, that Bevill Higgons, so often cited in the preceding notes, and his elder brother, Mr. Tho mas Higgons, who were both deeply engaged in king James's interests, refused to be con cerned in any attempt upon king William's person.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 343 larger share than might seem to become a man of my profession k. But the house of Lords, by severe " votes, obliged all the peers to be present, and to give their votes in the matter. Since I was therefore con vinced, that he was guilty of the crime laid to his charge, and that such a method of proceeding was not only lawful, but in some cases necessary ; and since, by the search I made into attainders and par liamentary proceedings, when I wrote the History of the Reformation, I had seen further into those mat ters, than otherwise I should ever have done; I thought it was incumbent on me, when my opinion determined me to the severer side, to offer what rea sons occurred to me, in justification of my vote. But this did not exempt me from falling under a great load of censure upon this occasion '. 1697. k Archbishop Tenison engag ed also very largely in the de bate for the bill. O. Dukes of Somerset, Devonshire, Leeds, voted against the bill. H. 1 The bishop having thought it necessary, (and indeed there was occasion enough for it,) in justification of his scandalous behaviour in sir John Fenwick's trial, to expatiate upon that subject with more words than truth, I have inserted the pro test entered in the books of the house of lords ; by which the falsehood of most of his asser tions will appear under the hands of those that could not be contradicted, (for whenever the facts are disputed, the pro test is always expunged in that house,) and it is there to be found at this day in form fol lowing. &c, &c, D. (Ralph, in his Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 709, after remarking, that out of one hundred and twenty- nine lords spiritual and tempo ral, a majority onlyof seven could be obtained for the bill, has in serted the protest against it of forty-one peers, of whom eight were bishops. " We whose hames are un- " derwritten, do dissent for the " reasons following : " Because bills of attainder " against persons in prison, and " who are therefore liable to be " tried by law, are of dangerous " consequence to the lives of " the subjects ; and, as we con- " ceive, may tend to the sub- " version of the laws of this " kingdom. " Because the evidence of " grand-jurymen, of what was " sworn against sir John Fen- " wick, as also the evidence " of petty-jurymen, of what Z 4 344 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1 697. " was sworn at the trial of other " men, were admitted here, both " which are against the rules of " law ; besides that they dis- " agreed in their testimony. " Because the information of " Goodman, in writing, was re- " ceived, which is not by law " to be admitted ; and the pri- " soner, for want of his appear- " ing face to face, as is required " by law, could not have the " advantage of cross examining " him. " And it did not appear by " any evidence, that sir John " Fenwick, or any other person " employed by him, had any " way persuaded Goodman to " withdraw himself, and it " would be of very dangerous " consequence, that any person " so accused, should be con- " demned : for by this means " a witness, who should be " found insufficient to convict " a man, shall have more power " to hurt him by his absence, " than he could have had, if he " were produced viva voce a- " gainst him. " And if Goodman had ap- " peared against him, yet he " was so infamous in the whole " course of his life, and parti- " cularly for the most horrid " blasphemy which was proved " against him, that no evidence " from him could or ought to " have any credit, especially in " the case of blood. " So that in this case there " was but one witness, viz. Por- " ter ; and he, as we conceive, " a very doubtful one. " Lastly, because sir John " Fenwick is so inconsiderable " a man, as to the endangering " the peace of the government, " that there needs no necessity " of proceeding against him in " this extraordinary manner. " Huntingdon, Thanet, N. " Dunelm, R. Bath and Wellsj " Craven, Carlisle, Nottingham, " H. London, Gil. Hereford, "Willoughby, Kent, R. Fer- " rers, Granville, Fitzwalter, " Halifax, Lindsey, P. Winton, " Arundell, Lempster, Here- " ford, Carnarvon, Jonat. Ex-> " on. Jeffreys, Northumberland, " Abingdon, Hunsdon, Chan- " dos, Scarsdale, Normanby* " Weymouth, Tho. Menev. " Dartmouth, Sussex, North- " ampton, Bathe, Tho. Roffen. " Bristol, Leeds, Rochester, " Leigh, Willoughby de Broke." Seven at least of the eight bi shops who signed this protest, were of the tory party ; Mr. On slow remarks, at p. 190, that some of the whig bishops were against the bill. But who were they ? Lord Dartmouth, in his copy of Burnet's History, sub joins the names of fifty-two lords to the above protest, instead of forty-one ; but eleven of the number, to whom might have been added Herbert earl of Tor rington, are recorded in the Journals as dissentient only, whilst forty-one appear as pro testers. His lordship adds, that the dukes of Somerset, Or mond, and Devonshire, and the earls of Pembroke and Dorset, voted against the bill, but did not sign the protest. The state of the case appears to be this. Eight peers, besides the twelve dissentients and forty-one pro testers, voted on the same side of the question; five of them are here mentioned by lord Dartmouth. They make toge- OF KING WILLIAM III. 345 As soon as the business of the session of pariia- 1697. ment was at an end, the king went beyond sea ; the Affairs in summer passed over very quietly in England, for the*1!"1?"8' Jacobites were now humble and silent. The French were resolved to have peace at any rate, by the end of the year ; they therefore studied to push matters as far as possible, during this campaign, that they might obtain the better terms, and that their king might still, to outward appearance, maintain a supe riority in the field, as if nothing could stand before him, and1 from thence might indulge his vanity in boasting, that, notwithstanding all his successes, he was willing to sacrifice his own advantages to the quiet of Europe. The campaign was opened with the siege of Aeth ; the place was ill furnished, and the bad state both of our coin and credit, set the king's preparations so far back, that he could not, come in time to relieve itm. From thence the French were advancing towards Brussels, on design either ther sixty-one, opposed to six- " to shew the necessity of pass-* ty-eight consentients, a ma- " ing this bill, he drew the cast- jority only of seven in favour " ing votes on his side; and so of the bill, the whole number " the bill was carried by a ma- of voters being one hundred " jority of seven voices only, and twenty-nine. Chandler, " there being sixty-eight for it, in his Debates of the House " and sixty-one against it.") of Lords, says, " that the bill m (" The joint army of the " received long and violent de- " confederates having continued " bates, the house appearing to " long enough at Iseringhe to " be equally divided in their " be convinced, that nothing " opinions, and even some of " feasible could be done for " the best friends to the present " the relief of the place, (Aeth,) "government remained stiff "on the 31st of May broke " against the extraordinary pro- " up and separated ; king Wil- " ceeding : but a court prelate," " liam directing his course to (either Burnet, or Tenison arch- " Braine-le-Chateau, and the bishop of Canterbury,) " not " elector of Bavaria returning. " without occasioning a severe " to his former post atDeinse." " reflection on his character, Ralph's Hist, of England, "vol. i. " having made a long speech p. 734.) 346 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN ^Q7- to take or bombard it. But the king, by a very happy diligence preventing them, possessed himself of an advantageous camp, about three hours before the French could reach it ; by which they were wholly incapacitated to execute their design. After this there was no more action in Flanders all the summer ; the rest of the time was spent in negotia tion. Barcelona The French were more successful in Catalonia : the^eLh. they sent an army against Barcelona, commanded by the duke of Vendome, and their fleet came to his assistance : the garrison was under the command of a prince of Hesse, who had served in the king's army, and, upon changing his religion, was now at the head of the German troops that were sent into Spain. The viceroy (whether by a fate common to all the Spaniards, or from a jealousy that the whole honour would accrue to a stranger, if the place should hold out) so entirely neglected to do his part, that he was surprised, and his small army was routed. The town was large and ill fortified, yet it held out two months after the trenches were opened: so that time was given to the Spaniards, sufficient to have brought relief from the furthest corner of Spain. Nothing had happened, during the whole course of the war, that did 'more evidently demonstrate the feebleness into which that monarchy was fallen ; for no relief was sent to Barcelona, so that they were forced to capitulate. By this the French gained a great point; hitherto the Spaniards, who contri buted the least towards carrying on the war, were the most backward to all overtures of peace : they had felt little of the miseries of war, and thought themselves out of its reach : but now, France being OF KING WILLIAM III. 347 master of so important a place, which cut off all 1697. their communication with Italy; they became as jq^ earnest for peace, as they had hitherto been averse from it. Nor was this all their danger : a squadron had A French , squadron in been sent, at the same time, to seize on the plate the west fleet in the West Indies : the king ordered a squa dron, which he had lying at Cadiz, to sail after them, and assist the Spaniards. The French, finding that the galleons were already got to the Havana, where they could not attack them, sailed to Cartha- gena, which was in no condition to resist them. The plate had all been sent away before they came thi ther; but they landed and pillaged the place, and then gave it out that they had found many millions there, which at first seemed incredible, and was af terwards known to be false : yet it was confidently asserted at that time, to cover the reproach of hav ing miscarried in the attempt, on which they had raised great expectations, and to which many un dertakers had been drawn in. Our squadron was much superior to theirs, yet never engaged them : once indeed they came up to the French, and had some advantage over them ; but did not pursue it. The French sailed to the north, towards Newfound land, where we had another squadron lying, which was sent with some land forces to recover Hudson's bay: these ships might have fallen upon the French, and would probably have mastered them : but as they had no certain account of their strength, so being sent out upon another service, they did not think it proper to hazard the attacking them : so the French got safe home, and the conduct of our affairs at sea was much censured: yet our admiralty declared 348 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. themselves satisfied with the account the com- manders gave of their proceedings. But that board was accused of much partiality : on all such occa sions, the unfortunate must expect to be blamed, and, to outward appearance, there was much room given, either to censure the orders, or the execution of them. The king owned he did not understand those matters : and Russel, now made earl of Orford, had both the admiralty and the navy board in a great dependance on himself; so that he was considered al most as much as if he had been lord high admiral. He was too much in the power of those in whom he confided, and trusted them too far : and it was ge nerally believed, that there was much corruption, as it was certain there was much faction, if not treachery, in the conduct of our marine. Our mis carriages made all people cry, that we must have a peace, for we could not manage the war to any good purpose ; since, notwithstanding our great superiority at sea, the French conducted their matters so much :vv* 196 better thanus, that we were losers, even in that ele* ment where we used to triumph most. Our squa dron, in the bay of Mexico, did very fittle service ; they only robbed and destroyed some of the French colonies; and that sent to Hudson's bay found it quite abandoned by the French ; so that both re turned home inglorious. The ling A great change of affairs happened this year in death. Poland : their king, John Sobieski, after he had long outlived the fame he had got by raising the siege of Vienna, died at last under a general contempt. He was going backwards and forwards, as his queen's negotiations in the court of France were entertained or rejected: his government was so feeble and dis- OF KING WILLIAM III. 349 jointed sat home, that all their diets broke up upon 1697. preliminaries, before they could, according to their forms, enter upon business : he was set on heaping up wealth, which seemed necessary to give his son an interest in the succeeding election. And upon his death, a great party appeared for him, notwithstand ing the general aversion to the mother: but the Polish nobility resolved to make no haste with their election ; they plainly set the crown to sale, and en couraged all candidates that would bid for it : one party declared for the prince of Conti, of which their primate, then a cardinal, was the head : the emperor did all he could to support the late king's son ; but when he saw the French party were too strong for him, he was willing to join with any other pre tender. The duke of Lorrain, the prince of Baden, and The Sector don Livio Odeschalchi, pope Innocent's nephew, chosen king were all named ; but these not being likely to sue-0 ceed,. a negotiation was secretly managed with the elector of Saxony, which succeeded so well, that he was prevailed on to change his religion, to advance his troops towards the frontier of Poland, to distri bute eight millions of florins among the Poles, and to promise to confirm all their privileges, and in par ticular, to undertake the siege of Caminieck. He consented to all this, and declared himself a candi date, a very few days before the election ; and so he was set up by the imperialists, in opposition to the French party : his party became quickly so strong, that though, upon the first appearance at the elec tion, while every one of the competitors was trying his strength, the French party was the strongest, and was so declared by the cardinal ; yet when the 350 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. other pretenders saw that they could not carry the election for themselves, they united in opposition to the French interest, and gave over all their voices to the elector of Saxony, by which his party became j 97 much the strongest, so he was proclaimed the elected king. The cardinal gave notice to the court of France, of what had been done in favour of the prince of Conti ; and desired that he might be sent quickly thither, well furnished with arms and am munition, but chiefly with money. ~ But the party for Saxony made more despatch; that elector lay nearer, and had both his money and troops ready; so he took the oaths that were required, and got the change of his religion to be attested by the imperial court : he made all the haste he could with his army to Cracow, and he was soon after crowned, to the great joy of the imperial party, but the unexpressible trouble of all his subjects in Saxony. The secular men there saw, that the supporting this elective crown, would ruin his hereditary domi nions : and those, who laid the concerns of the pro testant religion to heart, were much more troubled, when they saw that house, under whose protection their religion grew up at first, now fall off to popery. It is true, the present family, ever since Maurice's time, had shewed very little zeal in that cause : the elected king had so small a share of religion in him self, that little was to be expected from him : nor was it much apprehended that he would become a bigot, or turn a persecutor : but such was the ea gerness of the popish clergy toward the suppressing what they call heresy, and the perpetual jealousies, with which therefore they would possess the Poles, were like to be such, in case he used no violence to- OF KING WILLIAM III. 351 wards his Saxon subjects, as possibly might have 1697. great effects on him; so that it is no wonder, if they were struck with a general consternation upon his revolt. His electoress, though a very young person, descended of the house of Brandenbourg, ex pressed so extraordinary a measure of zeal and piety upon this occasion, that it contributed much to the present quieting of their fears. The new king sent a popish statholder to Dresden, but so weak a man, that there was no reason to apprehend much from any conduct of his. He also sent them all the as surances that could be given in words, that he would make no change among them, nor has he hi therto made any steps towards it. A very unusual accident happened at this time, The czar that served not a little to his quiet establishment on HoUand the throne of Poland. The Czar was so sensible af^f*- the defects of his education, that, in order to the correcting these, he resolved to go a little into the world for better information : he was forming great designs ; he intended to make a navigable canal between the Volga and the Tanais, by which he might carry both materials and provisions for a fleet to Azuph ; and when that communication was 1 98 opened, he apprehended great things- might be done afterwards : he therefore intended to see the fleets of Holland and England, and to make himself as much master of that matter, as his genius could rise up to. He sent an embassy to Holland, to re gulate some matters of commerce, and to see if they would assist him in the war he was designing against the Turks : when the ambassadors were set out, he settled his affairs in such hands, as he trusted most to, and with a small retinue of two or three servants, 352 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. he secretly followed his ambassadors, and quickly ; overtook them. He discovered himself first to the elector of Brandenbourg, who was then in Prussia, looking on the dispute that was like to arise in Po land, in which, if a war should follow, he might be forced to have a share. The Czar concerned himself much in the matter, not only by reason of the neigh bourhood, but because he feared, that if the French party should prevail, France being in an alliance with the Turk, a king sent from thence would pro bably not only make a peace with the Turk, but turn his arms against himself, which would hinder all his designs for a great fleet. The French party was strongest in Lithuania : therefore the Czar sent orders to his generals, to bring a great army to the frontier of that dutchy, to be ready to break into it, if a war should begin in Poland : and we were told, that the terror of this had a great effect. From Prussia, 'the Czar went into Holland, and thence came over to England; therefore I will refer all that I shall say concerning him, to the time of his leaving England. The prince A fleet was ordered at Dunkirk, to carry the of Conti . J sailed to prince of Conti to Poland : a squadron of ours, that lay before that port, kept him in for some time : at last he got out, and sailed to Dantzick ; but that city had declared for the new king, so they would not suffer him to land, with all those that had come with him : they only consented to suffer himself to land, with a small retinue : this > he thought would not become him; so he landed at Marienbourg, where he was met by some of the chief of his party: they pressed him to distribute the money, that he had brought from France, among them; and pro- Dantzick. OF KING WILLIAM III. 353 mised to return quickly to him with a great force : 1697: but he was limited by his instructions, and would see a good force, before he would part with his treasure. The new king sent some troops to dis perse those who were coming together to serve him, and these had once almost seized on the prince him self; but he acted after that with great caution, and would not trust the Poles. He saw no appear ance of any force, like to be brought to him, equal 199 to the undertaking, and fearing lest, if he stayed too long, he should be frozen up in the Baltick, he came back* to Dunkirk. The cardinal stood out still : the court of Rome rejoiced at the pretended con version of the new king, and owned him ; but he quickly saw such a scene of difficulties, that he had reason to repent his embarking himself in such a dangerous undertaking. This may prove of such importance, both to the political and religious con cerns of Europe, that I thought it deserved that a particular mention should be made of it, though it lies at a great distance from us : it had some in fluence in disposing the French now to be more earnest for a peace ; for if they had got a king of Poland in their dependance, that would have given them a great interest in the northern parts, with an easier access, both to assist the Turk and the male- contents in Hungary. The negotiation for a peace was held at Ryswick, The treaty at Ryswick. a house of the king's, between the Hague and Delft. The chief of our plenipotentiaries was the earl of Pembroke, a man of eminent virtue, and of great and profound learning, particularly in the mathe matics. : this made him a little too speculative and abstracted in his notions : he had great application, VOL. iv. a a 354 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. but he lived a little too much out of the- world, though in a public station ; a little more practice among men would give him the last finishing: there was somewhat in his person and manner that created him an universal respect ; for we had no man among us whom all sides loved and honoured so much as they did himm - There were two others joined with him in that embassy ". m The forms of the nego tiation were chiefly managed by sir J. Williamson ; the se cret intrusted to the earl of Portland, though no plenipo tentiary. The article whereby France engages not to disturb king William, was communi cated by Mr. Boufflers at a con ference with the earl of Port land, who would willingly have obtained a promise from the French court, not to suffer king James to remain at St. Ger mains, but it could not be ad mitted. It was also one of the points of his embassy ; but the French ministers would never talk upon the subject. Madam Maintenon would never see lord Portland ; which was looked upon as a bad sign of the French intention towards king William and his govern ment; She was a bigot, having been a coquette. H. n Except as to his virtue and learning, he did not keep up a great character afterwards, and even at this time, and in this transaction, they who were near him did not think very highly of him ; he had such strange particularities, and which grew so much upon him, that he became long a subject of jest and laughter : yet with some degree of respect always paid to him : he had no enemies. He made and left behind him the largest collection of medals, coins, statues, busts, pictures, &c. that has been made in this country by any one person ; since that of the famous earl of Arundel, whom he seems to have emulated in this respect, and was not very unlike him in some others. He was at a vast expense in his collecting these curiosities, and notwithstand ing that, died very rich, becom ing so by management, and the profits of the several employ ments he had been in. He had gone through most of the great offices of the kingdom, but ne ver as a minister, and some of them he had only, till they could otherwise be disposed of, which produced a jest from the duke of Bucks, then much spoken of, but not quite, so de cent to tell here. The truth is, his character for probity was so high, and the esteem of him, on other accounts also in these times, so general, that his ac ceptance of employments- was a credit to the government; and his own indifference as to them made him the more easily OF KING WILLIAM III. 355 The king of Sweden was received as mediator, 1697. but he died before any progress was made in the The king of treaty : his son, who succeeded him in his throne, S!" His was also received to succeed him in the mediation. s,on is me" diator at The father was a rough and boisterous man ; he H>e treaty loved fatigue, and was free from vice ; he reduced his kingdom to a military state, and was ever going round it, to see how his troops were ordered, and his discipline observed : he looked narrowly into the whole administration ; he had quite altered the con stitution of his kingdom ; it was formerly changed from being an elective, to be a hereditary kingdom ; yet till his time it had continued to be rather an aristocracy than a monarchy ; but he got the power of the senators to be quite taken away, so that it was left free to him, to make use of such counsel lors as he should choose : the senators had enriched themselves, and oppressed the people ; they had de voured the revenues of the crown, and in two reigns, in which the sovereign was long in a state of in- 200 fancy, both in queen Christina's and in this king's time, the senators had taken care of themselves, and had stripped the crown. So the king moved for a general resumption ; and this he obtained easily of the states : who, as they envied the wealth of the senators, so they hoped that, by making the king rich, the people would be less charged with taxes. This was not all ; he got likewise an act of revision, by which those who had grants were to account for to be removed from them. He ministers or parties; and in that was very firm to the govern- he preserved the dignity of his ment and constitution, but had rank. O. no particular attachment to A a 2 356 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN / 1697. the mean profits, and this was applied even to those who had grants upon valuable considerations; for when it appeared that the valuable consideration was satisfied, they were to account for all they had received over and above that, and to repay thisj witfi the interest of the mortey, at twelve per cent. for all the years they had enjoyed it. This brought a great debt on all the senators and other families of the kingdom ; it did utterly ruin them, and left them at mercy : and when the king took from them all they had, he kept them still in a dependance upon him, giving them employments in the army or- mi litia that he set up. After that, he procured of the states of his king dom an absolute authority to govern them as he thought fit, and according to law ; but even this limitation seemed uneasy, and their slavery was finished by another act, which he obtained, that he should not be obliged to govern by law, but by his mere will and pleasure : so successful was he, in the space of five years, to ruin all the families in his kingdom, and to destroy their laws and liberties, and that by their own consent. He died when his son was but fifteen years old, and (who) gave great hopes, of being an active, warlike, and indefatigable prince, which his reign ever since has demonstrated to the world. The first act of his reign was the mediation at Ryswick, where the treaty went on but slowly, till Harlay, the first of the French plenipotentiaries, came to the Hague, who, as was believed, had the secret. He shewed "a fairer inclination than had appeared in the others, to treat frankly and honour- OF KING WILLIAM III. 357 ably; and to clear all the difficulties that had been 1697- started before : but while they were negotiating, by exchanging papers, which was a slow method, sub ject to much delay, and too many exceptions and evasions, the marshal Bouflers desired a conference with the earl of Portland °, and by the order of their masters, they met four times, and were long alone : that lord told me himself, that the subject of those conferences was concerning king James : the king desired to know, how the king of France intended 201 to dispose of him, and how he could own him, and yet support the other : the king of France would not renounce the protecting him, by any article of the treaty: but it was agreed between them, that the king of France should give him no assistance, nor give the king any disturbance on his account : and that he should retire from the court of France, either to Avignon or to Italy : on the other hand, his queen should have fifty thousand pounds a year, which was her jointure, settled after his death, and that it should now be paid her, he being reckoned as dead to the nation ; and in this, the king very readily acquiesced : these meetings niade the treaty go on with more despatch, this tender point being once settled p. 0 (Ralph gives good reasons having been since published for believing, that the earl of may be consulted, at p. 574. Portland- proposed the cpnfe- vol. ii. it has been maintained, rence ; and states, that they had that William consented at five meetings instead of four, this time, on condition of the mentioning the days on which recognition by France of his they took place. See his Hist, title to the crown of Eng- of England, vol. ii. p. 735.) land, to have the young son of p (On the authority of Mac- James succeed him ; and that pherson's extracts from the Life the proposal was rejected by of king James II. which work his father. But the truth of a a 3 358 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. A new difficulty arose with relation to the em- Ti.e peace pire : the French offered Brizack and Fribourg, as an"d thf6 an equivalent for Strasbourg ; the court of Vienna sTned consented to this, but the empire refused it : these places belonged to the emperor's hereditary domi nions, whereas Strasbourg was a free city, as well as a protestant town ; so the ernperor was soon brought to accept of the exchange. All other matters were concerted : Spain was now as impatient of delays as France : England and the States had no other con cern in the treaty, but to secure their allies, and to settle a barrier in the Netherlands ; so in September the treaty was signed by all, except the German princes ; but a set time was prefixed for them to come into it. The duke of Savoy was comprehended within it; and the princes of the empire, finding they could struggle no longer, did at last consent to it. A new piece of treachery, against the protestant religion, broke out in the conclusion of all: the French declared, that that part of the Palatinate which was stipulated to be restored in the state in which it was, by virtue of that article, was to con tinue in the same state, with relation to religion, in which it was at that time : by this, several churches were to be condemned, that otherwise, according to the laws of the empire, and in particular of those dominions, were to be restored to the protestants : the elector palatine accepted of the condition very willingly, being bigoted to a high degree : but some of the princes, the king of Sweden in particular, as this account is opposed with litical Transactions, c. 17. p. at least plausible arguments by 442 — 452.) Soraerville in his History of Po- OF KING WILLIAM III. 359 duke of DeuxpOnts, refused to submit to it .*- but this 1697. had been secretly concerted, among the whole popish ~ party, who are always firm to the interests of their religion, and zealous for them ; whereas the protest ant courts are too ready to sacrifice the common in terest of their religion to their own private advan tage. The king was troubled at this treacherous motion, but he saw no inclination in any of the al- 202 lies to oppose it with the zeal with which it was pressed on the other hand: the importance of the thing, sixteen churches being only condemned by it, as the. earl of Pembroke told me, was not such as to deserve he should venture a rupture upon it : and it was thought, the elector palatine might, on other accounts, be so obnoxious to the protestants, and might need their assistance and protection so much, that he would be obliged afterwards to restore these churches, thus wrested from them : so the king con tented himself with ordering his plenipotentiaries to protest against this, which they did in a formal act that they passed. The king by this peace concluded the great design, Reflections of putting a stop to the progress of the French arms, peace. which he had constantly pursued from his first ap pearance on the stage in the year 1672. There was not one of the allies who complained that he had been forgot by him, or wronged in the treaty : nor had the desire of having his title universally ac knowledged, raised any impatience in him, or made him run into this peace with any indecent haste. The terms of it were still too much to the advantage of France ; but the length and charge of the war had so exhausted the allies, that the king saw the necessity of accepting the best conditions that could A a 4 360 THE HISTORY 6f THE REIGN 1697. be got : it is true, France was more harassed by the war, yet the arbitrary frame of that government made their king the master of the whole wealth of his people ; and the war was managed on both sides, between them and us, with this visible difference, that every man who dealt with the French king was ruined by it ; whereas, among us, every man grew rich by his dealings with the king : and it was not easy to see how this could be either prevented or punished. The regard that is shewn to the mem bers of parliament among us, makes that few abuses can be inquired into or discovered; and the king found his reign grow so unacceptable to his people, by the continuance of the war, that he saw the neces sity of coming to a peace. The States were under the same pressure ; they were heavier charged, and suffered more by the war than the English. The French got indeed nothing by a war which they had most perfidiously begun; they were forced to return to the peace of Nhneguen ; Pignerol and Bri zack, which cardinal Richlieu had considered as the keys of Italy and Germany, were now parted with ; and all that base practice, of claiming so much, under the head of reunions and dependencies, was abandoned : the duchy of Lorrain was also entirely- 203 restored 1 :. it was generally thought that the king of 1 (" Lorrain was not entirely " considered as a member of " restored : France, on the con- "the Germanic body: Pigne- " trary, could never be induced " rol, the key of Italy, was not " to part with the reserves she " restored to Savoy in virtue " had established by the peace " of this treaty, as the bishop "of Nimeguen : it was also " has unfairly insinuated : Stras- " restored in a defenceless " burgh opened as wide an en- " state : it was to remain for " trance into the empire as Bri- " eyer invested with the domi- " sac ; and an author, who was " nions of France, and conse- " a perpetual advocate for king " quently could no more be '< William, declares, ' that to , OF KING WILLIAM III. 361 France intended to live out the rest of his days in 1697. quiet ; for his parting with Barcelona made all peo- — pie conclude that he did not intend to prosecute the Dauphin's pretensions upon the crown of Spain, after that king's death, by a new war ; and that he would only try how to manage it by negotiation. The most melancholy part of this treaty was, that no advantages were got by it in favour of the pro testants in France; the French refugees made all possible applications to the king, and to the other protestant allies ; but as they were no part of the cause of the war, so it did not appear that the allies could do more for them, than to recommend them, in the warmest manner, to the king of France ' ; but he was so far engaged in a course of superstition and cruelty, that their condition became worse by the peace ; the court was more at leisure to look after them, and to persecute them, than they thought fit to do during the war. The military men in France did generally complain of the peace, as dis honourable and base ; the Jacobites among us were the more confounded at the news Of it, because the " leave Strasburgh in the hands Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 762.) " of France, was tacitly to yield r (Ralph relates, that a re- " her all that belongs to the monstrance in their favour was " empire beyond the Rhine, delivered by the earl of Pem- " from Sundgaw to the Palati- broke in the name of the pro- " nate.' The ten cities in Al- testant allies in general, on the " sace, together with their de- 19th of September, which was " pendencies, were never held in but the day before the peace " sovereignty by France before : was signed ; that consequently, " that all that base practice on as it is reasonable to think, it " the head of reunions was was delivered only to amuse the " not abandoned, appears by parties concerned in it, without " the reserve made by the most any serious purpose in their fa- " Christian king in Flanders, vour. Ralph's Hist, of England, " of eighty-two towns and vil- vol. ii. p. 75 2,) " lages.tosaynomore.'' Ralph's 362 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. ' court of France did, to the last minute, assure king James, that they would never abandon his interests : and his queen sent over assurances to their party here, that England would be left out of the treaty, and put to maintain the war alone : of which they were so confident, that they entered into deep wagers upon it; a practice little known among us before the war, but it was carried on, in the progress of it, .to a very extravagant degree ; so that they were ruined in their fortunes, as well as sunk in their ex pectations, by the peace ; upon which, it was said, king James's queen made a bold repartee to the French king, when he told her the peace was signed: she said, she wished it might be such as should raise his glory, as much as it might settle his repose s. But while the peace was concluded in these parts, the war between the emperor and the Turk went on in Hungary : the imperial army was commanded by prince Eugene, a brother of the count of Soissons, who, apprehending that he was not like to be so much considered, as he thought he might deserve in France, went and served the emperor, and grew up, in a few years, to be one of the greatest generals of the age. The Turk's The grand signior came to command his armies army in " Hungary in person, and lay encamped on both sides of the Theisse, having laid a bridge over the river: prince Eugene marched up to him, and attacked his camp s The worst part of the treaty agreeably to the original plan was, that no measures were of the ' first grand alliance. taken by it, either by private Through this defect the treaty agreement amongst the allies, of Ryswick rather deserves the or in concert with Lewis the name of a truce than a peace. XlVth, for settling the succes- H. sion to the Spanish monarchy, , OF KING WILLIAM III. 363 on the west side of the river, and after a short dis- 1697. pute, he broke in, and was master of the camp, and qq^ forced all who lay on that side over the river : in this action many were killed and drowned ; he fol lowed them cross the Theisse, and gave them a total defeat ; most of their janizaries were cut off, and the prince became master of all their artillery and magazines : the grand signior himself narrowly escaped, with a body of horse, to Belgrade ; this was a complete victory, and was the greatest blow the Turks had received in the whole war. At the same time, the czar was very successful on his side against the Tartarians. The Venetians did little on their part, and the confusions in Poland made that repub lic but a feeble ally : so that the weight of the war lay wholly on the emperor. But though he, being now delivered from the war with France, was more at leisure to prosecute this, yet his revenue was so exhausted, that he -was willing to suffer a treaty to be carried on, by the mediation of England and Holland ; and the French, being now no longer con cerned to engage the port to carry on the war, the grand signior, fearing a revolution upon his ill suc cess, was very glad to hearken to a treaty, which was carried on all this winter, and was finished the next year at Carlowitz, from which place it takes its name. By it, both parties were to keep that of which The peace they were then possessed ; and so this long war of witz. Hungary, which had brought both sides by turns very near the last extremities, was concluded by the direction and mediation of the king of England : upon which I will add a curious observation, that though it may seem to be out of the, laws of history, 364 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. yet considering my profession, will, I hope, be for given. The dura- Dr. Lloyd, the present most learned bishop of tion of the J > V r Turkish Worcester, who has now, for above twenty years, been studying the revelations with an amazing dili gence and exactness, had long before this year said, the peace, between the Turks and the papal Christ ians, was certainly to be made in the year 1698, which he made out thus : the four angels, mentioned in the fourteenth chapter of the Revelations, that were bound in the river Euphrates, which he ex pounds to be the captains of the Turkish forces, that till then were subject to the sultan at Babylon, were to be loosed, or freed from that yoke, and to set up for themselves : and these were prepared to slay the third part of men, for an hour, a day, a month, and a year : he reckons the year, in St. John, is the Ju lian year of 365 days, that is, in the prophetic style, each day a year ; a month is 30 of these days ; and 205 a. day makes one ; which added to the former num ber make's 396. Now he proves from historians, that Ottoman came, and began his conquests at Prousse, in the year 1302, to which the former num ber, in which they were to slay the third part of men, being added, it must end in the year 1698 : and though the historians do not mark the hour, or the twelfth part of the day or year, which- is a. month, that is, the beginning of the destruction the Turks were to make ; yet he is confident, if that is ever known, that the prophecy will be found, even in that, to be punctually accomplished. After this, he thinks their time of hurting the papal Christians is at an end ; they may indeed still do mischief to - the Muscovites, or persecute their own Christian OF KING WILLIAM III. 365 subjects, but they can do no hurt to the papalins ; 1697. and he is so positive in this, that he consents that all his scheme should be laid aside, if the Turk en gages in a new war with them ' ; and I must confess, that their refusing now, in a course of three years, to take any advantage from the troubles in Hun gary, to begin the war again, though we know they have been much solicited to it, gives for the present a confirmation to this learned prelate's exposition of that part of the prophecy. The king came over to England about the middle The king of November ; and was received by the city of Lon- to England. don, in a sort of triumph, with all the magnificence that he would admit " ; some progress was made in preparing triumphal arches, but he put a stop to it ; he seemed, by a natural modesty, to have contracted an antipathy to all vain shows ; which was much in creased in him, by what he had heard of the gross excesses of flattery, to which the French have run, beyond the examples of former ages, in honour of their king ; who having shewed too great a pleasure in these, they have been so far pursued, that the wit of that nation has been for some years chiefly em ployed on these ; for they saw that men's fortunes were more certainly advanced by a new and lively invention in that way, than by any service or merit whatsoever. This,. in which that king has seemed to be too much pleased, rendering him contemptible to better judges, gave the king such an aversion to every thing that looked that way, that he scarce * (Whoever recollects the vie- will be inclined to accept the tories gained by the imperial bishop's offer.) general prince Eugene over the " I remember it very well, Turks so late as the year 1717, being carried to see it. O. 366 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. bore even with things that were decent and pro per*. consuita- The king ordered many of his troops to be dis- astandinf banded soon after the peace ; but a stop was put to arn,y- that, because the French were very slow in evacuat ing the places that were to be restored by the treaty, and were not beginning to reduce their troops : so, though the king declared what he intended to do, yet he made no haste to execute it, till it should ap- 206 pear how the French intended to govern themselves. The king thought it was absolutely necessary to keep up a considerable land force ; he knew the French would still maintain great armies, and that the pretended prince of Wales would certainly be assisted by them, if England should fall into a feeble and defenceless condition ; the king of Spain was also in such an uncertain state of health, so weak and so exhausted, that it seemed necessary that England should be in a condition to bar France's invading that empire, and to maintain the rights. of the house of Austria. But though he explained himself thus in general to his ministers, yet he would not descend to particulars, to tell how many he thought necessary ; so that they had not authority to declare what was the lowest number the king in sisted on. The matter Papers were writ on both sides, for and against a argued on , . „ 1 1 • both sides, standing force ; on the one hand, it was pretended, that a standing army was inconipatible with public x Secretary Trumbull resigned secretary to the earl of Shrews- about this time, in disgust with bury, was his successor, by the the lords of the regency, who recommendation of lord Sun- he said had used him more like derland, and much against his a footman than a secretary, own inclination. H. Mr. Vernon, who was under- OF KING WILLIAM III. 367 liberty, and according to the examples of former 1697. times, the one must swallow up the other : it was proposed, that the militia might be better modelled and more trained, which, with a good naval force, some thought, would be an effectual security against foreign invasions, as well as it would maintain our laws and liberties at home. On the other side, it was urged, that since all our neighbours were armed, and the most formidable of them all kept up such a mighty force, nothing could give us a real security, but a good body of regulated troops ; nothing could be made of the militia, chiefly of the horse, but at a vast charge ; and if it was well regulated, and well commanded, it would prove a mighty army; but this of the militia was only talked of, to put by the other ; for no project was ever proposed to render it more useful ; a force at sea might be so shattered, while the enemy kept within their ports, (as it act ually happened at the revolution,) that this strength might come to be useless, when we should need it most ; so that without a considerable land force, it seemed the nation would be too much exposed. The word standing army had an odious sound in English ears ; so the popularity lay on the other side ; and the king's ministers suffered generally in the good characters they had hitherto maintained, because they studied to stop the tide that run so strong the other way^. y The whigs in the house of persuade the friends of the go- commons were much divided vernment to agree to a reason- about this point of the army, able number; and the members The king came over from Hoi- having been some days in town land about a few days before idle, had leisure to cabal and the sessions began ; so that talk one another into a bad hu- there was not time enough to- mour. It was absurd to the THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1697. At the opening the session of parliament, the king A session told them, that in his opinion a standing land force men"1" was necessary ; the house of commons carried the jealousy of a standing army so high, that they would 207 not bear the motion, nor did they like the way the king took of offering them his opinion in the point : this seemed a prescription to them, and might bias some in the counsels they were to offer the king, and be a bar to the freedom of debate : the manag ers for the court had no orders to name any num ber ; so the house came to a resolution of paying off and disbanding all the forces that had been raised since the year 1680 ; this vote brought the army to a small be less than 8000 : the court was struck with this ; kept uP. and then they tried, by an after-game, to raise the number to 15,000 horse and foot. If this had been proposed in time, it would probably have been car ried without any. difficulty ; but the king was so long upon the reserve, that now, when he thought fit to speak out his mind, he found it was too late : so a force not exceeding 10,000 horse and foot was all that the house could be brought to. This gave the king the greatest distaste of any thing that had befallen him in his whole reign ; he thought it would derogate much from him, and render his alliance so inconsiderable, that he doubted whether he could carry on the government, after it should be reduced to so weak and so contemptible a state. He said, that if he could have imagined, that after all the service he should have done the nation, he should last degree neither to keep up Lord Bolingbroke admits this army or fleet, nor to establish a most strongly in his Letters on militia: the nation was literal- History, and reasons very justly ly for three years at the mercy on the" subject. H. of France and king James. OF KING WILLIAM III. 369 have met with such returns, he would never have 1697. meddled in our affairs ; and that he was weary of governing a nation that was so jealous, as to lay it self open to an enemy, rather than trust him, who had acted so faithfully during his whole life, that he had never opce deceived those who trusted him. He said this, with a great deal more to the same purpose, to" my self; but he saw the necessity of sub- • mitting to that which could not be helped. During these debates, the earl of Sunderland had 1698. argued with many upon the necessity of keeping upg^*^ a greater force ; this was in so many hands, that he ,etired from bu- was charged as the author of the counsel, of keeping siness. on foot a standing army : so he was often named in the house of commons, with many severe reflections, for which there had been but too much occasion given during the two former reigns z. The tories pressed hard upon him, and the whigs were so jea- z The king had given ten which king William reposed in thousand pounds to the earl of this lord, through the whole Dorset, to quit the chamber- course of his reign, that he had Iain's staff; and gave it to the received sortie particular ser- earl of Sunderland; upon which vices from him at the time of lord Norris fell very violently the revolution, which no one upon him in the house of com- else could have performed ; and mons, as a man whose actions perhaps this reserved and cau- had been so scandalous during tious prince liked him the bet- his whole life, that he never ter for being only his man ; had any way to excuse one both parties (and no won- crime, but by accusing himself der) were much embittered a- of another: therefore hoped gainst him. Further' discove- they would address to his ma- ries about him, from incoritest-1 jesty, to remove him from his ible authority, have appeared presence and councils* which, since this note, 1775. H. (To though 'not seconded, was uni- be seen in Macpherson's Ori- versally well received. D. I ginal Papers, published in that have always been persuaded, . year.) from the signal confidence , VOL. IV. B b 370 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. lous of himb, that he, apprehending that, while, the "former would attack him, the others would defend him faintly, resolved to prevent a public affront0, and to retire from the court and from business ; not only against the entreaties of his friends, but even the king's earnest desire that he would continue about him d ; indeed, upon this occasion, his majesty expressed such a concern and value for him, that 208 the jealousies were increased by the confidence the b Chiefly owing to Smith, af terwards speaker, who detested him. Vernon's letters. , O. c Some of his friends told him, they had computed how the numbers would run in the house of commons upon any address that should be moved for there against him : and that they did not think there could be more than 1 60 for it. " 1 60 " (said he) for it ! that is more " than any man can stand " against long ; I am sure I " won't;" and so resigned his staff and key the, next day : but the king continued to advise with him in private upon all his affairs. To confirm this anecdote, and to shew the haste he was in to put himself out of this danger, my lord chancellor Hardwick told me, that in a conversation he had with the old duke of Somerset, about this earl of Sunderland, the duke said, that upon the apprehen sion of this- attack in the house of commons, the earl desired the duke and lord chief justice Holt, both of them his most particular friends, to give him a meeting, to consult with them what he should do upon the oc casion, either to retire or to stand it. The appointment was for the evening before the day, as he was told, (after the appointment,) the attempt was to be made, and the address to be moved for, and they came accordingly, but found the earl was gone to the king at Ken sington., He left word however, that he begged them to stay, for he would be back very soon, and was so. When they met, the earl fell into other discourse with them ; and whilst he waS talking, Holt observed he had not the key upon his coat, and interrupting him, said, " My " lord, where is your key ?" At Kensington, said the earl. " Why so quick, my lord ? (re- " plied the chief justice,) you " might have stayed till to-mor- " row." "To-morrow, my lord,- " (said the earl,) to-morrow " would have ruined me ; to- " night has saved me :" and so told them what he had heard was the design, and that he knew the king must have sub mitted to it. See antea 123, 163. O. d Surely there must have been the timidity of a bad con-, science in this. H. OF KING WILLIAM III. 371 court saw the king had in him. During the time of 1698. his credit, things had been carried on with more spirit and better success than before : he had gained such an ascendant over the king, that he brought him to agree to some things that few expected he would have yielded to : he managed the public af fairs, in both houses, with so much steadiness and so good a conduct, that he had procured to himself a greater measure of esteem, than he had in any of the former parts of his life ; and the feebleness and disjointed state we fell into, after he withdrew, con tributed not a little to establish the character which his administration had gained him. The parliament went on slowly in fixing the fund The civil for the supplies they had voted : they settled a reve- on the wng nue on the king for life, for the ordinary expense of for llfe- the government, which was called the civil list : this they carried to seven hundred thousand pounds a year, which was much more than the former kings of England could apply to those occasions ; six hun dred thousand pounds was all that was designed, but it had been promised at the treaty of Ryswick, that king James, being now as dead to England, his queen should enjoy her jointure, that was fifty thousand pound a year ; and it was intended to settle a court about the duke of Glocester, who was then nine years old; so to enable the king to bear that ex pense, this large provision was made for the civil list a : but by some great error in the management, a (The duchess of Marlbo- "into men's ha;ids, the king rough, in the Account of her "insinuated to such members Conduct, p. 116, relates, as she " of the parliament as he knew is cited by Ralph, that " when " were desirous to have the " the duke of Gloucester was " duke handsomely settled, that " arrived at the age to be put- " itwould require near 50,000^. b b 2 372 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. A new East India company. though the court never had so much, and never spent so little c, yet payments were ill made, and by some strange consumption all was wasted. While the house of commons was seeking a fund for paying the arrears of the army, and for the ex pense at sea and land for the next year ; a proposi tion was made for constituting a new East India company, who should trade with a joint stock, others being admitted in a determinate proportion to a separate trade : the old East India company opposed this, and offered to advance a sum (but far short of what the public occasions required) for an act of parliament, that should confirm their charters. The projectors of the new company offered two millions, upon the security of a good fund, to pay the interest of their money at eight per cent. Great opposition " a year. And at the same " time he promised other per- " sons, whom he knew it would " please, that he would pay " queen Mary in France her " settlement, which was also " 50,000?. a year.' And these " steps he took, in order to ob- " tain an addition of 100,000/. " a year to his civil list. The " addition was granted, yet he " never paid one shilling to the " queen ; and as to the duke, " the king not only kept him in " women's hands a good while " after the new revenue was " granted, but, when his high- " ness's family was settled, " would give him no more than " 15,000?. a year. Nay, of this " small allowance he refused to " advance one quarter,, though " it was absolutely wanted to " buy plate and furniture : so " that the princess was forced " to be at that expense her- " self." Burnet says below, in p. 276, that the queen would not take her jointure.) e (" It appears by the most " authentic accounts that can be " obtained, that the expenditure " of king Charles the second's " household, and all the arti- " cles belonging to it, did not " exceed 588,493?. is. irf. out " of which the duke of York " alone had about 8o,ooo?.: and " that the expenditure of king " James for the same articles, " was hut 576,105?. 14s. \. " Whereas that of king William " amounted to 675,270?. 19s. " gd. which was 86,778?. 18s. " and 8d: .more than that of " king Charles, and 99,165?. 5*. " g\d. more than that of king " James." Ralph's Hist. vol. ii. p. 777. See also Carte's An swers to a Bystander.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 373 was made to this : for the king, upon an address 1698. that was made to him by the house of commons, had" granted the old company a new charter, they being obliged to take in a new subscription of seven hun dred thousand pounds, to increase their stock and trade. Those impowered by this new charter were 209 not charged with any maleversation : they had been trading under great disadvantages, and with great losses, by reason of the war : it is true, the king had reserved a power to himself, by a clause in the char ter, to dissolve them upon warning given, three years before such dissolution : so it was said, that no injustice was done them, if public notice should be given of such an intended dissolution. To this it was answered, that the clause reserving that power was put in many charters, but that it was considered only as a threatening, obliging them to a good con duct; but that it was not ordinary to dissolve a company, by virtue of such a clause, when no error or maleversation was objected: the old company came at last to offer the whole sum that was wanted; but the party was now formed, so they came too late, and this had no other effect but to raise a cla mour against this proceeding, as extremely rigorous, if not unjust. This threw the old company, and all concerned in it, into the hands of the tories, and made a great breach and disjointing in the city of London : and it is certain, that this act, together The whigs with the inclinations which those of the whigs who credit in were in good posts, had expressed for keeping up athe natl011' greater land force, did contribute to the blasting the reputation they had hitherto maintained, of being good patriots, and was made use of over England by the tories, to disgrace both the king and them. To Bb3 374 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. this, another charge of a high nature was added, that they robbed the public, and applied much of the money that was given for. the service of the na tion, both to the supporting a vast expence, and to the raising great estates to themselves. This was sensible to the people, who were uneasy under heavy taxes, and were too ready to believe, that, according to the practice in king Charles's time, a great deal ' of the money that was given in parliament was di vided among those who gave it. These clamours were raised and managed with great dexterity, by those who intended to render the king, and all who were best affected to him, so odious to the nation, that by this means they might carry such an elec tion of a new house of commons, as that by it all might be overturned. It was said, that the bank of England and the new East India company, being in the hands of whigs, they would have the command of all the' money, and by consequence, of all the trade of England; so a great party was raised against the new company, in both houses : but the act for it was carried : the king was very indifferent in the matter at first, but the greatness of the sum that was wanted, which could not probably be raised by 210 any other project, prevailed on him ; the interests of princes carrying them often to act against their pri vate opinions and inclinations. The king Before the king went into Holland, which was in of Spain's ° ' iii state July, news came from Spam that their king was dy ing; this alarm was often given before, but it came much quicker now; the French upon this sent a fleet to lie before Cadiz, which came thither at the time that the galleons were expected home from the West Indies ; and it was apprehended, that, if the king OF KING WILLIAM III. 375 had died, they would have seized on all that trea- 1698. suref. We sent a fleet thither to secure them, but it came too late to have done any service, if it had been needed ; this was much censured, but the ad miralty excused themselves, by saying, that the par liament was so late in fixing the funds for the fleet, that it was not possible to be ready sooner than they were : the king of Spain recovered for that time, but it was so far from any entire recovery, that a relapse was still apprehended. When the king went to Holland, he left some sealed orders be hind him, of which some of his ministers told me, they knew not the contents till they were opened ': by these the king ordered 16,000 men to be kept up. For excusing this, it was said, that though the parliament had in their votes mentioned only 10,000 land men, to whom they had afterwards added 3,000 marines, and had raised only the money ne cessary for that number, yet no determined number was mentioned in the act itself; so, since the appre hension of the king of Spain's death made it ad visable to have a greater force ready for such an ac cident, the king resolved to keep up a force some what beyond that which the house of commons had consented to. The leaving these orders sealed made the whole blame to be cast singly on the king, as it skreened the ministers from a share in this counsel : and we have more than once known ministers put f (Ralph, in opposition to but that the French squadron this statement, observes, that did not come into the bay of nine of the thirteen galleons ex- Cadiz till the nth of August, pected, on board of which were nor the king of Spain relapse above thirty millions of dollars, before the 29th of that month. arrived at Cadiz on the 4th of See vol. ii. p. 786.) June, and the rest soon after; B b 4 376' THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. the advices that they themselves gave in such a manner on their masters, that, in executing them, our kings have taken more care to shelter their mi nisters than to preserve themselves. The duke The king, before his leaving England, settled a puf/nTme- household about the duke of Glocester; the earl of ,ationfedU 'Marlborough, who was restored to favour, was made his governor, and I was named by the king to be his preceptor. I used all possible endeavours to excuse my self; I had hitherto no share in the princess's favour or confidence ; I was also become uneasy at some things in the king's conduct ; I considered him as a glorious instrument raised up by God, who had done great things by him ; I had also such obliga- 211 tions to him, that I had resolved, on public as well as on private accounts, never to engage in any op position to him, and yet I could not help thinking he might have carried matters further than he did ; and that he was giving his enemies handles to weaken his government. I had tried, but with little success, to use all due freedom with him ; he did not love to be found fault with ; and though he bore every thing that I said very gently, yet he either discouraged me with silence, or answered in such general expressions, that they signified little or no thing s. These considerations disposed me, rather b King William always com- of humour at this time, having plained of Burnet's breaking in found out, that the king had upon him, whether he would promised Mr. Hill, of the trea- or no, and asking such ques- sury, the reversion of Winches- tions as he did not know how ter, which he had set his heart to answer, without trusting him upon ; aud was made preceptor more th„an he was willing to to the duke of Glocester, 'in do, having a very bad opinion hopes it would appease him : of his retentive faculty. But though much to the princess's the bishop was very much out dissatisfaction, who always OF KING WILLIAM III. 377 to retire from the court and town, than to engage 1698. deeper in such a constant attendance, for so many years as this employment might run out to ; the king made it indeed easy in one respect ; for as the young prince was to be all the summer at Windsor, which was in my diocese, so he allowed me ten weeks in the year, for the other parts of my diocese. All my endeavours to decline this were without ef fect ; the king would trust that care only to me, and the princess gave me such encouragement, that I re solved not only to submit to this, which seemed to come from a direction of Providence, but to give my self wholly up to it. I took to my own province, the reading and explaining the Scriptures to him, the instructing him in the principles of religion and the rules of virtue, and the giving him a view of history, geography, politics, and government. I re solved also to look very exactly to all the masters that were appointed to teach him other things ; but now I turn, to give an account of some things that more immediately belong to my own profession. This year, Thomas Firmin, a famous citizen of The pro- London, died; he was in great esteem, for promot- dnunum ."" ing many charitable designs, for looking after the poor of the city, and setting them to work ; for rais ing great sums for schools and hospitals, and indeed for charities of all sorts, private and public ; he had such credit with the richest citizens, that he had the command of great wealth, as oft as there was occa sion for it ; and he laid out his own time chiefly in advancing all such designs : these things gained him thought it one of the greatest able he was to her, and be- hardships put upon her by the lieved it was done for that rea- king, who knew how disagree- son. D. See antua, p. 160. O. 378 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. a great reputation ; he was called a Socinian, but was really an Arian, which he very freely owned, before the revolution ; but he gave no public vent to it, as he did afterwards. He studied to promote his opinions, after the revolution, with much heat; many books were printed against the Trinity, which he dispersed over the nation, distributing them freely to all who would accept of them ; profane wits were much delighted with this; it became a common topic of discourse, to treat all mysteries in religion 212 as the contrivances of priests to bring the world into a blind submission to them; priestcraft grew to be another word in fashion, and the enemies of re ligion vented all their impieties under the cover of these words. But while these pretended much zeal for the government, those who were at work to un dermine it made great use of all this ; they raised a great outcry against Socinianism, and gave' it out, that it was like to overrun all; for archbishop Til lotson and some of the bishops had lived in great friendship with Mr. Firmin, whose charitable temper they thought it became them to encourage. Many undertook to write in this controversy; some of these were not fitted for handling such a nice sub ject : a learned deist made a severe remark on the progress of this dispute ; he said, he was sure the divines would be too hard for the Socinians* in proving their doctrines out of scripture ; but if the doctrine could be once laughed at and rejected as absurd, then its being proved, how well soever, out of scripture, would turn to be an argument against the scriptures themselves, as containing such incre- Different ^^ doctrines. tio^oTthe The divines did not go all in the same method, Trinity. OF KING WILLIAM III. 379 nor upon the same principles : Dr. Sherlock engaged 1698. in the controversy ; he was a clear, a polite, and a strong writer, and had got great credit in the for mer reign, by his writings against those of the church of Rome; but he was apt to assume too much to himself, and to treat his adversaries with contempt ; this created him many enemies, and made him pass for an insolent, haughty man; he was at first a Jacobite, and while, for not taking the oaths, he was under suspension1', he wrote against the Socinians, in which he took a new method of explaining the Trinity; he thought there were three eternal minds; two of these issuing from the Father, but that these were one, by reason of a mutual con sciousness in the three, to every of their thoughts : this was looked on as plain tritheism ; but all the party applauded him and his book ; soon after that* an accident of an odd nature happened. There was a book drawn up by bishop Overall, Dr- Sher- , J r , lock left the fourscore years ago, concerning government ; in Jacobites. which its being of a divine institution was very po sitively asserted; it was read in convocation, and passed by that body, in order to the publishing it, in opposition to the principles laid down in that fa mous book of Parson's the Jesuit, published under the name of Dollman. King James the first did not like a convocation entering into such a theory of po litics ; so he wrote a long letter to Abbot, who was h This is not true. His Case not published till the January of Allegiance, in which he dis- following : so that Burnet's re- owned the principles of Jacobit- flections upon the party for - ism, was published October 1 7, their inconsistency are without 1690; but his Vindication ¦ of foundation. Note by Mr. God- the Doctrine of the Trinity was wyn, fellow of Balliol college. 380 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, but was then ^77 in the lower house; I had the original, writ all in his own hand, in my possession ; by it he desired, that no further progress should be made in that matter, and that this book might not be offered to him for his assent : thus that matter slept, but San croft had got Overall's own book into his hands; so, in the beginning of this reign, he resolved to publish it, as an authentic declaration that the church of Eng land had made in this matter ; and it was published, as well as licensed by him, a very few days before he came under suspension for not taking the oaths : but there was a paragraph or two in it that they had not considered, which was plainly calculated to justify the owning the United Provinces to be a law ful government : for it was there laid down, that when a change of government was brought to a thorough settlement, it was then to be owned and submitted to, as a work of the providence of God ; and a part of king James's letter to Abbot related to this. When Sherlock observed this, he had some conferences with the party, in order to convince them by that which he said had convinced himself; soon after that he took the oaths, and was made dean of St. Paul's ; he published an account of the grounds he went on, which drew out many virulent books against him; after that they pursued him with the clamour of tritheism, which was done with much malice, by the very same persons who had highly magnified the performance while he was of their party : so powerful is the bias of interest and pas sion, in the most speculative and the most important doctrines. OF KING WILLIAM III. 381 Dr. South ', a learned but an ill-natured divine, 1698. who had taken, the oaths, but with the reserve of an Dr South equivocal sense, which he put on them, attacked w?n^t*".m Dr. Sherlock's book of the Trinity, not without wit and learning, but without any measure of Christian charity, and without any regard, either to the dig nity of the subject, or the decencies of his profes sion. He explained the Trinity in the common me thod, that the Deity was one essence in three sub sistences ; Sherlock replied, and charged this as Sabellianism ; and some others went into the dis pute, with some learning, but with more heat : one preached Sherlock's notion before the university of Oxford, for which he was censured ; but Sherlock wrote against that censure, with the highest strains of contempt : the Socinians triumphed not a. little upon all this: and, in several of their books, they divided their adversaries into real and nominal Tri nitarians ; Sherlock was put in the first class ; as for the second class, they pretended it had been the doctrine of the western church, ever since the time 214 that the fourth council in the Lateran sat ; some, who took advantage from these debates to publish their impieties without fear Or shame, rejoiced to see the divines engaged in such subtle questions; ' and they reckoned, that, which side soever might have the better, in the turn of this controversy, yet in conclusion they alone must be the gainers, by every dispute that brought such important matters to a doubtfulness, which might end in infidelity at last. The ill effects that were like to follow, on those Thekine's injunctions 1 See something of this man 445, of Dr. Birch's Life of in pages an, 348, 352,444; Archbishop Tillotson. O. those dis putes 382 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. different explanations, made the bishops move the silence king to set out injunctions, requiring them to see to the repressing of error and heresy, witlr all pos sible zeal, more particularly in the fundamental • ar ticles of the Christian faith : and to watch against and hinder the use of new terms or new explana tions in those matters : this put a stop to those de bates, as Mr. Firmin's death put a stop to the print ing and spreading of Socinian books. Upon all this, some angry clergymen, who had not that share of preferment that they thought they deserved, begun to complain, that no convocation was suffered to sit, to whom the judging in such points seemed most properly to belong : books were writ on this head ; it was said, that the law made in king Henry the eighth's time, that limited the power of that body, so that no new canons could be attempted or put in use, without the king's licence ahd consent, did not disable them from sitting : on the contrary, a convocation was held to be a part of the parlia ment, so that it ought always to attend upon it, and to be ready, when advised with, to give their opi nions chiefly in matters of religion. They had also, as these men pretended, a right to prepare articles and canons, and to lay them before the king, who might indeed deny his assent to them, as he did to bills, that were offered him by both houses of par liament. This led them to strike at the king's su premacy, and to assert the intrinsic power of the church, which had been disowned by this church ever since the time of the reformation : and indeed, the king's supremacy was thought to be carried for merly too high, and that, by the same sort of men, who were now studying to lay it as low. It seemed, OF KING WILLIAM III. 383 that some men were for maintaining it, as long as 1698. it was in their management, and that it made for them : but resolved to weaken it, all they could, as soon as it went out of their hands, and was no more at their discretion : such a turn do men's interests and partialities give to their opinions. All this while it was manifest, that there were 215 two different parties among the clergy; one was j^™^ firm and faithful to the present government, andclersy- served it with zeal; these did not envy the dis senters the ease that the toleration gave them ; they wished for a favourable opportunity of making such alterations, in some few rites and ceremonies, as might bring into the church those, who were not at too great a distance from it ; and I do freely own that I was of this number. Others took the oaths indeed, and concurred in every act of compliance with the government, but they were not only cold in serving it, but were always blaming the admi nistration, and aggravating misfortunes ; they ex pressed a great esteem for Jacobites, and in all elec tions, gave their votes to those who leaned that way : at the same time, they shewed great resent ments against the dissenters, and were enemies to the toleration, and seemed resolved never to con sent to any alteration in their favour. The bulk of the clergy ran this way, so that the moderate party was far outnumbered. Profane minds had too great advantages from this, in reflecting severely on a body of men, that took oaths, and performed pub lic devotions, when the rest of their lives was too public and too visible a contradiction to such oaths and prayers. But while we are thus unhappily disjointed incisions among the Papists. 384 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. matters of religion, our neighbours are not so en- tirely united as they pretend to be; the quietists are said to increase not only in Italy, but in France; the persecution there began at first upon a few Jan- senists, but it turned soon to the protestants, on whom it has been long very heavy and bloody; this had put an end to all disputes in those matters ; a new controversy has since been managed, with great heat, between Bossuet, the famous bishop, first of Condom, and now ofMeaux; and La Motte Fenelon, who was once in high favour with madam Mainte- non, and was, by her means, made preceptor to the Dauphin's children, and afterwards advanced to be archbishop of Cambray. He wrote a treatise of spiritual maxims, according to the subtilty, as well as the sublimity of the writers, called the mystics ; in it, he distinguished between that which was falsely charged upon them, and that which was truly their doctrine : he put the perfection of a spi ritual life, in the loving of God purely for himself, without any regard to ourselves, even to our own salvation : and in our being brought to such a state of indifference, as to have no will nor desire of our own, but to be so perfectly united to the will of God, as to rejoice in the hope of heaven, only be- 216 cause it is the will of God to bring us thither, with out any regard to our own happiness. Bossuet wrote so sharply against him, that one is tempted to think, a rivalry for favour and preferment had as great a share in it, as zeal for the. truth. The matter was sent to Rome; Fenelon had so many au thorized and canonized writers of his side, that many distinctions must be made use of to separate them from him ; but the king was much set against OF KING WILLIAM III. 385 him ; he put him from his attendance on the young 1698. princes, and sent him to his diocese : his disgrace served to raise his character. Madam Maintenon's violent aversion to a man she so lately raised, was imputed to his not being so tractable as she expected, in persuading the king to own his marriage with her : but that I leave to conjecture. There is a breach running through the Lutheran churches ; it appeared at first openly at Hamborough, where many were going into stricter methods of piety, who from thence were called pietists : there is no differ ence of opinion between them and the rest, who are most rigid to old forms, and are jealous of all new things, especially of a stricter course of devo tion, beyond what they themselves are inclined to practise : there is likewise a spirit of zeal and de votion, and of public charities, sprung at home, beyond what was known among us in former times ; of which I may have a good occasion to make men tion hereafter. But to return from this digression : the company The Scotch in Scotland, this year, set out a fleet, with a colony, Darjen. on design to settle in America: the secret was better kept than could have been well expected, considering the many hands in which it was lodged ; it appeared at last, that the true- design had been guessed, from the first motion of it : they landed at Darien,. which, by the report that they sent over, was capable of being made a strong place, with a good port. It was no wonder that the Spaniards complained loudly of this; it lay so near Porto Bello and Panama on the one side, and Carthagena on the other, that they could not think they were safe, when such a neighbour came so near the centre vol. iv. c c 386 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. of their empire in America : the king of France complained also of this, as an invasion of the Spa nish dominions, and offered the court of Madrid a fleet to dislodge them. The Spaniards pressed the king hard upon this : they said, they were once possessed of that place ; and though they found it too unhealthy to settle there, yet the right to it be longed still to them : so this was a breach of treaties, and a violent possession of their country. In answer to this, the Scotch pretended, that the natives of Darien were never conquered by the Spaniards, and 217 were by consequence a free people ; they said, they had purchased of them leave to possess themselves of that place, and that the Spaniards abandoned the country, because they could not reduce the natives : so the pretension of the first discovery was made void, when they went off from it, not being able to hold it ; and then the natives being left to them selves, it was lawful for the Scots to treat with them : it was given out, that there was much gold in the country. Certainly, the nation was so full of hopes from this project, that they raised a fund for carry ing it on, greater than, as was thought, that king dom could stretch to ; four hundred thousand pounds' sterling was subscribed, and a fourth part was paid down, and afterwards, seventy thousand pounds more was brought in, and a national fury seemed to have transported the whole kingdom, upon this pro ject. Great dis- The Jacobites went into the management with a putes about •if - it. particular heat : they saw the king would be much pressed from Spain : the English nation apprehend ing that this would be set up as a breach of trea ties, and that upon a rupture their effects in Spain OF KING WILLIAM III. 387 might be seized, grew also very uneasy at it ; upon 1698. which it was thought, that the king would in time- be forced, to disown this invasion, and to declare against it, and in that case they hoped to have in flamed the kingdom with this, that the king denied them his protection, while they were only acting according to law ; and this, they would have said, was contrary to the coronation oath, and so they would have thought they were freed from their al legiance to him. The Jacobites, having this pro spect, did all that was possible to raise the hopes of the nation to the highest degree ; our English plan tations grew also very jealous of this new colony; they feared, that the double prospect of finding gold and of robbing the Spaniards, would draw many planters from them into this new settlement; and that the buccaneers might run into them : for by the Scotch act, this place was to be made a free port; and if it was not ruined before it was well formed, they reckoned it would become a seat of pi racy and another Algiers in those parts. Upon these grounds, the English nation inclined to de clare against this, and the king seemed convinced, that it was an infraction of his treaties with Spain :' so orders were sent, but very secretly, to the Eng lish plantations, particularly to Jamaica and the Leeward islands, to forbid all commerce with the Scots at Darien. The Spaniards made some faint attempts on them, but without success. This was a very great difficulty on the king ; he saw how much he was like to be pressed on both hands, and he ap prehended what ill consequences were like to follow, on his declaring himself either way. The parliament of England had now sat its pe-218 c c 2 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. riod of three years, in which great things had been The'present done ; the whole money of England was recoined, "o'od'coC tne king was secured in his government, an honour- duct. aDie peace was made, public credit was restored, and the payment of public debts was put on sure and good funds. The chief conduct lay now in a few hands : the lord Somers was made a baron of England : and as he was one of the ablest and the most incorrupt judges that ever sat in chancery, so his great capacity for all affairs made the king consider him beyond all his ministers, and he well deserved the confidence that the king expressed for him on all occasions. In the house of commons, Mr; Mountague had gained such a visible ascendant over all that were zealous for the king's service, that he gave the law to the rest, which he did al ways with great spirit, but sometimes with too as suming an airk. The fleet was in the earl of Or- ford's management, who was both treasurer of the k Which did him infinite nied the charge ; and Montague hurt, and lowered at last his was thought to have behaved credit very much in the house very meanly. King William had of commons. O. Mr. Monta- been much too lavish of these gue '(for what reason I know grants. H. See note at pages not) did not exert himself for 238. 240. (Ralph, at page 785 two sessions together in the of the second vol. of his His- house of commons ; and suffer- tory, which was published in ed Mr. Harley and his friends 1746, says of Montague, "If he to take the lead, even whilst he " was not the father of corrup- (Mr. Montague) continued in " tion, he fostered it, as if all the king's service. During the " his hopes were built upon it : session, when the Irish grants " and as to his bargains with were resumed, he lost much " the money-jobbers, (to say credit, by acquainting the house " nothing of the usurious con- with a piece of confidence which " ditions on which they were Mr. Methuen (the chancellor of " made,) they lie heavy on the Ireland) had made him in pri- " nation to this day, and pro- vate, relative to what passed at " bably will so continue to the reporting king William's grant " day of judgment.") to lady" Orkney. Methuen de- OF KING WILLIAM III. 389 navy, and was at the head of the admiralty; he had 1698. brought in many into the service, who were very zealous for the government, but a spirit of impiety and dissolution ran through too many of them, so that those who intended to cast a load upon the government, had too great advantages given by some of these. The administration at home was otherwise without exception, and no grievances were complained of. There was a new parliament called, and the elec-Anewpar- tions fell generally on men who were in the interest ' of the government : many of them had indeed some popular notions, which they had drank in under a bad government, and thought they ought to keep them under a good one l ; so that those who wished well to the public, did apprehend great difficulties in managing them. The king himself did not seem to lay this to heart so much as was fitting; he stayed long beyond sea ; he had made a visit to the duke of Zell, where he was treated in a most magni ficent manner. Cross winds hindered his coming to England so soon as he had intended ; upon which 1 They might happen to then marquis of Hartingtoii, think a good one might be- who were his great and con- come a bad one, or a bad one stant friends ; names that will might succeed to a good one. always do him honour, and re- They were the best men of the fute the base treatment of him age ; and were for maintaining by Vernon, in his letters to his the revolution government by master the duke of Shrewsbury, its own principles,' and not by whose answers are of a great those of a government it had man gently checking the im- superseded. My uncle (sir Ri- pertinence of a little one. But chard, afterwards lord Onslow) of this I have spoken to you was among the chief of them, elsewhere. His letters, however, generally united in it with sir are the best detail I have seen of Thomas (afterwards lord) Pel- the proceedings of the house of ham, and afterwards with the commons in those times. O. C c 3 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 169s. the parliament was prorogued for some weeks after ~~ the members were come up : even this soured their spirits, and had too great a share in the ill humour that appeared among them. The forces The king's keeping up an army beyond the votes minished. of the former parliament was much resented, nor was the occasion for doing it enough considered; all this was increased by his' own management after he came over. The ministers represented to him, that they could carry the keeping up a land force of ten 219 or twelve thousand, but that they could not carry it further : he said, so small a number was as good as none at all ; therefore he would not authorize them to propose it : on the other hand, they thought they should lose their credit with their best friends, if they ventured to speak of a greater number. ' So, when the house of commons took up the debate, the ministry were silent, and proposed no number; upon which those who were in the contrary interest named seven thousand men, and to this they added, that they should be all the king's natural born sub jects. Both the parts of this vote gave the king great uneasiness : he seemed not only to lay it much to heart, but to sink under it : he tried all that was possible to struggle against it, when it was too late ; it not being so easy to recover things in an after game, as it was to have prevented this misunder standing, that was like to arise between him and his parliament. It was surmised, that he was resolved not to pass the bill, but that he would abandon the government, rather than hold it with a force that was too small to preserve and protect it; yet this was considered only as a threatening, so that little OF KING WILLIAM III. 391 regard was had to itm: the act passed with some op position in the house of commons; a feeble attempt" was made in the house of lords against it, but it was rather a reproach than a service to the government, it being, faintly made, and ill supported. The royal assent was given, and when it was hoped that the passing the act had softened people's minds, a new attempt was made for keeping the Dutch guards in England ; but that was rejected, though the king sent a message desiring it ". 1698. m (Ralph says, that very pro bably it was only a threat, for it was a threat which he had used twice before. Vol. ii. p. 807. But hear how lord So mers, in his letter to the duke of Shrewsbury, of which men tion is made below, expresses himself on this subject : " I " have not acquainted you with " his (the king's) resolution " sooner, because I thought it " could not be taken up in " good earnest. But I have " had this morning such a sort " of confirmation of it, that I " cannot think it possible to " have it carried on so far, if " it be meant but as an appear- " ance only, and to provoke us " to exert ourselves. " His resolution is, when the " next Wednesday's business is " over, to come to the parlia- " ment, and tell them, that he " came over to rescue the na- " tion from the ruin impending " over them, in which he suc- " ceeded, and had brought them " to the end of a dangerous " war, without any great mis- " fortune ; that now they had " peace, and might provide for " their own safety ; that he saw " they were entertaining dis- " trusts and jealousies of him, '¦' so as not to do what was ne- " cessary for themselves ; that " he was therefore determined " to leave England, but, before " he went, would consent to " any law they should offer, for " appointing commissioners of " both houses, to administer the " government, and then they " would not be jealous of them- " selves.") n The king should not have desired it, or at least not have brought it to a question : it was the meanest act of his reign. Whatever malice there might be in some towards him in it, yet the public reasons for it had so national an appear ance, that it was unhappy for the king, that he had kept them here at all after he had the crown. It looked like a dis trust, which could not avoid giving a distaste, and therefore lessened the security of it to him, if there was really any in it. If he had any particular af fection for them, because they had always been about him, as it was said, it was below his greatness to let that prevail C c 4 392 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. In the carrying these points, many hard things The party were said against the court, and against the king opposed the himself; it was suggested, that he loved not the na- king with ' OB . great bit- tion ; that he was on the reserve with all English men, and shewed no confidence in them; but that as soon as the session of parliament was over, he went immediately to Holland; and they said, this was not to look after the affairs of the States, which had been more excusable, but that he went thither to enjoy a lazy privacy at Loo ; where, with a few favourites, he hunted and passed away the summer, against the contrary prejudice. He was often enough in Hol land tp give them the coun tenance of his favour. The per son of the king of England guarded by a troop of foreign ers, was not a pleasing sight to Englishmen, who had so far trusted him, as to make him their king. Nor did he want it, as it appeared afterwards : for he was in truth more really be loved by the body of the people than he thought himself to be, or than his enemies seemed- to believe he was. And I have this from those who very well knew the state of this country at that time. I have said the more upon this affair of the Dutch guards, because it is a matter which was then and since much agitated, and I think misrepresented by many writers, though this author's manner of touching it shews he did not concur in the warm sense of those who have called it an affront and a piece of in gratitude to king William. See the Journal of the House of Commons. O. ("A well vouch- " ed tradition relates, that when " the account of the refusal of " the commons to pay respect " to his last message (request- " ing that out of consideration " to him, which he would take " very kindly, they would suf- " fer the guards to continue " longer in his service) was " brought to him, he walked " some time through the room, " with his eyes fixed on the " ground, then stopped, threw " them around with wildness, " and said, ' If I had a son, by " God, these guards should not " quit me.' In a letter to lord " Galway he says, ' I am afraid " the good God will punish the " ingratitude of this nation.' " Dalrymple 's Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 1 29. See also in Coxe's Shrews bury Correspondence, lately pub lished, the interesting letter just mentioned from lord Somers, giving an account of the king's resolution to withdraw from England, in consequence of the reduction of the army, and the dismission of the Dutch guards. P. iii. c. 8. p. 571.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 393 in a way that did not raise his character much. It 1698. is certain, the usage he had met with of late put his spirits too much on the fret; and he neither took care to disguise that, nor to overcome the ill hu mour, which the manner of his deportment, rather than any just occasion given by him, had raised in many against him°. Some, in the house of com mons, began to carry things much further, and to say, that they were not bound to maintain the votes, and to keep up the credit of the former parliament ; 220 and they tried to shake the act made in favour of the new East India company : this was so contrary to the fundamental maxims of our constitution, that it gave cause of jealousy, since this could be in tended for nothing but to ruin the government: money raised by parliament, upon bargains and con ditions that were performed by those who advanced it, gave them such a purchase of those acts, and this 0 The implacable revengeful to be included in his majesty's temper he had shewn in the. mostgracious declaration: which violent and irregular prosecu- had a very surprising effect in tion of so insignificant (and, in the house of lords for a long truth, despicable) a gentleman time after; the court not daring as sir John Fenwick, made him to propose any thing without universally feared and hated, consulting the minority first, His passion had so far got the and, in reality, asking their better of him, that when he leave; but he could never re- saw the lords' protest, he said, cover the confidence or affec- he did not doubt, but all those tions of any of them during that had signed it, would have the rest of his reign, which done as much as sir John if proved very prejudicial to his they durst ; from whence we affairs ever after. D. Vid. pag. concluded, he would hang all 307. H. L. (Henry Legge.) of us, if he could: and the (The earl of Dartmouth had dukes of Somerset, Ormond, there added the protest against and Devonshire, with the earls the bill of attainder of sir John of Pembroke and Dorset, who 'Fenwick; which has been in- had spoke and voted against serted above, at p. 195, folio the bill, though not signed the edit.) protest, understood themselves / 394 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1698. was so sacred^ that to overturn it must destroy all credit for the future, >and no government could be maintained that did not preserve this religiously. 1699. Among. other complaints, one made against the concerning court was, that the king had given grants of the Irish*8 °f confiscated estates in Ireland : it was told before, estates. - trine which was then established. I was moved first by the late queen, and pressed by the late archbi shop to write it ; I can appeal to the searcher of all hearts, that I wrote it with great sincerity and a good intention, and with all the application and care I was capable of. I did then expect, what I have since met with, that malicious men would em ploy both their industry and ill-nature, to find mat ter for censure and cavils; but though there have been some books writ on purpose against it, and many in sermons and other treatises have occasionally reflected) with great severity, upon several passages in it, yet this has been done with so little justice or reason, that I am not yet convinced, that there is one single period or expression, , that is justly re marked on, or that can give me any occasion, either to retract, or so much as to explain any one part of that whole work ; which I was very ready to have done, if I had seen cause for it. There was another reason, that seemed to determine me to the publish ing it at this time. The growth Upon the peace of Ryswick, a great swarm of priests came over to England, not only those whom the revolution had frighted away, but many more new men, who appeared in many places with great insolence ; and it was said, that they boasted of the favour and protection of which they were assured. Some enemies of the government began to give it out, that the favouring that religion was a secret article of the peace; and so absurd is malice and calumny, that the Jacobites began to say, that the OF KING WILLIAM III. 409 king was either of that religion, or at least a fa- 1699. vourer of it c : complaints of the avowed practices w~ " and insolence of the priests were brought from seve ral places, during the last session of parliament, and those were maliciously aggravated by some, who cast the blame of all on the king. Upon this, some proposed a bill, that obliged all An act persons educated in that religion, or suspected to be vhu.S pa of it, who should succeed to any estate before they were of the age of eighteen, to take the oaths of al- f , legiance and supremacy, and the test, as soon as they came to that age; and till they did it, the estate was to devolve to the next of kin, that was a protestant ; but was to return back to them upon . their taking the oaths. All popish priests were also ~, banished by the bill, and were adjudged to perpe tual imprisonment, if they should again return into 229 England ; and the reward of an hundred pound was offered to every one who should discover a popish priest, so as to convict him. Those, who brought this into the house of commons, hoped, that the d He does the Jacobites a care to secure the interest and great deal of wrong; for it was safety of his friends. Lord Jer- the whigs gave out that the sey told me afterwards, that king was turned Jacobite, upon such a proposal had been once a jealousy they conceived at the made, with an offer that the conferences between lord Port- pretender should be sent over, land and marshal Bouflers, that and educated as the king thought the king had agreed that the fit, who shewed no sort of dis- pretender should succeed him, like to it, but said it would be which was carried so far, that a contradiction to all the other the earl of Oxford (Orford) actions of his life. That he fa- came in the name of them all, voured the Roman catholics as to ask if there was any thing in far as he could, and that he was that report, and said, with some frequently called upon by the emotion, that it was hard if the emperor so to do, is most cer- king had entered into any such tain. D. (See note before at engagements, without taking p. 201.) 410 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN ¦ 1699. court would have opposed, it ; but . the court pro- ~ moted the bill ; so when the party saw their mis take, they seemed willing to let the bill fall; and when that could not be done, they clogged it with many severe and Some unreasonable clauses, hoping that the lords would not pass the act ; and it Was said, that if the lords should make the least altera tion in it, they, in the house of commons, who had set it on, were resolved to let it lie on their table, when it should be sent back to them. Many lords, who secretly favoured papists, on the Jacobite ac-i count, did for this very reason move for several aL terations ; some of these importing a greater seve rity ; but the zeal against popery was such in that house, that the bill passed without any amendment, and it had the royal assent. I was for this bill, not withstanding myprinciples for toleration, and against all persecution for conscience sake; I had always thought, that if a government found any sect in re ligion incompatible with its quiet and safety, it might, and sometimes ought, to send away all of that sect, with as little hardship as possible : it is certain, that as all papists must, at all times, be ill subjects to a protestant prince, so this is much more to be apprehended, when there is a pretended popish j heir in the case : this act hurt no man that was in | the present possession of an estate, it only incapaci- I tated his next heir to succeed to that estate, if he continued a papist ; so the danger of this, in case the act should be well looked to, would put those of that religion, who are men of conscience, on the selling their estates ; and in the course of a few years, might deliver us from having any papists left among us. But this act wanted, several necessary OF KING WILLIAM III. 411 clauses to enforce the due execution, of it ; the word 1699; next of kin, was very indefinite, and the next of kin was not obliged to claim the benefit of this act, nor did the right descend to the remoter heirs, if the more immediate ones should not take the benefit of it ; the test, relating to matters of doctrine and worship, did not seem a proper ground for so great a severity ; so this act was not followed nor executed in any sort d ; but here is a scheme laid, though not fully digested, which on some great provocation, given by those of that religion, may dispose a par fiament to put such clauses in a new act, as may make this effectual e. The king of Denmark was in a visible decline 230 all this year; and died about the end of summer. Hoktein" d It has since, in the instance of one Roper, when it received a construction that contributes very much to the enforcing of the act. This construction was a point in which the chancellor, (lord Harcourt,) before whom the cause came, had a difference of opinion with the chief justice, (Parker,) whom the chancellor called to his assistance. The last was for a construction which would in effect have made the act useless, by an easy eva sion of it, and Parker's opinion was calculated to prevent that. The chancellor's opinion was the decree, but there was an appeal from it to the house of lords, where the decree was re versed, upon Parker's reasons, whom the lords called upon for his opinion. He got great cre dit by it, with some reflection upon the chancellor. So that all the papists now have their land estates in England upon, a very precarious holding. O. (See below, p. 440.) c (The passing this act, and the arguments in its favour, are a good specimen of consistency in the professed patrons of mo deration. What would they have said, if the government in Charles the second's reign had proposed banishing from their country the protestant noncon formists, under pretence of their incompatibility with its quiet and safety ? It certainly behoved king William, in conformity with the assurances he is said. to have given the confederate princes, of protecting his Ro man catholic subjects, to have prevented, if it had, been in his power, such a scandalous and persecuting measure. But the kings of England were become, instead of constitutional kings, only puppets.) 412 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1699. While he was languishing, the duke of Holstein began to build some new forts in that duchy; this, the Danes said, was contrary to the treaties, and to the condominium, which that king and the duke have in that duchy ; the duke of Holstein had married the king of Sweden's sister, and depended on the assurances he had, of being supported by that crown ; the young king of Denmark, upon his coming to the crown, as he complained of these infractions, so he entered into an alliance with the king of Poland and the elector of Brandenburgh, and, as was said, with the landgrave of Hesse and the duke of Wolfembuttel, to attack Sweden and Holstein at once, on all hands. The king of Poland was to invade Livonia; the elector of Branden burgh was to fall into the regal Pomerania, and the other princes were to keep the dukes of Zell and Hanover from assisting Holstein ; the king of Den mark himself was to attack Holstein; but his father's chief minister and treasurer, the baron Plesse, did not like the concert, and apprehended it would not end well ; so he withdrew from his post, which he had maintained long, with a high reputation, both for his capacity and integrity; which appeared in this, that, though that king's power is now carried to be absolute, yet he never stretched it to new or oppressive taxes ; and therefore seeing things were like to take another ply in a new reign, he resigned his employment. He was the ablest and the wor thiest man, that I ever knew belonging to those parts ; he was much trusted and employed by prince George ; so that I had great opportunities to know him. The king of Sweden, seeing such a storm coming OF KING WILLIAM III. 413 upon him from so many hands, claimed the effects 1699. of his alliance with England and Holland, who wereAwarrais- guarantees of the several treaties made in the north, theTng'of particularly of the last, made at Altena but ten years Sweden- before. The house of Lunenburgh was also engaged in interest to preserve Holstein, as a barrier between them and Denmark: the king of Poland thought the invasion of Livonia, which was to be begun with the siege of Riga, would prove both easy and of great advantage to him. Livonia was anciently a fief of the crown of Poland, and delivered itself, for protection, to the crown of Sweden, by a capitula tion : by that, they were still to enjoy their ancient liberties ; afterwards, the pretension of the crown of Poland was yielded up, about threescore years ago : so that Livonia was an absolute but legal govern ment : yet the late king of Sweden had treated that 231 principality in the same rough manner in which he had oppressed his other dominions ; so it was thought, that the Livonians were disposed (as soon as they saw a power ready to protect them, and to restore them to their former liberties) to shake off the Swedish yoke ; especially, if they saw the king attacked in so many different places at once. The king of Poland had a farther design in this The king invasion: he had an army of Saxons in Poland, tOdeJgns"ds whom he chiefly trusted in carrying on his designs there ; the Poles were become so jealous, both of him and of his Saxons, that in a general diet they had come to very severe resolutions, in case the Saxons were not sent out of the kingdom by a prefixed day : that king therefore reckoned, that as the reduction of Livonia had the fair appearance of recovering the ancient inheritance of the crown, so by this means 414 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1699. he would carry the Saxons out of Poland, as was de- creed, and yet have them within call: he likewise studied to engage those of Lithuania to join with him in the attempt. His chief dependance was on the czar, who had assured him, that if he could make peace with the Turk, and keep Azuph,' he would assist him powerfully against the Swedes; his design being to recover Narva, which is capable of being made a good port. By this means he hoped to get into the Baltic, where if he could once settle, he would soon become an uneasy neighbour to all the northern princes : the king of Poland went into Saxony, to mortgage and sell his lands there, and to raise as much money as was possible, for carrying on this war ; and he brought the electorate to so low a state, that if his designs in Poland miscarry, and if he is driven back into Saxony, he, who was the richest prince of the empire, will become one of the poorest. But the amusements of balls and operas consumed so much both of his time and treasure, that whereas the design was laid to surprise Riga in the middle of the winter, he did not begin his at tempt upon it before the end of February, and these designs went no farther this year. The parti- While the king was at Loo this summer, a new tion treaty. ... - treaty was set on foot, concerning the succession to the crown of Spain ; the king and the states of the United Provinces saw the danger to which they would be exposed, if they should engage in a new war, while we were yet under the vast debts that the former had brought upon us; the king's mi nisters in the house of commons assured him, that it would be a very difficult thing to bring them to 232 enter into a new war, for maintaining the rights of OF KING WILLIAM III. 415 the house of Austria; During the debates concern- 1699. ing the army, when some mentioned the danger of that monarchy falling into the hands of a prince of the house of Bourbon, it was set up for a maxim, .that it would be of no consequence to the affairs of Europe who was king of Spain, whether a French man or a German ; and that as soon as the successor should come within Spain, he would become a true Spaniard, and be governed by the maxims and in terests of that crown : so that there was no prospect •of being able to infuse into the nation an apprehen sion of the consequence of that succession^. The emperor had a very good claim ; but as he had little strength to support it by land, so he had none at all by sea ; and his treasure was quite exhausted by his long war with the Turk : the French drew a great force towards the frontiers of Spain, and they were resolved to march into it, upon that king's death : there was no strength ready to oppose them, yet they seemed willing to compound the matter ; but they said, the consideration must be very valuable, that could make them desist from so great a preten sion ; and both the king and the States thought it was a good bargain, if, by yielding up some of the less important branches of that monarchy, they could save those in which they were most concerned, which were Spain itself, the West Indies, and the Nether lands. The French seemed willing to accept of the dominions in _ and about Italy, with a part of the kingdom of Navarre, and to yield up the rest to the emperor's second son, the archduke Charles ; the f Lord Bolingbroke, in his in the nation, with regard to fo- Jjetters, censures, this indolence reign affairs, very strongly. H. 416 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1699. emperor entered into the treaty, for he saw he could not hope to 'carry the whole succession entire; but he pressed to have the duchy of Milan added to his hereditary dominions in Germany : the expedient that the king proposed was, that the duke of Lor rain should have the duchy of Milan, and that France should accept of Lorrain instead of it ; he was the emperor's nephew, and would be entirely in his interests : the emperor did not agree to this, but yet he pressed the king not to give over the treaty, and to try if he could make a better bargain for him : above all things, he recommended secrecy; for he well knew how much the Spaniards Would be of fended, if any treaty should be owned, that might bring on a dismembering of their monarchy; for though they were taking no care to preserve it, in whole or in part, yet they could not bear the having any branch torn from it. The king reckoned, that the emperor, with the other princes of Italy, might have so much interest in Rome, as to stop the pope's giving the investiture of the kingdom of Naples ; 233 and which way soever that matter might end, it would obKge the pope to shew great partiality, ei ther to the house of Austria or the house of Bour bon ; which might occasion a breach among them, With other consequences that might be very happy to the whole protestant interest : any war that might follow in Italy would be at great distance from us, and in a country that we had no reason to regard much; besides, that the fleets of England and Holhpd must come, -in conclusion, to be the ar biters of the matter. These were the king's secret motives ; for I had OF KING WILLIAM III. 417 most of them from his own mouth s. The French consented to this scheme, and if the ertlperor would ' have agreed to it, his son the archduke was imme diately to go to Spain, to be considered as the heir of that crown. By these articles, signed both by the king of France and the dauphin, they bound them selves not to accept of any will, testament, or dona tion, contrary to this treaty, which came to be called the partition treaty. I had the original in my hands, which the dauphin signed. The French and the em peror tried their strength in the court of Spain ; it is plain, the emperor trusted too much to his interest in that court, and in that king himself; and he re fused to accept Tof the partition, merely to ingratiate 1699- e There was a minute among lord Somers's papers, of a meet ing of some of tire king's ser vants. When lord Portland com municated the treaty to them, several objections were made to parts of it ; but lord Port land's constant answer was, " that nothing could be al- "tered;" upon which, one of the company (whose name is not mentioned) said, that if that was the case, he saw no reason why they were troubled with it. It is remarkable, that the impeached lords rather ex cused than defended the mi nisterial or subordinate share which they had in the treaty; and lord Orford (I think) pleaded ignorance of the whole affair. H. ("The terms will, tes- " tament, and donation, it must " be owned, are very emphati- " cal : but if no such terms are " to be found in the act of re- " nuhciation, which was pre- VOL. IV. " pared by the contracting par- " ties, for the signature of the " emperor, on his accession " thereto, (as it is certain there " are not,) it may be fairly in- " ferred, that the bishop trusted " to his memory in composing " this paragraph, instead of " laying the said original be- " fore his eyes, as he ought " to have done. Then as to " the archduke's immediate go- " ing to Spain, in case the em- " peror agreed to the partition, " the secret article above in- " serted shews, that no one " circumstance was more cau- " tiously or expressly provided " against than that ; and if the " French court did afterwards " seem to relent a little on " that head, it was by way of " voluntary concession, and the " merit of it, if any, as we shall " see in its place, belonged only " to themselves." Ralph's Hist. of England, vol.ii. p. 859.) E e 418 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1 699. himself With them ; otherwise it was not doubted, ~ but that, seeing the impossibility of mending mat ters, he Would have yielded to the necessity of his affairs. The French did, in a most perfidious man ner, Study to alienate the Spaniards frorn their al lies, by shewing them to how great a diminution of their monarchy they had consented ; so that no way possible was left for them to keep those dominions Still united to their crown, but by accepting the duke of Anjdu to be their king, with whom all Should be again restored. The Spaniards complained in the courts of their allies, in ours in particular, Of this partition, as a detestable project; which was to rob them of those dominions that belonged to their crown, and ought not to be torn from it. No men tion Was made of this during the session of par liament, for though the thing was generally be lieved, yet it not being publicly owned, no notice could be taken of bare reports ; and nothing was to be done, in. pursuance of this treaty, during the king of Spain's life. The affairs In Scotland all men were full of hopes, that their of Scotland. - - , . new colony should bring them home mountains of gold ; the proclamations sent to Jamaica and to the other English plantations were much complained of, as acts of hostility, and a violation of the common 234 rights of humanity; these had a great effect on them, though without these, that colony was too weak and too ill supplied, as well as too much di vided within itself, to have subsisted long; those, who had first possessed themselves of it, were forced to abandon it: soon after they had gone from it, a second recruit of men and provisions was sent thi ther from Scotland ; but one of their ships unhap- OF KING WILLIAM III. 419 pily took fire, in which they had the greatest stock 1699. of provisions; and so these likewise went off: and though the third reinforcement, that soon followed this, was both stronger and better furnished, yet they fell into such factions among themselves, that they were too weak to resist the Spaniards, who, feeble as they were, yet saw the necessity of attack ing them: and they finding themselves unable to resist the force which was brought against them, capitulated; and with that the whole design fell to the ground, partly for want of stock and skill in those who managed it, and partly by the baseness and treachery of those whom they employed h. The conduct of the king's ministers in Scotland Great Bis was much censured in the whole progress of this af- upon the fair; for they had connived at it, if not encouraged Darien, it, in hopes that the design would fall of itself; but now it was not so easy. to cure the universal discon tent, which the miscarriage of this design, to the impoverishing the whole kingdom, had raised, and which now began to spread, like a contagion, among all sorts of people. A petition for a present session of parliament was immediately sent, about the king dom, and was signed by many, thousands : this was sent up by some of the chief of their nobility, whom the king received very coldly : yet a session of par liament was granted them, to which the duke of Queensbury was sent down commissioner. Great pains were taken, by all sorts of practices, to be sure of a majority ; great offers were made them in order h The Scotch were hardly king and his government, as used in the affair of Darien, the lords and commons of Scot- and it had bad consequences land were then desirous of get- with regard to their zeal for the ting into trade. H. E e 2 420 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1699. to lay the*discontents, which ran then very high ; a ~~ law for a habeas corpus, with a great freedom for trade, and every thing that they could demand, was offered, to persuade them to desist from pursuing the design upon Darien. The court had tried to get the parliament of England to interpose in that mat ter, and to declare themselves against that under taking. The house of lords was prevailed on to make an address to the king, representing the ill effects that they apprehended from that settlement ; but this did not signify much, for as it was carried in that house by a small majority of seven or eight, so it was laid aside by the house of commons. Some were not ill pleased to see the king's affairs run into an embroilment; and others did apprehend, that 235 there was a design to involve the two kingdoms in a national quarrel, that by such an artifice a greater army might be raised, and kept up on both sides ; so they let that matter fall, nor would they give any entertainment to a bill that was sent them by the lords, in order to a treaty for the union of both kingdoms'. The managers in the house of commons, who opposed the court, resolved to do nothing that should provoke Scotland, or that should take any part of the blame and general discontent, that soured that nation, off from the king : it was further given out, to raise the national disgust yet higher, that the opposition the king gave to the Scotch colony, flowed neither from a regard to the interests of England, nor to the treaties with Spain, but from a care of the Dutch, who from Curasoe drove a coast- '• (It had been introduced lords' address in Ralph's Hist. at the recommendation of the of England, vol. ii. p. 849.) king. See his answer to the OF KING WILLIAM III. 421 ing trade, among the Spanish plantations, with great 1699. advantage; which, they said, the Scotch colony, if once well settled, would draw wholly from them. These things were set about that nation with great industry ; the management was chiefly in the hands of Jacobites; neither the king nor his ministers were treated with the decencies that are sometimes ob served, even after subjects have run to arms : the keenest of their rage was plainly pointed at the king himself; next him, the earl of Portland, who had still the direction of their affairs, had a large share of it. In the session of parliament it was carried by a vote, to make the affair of Darien a national con cern : upon that, the session was for some time dis continued. When the news of the total abandoning of Darien was brought over, it cannot be well ex pressed into how bad a temper this cast the body of that people : they had now lost almost two hundred thousand pounds sterling upon this project, besides all the imaginary treasure they had promised them selves from it : so the nation was raised into a sort of a fury upon it, and in the first heat of that, a re monstrance was sent about the kingdom for hands, representing to the king, the necessity of a present sitting of the parliament, which was drawn in . so high a strain, as if they had resolved to pursue the effects of it by an armed fo/ce. It was signed by a great majority of the members of parliament ; and the ferment in men's spirits was raised so high, that few thought it could have been long curbed, without breaking forth into great extremities. The king stayed beyond sea till November : many a session of . . , parliament. expected to see a new parliament; for the kings speech at the end of the former session looked like Ee 3 422 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1699. a complaint, and an appeal to the nation against 11^ them; he seemed inclined to it, but his ministers would not venture on it : the dissolving a parliament in anger has always cast such a load on those who were thought to have advised it, that few have been able to bear it; besides, the disbanding the army had rendered the members, who promoted it, very popular to the nation : so that they would have sent up the same men, and it was thought that there was little occasion for heat in another session : but those Who opposed the king, resolved to force a fchange of the ministry upon him ; they were seek ing colours for this, and thought they had found one, with which they had made much noise : it Was this. a com- Some pirates had got together in the Indian seas, ofasome"pi- and robbed some of the mogul's ships, in particular rate*. one tjjat ne wag sen(jing with presents to Mecca; most of them were English : the East India com pany, having represented the danger Of the mogul's taking reprisals of them for these fosses, it appeared that there was a necessity of destroying those pi rates, who were harbouring themselves in some creeks in Madagascar. So a man of war was to be set out to destroy theni, and one Kid Was pitched upon, who knew their haunts, and Was thought a proper man for the service : but there was not a fund, to bear the charge of this ; for the parliament had so appropriated the money given for the sea, that no part of it could be applied to this expedi tion. The king proposed the managing it by a pri vate undertaking, and said he would lay down three thousand pounds himself, and recommended it to his ministers to find out the rest: in compliance OF KING WILLIAM III. 423 with this, the Lord Somers, the earls of Orford, 1699. Rumney, Bellamount, and some others, contribut- ed the whole expense ; for the king excused him self by reason of other accidents, and did not ad vance the sum that he had promised : lord Somers understood nothing of the matter, and left it wholly to the management of others, so that he never saw Kid, only he thought it became the post he was in, to concur in such a puhlic service. A grant was made to the undertakers, of all that should be taken from those pirates by their ship. Here was a han dle for complaint ; for as it was against law, to take a grant of the goods of any offenders before convic tion, so a parity between that and this case was urged ; but without any reason ; the provisions of law being very different in the case of pirates and that of other criminals. The former cannot be at tacked, but in the way of war ; and therefore since those who undertook this must run a great risk in executing it, it was reasonable, and according to the law of war, that they should have a right to all that they found in the enemies' hands ; whereas those who seize common offenders, have such a strength 237 by the law, to assist them, and incur so little dan ger in doing it, that no just inference can be drawn from the one case to the other. When this Kid was thus set out, he turned pirate luniself ; so a heavy load was cast on the ministry, chiefly on him who was at the head of the justice of the ^nation. It was said, he ought not to have engaged in such a pro ject; and it was maliciously insinuated, that the privateer turned pirate, in confidence of the protec tion of those who employed him, if he had not se cret orders from them for what he did. Such black E e 4 424 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1699. constructions are men, who are engaged in parties, apt to make of the actions of those whom they in tend to disgrace, even against their own consciences : so that an undertaking, that was not only innocent, but meritorious, was traduced as a design for rob bery and piracy. This was urged in the house ol commons as highly criminal, for which, all who were concerned in it ought to be turned out of their em ployments ; and a question was put upon it, but it was rejected by a great majority K The next at tempt was to turn me out from the trust of educat ing the duke of Glocester: some objected my be-. ing a Scotchman, others remembered the book that was ordered to be burnt; so they pressed an ad dress to the king, for removing me from that post ; but this was likewise lost by the same majority that had carried the former vote1. The pay for the small army, and the expense of the fleet, were set tled : and a fund was given for it ; yet those who had reduced the army, thought it needless to have so great a force at sea ; they provided only for eight thousand men. This was moved by the tories, and k (See an account of this " to indicate, that he looked on transaction in Ralph's History " this new promotion as a deo- of England, vol. ii. pp. 831, "dand; and that he made it a 832, where, although the ori- " point of conscience to distri- ginal scheme is blamed, yet " bute the product of it accord - the charge of connivance with " ingly : a circumstance which Kidd's piracy is properly repro- " would have greatly raised his Dated-) " character, if he had not used 1 (Ralph mentions in the bi- " all possible caution to con- shop's praise, that " whereas the " ceal it; that the purity of " profits accruing to him from " his intentions might not be " this new employment amount- " debased by any mixture of " ed to about 15002. per ann. " vainglory." Hist. vol. ii. p. " his private charities from that 833. Compare Life of Burnet, " time amounted annually to by his son, p. 723.) " the like sum : which seemed OF KING WILLIAM III. 425 the whigs readily gave way to this reduction, be- 1699. cause the fleet was now in another management ; Russel (now earl of Orford) with his friends being laid aside, and a set of tories being brought into their places m. The great business of this session was the report 1700. brought from Ireland, by four of the seven commis- concerning sioners, that were sent by parliament to examine iretand."1 into the confiscations, and the grants made of them. Three of the seven refused to sign it, because they thought it false, and ill grounded in many particu lars, of which they sent over an account to both houses ; but no regard was had to that, nor was any inquiry made into their objections to the report. These three were looked on as men gained by the court ; and the rest were magnified as men that could not be wrought on, nor frighted from their duty. They had proceeded like inquisitors, and did readily believe every thing that was offered to them, 238 that tended to inflame the report; as they sup pressed all that was laid before them, that contra dicted their design, of representing the value of the grants as very high, and of shewing how undeserv ing those were who had obtained them : there was so much truth in the main of this, that no com plaints against their proceedings could be hearkened to D ; and indeed, all the methods that were taken, m Good God ! what are par- sent and reversion, to the value ties in practice ? are they not all of fifty thousand pounds a year : alike ? all factions ? O. lady Orkney had what was call- n Never was such profusion ed the duke of York's private heard of .before. The earl of estate, valued at eight and twen- Portland had a grant of all the ty: lord Rumney above seven- earl of Clancarty's great estate, . teen : lord Rochford to a vast besides English grants in pre- value ; besides a grant of the 426 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1700. to disgrace the report, had the quite contrary effect : _ t^ represented the confiscated estates to be such, that out of the sale of them, a million and a half might be raised ; so this specious proposition for dis charging so great a part of the public debt, took with the house ; the hatred into which the favour ites were fallen, among whom and their creatures the grants were chiefly distributed, made the motion go the quicker. All the opposition that was made in the whole progress of this matter, was looked on as a courting the men in favour ; nor was any regard paid to the reserve of a third part, to be disposed ^'of by the king, which had been in the bill that was sent up eight years hefore to the lords. When this was mentioned, it was answered, that the grantees had enjoyed those estates so many years, that the mean profits did arise to more than a third part of their value : little regard also was shewn to the purchases made under those grants, and to the great improvements made by tfie purchasers or te nants, which were said to have doubled the value of those estates. All that was said on that head made no impression, and was scarce heard with patience : yet, that some justice might be done both to pur- Anact chasers and creditors, a number of trustees were them in named, in whom all the confiscated estates were vested, and they had a very great and uncontrollable authority lodged with them, of hearing and deter- marquis of Powis's whole estate, tion to persons of equal merit ; which was above twelve; (but that the king seemed not to the earl of Pembroke put a stop know or care how lavishly they to that, as being entailed upon were bestowed, though he was him, though not till the other tenacious, even to a meanness, had done at least forty thousand of any thing he looked upon to pounds damage to it:) with a be his own. D. vast many more in like propor- trustees. OF KING WILLIAM III. 427 mining all just claims relating to those estates, and 1706. of selling them to the best purchasers ; and the mo- ney to be raised by this sale was appropriated to pay the arrears of the army. When all this was di gested into a bill, the party apprehended that many petitions would be offered to the house, which the court would probably encourage, on design at least to retard their proceedings : so, to prevent this, and that they might not lose too much time, nor clog the bill with too many clauses and provisos, they passed a vote of a very extraordinary nature ; that they would receive no petitions relating to the mat ter of this bill. The case of the earl of Athlone's grant was very singular ; the house of commons had been so sensible of his good service in reducing Ire land, that they had made an address to the king, to 239 give him a recompence suitable to his services : and the parliament of Ireland was so sensible of their obligations to him, that they, as was formerly told, confirmed his grant, of between two and three thou sand pounds a year. He had sold it to those who thought they purchased under an unquestionable title, yet all that was now set aside, no regard being had to it ; so that this estate was thrown into the heap. Some exceptions were made in the bill in fa vour of some grants, and provision was made for re warding others, whom the king, as they thought, had not enough considered. Great opposition was made to this by some, who thought that all favours and grants ought to be given by the king, and not originally by a house of parliament ; and this was ma naged with great heat, even by some of those who concurred in carrying on the bill: in conclusion it was, by a new term as well as a new invention, 428 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1700. consolidated with the money-bill, that was to go for the pay of the fleet and army, and so it came up to the house of lords ; which by consequence they must either pass or reject. The method that the court took in that house to oppose it was, to offer some alterations, that were indeed very just and reason able ; but since the house of commons would not suffer the lords to alter money-bills, this was in ef fect to lose it. The court, upon some previous votes, found they had a majority among the lords ; so, for some days, it seemed to be designed to lose the bill, and to venture on a prorogation or a dissolution ra ther than pass it u. Upon the apprehensions of this, the commons were beginning to fly out into high votes, both against the ministers and the favourites ; the lord Somers was attacked a second time, but was brought off by a greater majority than had ap- 0 Whilst the bill was in sus- could not prevail with their pense, the whole city of Lon- people either to join with us don was in an uproar :( West- or keep away ; and they under- minster was so thronged, that stood the-duke of Leeds (which it was with great difficulty any was true) was trying to make body got into either house. The use of the false step the king lords had insisted and adhered; had made, to force him to a so there could be no more con- dissolution ; which, in the fer- ferences ; and all seemed un- ment the nation was in, must der the greatest distraction. I throw us into the utmost con- heard the king was come to the fusion ; therefore desired I would Cockpit, and had sent for the persuade our side to stay, till crown, with a resolution to dis- they could make us a majority, solve us immediately, which I which they brought about at communicated to the earl of last, though they could prevail Shaftsbury, who ran full speed with nobody to come over to with it to the house of com- us besides themselves. But the mons; upon which they ad- archbishop beckoning out his journed in great haste. Next brethren, and the other lords morning the earls of Jersey and dropping off by degrees, was Albemarle told me, the king full as comical a scene, as that was convinced of the danger the night before had been tra in rejecting the bill : but their gical. D. present difficulty was, that they OF KING WILLIAM III. 429 peared for him at the beginning of the session. 1700. During the debates about the bill, he was ill; and the worst construction possible was put on that ; it was said, he advised all the opposition that was made to it in the house of lords, but that, to keep himself out of it, he feigned that he was ill : though his great attendance in the court of chancery, the house of lords, and at the council table, had so im paired his health, that every year, about that time, he used to be brought very low, and disabled from business. The king seemed resolved to venture on all the ill consequences that might follow the losing this bill; though those would probably have been fatal. As far as we could judge, either another ses sion of that parliament, or a new one, would have banished the favourites, and begun the bill anew, with the addition of obliging the grantees to refund 240 all the mean profits ; many in the house of lords, that in all other things were very firm to the king, were for passing this bill, notwithstanding the king's ear nestness against it p, since they apprehended the ill p So was lord Sunderland. England, vol. ii. p. 853. That Lord Portland was active in the king was prevailed on by stirring up opposition to the lord Jersey to interfere in this bill. There was not the ap- business, and to request his pearance of a ministry at this friends in the house of lords to time. Lord Somers was con- desist from their opposition, is fined by illness, and took little mentioned by archdeacon Coxe, or no share in the debates a- in the Shrewsbury Correspond^ bout this bill, for which it is ence, iii. iv. p. 609. where he said the king was angry with cites the letters of Secretary him, and made easy to part Vernon. See also lord Dart- with so wise a servant soon mouth above. Yet notwith- after. H. ("We are- assured by standing these accounts, the bi- " others, that the compliance of shop may be accurate in what " the lords was owing to the he says, because it was late be- " request of the king, signified fore the king waved his oppo- " in a private message, by lord sition to the bill.) " Albemarle." Ralph's Hist, of 430 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1700. consequences that were like to follow if it was lost. I was one of these, and the king was much dis pleased with me for it : I said, I would venture his displeasure, rather than please him in that, which I feared would be the ruin of his government : I confess, I did not at that time apprehend what in justice lay under many of the clauses in the bill, which appeared afterwards so evidently, that the very same persons who drove on the bill were con vinced of them, and redressed some of them in acts that passed in subsequent sessions : if I had under stood that matter aright, and in time, I had never given my vote for so unjust a bill ^. I only consi dered it as a hardship put on the king, many of his grants 'being thus made void; some of which had not been made on good and reasonable considera tions, so that they could hardly be excused, much less justified r : I thought the thing was a sort of force, to which it seemed reasonable to give way at that time, since we were not furnished with an equal strength to withstand it : but when I saw after wards, what the consequences of this act proved to be, I did firmly resolve, never to consent again to a great empire, for a small part of which they had been in wars (broke off indeed in some intervals) for above two hundred years ; while we in England, who were to protect and defend the rest, were, by wretched factions and violent animosities, running into a feeble and disjointed state : the king's cold and reserved manner, upon so high a provocation, made - some conclude that he was in secret engagements with France ; that he was resolved to own the new v king of Spain, and not to engage in a new war : this seemed so different from his own inclinations, and from all the former parts of his life, that it made many conclude, that he found himself in an ill state of health, the swelling of his legs being much in creased, and that this might have such effects on his mind, as to make him less warm and active, less disposed to involve himself in new troubles ; and that he might think it too inconsiderate a thing to 254 enter on a new war, that was not like to end soon, when he felt himself in a declining state of health : but the true secret of this unaccountable behaviour in the king was soon discovered. The earl of Rochester was now set at the head of a new mi- . . . n . nistry. his business, and was to bring the tories into his service : they had continued, from his first accession to the throne, in a constant opposition to his inter ests : many of them were believed to be Jacobites in their hearts, and they were generally much against the toleration, and violent enemies to the dissenters : they had been backward in every thing that was necessary for carrying on the former war ; Gg4 456 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1700. they had opposed taxes as much as they could, and were against all such as were easily levied and less sensibly felt by the people m ; and were always for those that were most grievous to the nation, hoping that by those heavy burdens the people would grow weary of the war and of the government. On the contrary the whigs, by supporting both, were be come less acceptable to the nation : in elections their interest was much sunk ; every new parliament was a new discovery that they were become less popular, and the others, who were always opposing and com- -,, plaining, were now cried up as the patriots. In the three last sessions, the whigs had shewed such a readiness to give the king more force, together with a management to preserve the grants of Ireland, that they were publicly charged as betrayers of their country, and as men that were for trusting the king with an army ; in a word, they were accused of too ready a compliance with the humours and interests of courts and favourites ; so they weregenerally cen sured and decried : and now since they had not suc ceeded to the king's mind, some about him possessed him with this, that either they would hot or could not serve him. In some of them indeed, their prin ciples lay against those things, whereas the tories' principles did naturally lead them to make the crown great and powerful : it was also said, that the great opposition made to every thing the king desired, ™ Some very good men, not easily to be had, or ready at tories, nor governed by party hand, bad ministers may be reasons, have been of this opi- tempted by that to bad mea- nion. But will not difference sures. O. (Perpetual taxes were of times and difference of men certainly less felt by the people, in power make a distinction in the burden being thus chiefly this matter ? When money is thrown on posterity.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 457 and the difficulties that had been of late put upon 1700. him, flowed chiefly from the hatred borne to those who were employed by him, and who had brought in their friends and creatures into the best posts ; and they were now studying to recover their lost popularity; which would make them cold, if not backward in complying with what the king might desire for the future : the whigs did also begin to complain of the king's conduct, of his minding af fairs so little, of his being so much out of the king dom, and of his ill choice of favourites ; and they imputed the late miscarriages to errors in conduct, 255 which they could neither prevent nor redress : the favourites, who thought of nothing but to continue in favour, and to be still safe and secure in their credit, concurred to press the king to take other measures, and to turn to another set of men, who would be no longer his enemies, if they had some of the best places shared among them : and though this method had been almost fatal, when the king had followed it soon after his first accession to the crown, yet there seemed to be less danger in trying it now, than was formerly. We were in full peace : and it was commonly said, that nobody thought any more of king James, and therefore it was fit for the king's service, to encourage all his people to come into his interests, by letting them see how soon he could forget all that was past. These con siderations had so far prevailed with him, that be fore he went out of England, he had , engaged him7 self secretly to them: it is true, the death, firsts of the duke of Glocester, and now of the king of Spain, had very much changed the face of affairs, A 458 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1700- both at home and abroad; yet the king would not " break off from his engagements n. Soon after his return to England, the earl of Ro chester was declared lord lieutenant of Ireland, and he had the chief direction of affairs. And, that the most eminent man of the whigs might not oppose them in the new parliament, they got Mr. Moun- tague to be made a baron, who took the title of Halifax, which was sunk by the death of that mar quis without issue male. The man, on whose -ma nagement of the house of commons this new set de pended, was Mr. Harley, the heir of a family which had been hitherto the most eminent of the presby terian party ; his education was in that way : but he, not being considered at the revolution, as he thought he deserved, had set himself to oppose the court in every thing, and to find fault with the whole administration. He had the chief hand, both in the reduction of the army, and in the matter of the Irish grants : the high party trusted him, though he still kept up an interest among the presbyterians: and he had so particular a dexterity, that he made both the high church party and the dissenters de pend upon him ; so it was agreed that he should be speaker. All this while, the new ministers talked of nothing but negotiations, and gave it out, that the king of France was ready to give all the se- n (Ralph remarks, " that the ly with the other." Hist, of " king at this crisis proceeded England, vol. ii. p. 890. But " on the same maxim in regard this was 'satisfactory to neither " to the whigs, which he had party at the time which the bi- " set out with in regard to the shop mentions, and occasioned " tories, of giving one party the the malecontents thinking again " lead, without breaking entire- of their old master.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 459 curity that could be desired, for maintaining the 1700. peace of Europe. At this time, the emperor sent over to England a minister, to set forth his title to the Spanish monarchy, settled on his house by an- 256 cient entails, often repeated, and now devolving on him by an undoubted right, since by the renuncia tion made by the late queen of France (as was sti pulated by the treaty of the Pyrenees, and then made by her in due form) this could not be called in question. Our new ministers were scarce civil to the emperor's envoy ; and would not enter into any consultations with him : but the Dutch, who were about the king, and all the foreign ministers, spoke in another style ; they said, that nothing but a ge neral union of all the powers in Europe could hin der the conjunction of the two monarchies ° : so, by what those, who talked often with the king, gave out, it came to be soon known, that the king saw the necessity of a new war, but that he kept himself in a great reserve, that he might manage his new ministers and their party, and see if he could engage them to concur with him. But before I conclude the relation of this year, at Tfae king . of Sweden's which the century ends, 1 must close it with an ac- glorious count of the king of Sweden's glorious campaign : camPaisn- he made all the haste he could to relieve Livonia, 0 (Ralph says, that a survey the States General professed a of the distracted state of Eu- willingness to live in good cor- rope at this conjuncture, would respondence with the Spanish shew not only a general union crown, in case the Dutch gar- to have been impossible, but risons were continued in the that it would also have deterred barrier towns on the same foot- any one from taking measures to ing, but subject to the orders precipitate a rupture, who- had of the Spanish governors, as any regard to consequences, heretofore. See p. 902.) vol. ii. p. 901. At this period 460 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1700. where not only Riga was for some months besieged by the king of Poland, but Narva was also attacked by the czar, who hoped, by taking it, to get an en trance into the Baltick : the czar came in person against it, with an army of one hundred thousand men : Narva was not provided for a siege : it had a small garrison, and had very poor magazines, yet the Muscovites attacked it so feebly, that it held out, beyond all expectation, till the end of the year:. Upon the king of Sweden's landing at Revel, the Saxons drew off from Riga, after a long siege at a vast charge : this being done, and Riga both opened and supplied, that king marched next tp Narva. The czar, upon his march towards him, left his army in such a manner, as made all people conclude, he had no mind to hazard his person : the king marched through ways that were thought so impracticable, that little care had been taken to secure them : so he surprised the Muscovites, and broke into their camp before they apprehended he was near them ; he to tally routed their army, took many prisoners, with all their artillery and baggage, and so made a glori ous entry into Narva. This is the no*blest campaign that we find in any history ; in which a king about eighteen years of age, led an army himself against three kings, who had confederated against him, and was successful in every one of his attempts, giving great marks both of personal courage and good con duct in them all ; and, which is more extraordinary, an eminent measure both of virtue and piety ap- 257 peared in his whole behaviour. In him the world hoped to see another Gustavus Adolphus, who con quered, or rather possessed himself of Livonia, in the same year of his age in which this king did now so OF KING WILLIAM III. 461 gloriously, recover it, when almost lost by the inva- ^oo. sion of two powerful neighbours. There were great disorders, at this time in Lithuania, occasioned by the factions there, which were set on and fomented by the king, who seemed to aspire to be the here ditary king of Poland. But as these things are at a great distance from us, so since we have no public minister in those parts, I cannot give an ac count of them, nor form a true judgment thereupon. The eighteenth century began with a great scene, that opened with it. The new king of Spain wrote to all the courts of 1701. Europe, giving notice of his accession to that crown, ^Xensfons only he forgot England : and it was publicly given "^^J out, that he had promised the pretended prince of yas now Wales, that in due time he would take care of his interests : the king and the States were much alarmed, when they beheld the French possessed of the Spanish Netherlands : a great part of the Dutch army lay scattered up and down in those garrisons, more particularly in Luxemburgh, Namur, and Mons, and these were now made prisoners of war : -neither officers nor soldiers could own the king of Spain, for their masters had not yet done it : at this time, the French pressed the States - very hard to declare themselves : a great party in the States were for owning him, at least in form, till they could get their troops again into their own hands, according to capitulation : nor were they then in a condition to resist the impression, that might have been made upon them, from the garrisons in the Spanish Guel- > dent, who could have attacked them before they were able to make head : so the States consented to own 462 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. the king of Spain. That being done, their batta- lions were sent back, but they were ill used, contrary to capitulation, and the soldiers were tempted to de sert their service, yet very few could be prevailed on to do it. a party As soon as our parliament was opened, it appeared for France _, -iti ,..,./• in the par- that the French had a great party m it : it is cer- uament. ^^ great sums came over this winter from France, the packet-boat came seldom without 10,000 louis d'ors, it brought often more : the nation was filled with them, and in six months' time, a million of gui neas were coined out of them : the merchants indeed said, that the balance of trade was then so much turned to our side, that, whereas we were wont to. 258 carry over a million of our money in specie, we then sent no money to France ; and had at least half that sum sent over to balance the trade : yet this did not account for that vast flood of French gold that was visible amongst us : and, upon the French ambassa dor's going away, a very sensible alteration was found in the bills of exchange : so it was concluded, that great remittances were made to him, and that these were distributed among those who resolved to merit a share in that wealth, which came over now so copiously, beyond the example of former times. The king, in his speech to the parliament, in the most effectual manner possible, recommended the settling the succession of the crown in the protest ant line ; and with relation to foreign affairs, he laid them before the two houses, that they might offer him such advices, as the state of the nation and her, alliances required; but he did not so much as inti mate to them his own thoughts concerning them. A design was laid in the house of. commons, to open OF KING WILLIAM III. 463 the session with an address to the king, that he 1701. would own the king of Spain : the matter was so far concerted, that they had agreed on the words of the vote, and seemed not to doubt of the concur rence of the house; but Mr. Monkton opposed it with great heat, and among other things said, if that vote was carried p, he should expect that the next vote to be put, would be for owning the pretended prince of Wales : upon this occasion it appeared how much popular assemblies are apt to be turned, by a thing boldly said, though the consequence is ever so re mote ; since the connection of these two points lay at some distance, yet the issue of the debate was quite contrary to that which was designed : it ended in an address to the king, to enter into new alliances with the States, for our mutual defence, and for pre serving the liberty and peace of Europe : these last words were not carried without much difficulty: p ("As to any design formed " upon considering the Dutch " to open the session with such " envoy's memorial. You will " an address, facts and dates de- " see it has fully answered all " monstratej to say nothing of " his majesty's desires ; and I " the contents of Burnet's own " must needs say, that I never " legend, that the session was " saw so great a spirit in the " not opened with any such de- " house of commons, and such " bate : nor indeed, is any trace " a resolution to preserve Hol- " of any such motion, in rela- " land as well as England : I " tion to the king of Spain, to " hope it will have that good " be found in the journals. Let " effect on your side, as to pro- " us also confront the bishop's " duce a fair disposition to " whole account with the words " treat upon reasonable terms, " of Mr. Vernon, in his letter " that a war maybe prevented; " to lord Manchester, of Fe- " which I see we shall not de- " bruary 20 : 'I do not doubt " cline, if we are forced into it " but you have our parliament " by necessity ; but if France "news from many hands. How- " has any inclination for peace, " ever, I must not omit send- " we may still hope for it.' " " ing you the vote that passed Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. "this day both in the com- ii. p. 914. See also p. 940.) " mittee and in the house, 464 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. they were considered, as they were indeed, an in- sittuation towards a war. inajud^n& Upon' the view of the hoflse, it appeared very evi- eiections. derttly, that the tories were a great majority; yet they, to make the matter sure, resolved to clear the house of a great many that were engaged in another interest : reports were brought to them of elections, that had been scandalously purchased, by some who were concerned in the new East India company. In stead of drinking and entertainments, by which elec tions were formerly managed, now a most scandalous practice was brought in of buying votes, with so little decency, that the electors engaged themselves by subscription, to choose a blank person, before they 259 were trusted with the name of their candidate. The old East India company had driven a course of cor ruption within doors with so little shame, that the new company intended to follow their example^ but with this difference, that, whereas the former had bought the persons who were elected, they resolved to buy elections. Sir Edward Seimour, who had dealt in this corruption his whole lifetime, and whom the old company was said to have bought be fore, at a very high price, brought before the house of commons the discovery of some of the practices of the new company ^ : the examining into these took up many days. In conclusion, the matter was so well proved, that several elections were declared void; and some of the persons so chosen, were for some time kept in prison ; after that, they were expelled the house. In these proceedings, great partiality 1 (For which he had the so- Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. lemn thanks of the house of 926.) commons given him. See Ralph's OF KING WILLIAM III. 465 appeared; for when, in some cases, corruption was 1701. proved clearly against some of the tory party, and but doubtfully against some of the contrary side, that which was voted corruption in the latter, was called the giving alms in those of the former sort. Thus for some weeks the house seemed to have for got all the concerns of Europe, and was wholly em ployed in the weakening of one side, and in fortify ing the other : to make some shew of zeal for the public safety, they voted thirty thousand men for the fleet ; but they would allow no marines, though they were told that a fleet without these was only a good security for our own defence, but could have no influence on the affairs of Europe, either to frighten or to encourage those abroad : such a fleet, as it could not offend, so it was much too strong, if it was intended only for a defence, and it looked like a needless wasting the treasure of the nation, to em ploy so much of it to so little purpose, and only to make a shew. While the house of commons was going on, mind- The parti- ing only party matters, a design was laid in the chargoUn house of lords, to attack the partition treaty, and 0n0hras.se some of those who were concerned in it. They begun with an address to the king, that he would order all the treaties made since the peace of Ryswick to be laid before them. This was complied with so slowly, that they were not brought to the house till the 26th of February, and no notice was taken of them till the 10th of March. It soon appeared that this was done by a French direction. The court of France (perceiving that the Dutch were alarmed at their neighbourhood, and were increasing their force both by sea and land, -and were calling upon their allies vol. iv. H h THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. to furnish their quota's, which they were bound by treaties to send to their defence) entered upon a ne- 260gotiation with them at the Hague, to try what would lay these fears. Upon this, in the beginning of March, the States, in conjunction with Mr. Stan hope r, the English envoy at the Hague, gave in memorials, in which they insisted on the violation of the partition treaty, and particularly on the French possessing themselves of the Spanish Netherlands : they also desired, that the emperor might have just satisfaction in his pretensions, and that in the mean while Luxemburgh, Namur, Mons, and Aeth, might be put in their hands; and Ostend and Newport into the hands of the English, and both they and the Dutch might have a free trade, as before, to all the Spanish dominions. The French, seeing these demands run so high, and being resolved to offer no other security for the peace of Europe, but the re newing the treaty of Ryswick, set all their engines at work in England, to involve us into such conten tions at home, as should both disable us from taking any care of foreign affairs, and make the rest of Eu rope conclude, that nothing considerable was to be expected from England. As soon as the news of those memorials could come to England, the mar quis of Normanby, and the rest of the tories, took up the debate concerning the partition treaty: this they managed with great dexterity, while the matter was as much neglected by the king, who went that day to Hampton court, where he stayed some time ; by this means no directions were given, and we were involved in great difficulties, before the court was r Father of general, afterwards earl Stanhope. O. -: OF KING WILLIAM III. 467 aware of it: the king either could not prevail with 1701. his new ministers to excuse the treaty, if they would not justify it ; or he neglected them so far* as not to speak to them at all about it. Those who attacked it, said, they meant nothing in that but to offer the king advices for the future, to prevent such errors as had been committed in that treaty, both as to matter and form. They blamed the giving such ter ritories to the crown of France, and the forsaking the emperor ; they also complained of the secrecy in which the treaty was carried on, it not being com municated to the English council or ministry, but privately transacted by the earls of Portland and Jersey : they also blamed the putting the great seal, first to blank powers, and then to the treaty itself, which the king's new ministers said was unjust in the contrivance, and ridiculous in the execution. To all this it was answered, that there not being a force ready and sufficient to hinder the French from pos sessing themselves of the Spanish monarchy, which they were prepared for, the emperor had desired the king to enter into a treaty of partition, and had con sented to every article of it, except that which re- 261 lated to the duchy of Milan : but the king, not thinking that worth the engaging in a new war, had obtained an exchange of it for the duchy of Lorrain : the emperor did not agree to this, yet he pressed the king not to break off the treaty, but to get the best terms he could for him, and above all things he recommended secrecy, that so he might not lose his interest in Spain, by seeming to consent to this partition. It is certain, that by our constitu tion, all foreign negotiations were trusted entirely to the crown ; that the king was under no obliga- H h2 468 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. tion by law to communicate such secrets to his "council, or to hear, much less was he obliged to fol low, their advices : in particular it was said, that the keeper of the great seal had no sort . of authority to deny the putting it, either to powers for a treaty, or to any treaty which the king should agree to : the law gives no direction in such matters, and he could not refuse to put the great seal to any thing for which he had an order from the king; unless the matter was contrary to law, which had made no provision in this case s : they insisted most on the 5 This defence has some very dangerous and unconstitutional doctrines in it. If ministers advise a bad measure, they are answerable for it to the nation in parliament ; and so are they though they advise against it, if they concur in the execution of it ; he especially who puts the great seal to it, although the matter may not be strictly ille gal, to render the act void ; otherwise the people have no security against a bad admini stration of government. All will be laid upon the person of the king, ministers will escape by that, and the nation be with out remedy. The deposit of the great seal is a trust of the highest kind for the public, and may be applied to acts of the most pernicious consequence to the state, though not properly illegal in the form. Can the command of the crown excuse this? Suppose it in a treaty where the trade of England is sacrificed to a foreign nation. This may not be contrary to law in a strict sense, and the treaty may in a like strict sense be valid. But is not the keeper of the seal criminal for giving the national sanction to such a treaty ? If he be not, his office is no longer a trust, and no thing more in these things than the office of his sealer, whose hand put the seal to the wax. We know how some chancel lors have treated this matter for their indemnity, and that some, a little more wary, have resorted to the poor evasion of delivering up the seal to the king, for him to put it to the instrument, and immediately to receive the seal back again. The lord chancellor Notting ham did this last in the case of the earl of Danby's pardon, and I have been Well informed he escaped censure for it, by an obsequious courting of the house of commons at that time, and giving with great warmth into the prosecution of the popish plot, for which see the former volume of this history, the lord Stafford's trial, and Journal of the house of commons. As these claims of impunity have been made by men of great OF KING WILLIAM III. 469 other side, upon the concluding a treaty of this im- 1701. portance, without communicating it first to the privy council ; so the first day of the debate ended with this'. The earl of Portland apprehending that this might The lords fall too heavy on him, got the king's leave to com- within it municate the whole matter next day to the house ; opposed it- so he told them, that he had not concluded the trea ty alone, but had, by the king's order, acquainted six of his chief ministers with it, who were the earls of Pembroke and Marlborough, the viscount Lonsdale, the lords Somers and Halifax, and secre tary Vernon : upon which those lords, being like wise freed by the king from the oath of secrecy, told the house, that the earl of Jersey, having in the king's name called them together, the treaty was read to them, and that they excepted to seve ral things in it, but they were told, that the king had earned the matter as far as was possible, and that he could obtain no better terms : so when they were told, that no alterations could be made, but that every thing was settled, they gave over insist ing on particulars ; they only advised, that the king character and authority in this or suffer a dismission. This high station, it becomes a very would make kings counsellable, important question to the pub- and the. nation safe. O. lie, and ought to be thoroughly ' The minute of this council and very well considered by was burnt amongst lord Sb- those who are to watch and mers's papers. It did appear, control the power of ministers, many objections were made by by which the freedom of this the lords. Lord Portland's con- country is only preserved. If stant answer was, " Nothing ministers shpuld say, What are " could be altered." To which we to do, if the prince will not one of the lords present (the be withstood by our advice, but name not mentioned) replied, will still persist against it ? the " If that be the case, why are answer is, (if the measure be " we called together?" H. of a dangerous nature,) Resign, H h 3 470 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. might not engage himself in any thing that would ~ bring on a new war, since the nation had been^ so uneasy under the, last. This was carried to the king, and a few days after that, he told some of them, tha,t he was made acquainted with their ex ceptions, but how reasonable soever they were, he had driven the matter as far as he could : the earl of Pembroke said to the house of lords, he had of fered the king those advices, that he thought were 262 most for his service and for the good of the nation ; but that he did not think himself bound to give an account of that to any other persons: he was not the man struck at, so there was nothing said, either against him or the earls of Marlborough or Jersey : upon this, the debate went on : some said this was a mockery, to ask advice when there was no room for it : it was answered, the king had asked the advice of his privy council, and they had given it ; but that such was the regal prerogativej that it was still free to him to follow it or not, as he saw cause. An ad- In conclusion, the house of lords resolved to set king about* out this whole matter, in an address to the king; lt" complaining both of the partition treaty, and of the method in which it had been carried on : the lord Wharton moved an addition to the address, that, whereas the French king had broke that treaty, they should advise the king to treat no more with him, or rely on his word without further security : this was much opposed by all those who were against the engaging in a new war : they said, all motions of that kind ought to come from the house of com mons, who only could support such an advice, that did upon the matter engage us into a new war ; nor would they lay any blame on the breaking of a trea- OF KING WILLIAM III. 471 ty, which they were resolved to condemn : they also 1701. excepted to the words further security as ambigu- ous ; yet the majority of the house agreed to it ; for there was such treachery in the French negotiations, that they could not be relied on, without a . good guarantee, and the pledge of some strong places. It now plainly appeared, that the design was to set on the house of commons to impeach some of the lords who had been concerned in the partition trea ty, for it was moved to send the address to the house of commons for their concurrence ; but that was not carried. The king seemed to bear all this with his usual coldness : and the new ministers continued still in his confidence, but he laid the matter much to heart : now he saw the error he had fallen into by the change he had made in the ministry u : it was plain they resolved to govern him in every thing, and not to be governed by him in any one thing. As soon as this was over, the earl of Jersey did, Memorials by the king's order, bring to the house of lords the the states. .memorials that had been given in at the Hague, and then, by comparing dates, it was easy to conjecture why the partition treaty had been let lie so long on the table, and it seemed as if it was taken up at last only to blast this negotiation ; a French management appearing very plainly in the whole steps that had been made. The house of commons began, at the 263 same time, not only to complain of the partition u Yet what could he do o- done in the partition treaty, therwise ? But his giving up his merely in deference to him, former ministers in the manner was unworthy of a king, or a he did, with regard to this pro- great man. O. secution., for what they had H h 4 472 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. treaty, but likewise of the demand of Ostend and Newport, nor would they shew any concern for the emperor's pretensions : the Dutch demanded the ex ecution of the treaty that king Charles had made with them in the year 1677, by which England was bound to assist them with ten thousand men and twenty ships of war, if they were attacked: some endeavoured, all that was possible, to put this off for the present, pretending that they were not yet at tacked : others moved, that the pay of ten thousand men might be given to them, with the twenty ships, as a full equivalent to the treaty ; yet they not lik ing this, it was in conclusion agreed to send the ten thousand men : five thousand of these were to be drawn out of the army in Ireland, and five thousand of them were to be new levied ; but they took care that Ireland should not be provided with any new forces in their stead, so jealous were they of trusting the king with an army. The representation sent over by the States, setting forth the danger they were in, and desiring the assistance of England, was penned with great spirit, and in a very moving strain : the house of lords did, upon a debate on that subject, make an address to the king, to enter into leagues offensive and defensive with the em peror and other princes and states, who were inte rested against the conjunction of the French and Spanish monarchies : but the house of commons could not upon this occasion be carried farther, than to advise the king to enter into such alliances as should be necessary for our common security, and for the peace of Europe. This coldness and uncer tainty in our councils gave the French great advan tages in their negotiations both in Germany and in OF KING WILLIAM III. 473 Portugal. They tried the courts of Italy, but with- 1701. out success; only the duke of Mantua consented that they should make a shew, as if they had sur prised him, and so force him to put Mantua in their hands : the pope and the Venetians would not de clare themselves ; the pope favoured the French, as the Venetians did the emperor; who began the war with a pretension on the duchy of Milan, as a fief of the empire that devolved on him ; and he was mak ing magazines, both in Tyrol and at Trent : the French seemed to despise all he could do, and did not apprehend that it was possible for him to march an army into Italy : both the king and the States pressed him to make that attempt. The elector of Bavaria and some of the circles had agreed to a neutrality this year ; so there was no hope of doing much upon the Rhine, and the French were making the Italians feel what insolent masters they were 264 like to prove : so a general uneasiness among them determined the emperor to send an army into Italy under the command of prince Eugene. England was all this while very unwilling to engage ; yet for fear we should at last have seen our interest so clearly, that we must have fallen into it,, those who were practised on to embroil us* so that we might not be in a condition to mind foreign affairs, set on foot a design to impeach the former ministry. The handle that brought this about was given by a design t* ° ... impeach the the earl of Portland : when he was excusing his own former mi- part in the partition treaty, he said, that having msry withdrawn himself from business, and being at his country house in Holland, the king sent to him, de siring him to enter upon that negotiation ; upon that, he wrote to secretary Vernon, to ask his ad- 474 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. vice and the advice of his other friends, whether it was fit for him to meddle in that matter, since his being by birth a foreigner seemed a just excuse for not engaging in a thing of such consequence: to this, secretary Vernon answered, that all his friends thought he was a very proper person to be employed in that treaty, since he had known the progress of all those treaties, and the persons who were em ployed on that occasion : and he named the lord Somers among those who had advised this x. The earl of Portland had mistaken this circumstance, which did not belong to the last partition treaty, but to that of the year before, in favour of the prince electoral of Bavaria. The house of commons hearing of this, required secretary Vernon to lay be fore them that letter, with his answer to it ; for the earl of Portland said, that he had left all papers re lating to that matter in Holland. Vernon said, he had received no such letter in the year 1699 ; so that led them to inquire farther, and they required him to lay before them all the letters he had, relating to both treaties : he said, those were the king's se crets, writ in confidence by the persons he employed. But in such a case, a house of commons will not be put off: a denial rather raises in them more ear nestness in following their point: it was said, the king had dispensed with the oath of secrecy, when he ordered all matters to be laid before them, and they would admit of no excuse. Vernon upon this went to the king, and told him, since these were his "N.B. I remember a letter tary Vernon, for bringing the from lord Somers to the king, papers and letters relating to it desiring leave to produce his before the house without leave letter about the partition trea- of the king. H. ty, and complaining of secre- OF KING WILLIAM III. 475 secrets, he was ready to expose himself to the indig- 1701. nation of the house, and to refuse to shew his let-' ters : but the king said, his refusing to do it, would not only raise a storm against himself, from which the king could not protect him, but it would occa sion an address to the king, to order him to lay 265 every thing before the house, which, in the state that things were in then, he could not deny : Ver non, upon these orders given him at two different times, carried all the letters, and laid them before the house of commons : it appeared by these, that he had communicated the treaty to the king's mi nisters, who were in town, about the end of Au gust 1698: that lord Somers being then at Tun- bridge, he went to him ; and that he had communi cated the project, both to the earl of Orford and the lord Halifax : several objections were made by them to many parts of the treaty, which were mentioned in Vernon's letters ; but, if better terms could not be had, they thought it was better to conclude the treaty, than to leave the Spanish monarchy to be overrun by France, or to involve Europe in a new war. Lord Somers had also put the seals to blank powers, for concluding this treaty y. When all this was read, those who were set on to blow up the flame, moved the house to impeach some of the mi nisters who had been concerned in this transaction ; yet in this they proceeded with so visible a partial ity, that though the earl of Jersey had signed the treaty, had been plenipotentiary at Ryswick, ambas sador in France, and secretary of state, while the partition treaty was negotiating; yet he, having y I have heard my father say that was imprudent. H. 476 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. joined himself to the new ministry, was not ques- tioned about it: the party said, he had been too easily drawn into it, but that he was not in the se cret, and had no share in the councils that projected it*. On the first of April, the house of commons brought up a general impeachment of the earl of Portland, for high crimes and misdemeanours ; but the chief design was against the earl of Orford, and the lords Somers and Halifax a; Their enemies tried They are impeached. z King William had, with good intentions, ¦conducted the partition treaty himself. His English ministers rather acqui esced in, than advised it, and for that reason, rather apolo gize in their defences for the share they had in it, than open ly stand forth to defend it. Lord Orford, in particular, dis owned the whole, and was very angry with the king at that time. H. a There had been a warm debate in the house of com mons upon the partition treaty, in which it was moved to im peach lord Somers, but carried in the negative by a. great ma jority ; after which, Harlington moved the earl of Portland, who was a foreigner, and had meddled so much in English affairs, should be impeached, which met with little opposi tion. Next day, lord Jersey came to me from the king, who was highly provoked at the whigs, for having brought their own minister off, and his upon the stage : therefore desired I would get somebody in the house of commons to ask if there had never been another treaty of partition besides that before them, which would soon set the whole matter in a clear light ; but great care must be taken, that the king might not be known to have any hand in it : which I very readily under took, in return for the many good offices the ministers had done me, (as the king said he believed I would,) and assured lord Jersey, the king's name should never be mentioned in the matter. Next day, Mr. Finch took notice, that the secretary often insisted upon this treaty, therefore desired he might in form the house, whether there had ever been any other treaty for dividing of the Spanish mo narchy ; which put Mr. Vernon into great confusion, and obliged him to tell all he knew, and the three lords were impeached. The king told lord Jersey, he knew I lived in great intimacy with lord Berkely of Stratton, who had married lady Port land's sister; therefore desired I would aggravate lord Port land's treatment to him, and try if he could prevail with him to take his revenge, (which he had it very much in his power OF KING WILLIAM III. 477 again what use could be fnade of Kid's business, for 1701. he was taken in our northern plantations in Ame- rica, and brought over: he was examined by the house, but either he could not lay a probable, story together, or some remnants of "honesty, raised in him by the near prospect of death, restrained him ; he accused no person of having advised or encouraged his turning pirate : he had never talked alone with any of the lords, and never at all with lord Somers : he said he had no orders from them, but to pursue his voyage against the pirates in Madagascar. All endeavours were used to persuade him to accuse the lords ; he was assured, that if he did it, he should be preserved ; and if he did it not, he should certainly die for his. piracy : yet this could not prevail on ,him to charge them : so he with some of his crew were banged, there appearing not so much as a colour to 266 fasten any imputation on those lords ; yet their ene mies tried what use could be made of the grant of all that Kid might recover from the pirates, which some bold and ignorant lawyers affirmed to be against law. So this matter was for the fourth time de bated in the house of commons, and the behaviour of those peers in it appeared to be so innocent, so legal, and in truth so meritorious, that it was again let fall. The insisting so much on it served to con vince all people, that the enemies of these lords wanted not inclinations, but only matter to charge them, since they made so much use of this : but so partial was a great part of the house, that the drop- to do,) and I was authorized to thought would ruin him, and assure him, the king would be did not think the tories were pleased with his so doing. Lord either able or willing to protect Portland seemed willing, but him : which put an end to that was afraid of the whigs, who he negotiation. D. 478 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. ping this was carried only by a small majority. ' When one design failed, another was set up. Lord so- It was pretended, that by secretary Vernon's let- by the ear ters it was clearly proved, that the lord Somers had commons, consented to the partition treaty : so a debate com ing on concerning that> lord Somers desired that he might be admitted, to give an account of his share in it, to the house Of commons : some Opposition was made to this, but it had been always granted, so it could not be denied him: he had obtained the king's leave to tell every thing : so that when he appeared before the house, he told them, the king had writ to him, that the state of the king of Spain's health was desperate, and that he saw no way to prevent a new war, but to accept of the proposition the French made for a partition : the king sent him the scheme of this, and ordered him to communicate it to some others, and to give him both his own opinion and theirs concerning it, and to send him over powers for a treaty, but in the secretest manner that was possible : yet . the king added, that, if he and his other ministers thought that a treaty ought not to be made upon such a project, then the whole matter must be let fall, for he could not bring the French to better terms. Lord Somers upon this said* that he thought it was the taking too much upon him self, if he should have put a stop to a treaty of such consequence : if the king of Spain had died before it was finished, and the blame had been cast on him for not sending the necessary powers, because he was not ordered to do it by a warrant in full form, he could not have justified that, since the king's letter was really a warrant, and therefore he thought he was bound to send the powers that were called for, OF KING WILLIAM III. 479 which he had done. But at the same time, he wrote 1701. his own opinion very fully to the king, objecting to many particulars, if there was room for it, and proposing several things, which, as he thought were for the good and interest of England. Soon after 267 the powers were sent over by him, the treaty was concluded, to which he put the great seal, as he thought he was bound to do : in this, as he was a privy counsellor, he had offered the king his best advice, and as he was chancellor, he had executed his office according to his duty. As for putting the seal to the powers, he had done it upon the king's letter, which was a real warrant, though not a formal one. He had indeed desired, that a warrant in due form might be sent him for his own security ; but he did not think it became him, to endanger the public only for want of a point of form, in so critical a time, where great despatch was requisite. He spoke so fully and so clearly, that, upon his with drawing, it was believed, if the question had been quickly put, the whole matter had been soon at an end, and that the prosecution would have been let fallb: but his enemies drew out the debate to b I was in the house of com- ficiently justify him, if it had mons during the whole debate : been any ; and his endeavour- what the bishop says of lord ing to throw every thing upon Somers making an impression the king provoked them to such in his favour is so far from a degree, that he left them in a true, that I never saw that much worse disposition to him- house in so great a flame as self than he found them ; and I they were upon his withdraw- heard many of his best friends ing. He justified his putting say, they heartily wished he had the great seal to a blank so never come thither. D. We poorly, and insisted that the found no minute of this excel- king's letter (which he pro- lent speech amongst lord So- duced) was a good warrant, mers's papers; there were some which every body knew to be heads about the conduct of his none, nor did the contents suf- defence, in case the impeach- 480 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. such a length, that the impression which his speech had made was much worn outc; and the house sit ting till it was past midnight, they at last carried it, by a majority of seven or eight, to impeach him and the earl of Orford and the lord Halifax of high ment had been tried. There is a very honourable and manly answer of lord Somers, upon being asked who had informed him that the house was in de bate about impeaching him. Vide the Journals. H. (Ralph in his History, gives the follow- account of it : " Before lord " Somers's admission it had " been ordered, that he should " be asked from the chair, who " it was informed - him that " there was a debate in the " house relating to his lord- " ship ? And the said question, " after he had' done speaking, " being put to him accordingly, " his lordship made the follow- " ing reply; to wit: ' that he " was strangely surprised at a " question that he never knew " was put to any man that " came to desire the favour of " being heard : and that if the " question was asked to bring v the least prejudice to any " man in England, he would " not only be content to lie " under the censure of the " house, but suffer the worst " thing that might befall him " upon earth, rather than do a " dishonourable thing.' After " which follows this other ar- f tide in the Journals : ' And " then his lordship withdraw- " ing, came back, and desired " to leave with the house a let- " ter his lordship acquainted the " house that he had received " from his majesty, (and which " he said he had his majesty's " leave to acquaint the house " with,) and also a copy of his " lordship's letter, which he " sent to his majesty in an- " swer thereof; which letter " and copy his lordship had " mentioned in what he had " offered to the house, and he " left the same accordingly, " and then withdrew.' This " is all that can be deliver- " ed with any certainty con- " cerning this event : for of " the debate which followed, " or even the names of those " who conducted it on either " side, no specific mention is " made. And all that the " Journals farther report is, " that the question being put, " that John lord Somers, by " advising his majesty in the " year 1689 to the treaty for " dividing the Spanish mo- " narchy, whereby large territo- " ries of the king of Spain's " dominions were to be deli- " vered up to France, is guilty " of a high crime and misde- " meanour, the house divided ; " and it was resolved in the " affirmative, by 198 against " 188." Vol. ii. p. 943.) c Cowper (afterwards chan cellor) unhappily entering into a defence of him, begat a de bate. O. OF KING WILLIAM III. 481 crimes and misdemeanors'5: the general impeach- 1701. ment was brought up the next day to the lords' bar. The commons were very sensible, that those im- contrary peaehments must come to nothing, and that they the two had not a majority in the house of lords, to judge inllouses- them as they should direct : so they resolved on a shorter way, to fix a severe censure on the lords whom they had thus impeached : they voted an ad dress to the king, for excluding them from his pre sence and •councils for ever: this had never gone along with an impeachment before : the house of commons had indeed begun such a practice in king Charles the second's time : when they dis liked a minister, but had not matter to ground an impeachment on, they had taken this method? of making an address against him, but it was a new attempt, to come with an address after an impeachment; this was punishing before trial, con trary to an indispensable "rule of justice, of not judging before the parties were heard : the lords saw, that this made their judicature ridiculous, when, in the first instance of an accusation, application was made to the king for a censure, and a very severe one ; since few misdemeanors could deserve a harder sentence. Upon these grounds, the lords prevented the commons, and sent some of their body to the king with an address, praying him, that he would not proceed to any censure of these lords till they had undergone their trial. The king received these 268 d (" The question was after- " firmative ; to wit : against " wards put m relation to the " lord Orford, by 193 against "earl ©f Orford and lord Ha- " 148; and against lord Hali- " lifax; and was carried on two "fax, by t86 against 163." " several divisions m the af- RalpKs Hist, of England, ibid.) VOL, IV. ii 482 THE HISTORY, OF THE REIGN 1701. addresses, so contrary one to another, from both '¦ houses, but made no answer to either of them ; un less the letting the names of these lords continue still in the council books might be taken as a refus ing to grant what the commons had desired. They renewed their address, but had no direct answer from the king ; this, though a piece of common jus tice, was complained of, and it was said, that these lords had still great credit with the king : the com mons had, for form's sake, ordered a committee to prepare articles of impeachment, but they intended to let the matter sleep; thinking, that what they had already done had so marked those lords, that the king could not employ them any more : for that was the main thing they. drove at. The king While this was in agitation, a letter came to the king of king from the king of Spain, giving notice of his ac- Spam. cession to that crown : it was dated the day after he entered into Spain, but the date and the letter were visibly writ at different times : the king ordered the letter to be read in the cabinet council ; there was some short debate concerning it, but it was never brought into any further deliberation there. The earl of Rochester saw the king seemed distrustful of him, and reserved to him in that matter, and was highly offended at it: he and the rest of the new ministry pressed the king to own the king of Spain, and to answer his letter ; and since the Dutch had done it, it seemed reasonable that the king should likewise do it: they prevailed at last, but with much difficulty : the thing was kept secret, and was not communicated to the privy council, or to the two houses, nor did the king speak of it to any of the foreign ministers ; the Paris gazette gave the world OF KING WILLIAM III. 483 the first notice of it ?. This being carried in such a 1701. manner, seemed the more strange, because his mi- nistry had so lately condemned a former one, for not communicating the partition treaty to the council before it was concluded; and yet had, in a matter of great consequence, so soon forgot the censures they had thrown out so liberally, upon the secrecy with which that matter had been transacted. While things were moving in such a slow and uncertain pace in England, the Dutch had daily new alarms brought them of the forces that the French were pouring into their neighbourhood ; into the Spanish Guelder on the one hand, and into Antwerp on the other : so that they were apprehensive of a design both upon Nimeguen and Bergen-op-zom: they took the best care they could to secure their frontier: the negotiations went on slowly at the Hague : the French rejected all their demands, and offered no thing but to renew the peace of Ryswick : this the 269 Dutch laid again before the king, in a very awaken ing strain ; and he sent all to the house of commons, but they could not be brought to declare that the offers made by the French were not sufficient. D'Avaux, seeing this coldness in our counsels, re fused to treat any more with the Dutch, in conjunc tion with the envoy of England, and said, his j)owers directed him only to them : this put a full stop to all further treaty ; for the States said, they were en gaged in such a close conjunction with England, that they could not enter on a separate treaty. In the mean while they armed powerfully; and our fleet, in conjunction with theirs, were masters of the e (Ralph, amongst other ob- fication, could d\ He thought the party was neither solid nor sincere, and that they were actuated by passion and revenge, without any views with relation to our quiet at home, or to our affairs abroad. Aconvoca- But having now given an account of the session clergy met. of parliament, I turn to another scene : when the new ministry undertook to serve the king, one of their demands was, that a convocation should have leave to sit, which was promised; and it sat this winter : Dr. Atterbury's book, concerning the rights of a convocation, was reprinted with great correc tions and, additions : the first edition was drawn out of some imperfect and disorderly collections, and he 281 himself soon saw that, notwithstanding the assur- y Lord Rochester had an as- gone, the king stamped about suming manner, both in his be- the room, and repeated the haviour and discourse, that was word " must," several times ; extremely disagreeable. Lord at last, turning to lord Jersey, Jersey told me, he was with said, "If. I had ordered him him once in the king's closet, " to have been thrown out of where he took the liberty to " the window, he must have tell the king, that princes must " gone ; I do not see how he not only hear good advice, but " could have hindered it." D. must take it. After he was OF KING WILLIAM III. 507 ance and the virulence with which it was writ, he 170.1. had made many great mistakes in it : so, to prevent a discovery from other hands, he corrected his book in many important matters : yet he left a great deal to those who answered him, and did it with such a superiority of argument and of knowledge in these matters, that his insolence in despising these an swers, was as extraordinary as the parties adhering to him after such manifest discoveries. Dr. Kennet laid him so open z, not only in many particulars, but in a thread of ignorance that ran through his whole book, that if he had not had a measure of confidence peculiar to himself, he must have been much hum bled under it. The clergy hoped to recover many lost privileges by the help- of his performances : they fancied they had a right to be a part of the parlia ment; so they looked on him as their champion, and on most of the bishops as the betrayers of the rights of the church : this was encouraged by the new mi nistry : they were displeased with the bishops for adhering to the old ministry; and they hoped, by the terror of a convocation, to have forced them to apply to them for shelter. The Jacobites intended to put us all in such a flame, as they hoped would disorder the government. The things the convoca tion pretended to, were first, that they had a right to sit whensoever the parliament sat : so that they could not be prorogued but when the two houses were prorogued : next they advanced, that they had no need of a licence to enter upon debates, and to prepare matters, though it was confessed, that the z But chiefly Wake (after- This Dr. Kennet was, in the wards archbishop of Canterbu- reign of George the first, made ry) in his State of the Church, bishop of Peterborough. O. 508 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. practice for an hundred years was against them: but they thought the convocation lay under no far* ther restraint than that the parliament was under ; and as they could pass no act without the royal as sent, so they confessed that they could not enact or publish a canon without the king's licence. An ciently the clergy granted their own subsidies apart, but ever since the reformation, the grant of the con vocation was not thought good till it was ratified in parliament : but the rule of subsidies heing so high on the clergy, they had submitted to be taxed by the house of commons ever since the year 1665, though no memorials were left to inform us how that matter was consented to so generally, that no opposition of any sort was made to it a : the giving a It was first settled by a verbal agreement between arch bishop Sheldon and the lord chancellor Clarendon, and ta citly given into by the clergy in general, as a great ease to them in taxations. The first public act of any kind relating to it, was an act of parliament in 1 665 , by which the clergy were, in common with the laity, charg ed with the tax given in that act, and were discharged from the payment of the subsidies they had_ granted before in con vocation ; but in this act of par liament of 1 665, there is an ex press saving of the right of the clergy to tax themselves in con vocation, if they think fit ; but that has been never done since, nor attempted, as I know of, and the clergy have been constantly from that time charged with the laity in all public aids to the crown by the house of com mons. In consequence pf this, (but from what period I can not say,) without the interven tion of any particular law for it, except what I shall mention presently, the clergy (who are not lords of parliament) have assumed, and, without any ob jection, enjoyed the privilege of voting in the election of mem bers of the house of commons, in virtue of their ecclesiastical freeholds. This having con stantly been practised from the time it first began, there are two acts of parliament which suppose it to be now a right. The acts are the 10th of Anne, chap. 23; 1 8th of George IL- chap. 18. And here it is be$t,< the whole of this matter should remain without further ques tion or consequence of any kind; as it now stands, both the church and the state have a benefit from it. See the other OF KING WILLIAM III. 509 of money being yielded up, which was the chief bu- 1701. siness of convocations, they had after that nothing to do; so they sat only for form's sake, and were adjourned of course; nor did they ever pretend, hotwithstanding all the danger that religion was in during the former reigns, to sit amd act as a synod ; but now this was demanded as a right, and they 282 complained of their being so often prorogued, as a violation of their constitution, for which all the bi shops, but more particularly the archbishop of Can terbury, was cried out on : they said, that he and the bishops looked so much to their own interests, that they forgot the interests of the church, or ra ther betrayed them : the greater part of the dergy were in no good temper ; they hated the toleration, and were heavily charged with the taxes, which made them very uneasy ; and this disposed them to be soon inflamed by those who were seeking out all possible methods to disorder our affairs : they hoped to have engaged them against the supremacy, and reckoned, that in the feeble state to which the go vernment was now brought, they might hope either to wrest it quite from the crown, and then it would fall into the management of the house of commons ; or if the king should proceed against them accord ing to the statute, and sue them in a premunire, this might unite the clergy into such an opposition to the government, as would probably throw us into great convulsions : but many aspiring men among them had no other design but to force themselves into preferment by the opposition they made. In the writ that the bishops had, summoning them to vol. p. 197. Gibson, bishop of the constitution ever made, with- London, said to me, that this out an express law. O. was the greatest alteration in 510 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN l7oi. parliament, the clause, known by the first word of it, Premunientes, was still continued; at first, by virtue of it, the inferior clergy were required to come to parliament, and to consent to the aids there given : but after the archbishops had the provincial writ, for a convocation of the province, the other was no more executed, though it was still kept in the writ, and there did not appear the least shadow of any use that had been made of it for some hun dreds of years b; yet now some bishops were pre vailed on to execute this clause, and to summon the clergy by virtue of it : the convocation was opened with speeches full of sharp reflections on the bi shops, which they passed over, being unwilling to begin a dispute. They dis- Dr. Hooper, dean of Canterbury, was chosen pro- arciibi- locutor, a man of learning and good conduct hi- erTf ad"W therto : he was reserved, crafty, and ambitious ; his them."5 deanery had not softened him, for he thought he de served to be raised higher. The constant method of adjournments had been this ; the archbishop signed a schedule for that purpose, by which the upper house was immediately adjourned, and that being sent down to the prolocutor, did also/ adjourn the lower house: the clergy perceiving that by this means the archbishop could adjourn them at plea sure, and either hinder or break off all debates, re- 283 solved to begin at disputing this point; and they brought a paper to the upper house, in which they asserted their right of adjourning themselves, and cited some precedents for it. To this, the bishops drew a very copious answer, in which all their precedents were examined and answered, and the (b See before, at p. 17.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 511 matter was so clearly stated ahd so fully proved, 1701. that we hoped we had put an end to the dispute. The lower house sat for some time about the reply to this : but instead of going on with that, they de sired a free conference ; and began to affect, in all their proceedings, to follow the methods of the house of commons. The bishops resolved not to comply with this, which was wholly new : they had, upon some occasions, called up the lower house to a con ference, in order to the explaining some things to them; but the clergy had never taken upon them to desire a conference with the bishops before ; so they resolved not to admit of it, and told them, they ex pected an answer to the paper they had sent them. The lower house resolved not to comply with this, but on the contrary, to take no more notice of the archbishop's adjournments : they did indeed observe the rule of adjourning themselves to the day which the archbishop had appointed in his schedule, but they did it as their own act, and they adjourned themselves to intermediate days. That they might express a zeal in the matters They cen- n t • .1 1 j . j • . sure books. of religion, they resolved to proceed against some bad books : they began with one, entitled Chris tianity not mysterious, wrote by one Toland, a man of a bold and petulant wit, who passed for a So cinian, but was believed to be a man of no religion : they drew some propositions out of this book, but did it with so little judgment, that they passed over the worst that were in it, and singled out some, that how ill soever they were meant, yet were ca pable of a good sense : they brought up the censure that they had passed on this book to the bishops, and desired them to agree to their resolutions. This 512 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN .1701. struck so directly at the episcopal authority, that it ~ seemed strange to see men, who had so long as serted the divine fight of episcopacy, a,nd that pres byters were sorily their assistants attid council, (ac- cording to the language of all antiquity,) now as sume to themsdves the most important act of church government, the judging in points of doctrine: in this it appeared, how soon men's interests and passions can run them from one extreme to. another. The bishops saw, that their design in this was only to gain some credit to themselves, by this shew of zeal for the great articles of religion ; so they took advice of men learned in the law, how far the act of submission in 284. the twenty-fifth of Henry the eighth did restrain them in this case. There had been the like com- ._ plaint made in the convocation 1698, of many ill books then published ; and the bishops had then ad vised both with civilians and common lawyers in this matter : they were answered, that every bishop might proceed in his own court against the authors or spreaders of ill books within his diocese : but they did not know of any power the convocation had to do it : it did not so much as appear, that they could summon any to come before them : and when a book was published with the author's name to it, the con demning it, without hearing the author upon it, seemed contrary to the common rules of justice. It did not seem to be a court at all, and since no ap peal lay from it, it certainly could not be a court in the first instance. When this question was now again put to lawyers, some were afraid, and others were unwilling to answer it : but Sir Edward Northey, afterwards made attorney general, thought the condemning books was a thing of great conse- OF KING WILLIAM III. 513 quence; since the doctrine of the church might be 1701. altered, by condemning explanations of one sort, and allowing those of another; and since the convoca tion had no licence from the king, he thought that, by meddling in that matter, they should incur the pains in the statute : so all further debate of this matter was let fall by the bishops. The lower house going on to sit in intermediate days, many of the most eminent and learned among them, not only re fused to sit with them on those days, but thought it was incumbent on them to protest against their pro ceedings ; but the lower house refusing to suffer this to be entered in their books, they signified it in a petition to the archbishop. The party sitting alone, in those intermediate days, they entered into such a secrecy, that it could not be known what they sat so close upon : so the archbishop appointed five bi shops, together with ten they should name, as a committee to examine their books ; but though this had been often done, yet, upon this occasion, the lower house refused to comply with it, or to name a committee. This was such an unprecedented inva sion of the episcopal authority, that the upper house resolved to receive nothing from them, till that irre gularity was set right. Hereupon they, being highly incensed against me, And com- , _ ,. „,, »..! i_- i_ • plain of my censured my Exposition of the Articles, which, in Exposition. , imitation of the general impeachments by the house of commons, they put in' three general propositions : First, That it allowed a diversity of opinions, which the articles were framed to avoid. Secondly, That it contained many passages contrary to the true mean ing of the articles, and to other received doctrines of 285 our church. Thirdly, That some things in it were VOL. IV. L 1 514 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. of dangerous consequence to the church, and dero gated from the honour of the reformation. What the particulars, to which these general heads referred, were, could never be learned: this was a secret lodged in confiding hands. I begged that the arch bishop would dispense with the order made, against further communication with the lower house, as to this matter : but they would enter into no parti culars, unless they might at the same time offer some other matters, which the bishops would not admit of. In these proceedings the bishops were unanimous, except the bishops of London, Rochester, and Ex eter: the bishop of London had been twice disap pointed of his hopes, of being advanced to the see of Canterbury; so for several years he was engaged with the tory party, and opposed the court in every thing, but with little force or authority : the bishop of Rochester had been deeply engaged in the former reigns, and he stuck firm to the party, to which, by reason of the liberties of his life, he brought no sort of honour c. These bishops gave no great reputation to the proceedings of the lower house, to which they adhered : they likewise entered their dissent to the resolutions taken in the upper house. From the fire raised thus in convocation, a great heat was spread through the whole clergy of the kingdom : it alien ated them from their bishops, and raised factions among them every where. wLe stuiS Thus ended the session of parliament and con- reserved, vocation, which had the worst aspect of any that had sat during this reign. The new ministers pressed the king often to dissolve the commission, that re- u (But see note at p. 483, vol. i.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 515 commended to ecclesiastical preferments, and to turn 1701. out some of the whigs who were in employments, the lord Haversham in particular, who was in the ad miralty : but the king could not be prevailed on to do any thing ; yet he kept himself so much on the reserve, that when he went out of England, it was not certainly known, whether he intended to dissolve the parliament or not. When the king came to the Hague, he found the negotiation with France quite at an end : the king of France had recalled his mi nister ; the States had increased their force, and the French were very strong in their neighbourhood : so that though no war was actually declared, yet it was very near breaking out. The emperor's army was now got into Italy : the Prince Eu" entrance towards Verona was stopped by the French ; marched but prince Eugene came in by Vincenza ; and when the reinforcements and artillery came up to him, he 286 made a feint of passing the Po near Ferrara; and having thus amused the French, he passed the Adige near Carpi, where a body of five thousand French lay: these he routed ; so the French retired to the Min- cio: he followed them, and passed that river in their sight, without any opposition. The French army was commanded by the duke of Savoy; with him were the mareschal Catinat, and the prince of Vaude mont, governor of Milan : these differed in opinion ; the duke of Savoy was for fighting; Catinat and prince Vaudemont were against it : so the mare schal Villeroy was sent thither, with orders to fight. Catinat, who was the best general the French had left, looking on this as a disgrace, retired, and languished for some time ; yet he recovered. There were many small engagements L 12 516 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. of parties sent out on both sides, in. which the Germans had always the better : yet this did not discourage Villeroy from venturing to attack them in their camp at Chiari : but they were so well en trenched, and defended themselves with so much re solution, that the French were forced to draw off with great loss : about five thousand of them were killed, whereas the loss of the Germans was incon siderable. Sickness likewise broke in upon . the French, so that their army was much diminished ; and after this they were not in a condition to under take any thing. Prince Eugene lay for some time in his camp at Chiari, sending out parties as far as the Adda, who meeting oft with parties of the French, had always the advantage, killing some, and taking many prisoners : for several months prince Eugene had no place of defence to retire to; his camp was all ; so that a blow given him there must have ruined his whole army. Towards the end of the campaign, he possessed himself of all the Mantuan territory, except Mantua and Goits : he blocked them both up ; and when the season obliged the French to go into quarters, he took all the places on the Oglio, and continued in motion the whole fol lowing winter. The French had no other enemy to deal with, so they poured in their whole force upon him : he was then but a young man, and had little assistance from those about him, and none at all during the summer from the princes and states of Italy : for the pope and the Venetians pretended to maintain a neutrality, though upon many occasions the pope shewed great partiality to the French : the people indeed favoured him, so that he had good and seasonable intelligence brought him of all the OF KING WILLIAM III. 517 motions of the French: and in his whole conduct »7oi. he shewed both a depth of contrivance and an ex-- actness in execution, with all the courage, but with out any of the rashness of youth. But to carry on the series of his motions as far 287 as this period of my history goes, his attempt in Ja- ^ *{~u jon nuary following, upon Cremona, had almost proved Cremona. a decisive one. Mareschal Villeroy lay there with six or seven thousand men, and commanded a bridge on the Po ; prince Eugene had passed that river with a part of his army ; the princess of Mirandola drove out the French, and received a garrison from him : the duke of Modena put his country in his hand, and gave him Bersello, the strongest place of his dominions : the duke of Parma pretended he was the pope's vassal, and so put himself under the pro* tection of that see : prince Eugene would not pro voke the pope too much, so he only marched through the Parmezan ; here he laid the design of surprising Cremona, with so much secrecy, that the French had not the least suspicion of it. Prince Eugene went to put himself at the head of a body that he brought from the Oglio, and ordered another to come from the Parmezan at the same time, to force the bridge. He marched with all secrecy to Cre mona; at the same time, through the ruins of an old aqueduct, he sent in some men, who got through, and forced one of the gates, so that he was within the town before mareschal Villeroy had any ap prehension of an enemy being near him : he wak ened on the sudden with the noise, got out to the street, and there he was taken prisoner. But the other body did not come up critically, at the time appointed : so an Irish regiment secured the bridge: Ll3 .518 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. and thus the design, that was so well contrived, and so happily executed in one part, did fail. Prince Eugene had but four thousand men with him, so that since the other body could not join him, he was forced to march back, which he did without any considerable loss, carrying mareschal Villeroy and some other prisoners with him. In this at tempt, though he had not an entire success, yet he gained all the glory to which the ambition of a military man could aspire ; so that he was looked on as the greatest and happiest general of the age : he went on enlarging his quarters, securing all his posts, and straitening the blockade of Mantua, and was in perpetual motion during the whole winter : the French were struck with this ill success ; more troops were sent into Italy, and the duke of Ven- dome went to command the armies there. King Phi- The duke of Savoy was pressed to send his forces lip at Bar- J r ceiona. thither : but he grew cold and backward : he had now gained all that he could promise himself from France : his second daughter was married to king Philip, and was sent to him to Barcelona, and he came and met her there : Philip fell into an ill ha- 288 bit of body, and had some returns of a feverish dis temper : he had also great disputes with the states of Catalonia, who, before they would grant him the tax that was asked of them, proposed that all their privileges should be confirmed to them. This took up spme time, and occasioned many disputes : all was settled at last : but their grant was short of what was expected, and did not defray the charges of the king's stay in the place. A great disposition to revolt appeared in the kingdom of Naples, and it broke out in some feeble attempts, that were soon OF KING WILLIAM III. 519 mastered; the leaders of these were taken and exe- 1701. cuted: they justified themselves by this apology, that till the pope granted the investiture, they could not be bound to obey the new king : the duke of Medina was a severe governor, both on his master's account and on his own : some of the Austrian party made their escape to Rome and to Vienna : they represented to the emperor, that the disposi tion of the country was such, in his favour, that a small force of ten thousand men would certainly put that kingdom wholly into his hands. Orders were upon that sent to prince Eugene, to send a detachment into the kingdom of Naples : but though he believed a small force would soon reduce that kingdom, yet he judged that such a diminution of his own strength, when the French were sending so many troops into the Milanese, would so expose him, that it would not be possible to maintain a de fensive, with such an unequal force : yet repeated orders came to him to the same effect ; but in op position to those, he made such representations, that at last it was left to himself, to do what he found safest, and most for the emperor's service ; with that the matter was let fall, and it soon appeared, that he had judged better than the court of Vienna : but this was, by his enemies, imputed to humour and obstinacy : so that for some time after that, he was neither considered nor supported as his great services had deserved. This might flow from envy and malice, which are the ordinary growth of all courts, chiefly of feeble ones : or it might be a prac tice of the French, who had corrupted most courts, and that of Vienna in particular ; since nothing could more advance their ends, than to alienate the Ll4 520 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1 701 • emperor from prince Eugene ; which might so far dis gust him, as to make him more remiss in his service. The war in Qur fleets lay all this summer idle in our seas, on Poland. J a bare defensive ; while the French had many squa drons in the Spanish ports and in the West Indies. In the north, the war went on still d ; the king of Sweden passed the Duna, and fell on an army of 289 the Saxons, that lay on the other side, over against Riga, and routed them so entirely, that he was master of their camp and artillery. From thence he marched into Courland, where no resistance was made: Mittaw, the chief town, submitted to him: the king of Poland drew his army into Lithuania, which was much divided between the Saphias and Oginskis : so that all those parts were breaking into much confusion : the court of Vienna pretended, they had made a great discovery of a conspiracy in Hungary : it is certain, the Germans played the mas ters very severely in that kingdom, so that all places were full of complaints, and the emperor was so be sieged, by the authors of those oppressions, and the proceedings were so summary upon very slight grounds, that it was not to be wondered, if the Hungarians were disposed to shake off the yoke, when a proper opportunity should offer itself : and it is not to be doubted, but the French had agents d The foreign alliances this approved by the next session summer were managed with of parliament, in consequence great ability under the king's of the resentment raised by Own direction. For his secre- the French acknowledging the taries of state were not equal pretender, and the king's ani- to the task, and little more mating and affectionate speech than commis in office. The to his people, which was pre- grand alliance was formed ; pared by lord Somers, though treaties signed with Denmark no minister. H. (See below, and other princes for troops, p. 295.) all which were laid before and" OF KING WILLIAM III. 521 among them, by the way of Poland as well as of J70i. Turkey, that so the emperor might have work enough at home. This was the state of the affairs of Europe this several ne- ci i - gotiations. summer. Several negotiations were secretly carried on; the elector of Cologn was entirely gained to the French interest, but was resolved not to declare himself, till his brother thought fit likewise to do it : all the progress that the French made with the two brothers this summer, was, that they declared for a neutrality, and against a war with France : the dukes of Wolfembuttle and Saxe Gotha were also engaged in the same design ; they made great levies of troops, beyond what they themselves could pay, for which it was visible that they were supplied from France : here was a formidable appearance of great distractions in the empire. An alliance was also projected with the king of Portugal: his mi nisters were in the French interests, but he himself inclined to the Austrian family : he for some time affected retirement, and avoided the giving audi ence to foreign ministers : he saw no good prospect from England ; so being pressed to an alliance with France, his ministers got leave from him to propose . one, on terms of such advantage to him, that as.it was not expected they could be granted, so it was hoped this would run into a long negotiation : but the French were as liberal in making large promises, as they were perfidious in not observing them : so the king of France agreed to all that was proposed, and signed a treaty pursuant to it, and published it to the world : yet the king of Portugal denied that he had consented to any such project ; and he was so hardly brought to sign the treaty, that when it 522 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. was brought to him, he threw it down, and kicked it oqq about the room, as our envoy wrote over : in con clusion however, he was prevailed on to sign it: but it was generally thought, that when he should see a good fleet come from the allies, he would ob serve this treaty with the French, as they have done their treaties with all the rest of the world. Spain grew uneasy and discontented under a French management : the grandees were little considered, and they saw great designs, for the better conduct of the revenues of the crown, likely to take place every where, which were very unacceptable to them, who minded nothing so much as to keep up a vast magnificence at the king's cost. They saw them selves much despised by their new masters, as there was indeed great cause for it ; they had too much pride to bear this well, and too little courage to think how they should shake it off. a pariia- But now to return to our affairs at home, the Scotland, duke of Queensbury was sent down to hold a par liament in Scotland ; where people were in so bad a humour, that much practice was necessary to bring them into any temper. They passed many angry votes upon the business of Darien, but in con clusion the session ended well. The army was re duced one half, and the troops that were ordered to be broke, were sent to the States, who were now increasing their force. This session was chiefly ma naged by the duke of Queensbury and the earl of Argyle, and in reward for it the one had the garter, and the other was made a duke e. e Bishop Burnet, who is so cond. He never mentions the full on the affairs of his native extraordinary share which Mr. country in his first volume, Carstares, a private Scotch mi- is very short and dry in his se- nister, had in the management OF KING WILLIAM III. 523 In Ireland, the trustees went on to hear the 1701. Affairs in claims of the Irish, and in many cases thev save . j , . „. . „ _ J J & Affairs judgment in their favour. But now it began to ap-i"*""' pear, that whereas it had been given out, that the sale of the confiscated estates would amount to a million and a half, it was not like to rise to the third part of that sum : in the mean while, the trustees lived in great state there, and were mas ters of all the affairs of that kingdom : but no pro positions were yet made for the purchasing of those estates. During the king's absence, the nation was in a great ferment, which was increased by many books that were wrote, to expose the late manage ment in the house of commons, and the new mi nistry, the earl of Rochester in particular, who was thought the driver of all violent motions. The few books that were published, on the other side, were so poorly writ, that it tempted one to think, they were writ by men who personated the being on their side, on design to expose them. The earl of Rochester delayed his going to Ireland very long : 291 he perceived that the king's heart was not with him, and was very uneasy at that : as on the other hand, the king complained much of his intractable temper and imperious manner; and by his intercourse with him, the king came to see that he was not the man he had taken him for ; that he had no great nor clear notions of affairs abroad, and that, instead of moderating the violence of his party, he inflamed them ; so that he often said, that the year in which he directed the councils was one of the uneasiest of there, and in king William's (He is stiled, in that publica- confidence. That clergyman's tion, confidential Secretary to Correspondence, lately printed, king William during the whole has many anecdotes, 1774. H. of his reign.) 524 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN i7oi. his whole fife. The earl of Rochester finding the king's coldness towards him, expostulated with him upon it, and said, he could serve him no longer, since he saw he did not trust him. The king heard, this with his usual phlegm, and concluded upon it, that he should see him no more : but Harley made him a little more submissive and towardly. After the king was gone beyond sea, he also went into Ireland : there he used much art in obliging people of all sorts, dissenters as well as papists : yet such confidence was put in him by the high church party, that they bore every thing at his hands : it was not easy to behave himself towards the trustees, so as not to give a general distaste to the nation, for they were much hated, and openly charged with partiality, injustice, and corruption : that which gave the greatest disgust in his administration there, was, his usage of the reduced officers, who were upon half pay, a fund being settled for that by act of parliament : they were ordered to live in Ireland, and to be ready for service there. The earl of Ro chester called them before him, and required them to express under their hands their readiness to go and serve in the West Indies. They did not comply with this : so he set them a day for their final an swer, and threatened, that they should have no more appointments, if they stood out beyond that time. This was represented to the king, as a great hardship put on them, and as done on de sign to leave Ireland destitute of the service that might be done by so many gallant officers, who were all known to be well affected to the pre sent government : so the king ordered a stop to be put to It. OF KING WILLIAM III. 525 I am now come to the last period of the life of 1701. the unfortunate king James: he had led, for above ^~ ten years, a very unactive life in France: after he^ftmfs's had, in so poor a manner as was told, abandoned first England and then Ireland, he had entered into two designs for recovering the crowns, which he may be said more truly to have thrown away than lost: the one was broke by the defeat of the French fleet at sea before Cherburg, in the year 292 1692 : the other seemed to be laid with more depth, as well as with more infamy, when an army was brought to Dunkirk, and the design of the assassi nation was thought sure, upon which it was reason ably hoped, that we must have fallen into such con vulsions, that we should have been an easy prey to an army ready to invade us. The reproach that so black a contrivance cast upon him, brought him un der so much contempt, that even the absolute au thority of the French court could hardly prevail so far as to have common respect paid him after thatf. He himself seemed to be the least concerned in all his misfortunes ; and though his queen could never give over meddling, yet he was the most easy when he was least troubled with those airy schemes, upon which she Was still employing her thoughts. He went sometimes to the monastery of La Trappe, where the poor monks were much edified with his humble and pious deportment. Hunting was his chief diversion, and for the most part he led a harmless, innocent fife; being still very zealous about his refigion. In the opening of this year he had been so near death, that it was generally ,f (But see note at p. 172.) 526 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. thought the decline of it would carry him off : he " went to Bourbon, but had no benefit by the wa ters there : in the beginning of September, he fell into such fits, that it was concluded he could not live many days : the king of France came to see him, and seemed to be much touched with the sight : he, with some difficulty, recommended his queen and son to his care and protection : the French king answered, he would reckon their con cerns as his own ; and when he left him, he pro mised those of his court, that he would, upon king James's death, own the prince of Wales as king of England, and that he would take care of them all. His charac- King James died on the 6th day of September. He was a prince that seemed made for greater things than will be found in the course of his life, more particularly of his reign : he was esteemed in the former parts of his life, a man of great courage, as he was quite through it a man of great application to business : he had no vivacity of thought, invention, or expression : but he had a good judgment, where his religion or his education gave him not a bias, which it did very often : he was bred with strange notions of the obedience due to princes, and came to take up as strange ones, of the submission due to priests : he was naturally a man of truth, fidelity, and justice : but his refigion was so infused in him, and he was so managed in it by his priests, that the principles which nature had laid in him, 293 had little power over him, when the concerns of his church stood in the way : he was a gentle master, and was very easy to all who came near him : yet he was not so apt to pardon, as one ought to be that is the vicegerent of that God, who is slow to OF KING WILLIAM III. 527 anger and ready to forgive: he had no personal 1701. vices but of one sort: he was still wandering from one amour to another ; yet he had a real sense of sin, and was ashamed of it : but priests know how to engage princes more entirely into their interests, by making them compound for their sins, by a great zeal for holy church, as they call it. In a word, if it had not been for his popery, he would have been, if not a great, yet a good prince. By what I once knew of him, and by what I saw him afterwards carried to, I grew more confirmed in the very bad opinion which I was always apt to have of the in trigues of the popish clergy, and of the confessors of kings : he was undone by them, and was their mar tyr, so that they ought to bear the chief load of all the errors of his inglorious reign, and of its fatal ca tastrophe f. He had the funeral, which he himself had desired, private, and without any sort of ceremony. As he was dying, he said nothing concerning the le gitimacy of his son, on which some made severe re marks s : others thought that, having spoken so oft of f (Ralph, in his History, " ed at the ruinous course he says well, " How signally so- " held, or wickedly flattered the " ever his own frailties, preju- " phrensy which impelled him, " dices, absurdities, and vio- " for the sake of their share in " lences contributed to his " the wreck." Hist, of Eng- " misfortunes, it ought to be tod, vol. ii. p. 991.) " acknowledged, that the mea- s The bishop has forgot, that " sure would never have over- in the last page he says, king " flown in so astonishing a James recommended the queen " manner, if it had not been and his son to the care and "for those fatal concurrents, protection of the king of France. " treacherous counsellors, un- And in this he mentions the " grateful servants, &c. all of directions he left with him, as " whom,- instead of warning such, before he died. What " him of the rocks that lay be- sort of owning the bishop ex- " fore him, according to the pected, I am at a loss to guess ; "obligations which lay upon or what severe remarks could " them, either sordidly conniv- be made upon that occasion, in 528 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. it before, he might not reflect on the fitness of saying any thing concerning it in his last extremity. He recommended to him firmness in his religion, and justice in his government, if ever he should come to reign1'. He said, that by his practice, he recom mended Christian forgiveness to him; for he heartily forgave both the prince of Orange and the emperor. It was believed, that the naming the emperor was suggested to him by the French, to render the em peror odious to all those of that religion '. Upon his death, it was debated in the French council what was fit to be done with relation to his The pre tendedprince of Wales own ed king by relation to his legitimacy. But the French this worthy prelate is conti nually insinuating falsehoods, when the truth is too notorious to be contradicted. D. h This was surely as strong a declaration as he could then make of the legitimacy. But it has been said, (how true I can not say,) that the mother took no notice of him in her will, and left all she had to dispose of to the regent. O. (They were on bad terms before her death.) ¦ King James was certainly far a better man than. Iris bro ther, although of a far inferior understanding. His designs were in general of a public na ture, most pernicious indeed to this country. But the restora tion of popery here was a great object in the eyes of most of his own faith every where, and was a great and meritorious attempt with them. He fell a 'sacrifice to it, and was un doubtedly very conscientious in it; whereas king Charles, in his government, had himself neither conscience, religion, honour, or justice, and he does not seem to have had even the feelings of them. ¦¦*¦ He had no one truly public aim, as such, in the whole course of his reign. All he meant and sought, for which he tumbled and tossed from side to side, from one minister to another, and for what he was continu ally cheating his people, was to enjoy a lazy, thoughtless ease, m the constant debauchery of amours, and in the pleasures of wit and laughter, with the most worthless, vicious, and aban doned set of men that even that age afforded, and who often made him the subject of their jokes and mirth, sometimes to his face. He was corrupted in France, and had all the plea santry and vices of his grandfa ther, Henry the fourth*, but not one of his virtues,* and which had made Henry great. Charles made the times here to be pro fligate, and instead of ministers spoiling him, he spoiled most of his ministers, and did not love thosewhom hecould not spoil. O. OF KING WILLIAM III. sag pretended son : the ministry advised the king to be '701. passive, to let him assume what title he pleased, but" that, for sonie time at least, the king should not de clare himself : this might be some restraint on the king of England, whereas a present declaration must precipitate a rupture : but the dauphin inter posed with some heat, for the present owning him king : he thought the king was bound in honour to do it : he was of his blood, and Was driven away on the account of his religion ; so orders were given to proclaim him at St. Germains k. The earl of Manches ter, then the king's ambassador at Paris, told me, that his own court was going about it ; but a diffi culty, proposed by the earl of Middletoun, put a 294 stop to it : he apprehended, that it would look very strange, and might provoke the court of France, if, among his titles, he should be called king of France; and it "might disgust their party in Eng land, if it was omitted : so that piece of ceremony was not performed : soon after this, the king of Spain owned him ; so did the pope and the duke of Savoy: and the king of France pressed all other princes to do it, in whose courts he had ministers, and prevailed on the pope to press the emperor and other popish princes to own him, though without effect. The king looked upon this as an open vio lation of the treaty of Ryswick, and he ordered the earl of Manchester to leave that court, without ask ing an audience. The French pretended, that the bare owning of his title, since they gave him no as sistance to make good his claim, was not a breach k Lord Manchester says, it king James's queen through was owing to a promise made to madame Maintenon. H. VOL. IV. M m 530 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. of the treaty : but this could not pass on the world; "since the owning his right was a plain declaration that they would assist him in claiming it, whenso ever the state of their affairs should allow of it. with which This gave a universal distaste to the whole Eng- the English . ° ° nation was hsh nation : all people seemed possessed with a high indignation upon it, to see a foreign power, that was at peace with us, pretend to declare who ought to be our king: even, those, who were perhaps se cretly well pleased with it, were yet, as it. were, forced, for their own safety, to comply with the ge neral sense of the rest in this matter. The city of London began, and all the nation followed, in a set of addresses, expressing their abhorrence of what the French king had done, in taking upon him to declare who should be their king, and renewing a vow of fidelity to the king and to his successors, ac cording to the act of settlement. A great diversity of style appeared in these addresses : some avoided to name the French king, the prince of Wales, or the act of settlement, and only reflected on the transaction in France, in general and soft words : but others carried the matter farther, encouraging the king to go on in his alliances, promising him all faithful assistance in supporting them, and assuring him that, when he should think fit to call a new parliament, they would choose such members as should concur in enabling him to maintain his al liances : this raised the divisions of the nation higher. All this summer the king continued at Loo, in a very ill state of health : new methods gave some re lief : but when he came to the Hague, on his way to England, he was for some days in so bad a condi- OF KING WILLIAM III. 531 tion, that they were in great fear of his life : he re- 1701. covered, and came over in the beginning of Novem- ^7 ber1. The first thing that fell under debate, upon hisAnewP»r- , , . ,, Iiament return, was, whether the parliament should be con- called. tinued or dissolved, and a new one called"' : some of the leading men of the former, parliament had been secretly asked, how they thought they would pro ceed, if they should meet again: of these, while some answered doubtfully, others said positively, they would begin where they had left off, and would insist on their impeachments. The new ministry struggled hard against a dissolution, and when they saw the king resolved on it, some of them left his service n. This convinced the nation, that the king 1 A negotiation was carried on with lord Somers, through the earl of Sunderland's hands, for bringing the whigs again into power. The king was heartily tired of his new friends. The scheme was ripe for exe cution when the king died. Lord Manchester was made se cretary of state in the room of sir Charles Hedges, upon which, and another alteration of the same kind, a courtier humour ously said, " That he saw the " whigs were to be taken in " again, for they had sent their " men to keep their places." H. (" Bishop Burnet intimates, " that some of the new minis- " ters left the service, as soon " as the king had resolved on " the dissolution : but the truth " is, that no alterations were " made till after the meeting of " the parliament, when the earl " of Manchester was made se- " cretary of state in the room " of sir Charles Hedges ; and " the earl of Carlisle was put " at the head of the treasury in ". the room of lord Godolphin ; " soon after which the earl of " Pembroke was made lord high "admiral, and the duke of So- " merset, as a -whig, was made " lord president." Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. ii. p. 1005.) m What encouraged and in deed enabled the king to do it, was the violence the house of commons had shown in their proceedings. It disgusted the nation. The same has hap pened on other occasions. The whigs lost themselves by it, af ter the Oxford parliament in 1680 : so did the tories in 1705. and the whigs again in 17 10. This should be a lesson to par ties. O. n There was nobody left his M m 2 532 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 170 b The king's speech. was not in a double game, which had been confi dently given out before, and was too easily believed by many": the heats in elections increased with every new summons. This was thought so critical a conjuncture, that both sides exerted their full strength. Most of the great counties, and the chief cities, chose men that were zealous for the king and government ; but the rotten part of our constitution, the small boroughs, were in many places wrought on to choose bad men ; upon the whole, however, it ap peared, that a clear majority was in the king's in terests ; yet the activity of the angry side was such, that they had a majority in choosing the speaker, and in determining controverted elections; but in matters of public concern, things went on as the king desired, and as the interest of the nation required. The king opened the parliament with the best service but lord Godolphin; whom the bishop durst not name, because he was to be his favourite upon other occasions ; therefore makes use of the word some to avoid it ; which sort of fallacy would be called lying in a Jesuit. I am ignorant what term the godly make use of for such misrepresentations, but I know they are frequently to be met with in this book. D. 0 (Ralph contrasts the bi shop's observation with his lan guage in the following extract from a letter formerly written by him to sir William Dutton • Colt, February 22, 1690. "'We " have nothing amongst us now " but elections, which put the " nation into a high fermenta- " tion : and it is not possible •" yet to know which side will " prevail : those who are called " the tories, do now declare " very high for the present go- " vernment, and have lent mo- " ney very considerably : so that " it seems rather to be an ani- " mosity of parties among them- " selves, than any thing in which " the government is concerned : " and the king's own behaviour " is so very equal, that it ap- " pears he reckons himself sure " of both hands ; for as he nei- " ther directly nor indirectly " recommended any, so all that " he says to those who ask his " directions in that matter, is, " That he would have the mo- " derate *taen of the church " party chosen.' From the hi- " shop's original letter under " his own hand." Hist. vol. ii. p. 1 000.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 533 speech that he, or perhaps any other prince, ever 1701. made to his people p : he laid the state of our affairs, both at home and abroad, before them in a most pa- thetical manner; he laid it upon them to consider the dangers they were in, and not to increase these by new divisions among themselves : he expressed a readiness to forgive all offences against himself, and wished they would as readily forgive one another ; so that no other division might remain, but that of English and French, protestant and papist : he had entered into some alliances, pursuant to the ad dresses of the last parliament, and was negotiating some others, all which should be laid before them ; and this was accordingly done. Both houses began with addresses, in which they did very fully renounce the prince of Wales. The house of lords ordered that all such as were willing to do it, should sign the ad dress that was entered into their books. This was without a precedent, and yet it was promoted by those, who, as was thought, hoped, by so unusual a 296 practice, to prevent any further proceedings on that head. No exception was made to any article of the alliances : one addition was only proposed, that no peace . should be made, till a full reparation was of fered to the king, for the indignity done him, by the French king's declaring the pretended prince of Wales king of England ; which was soon after pro posed to the allies, and was agreed to by them all. By the alliances, the king was obliged to furnish ah were ¦ 1 • 1 tn ft war forty thousand men to serve in the armies, besides what he was to do by sea : all was consented to in p Drawn by lord Somers. I the king's intention to restore have seen the original in his him and his friends. H. own hand; a strong proof of M m 3 to a war. 534 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. every particular; angry men shewed much rancour against the king, and tried to cross every thing that was proposed, both as to the quotas of the troops we were to furnish, and as to the strength of our fleet. But the public interest was now so visible, and the concurrent sense of the nation ran so vehemently for a war, that even those who were most averse to it, found it convenient to put on the appearance of zeal for it. The city of London was now more united than it had been at any time during this reign; for the two companies that traded to the East Indies, saw that their common interest required they should come to an agreement ; and though men of ill designs did all they could to obstruct it, yet in conclusion it was happily effected. This made the body of the city, which was formerly much divided between the two companies, fall now into the same measures. But those who intended to defeat all this good beginning of the session, and to raise a new flame, set on debates that must have embroiled all again, if they had succeeded in their designs : they began with complaints of some petitions and ad dresses, that had reflected on the proceedings of the last house of commons ; but it was carried against them, that it was the right of the subjects to peti tion as they thought themselves aggrieved : yet they were not discouraged by this, but went on to com plain that the lords had denied justice in the matter of the impeachments. This bore a long and hot de bate in a very full house : but it was carried, though by a small majority, that justice had not been denied them 1 : after this, the party gave over any farther 'i (" If any such debate; or " occur, they occurred this very " any such division did really " day; (26th of February,)- and OF KING WILLIAM III. 535 struggling, and things were carried on with more 1701. unanimity. The house of commons began a bill of attainder The pre- of the pretended prince of Wales. This could not be J?^ opposed, much less stopped; yet many shewed a Sesdat" coldness in it, and were absent on the days in which it was ordered to be read : it was sent up to the lords, and it passed in that house, with an addition of an attainder of the queen, who acted as queen re- 297 gent for him. This was much opposed ; for no evi dence could be brought to prove that allegation, yet the thing was so notorious, that it passed r, and was sent down again to the commons. It was excepted to there as not regular, since but one precedent in king Henry the eighth's time was brought for it, and in that the commons had added some names, by a clause in a bill of attainder, sent down to them by the lords ; yet as this was a single precedent, so it seemed to be a hard one : attainders by bill were the greatest rigours of the law, so stretches in them ought to be avoided : it was therefore thought more proper to attaint her by a bill apart, than by a clause in another bill: to this the lords agreed, so the bill against the pretended prince of Wales passed. The lords also passed a new bill, attainting the queen, but that was let sleep in the house of commons. The matter that occasioned the longest and warm- An act for est debates in both houses, was an act for abjuring lim"ns the pretended prince of Wales, and for swearing to the king, by the title of rightful and lawful king, " that in the committee, not " found in the Journals.' " in the house ; no question of Ralph's Hist, of England, vol. " that nature, within the inter- ii. p. 1016.) " val specified, being to be r (But was protested against.) M m 4 536 l^HE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. and to his heirs, according to the act of settlement : this was begun in the house of lords, and the first design was, that it should be voluntary, it being only to be tendered to all persons,, and their subscription or refusal to be recorded, without any other penalty. It was vehemently opposed by all the tory party, at the head of whom the earl of Nottingham set him self. They who argued against it said, that this government was first settled with another oath, which was like an original contract, and it was un just and unreasonable to offer a new one : there was no need of new oaths, as there was no new strength got by them : oaths, relating to men's opinions, had been always looked on as severe impositions : a vo luntary oath seemed to be by its nature unlawful ; for we cannot swear lawfully, unless we are required to do it. To all this it was answered, that in ancient time the oath of allegiance was short and simple, be cause then it. was not thought that princes had any right, other than what was conveyed to them by law : but of late, and indeed very lately, new opinions had been started of a divine right, with which former times were not acquainted: so it was necessary to know, who among us adhered' to these opinions : the present government was begun upon a comprehensive foot, it being hoped that all parties might have been brought to concur in supporting it : but the effects had not answered expectation : distinctions had been made between a king de jure and a king de facto ; 298 whereby these men plainly declared, with whom they believed the right was lodged: this opinion must, whensoever that right comes to be claimed, oblige those who hold it to adhere to such claimers : it seemed therefore in some sort necessary, that the OF KING WILLIAM III. 537 government should know on whom it might depend : ' 7«i . the discrimination made, by such a test, was to be without compulsion or penalty; no hardship was put on any person by it : those who refused to give this security would see what just cause of jealousy they gave ; and would thereby be obliged to behave themselves decently and with due caution : when a government tendered an oath, though under no pe nalty, that was a sufficient authority for all to take it, who were satisfied with the substance of it : while therefore there was so great a power beyond sea, that did so openly espouse this young man's pretensions, and while there was just grounds to suspect, that many at home favoured him, it seemed very reasonable to offer a method, by which it should appear who obeyed the present government from a principle, believing it lawful, and who submitted only to it, as to a prosperous usurpation. About twenty lords persisted in their opposition to this bill, those who were for it being thrice that number: but in the house of commons, when it appeared how the lords were inclined, they resolved to bring in a bill, that should oblige all persons to take this ab juration. It was drawn by sir Charles Hedges ; all employments in church or state were to be subject to it; some things were added to the abjuration, such as an obligation to maintain the government in king, lords, and commons, and to maintain the church of England, together with the toleration for dissenters : Finch s offered an alteration to the clause, abjuring the prince of Wales, so that it im ported only an obligation not to assist him; but • Afterwards earl of Aylesford, formerly solicitor general. O. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. though he pressed this with unusual vehemence, in ~a debate that he resumed seventeen times in one session, against all rules ', he had few to second him in it : the debate, whether the oath should be im posed or left free, held longer : it was carried, but by one vote, to impose it : the party chose that, ra ther than to have it left free : for they reckoned the taking an oath that was imposed, .was a part of their submission to the usurpation ; but the taking any oath, that strengthened the government, of their own accord, did not suit with their other principles : but to help the matter with a shew of zeal, they made the clause that imposed it very extensive, so that it comprehended all clergymen, fellows of col- 299 leges, schoolmasters, and private tutors : the clause of maintaining the government in king, lords, and commons, was rejected with great indignation ; since the government was only in the king : the lords and commons being indeed a part of the constitution, and of the legislative body, but not of the govern ment. This was a barefaced republican notion, and was wont to be condemned as . such, by the same persons who now pressed it u. It was farther said, t Very often ; but was it not " (See Journals of the House in the committee? There it of Commons, Feb. 10. 1701.) may be against liking, but not The high prerogative- men rules. O. (" If Finch did press brought in these words here. I ¦" this alteration in so earnest a will say nothing as to the dis- " manner, he pressed it in the tinction, nor to the restrained or " committee ; for in the house, general sense of the word go- " if the Journals are to be de- vernment. But it is certainly " pended upon, no such altera- true and constitutional to say, " tion was offered ; and if so, that the supreme power in this " jt is not against rtile, for any country is in king, lords, and " member to speak to the same commons. See sir Simon Har- " point as often as he pleases." court's speech in Dr. Sacheve- Ralph's Hist, of England, voL rel's trial. Read the whole of ii.p. 1017.) tho^e proceedings with care. OF KING WILLIAM III. 539 that if it appeared that our constitution was in dan- 1701. ger, it might be reasonable to secure it by an act and an oath apart : but since the single point, that required this abjuration, was the French king's de- daring, that the pretended prince of Wales was our king, it was not fit to join matters foreign to that in this oath : upon the same reason, the clause in fa vour of the church and of the toleration were also laid aside. The design of this act was to discover to all, both at home and abroad, how unanimously the nation concurred in abjuring the pretended prince of Wales : but here was a clause, to one part of which (the maintaining the church) the dissenters could not swear ; and even the more moderate men of the church, who did well approve of the tolera tion, yet might think it too much to swear to main tain it ; since it was reasonable to oblige the dissent ers to use their liberty modestly, by keeping them under the apprehension of having it taken away, if it was abused by them. One addition was offered, and received without any debate about it, or the shadow of any opposition : it was declared to be high treason, to endeavour to prevent or defeat the prin cess's right of succession : the tories pretended great zeal for her, and gave it out that there was a design to set her aside, and to have the house of Hanover It was the great cause of the of parliament. Seepostea, 537. people and of the constitution ; &c. O. (We have advanced a step .and however unhappy in its ef- further, at least in point of lan- fects at that time, and however guage, since the bishop's time ; impolitic it might then have for lately a numerous body of been to have had such a prose- men, in a petition to one of the cution, yet now we ought to two houses, expressed their'de- rejoice that this memorial of termination to maintain thepar- the rights of the people is al- liamentary government.) ways to remain in the records 640 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1701. to succeed the king immediately; though it could never be made appear that any motion of this kind had ever been either made or debated, even in pri* vate discourse, by any of the whole whig party\J) Great endeavours were used, and not altogether with out effect, to infuse this jealousy into the princess, and into all about her, not without insinuations, that the king himself was inclined to it. When this clause was offered, its being without a precedent gave handle enough to oppose it ; yet there was not one word said in opposition to it, in either house, all agreeing heartily in it. This ought to have put an end to the suspicion ; but surmises of that kind, when raised on design, are not soon parted with. Affairs in Soon after the session was opened, the earl of Ireland. Rochester wrote to the king, and asked leave to' come over : it was soon granted, but when he sig- 300 nified this to the council of Ireland, the whole board joined in a request to him, that he would lay before the king the great grievances under which the whole kingdom lay, by the proceedings of the trus tees, who stretched the authority that the law gave them, in many instances, to the oppressing of the nation : he seemed uneasy at the motion, but pro- v I do not know how far the reign. Lord Marlborough asked whig party would trust a secret me afterwards in the house of of that consequence to such a lords, if I had ever heard of blab as the bishop was known such a design ; I told him yes, to be : but the dukes of Bolton but I did not think it very like- and Newcastle both proposed ly. He said it was very true ; it to me, and used the strongest but by God, if ever they attempt argument to induce me to come it, we would walk over their into it, which was, that it wNould bellies. D. (See below, p. - | be making lord Marlborough 315. Ralph, after quoting the I king, at least for her time, if above passage from Burnet's the princess succeeded; and that History, makes the following I had reason to expect nothing observations : " We shall find but ill usage during such a *' one party acting as if too OF KING WILLIAM III. 541 mised to lay it before the king, which he did at his 1701. coming over. Soon after that, petitions were sent round all the counties of Ireland, and signed by many, representing both the hardships of the act, and the severe methods the trustees took in execut ing it : all this was believed to be set on secretly by the court, in hope that some temper might be found in that matter, so that the king's grants might again take place in whole or in part. The house of commons was moved, to proceed severely against the promoters of these petitions ; yet the complaining of grievances had been so often asserted to be a right of the subject, that this was let fall : but since no person appeared, to justify the facts set forth and suggested in those petitions, they were voted false and scandalous ; and this stopped a further progress in that method. The heat with which that act had been carried was now much qualified, and the trustees having judged for so many claims in favour of Irish papists, shewing too manifest a partiality for them, and having now sat two years, in which they had consumed all the rents that arose but of the confiscated estates, the house was applied to for their interposition, by many petitions relating to that matter. This was the more necessary, be- " many precautions could not " been assured by a gentleman " be taken against every open- " of understanding and inte- " ing possible to be made by " grity, that he had seen and " any hand or means whatso- " read a letter under bishop " ever, in favour of the pre- " Burnet's own hand, not over " tended prince of Wales ; and " consistent with the quotation " the other, as if the succession " before taken from his his- " of the princess could not be " tory." Ralph's Hist, of Eng- " too many ways secured. And land, vol. ii. p. 1005.) " the author of this work has 542 THE HISTORYOF THE REIGN 1701. cause, as was formerly told, when that act was pass- ' ing, they had passed a vote against receiving any pe tition relating to it : the thing had now lost much of the credit and value that was set upon it at first : though the same party still opposed the receiving any petitions, ydt the current was now so strong the other way, that they were all received, and in a great many cases justice was done : yet with a ma nifest partiality in1 favour of papists ; it being a maxim, among all who favoured king James's in terests, to serve papists, especially those whose es tates were confiscated for adhering to him. One motion was carried, not without difficulty, in favour of those who had purchased under the grantees, and had made great improvements, that they should be admitted to purchase, with an abatement of two years* value of the estates ; the earl of Athlone, whose case was singular, as was formerly set out, having sold his grant to men, who had reason to think they had purchased under a secure title, a special clause was offered in their favour ; but the party had studied so far t° inflame the nation 301 against the Dutch, that in this the votes were equal, and the speaker's x vote being to turn the matter, he gave it against the purchasers. Many bills were brought in relating tp Irish forfeitures, which took up the greatest part of the session. The commons, after a long delay, sent up the bill, abjuring the prince of Wales. In the house of lords, the tories opposed it all they possibly could : it was a new bill, so. the debate was entirely open: x (Mr. Harley.) OF KING WILLIAM III. 543 they first moved for a clause, excusing the peers 1701. from it: if this had been received, the bill would have been certainly lost, for the commons would never have yielded to it: when this was rejected, they tried to have brought it back to be voluntary: it was a strange piece of inconsistence in men, to move this, who had argued even against the lawful ness of a voluntary oath ; but it was visible they in tended by it only to lose, or at least to delay the bill: when this was overruled by the house, not without a mixture of indignation in some against the movers, they next offered all those clauses that had been rejected in the house of commons, with some other very strange additions, by which they discovered both great weakness, and an inveterate rancour against the government ; but all the oppo sition ended in a protestation of nineteen or twenty peers against the bill. And now I am arrived at the fatal period of this 1702. reign. The king seemed all this winter in a very iiirfessand fair way of recovery : he had made the royal apart- hfsho"^! ments in Hampton-Court very noble, and he was so much pleased with the place, that he went thither once a week, and rode often about the park : in the end Of February, the horse he rode on stumbled, and he, being then very feeble, fell off and broke his collar-bone : he seemed to have no other hurt by it, and his strength was then so much impaired, that it was not thought necessary to let him blood, no symptom appearing that required it : the bone was well set, and it was thought there was no danger : so he was brought to Kensington that night : he 544 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1702. himself had apprehended all this winter that he was sinking ; he said to the earl of Portland, both be fore and. after this accident, that he was a dead man : it was not in his legs, nor now in his collar bone, that he felt himself ill, but all was decayed within, so that he believed he should not be able to go through the fatigue of another campaign. Dur ing his illness, he sent a message to the two houses, recommending the union of both kingdoms to them. The occasion of this was, a motion that the earl of * Nottingham had made, in the house of lords, when 302 the act of abjuration was agreed to : he said, though he had differed from the majority of the house, in many particulars relating to it, yet he was such a friend to the design of the act, that in order to the securing a protestant succession, he thought an union of the whole island was very necessary ; and that therefore they should consider how both king doms might be united ; but in order to this, and previous to it, he moved, that an address should be made to the king, that he would be pleased to dis solve the parliament now sitting in Scotland, and to call a new one : since the present parliament was at first a convention, and then turned to a parliament, and was continued ever since, so that the legality of it might be called in question : and it was neces sary that so important a thing as the union of both kingdoms should be treated in a parliament, against the constitution of which no exception could lie. The motion was warmly opposed ; for that nation was then in such a ferment, that the calling a new parliament would have been probably attended with bad consequences : so that project was let fall, and OF KING WILLIAM III. 545 no progress was made upon the king's message. 1702. On the third of March, the king had a short fit of an ague, which he regarded so little, that he said nothing of it : it returned on him next day : I hap pened to be then near him, and observed such a vi sible alteration, as gave me a very ill opinion of his condition : after that, he kept his chamber till Fri day : every day it was given out that his fits abated : on Friday, things had so melancholy a face, that his being dangerously ill was no longer concealed: there was now such a difficulty of breathing, and his pulse was so sunk, that the alarm was given out every where: he had sent the earl of Albemarle over to Holland, to . put things in a readiness for an early campaign. He came back on the seventh of March in the morning, with so good an account of every thing, that, if matters of that kind could have wrought on the king, it must have revived him : but the coldness with which he received it, shewed how little hopes were left : soon after, he said, Je tire vers ma fin, (I draw towards my end.) The act of abjuration and the money bill were now prepared for the royal assent : the council ordered all things to be in a readiness, for the passing of those bills by a special commission, which according to form must be signed by the king, in the presence of the lord keeper and the clerks of the parliament : they came to the king, when his fit began, and stayed some hours before they were admitted : some in the house of commons moved for an adjournment, though the lords had sent to them not to adjourn for some time : by this means, they hoped the bill 303 of abjuration should be lost ; but it was contrary to all rules to adjourn, when such a message was sent vol. iv. N n 546 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1702. them by the lords, so they waited till the king had signed the commission and the bills ; and thus those acts passed in the last day of the king's fife. And death. The king's strength and pulse was still sinking, as the difficulty of breathing increased, so that no hope was left. The archbishop of Canterbury and I went to him on Saturday morning, and did not stir from him till he died. The archbishop prayed on Saturday some time with him, but he was then so weak, that he could scarce speak, but gave him his hand, as a sign that he firmly believed the truth of the Christian refigion, and said, he intended to receive the sacrament : his reason and all his senses were entire to the last minute : about five in the morning he desired the sacrament, and went through the office with great appearance of seriousness, but could not express himself: when this was done, he called for the earl of Albemarle, and gave him a charge to take care of his papers. He thanked Mr. Auverquerque for his long and faithful services. He took leave of the duke of Ormond, and called for the earl of Portland, but before he came, his voice quite failed, so he took him by the hand, and carried it to his heart with great tenderness. He was often look ing up to heaven, in many short ejaculations. Be tween seven and eight a clock the rattle began, the commendatory prayer was said for him, and as it ended, he died, in the fifty-second year of his age, having reigned thirteen years and a few days. When his body was opened, it appeared that, not withstanding the swelling of his legs, he had no dropsy : his head and heart was sound : there was scarce any blood in his body : his lungs stuck to his side, and by the fall from his horse a part of them OF KING WILLIAM III. 547 was torn from it, which occasioned an inflammation, 1702. that was believed to be the immediate cause of his death, which probably might have been prevented for some time, if he had been then let blood. His death would have been a great stroke at any time, but in our circumstances, as they stood at that time, it was a dreadful one. The earl of Portland told me, that when he was once encouraging him, from the good state his affairs were in, both at home and abroad, to take more heart ; the king answered him, that he knew death was that, which he had looked at on all occasions without any terror; sometimes he would have been glad to have been delivered out of all his troubles, but he confessed now he saw an other scene, and could wish to live a little longer. He died with a clear and full presence of mind, and in a wonderful tranquillity : those who knew it was 304 his rule all his life long, to hide the impressions that religion made on him as much as possible, did not wonder at his silence in his last minutes, but they lamented it much > : they knew what a handle it would give to censure and obloquy. Thus lived and died William the third, king of His charac- Great Britain, and prince of Orange. He had a thin and weak body, was brown haired, and of a clear and delicate constitution : he had a Roman eagle nose, bright and sparkling eyes, a large front, and a countenance composed to gravity and authority2: . y How is this consistent with he had outwitted somebody, what the author has said just which pleased him beyond mea- before, where his silence at this sure : therefore, when there was time is otherwise accounted a direct way to what he aimed at, for? O. and another that was less so, he z He had a very ungraceful constantly chose the latter. He manner of. laughing, which he did not love to have any of a seldom did, unless he thought superior genius about him, which N n 2 548 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1702. All his senses were critical and exquisite. He was always asthmatical, and the dregs of the smallpox falling on his lungs, he had a constant deep cough. His behaviour was solemn and serious, seldom cheer ful,, and but with a few : he spoke little and very slowly, and most commonly with a disgusting dry ness, which was his character at all times, except in a day of battle: for then he was all fire, though without passion : he was then every where, and looked to every thing. He had no great advantage from his education ; De Wit's discourses were of great use to him, and he, being apprehensive of the observation of those, who were looking narrowly into every thing he said or did, had brought himself under a habitual caution that he could never shake off, though in another scene it proved as hurtful, as it was then necessary to his affairs : he spoke Dutch, French, English, and German equally well ; and he understood the Latin, Spanish, and Italian, so that he was well fitted to command armies composed of several nations. He had a memory that amazed all about him, for it never failed him : he was an exact observer of men and things : his strength lay rather in a true discerning and a sound judgment, than in imagination or invention : his designs were always great and good : but it was thought he trusted too much to that, and that he did not descend enough to the humours of his people, to make himself and his notions more acceptable to them : this, in a go vernment that has so much of freedom in it as ours, was remarkable in the low ca- sentinel that he suffered to be pacities of those that were most shot at the Hague, that shewed in his favour. I was told in a cruelty in his nature hardly Holland of some instances in to be paralleled. D. relation to the De Wits, and a OF KING WILLIAM III. 549 was more necessary than he was inclined to believe: 1702. his reservedness grew on him, so that it disgusted most of those who served him : but he had observed the errors of too much talking, more than those of too cold a silence. He did not like contradiction, nor to have his actions censured : but he loved to employ and favour those who had the arts of com placence, yet he did not love flatterers : his genius lay chiefly to war, in which his courage was more admired than his conduct : great errors were often committed by him, but his heroical courage set 305 things right, as it inflamed those who were about him * : he was too lavish of money on some occa sions, both in his buildings and to his favourites, but too sparing in rewarding services, or in encou raging those who brought intelligence : he was apt to take ill impressions of people, and these stuck long with him ; but he never carried them to inde cent revenges : he gave too much way to his own humour, almost in every thing, not excepting that which related to his own health: he knew all fo reign affairs well, and understood the state of every court in Europe very particularly: he instructed his own ministers himself, but he did not apply enough to affairs at home b : he tried how he could a The king was an able com- transacted through inferior mander upon the whole, though channels, Bentinck, Keppel, the not equal to those he had mea- pensionary of Holland, &c. In sured swords with, Conde" and deed the last highly deserved Luxemburg. However the cam- all the confidence which the paign of 1695 was as well con- king shewed him. I mean pen- ducted as any of the duke of sionary Heinsius, one of the Marlborough's. H. wisest and honestest ministers b Very little of the most im- that ever existed. Lord Port- portant business towards the land's private letters from Franc^ end of his reign went through have lately come to light, which the secretary's office. It was it does not appear ever went N n 3 550 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1702. govern us. by balancing the two parties one against another, but he came at last to be persuaded, that the tories were irreconcileable to him, and he was resolved to try and trust them no more °. He be lieved the truth of the Christian religion very firmly, and he expressed a horror at atheism and blas phemy : and though there was much of both in his court, yet it was always denied to him, and kept out of sight. He was most exemplarily decent and devout in the public exercises of the worship of God, only on week days he came too seldom to them : he was an attentive hearer of sermons, and was constant in his private prayers, and in reading the scriptures : and when he spoke of religious mat ters, which he did not often, it was with, a becoming gravity : he was much possessed with the belief of absolute decrees : he said to me, he adhered to these, because he did not see how the belief of providence could be maintained upon any other supposition : his indifference as to the forms of church-govern ment, and his being zealous for toleration, together with his cold behaviour towards the clergy, gave them generally very ill impressions of him : in his deportment towards all about him, he seemed to make little distinction between the good and the through a secretary of state's " nation have its way in favour office, at least were not read by " of the reputed sons of free- them. H. " dom, and to govern during c (" I have seen a corre- " the rest of his reign,- or at " spondence between lord Sun- " least as long as his people " derland and the king, which " chose it, by that whig party, " shewed, that, tired with the " which, at the convention, had " unroyal occupation of ba- " placed the crown on his " lancing parties, and of in- " head." Sir John Dalrymple's " triguing with his own subjects Memoirs of Great Britain and " and servants, he had formed Iretoid.vol. iii. p-3.b.x.p. 168.) " a final resolution to let a free OF KING WILLIAM III. 551 bad, and those who served well, or those who served 1702. him ill : he loved the Dutch, and was much beloved among them ; but the ill returns he met from the English nation, their jealousies of him, and their perverseness towards him, had too much soured his mind, and had in a great measure alienated him from them, which he did not take care enough to conceal, though he saw the ill effects this had upon his business. He grew, in his last years, too remiss and careless as to all affairs ; till the treacheries of France awakened him, and the dreadful conjunction of the monarchies gave so loud an alarm to all Eu rope. For a watching over that court, and a be stirring himself against their practices, was the pre vailing passion of his whole life d : few men had the 306 art of concealing and governing passion more than he had ; yet few men had stronger passions, which were seldom felt but by inferior servants, to whom he usually made such recompences, for any sudden or indecent vents he might give his anger, that they were glad at every time that it broke upon them e : he was too easy to the faults of those about him, when they did not fie in his own way, or cross any of his designs : and he was so apt to think that his ministers might grow insolent, if they should d And made preparations and interfere with it; ease, health, provision for carrying it on af- or pleasures, anger, resentment, ter his death. His design .in jealousy, and even rivalry. O. all this was great and public- e (" He was sometimes apt spirited, and no prince ever " to be choleric, but the heat possessed more of that than he " of his temper spent itself did. And accounts of him have " among his bedchamber men not done him "justice enough " and physicians." Cunnmg- in that particular. It made ham's Hist, of Great Britain, him to forego all private consi- vol. i. p. 255.) derations whatever, that could N n 4 552 THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN 1702. find that they had much credit with him, that he1 seemed to have made it a maxim, to let them often feel how little power they had, even in small mat ters: his favourites had a more entire power, but he accustomed them only to inform him of things, but to be sparing in offering advice, except when it was asked : it was not easy to account for the rea sons of the favour that he shewed, in the highest instances, to two persons beyond all others, the earls of Portland and Albemarle ; they being in all respects men, not only of different, but of opposite characters : secrecy and fidelity were the only qualities in which it could be said that they did in any sort agree. I have now run through the chief branches of his cha* racterf: I had occasion to know him well, having f The bishop has omitted one part of his character, that he told to earl Patdett and my self in the house of fords* soon after his death. He said king William was a man of no hu manity, that he had no regard to any body or any tiling but as they related to himself; and was entirely unconcerned what became of the world when he was out of it, and Would not have been displeased that it had perished with him. And as an instance of his ill-nature, said, he once talked with him of a project the king of France had for drowning all Holand, and the people in it, which he thought the most barbarous de sign that ever entered into any tyrant's head : the king, he sard, answered him very coldly, that he thought, whatever hurt 'the enemy was allowable in war. Sir William Temple, in a letter to king Charles the se cond, says, the prince of Orange told him, he did not trtrtible himself how the world was like to go wheh he was out of itj and perhaps we were the per sons most concerned to look after that. This was the end of his highness's discourse, and the last part of it was spoke with a good, deal of emoiiOi». Vide Sir William Temple's Lettets, published lly Dr. Swift, vol. iii. p. 285. Which was a glorious character for a prince at the head of a government to give Of himself, and for which posterity are highly obliged to him. D. (It is asserted, that the editors, whose omissions we know to have been very nu merous in the first volume, di rected parts of this history, in which king William's character was more fully delineated, to be left out. See Nichols's Liter*- OF KING WILLIAM III. 553 Observed' him very carefully in a course of sixteen 1702. years: I had a large measure of his favour, and a free access to him all the while, though not at all times to the same degree : the freedom that I used with him was not always acceptable : but he saw that I served him faithfully, so, after some intervals Of coldness, he always returned to a good measure of confidence in me : I was, in many great instances, much obliged by him ; but that was not my chief bias to him : I considered him as a person raised up by God to resist the power of France, and the pro* , gress of tyranny and persecution : the series of the five princes of Orange, that was now ended in him, was the noblest succession of heroes that we find in any history : and the thirty years, from the year 1672 to his death, in which he acted so great a part, carry in them so many amazing steps of a .glorious and distinguishing providence, that in the words of David he may be called, the man of God's right hand, whom he made strong for him self: after all the abatements that may be allowed for his errors and faults, he ought still to be reck oned among the greatest princes that our history, or indeed that any other, can afford. He died in a critical time for his own glory ; since he had formed a great alliance, and had projected the whole scheme ry Anecdotes of the Eighteenth of Cunningham in his History Century, vol. i. p. 253. It is of Great Britain, vol. i. p. 254, then added on the same author- respecting the severity of the ity, that the account of Dal- bishop's remarks on king Wil- rymple lord Stair and his fa- liam, that it is probable he re- mily had been curtailed ; which fers to somewhat which has appears to have been really the not yet been printed, rather case, on looking back to p. 369, than to what the bishop has vol. i. of Burnet's History. So said here, or elsewhere, of the. tragical also are the complaints king.) 554 HIST. OF THE REIGN OF WILL. III. 1702. of the war; so that if it succeeds, a great part of q0i-. the honour of it will be ascribed to him : and if otherwise, it will be said he was the soul of the al liance, that did both animate and knit it together, and that it was natural for that body to die and fall asunder, when he who gave it life was withdrawn. Upon his death, some moved for a magnificent fu neral; but it seemed not decent to run into unne cessary expense, when we were entering on a war that must be maintained at a vast charge : so a pri vate funeral was resolved on. But for the honour of his memory, a noble monument and an equestrian statue were ordered. Some years must shew whe ther these things were really intended, or if they were only spoke of to excuse the privacy of his fu neral, which was scarce decent, so far was it from being magnificent. END OF KING WILLIAM THE THIRD'S REIGN. TABLE OF THE CONTENTS OF THE FOREGOING VOL U ME\ BOOK V. Of the reign of king William and queen Mary. 1689. JL HE hopes of the new reign page 1 The effect of the king's ill health 2 A new ministry 3 The earl of Nottingham's ad vancement unacceptable to the whigs ibid. The judges well chosen 5 The convention turned to a parliament ibid. Some bishops leave the parlia ment o I was made bishop of Salisbury 8 Debates concerning the oaths ibid. An act of toleration 10 A motion for a comprehension ibid. An ill humour spread among the clergy T ' Great gentleness towards pa pists 1 2 War proclaimed against France ibid. Debates concerning the reve nue ibid. The chimney money discharged 13 A bill concerning the militia 14 Debates concerning an act of indemnity ibid. The bill of rights 15 King James's great seal found in the Thames 16 The state of affairs in Ireland 1 7 King James came over thither & 18. The siege of Londonderry ibid. Was at last raised 19 Duke Schomberg with an army went to Ireland ibid. Affairs at sea 20 Affairs in Scotland 2 1 * (The pages referred to are those of the folio edition, which are inserted in the margin of the present.) 556 A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS. Debates in the convention there ibid. A rising designed there 22 King James was judged there ibid. They pass a claim of rights 23 Episcopacy by this to be abo lished ibid. A ministry in Scotland 24 A faction raised in Scotland 25 A rising in Scotland 26 Foreign affairs 28 A jealousy of the king spread among the English clergy' ibid. A comprehension endeavoured 3° A convocation met, but would not agree to it 33 A session of parliament 34 The king grew jealous of the whigs 35 A conspiracy against the go vernment ibid. Discovered to the author 37 A bill concerning corporations 38 1690/ A new parliament 40 A bill recognising the king and queen, and the acts of the convention 41 The revenue given for years 42 Debates for and against an ab juration of king James 43 The earl of Shrewsbury left the court 45 The king's sense of affairs 46 The king's tenderness for king James's person 47 The king sailed to Ireland ibid. Advices given to king James 48 The queen in the administra tion ibid. Affairs at sea 49 A cannon ball wounded the king 5o The battle of the Boyne 5 1 The battle of Flerus 52 An engagement at sea ibid. The French masters of the sea 53 / The queen's behaviour on this occasion 55 The king came to Dublin ibid. A design to assassinate the king - ibid. The siege of Limerick 58 The siege is raised 59 The equality of the king's tem per 60 The earl of Marlborough pro poses taking Cork and Kin- sale in winter, and effects it ibid. The French left Ireland 61 Affeirs in Scotland ibid. A parliament there 62 A plot discovered ibid. Affairs abroad 64 A session of parliament in Eng land 65 Ireland much wasted by the Rapparees and the army there 66 A bill concerning the Irish for feitures 67 The earl of Torrington tried and justified ibid. Designs against the marquis of Carmarthen 68 Lord Preston sent over to France 69 Taken, tried, and condemned 70 Ashton suffered ibid. Lord Preston was pardoned 7 1 The behaviour of the deprived bishops ibid. A congress of princes at the Hague ibid. A new pope chosen after a long conclave 72 The siege of Mons "* 73 Affairs settled for the next cam paign ibid. Affairs in Scotland 74 Some changes made in Scot land ibid. A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS. 557 The vacant sees filled 75 Many promotions in the church 76 The campaign in Flanders ibid. Affairs at sea 78 The campaign in Ireland ibid. Athlone taken 79 The battle of Aghrem ibid. 1691. Limerick besieged 80 The Irish capitulate 8 1 The war there at an end ibid. Affairs in Hungary 82 The maxims of the court of Vienna ibid. The state of the empire 83 A ninth elector created ibid. Affairs in Savoy 84 The elector of Bavaria com manded in Flanders ibid. A session of parliament in Eng land 85 Jealousies of the king ibid. 1692. Affairs in Scotland 87 The affair of Glencoe 88 The earl of Marlborough dis graced 90 A breach between the queen and the princess 91 Russel commanded the fleet 92 A descent in England designed by king James ibid. A great victory at sea near La Hogue 93 Not followed as it might have been 94 A design to assassinate the king 95 Grandvai suffers for it, and con fesses it 96 Namur taken by the French ibid. The battle of Steenkirk 97 Affairs in Germany 98 And in Hungary 99 And Piedmont 100 A great earthquake ibid. A great corruption over Eng land 10 1 A session of parliament 102 Jealousies of the ministry 103 1693. Complaints in parliament 164 A bill to exclude members of the house of commons from places 1 05 Another for triennial parlia ments 1 06 A change in the ministry 107 Factions formed against the court 109 Affairs in Flanders no And in the empire in And in Piedmont ibid. The battle of Landen 112 Charieroy taken by the French .I.I3 Attempts for peace ibid. Our affairs at sea 1 14 The Turky fleet in great -dan ger 115 Great jealousies of the king's ministry 1 16 The state of the clergy and church 117 Affairs in Ireland 118 The queen's strictness, and pious designs 119 Affairs in -Scotland 1 20 A session of parliament there ibid. The earl of Middletoun went to France 122 The duke of Anjou offered to the Spaniards 123 The duke of Shrewsbury again made secretary of state ibid. A bank erected 1 24 The conduct of the fleet exa mined 1 25 1694. The government misrepresented ibid. The bishops are heavily charged 126 Debates concerningdivorceibid. The campaign in Flanders 127 558 A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS. On the Rhine 128 And in Catalonia ibid. Our fleet lay at Cadiz 129 A design on Camaret ibid. It miscarried 130 The French coast bombarded ".I3I Affairs in Turky ibid. Attempts for a peace 132 A session of. parliament in Eng land ibid. An act for triennial parlia ments 133 The queen's administration ibid. Archbishop Tillotson's death 134 Sancroft's death 135 Tennison succeeded 136 The queen's sickness ibid. And death 138 BOOK VI. Of the reign qfMng WiUiam III. T1695. HE proceedings in parlia ment 139 The ill state of the coin 140 A bill concerning trials for trea son 141 Trials in Lancashire ibid. Complaints of the bank 144 Inquiries into corrupt prac tices ibid. And into presents made by the East India company 145 Consultations about the coin H7 Consultations amongst the Ja cobites 148 A design to assassinate the king ibid. A government in the king's ab sence 149 The death of some lords ibid. The lords justices, who 150 The campaign in Flanders ibid. The siege of Namur ibid. Brussels bombarded by the French 152 Namur taken -by king William ibid. Casal was surrendered 1 54 Affairs at sea ibid. The losses of our merchants 155 Affairs in Hungary ,156 A parliament in Scotland ibid. The business of Glencoe exa mined 157 An act there for a new com pany 158 Affairs in Ireland 159 A new parliament called in England 160 The state of the coin rectified 161 An act for trials in cases of treason ibid. Act,s concerning elections to parliament ibid. Complaints of the Scotch act 162 Scotland much set on support- . ing it ibid. A motion for a council of trade 163 A conspiracy discovered 1 64 Of assassinating the king 165 And to invade the kingdom 166 1696. Many of the conspirators seized on 167 The design of the invasion broken 1 68 Porter discovered all 169 Both houses of parliament enter into a voluntary association ibid. A fund granted on a land bank 170 A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS. 559 Charnock and others tried and executed 171 King James was not acquitted by them 172 Friend and Perkins tried and suffered ibid. They had public absolution given them 174 Other conspirators tried and executed ibid. Cook tried for the invasion ibid. The campaign beyond sea fee bly, carried on 175 A peace in Piedmont 176 Affairs in Hungary 178 Affairs at sea ibid. Affairs in Scotland 179 A treaty of peace set on foot by the French ibid. A session of parliament in Eng land 180 Fenwick's business 181 Many delays in it 1 83 Practices upon the witnesses ibid. A bill of attainder against Fen wick 1 84 Reasons against it ibid. Reasons for the bill 185 1697. The bill passed 190 Practices against the duke of Shrewsbury ibid. Fenwick's execution 193 Affairs in Flanders ibid. Barcelona taken by the French 194 A French squadron in the West Indies 195 The king of Poland's death 196 The elector of Saxony chosen king of Poland ibid. The czar travelled to Holland and England 197 The prince of Conti sailed to Dantzick 198 The treaty at Ryswick 199 The king of Sweden's death ibid. His son is mediator at the treaty of Ryswick ibid. The peace made, and the treaty signed 20 1 Reflections on the peace 202 The Turk's army in Hungary routed 203 The peace of Carlowitz 204 The duration of the Turkish wars ibid. The king came back to Eng land 205 Consultations about a standing army ibid. The matter argued on both sides . 206 A session of parliament ibid. A small force kept up 207 1698. The earl of Sunderland retired from business ibid. The civil list settled on the king for life 208 A new East India company ibid. The whigs lose their credit in the nation - 209 The king of Spain's ill state of health 210 The duke of Glocester put in a method of education ibid. The progress of Socinianism 211 Different explanations of the «; Trinity 212 Dr. Sherlock left the Jacobites ibid. ,Dr. South wrote against him 213 The king's injunctions silence those disputes 214 Divisions amongst the clergy 215 Divisions amongst the papists ibid. The Scotch settle at Darien 216 Great disputes about it 217 The present ministry's good conduct 218 A new parliament ibid. j6o A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS. «* The forces mueh diminished 218 A party opposed the king with great bitterness 219 1699. A debate concerning grants of Irish estates 220 The czar of Muscovy in Eng land 221 The affairs of Poland 222 And Sweden 223 A treaty for the succession to the crown of Spain ibid. The earl of Albemarle's favour 224 The death of the duke of Bol ton 225 And of sir Josiah Child ibid.. The archbishop of Cambray's book is condemned- ibid. The bishop of St. David's de prived for simony 226 I published an exposition of the thirty-nine articles 227 The growth of popery 228 An act against papists ibid. Affairs in Holstein ¦* 230 A war raised against the king of Sweden ibid. The king of Poland's designs .23T The partition treaty ibid. The affairs of Scotland 233 Great discontent upon the lossjf of Darien 234 A session of parliament 235 A complaint made of some pi rates 236 1700. Debates concerning forfeited estates in Ireland 237 An act vesting them in trustees * 238 A change in the ministry 241 Lord Somers is turned out 242 A fleet sent to the Sound 243 Peace between Denmark and Sweden 244 Censures passed on the parti tion treaty 245 The death of the duke of Glo cester ibid. The temper of the nation 247 Divisions among the dissenters ibid". And among the quakers 248' A division in the church 249 Debates concerning the bishop of St. David's . 250 The death of,«the king of Spain 251 Clement XI. chosen pope .ibid. The king of Spain's will is ac cepted 252 The duke of Anjou declared . king of Spain ibid. A new parliament summoned .253 The end of the century ibid. A new ministry 254 The king of Sweden's glorious campaign 256 1701. Great apprehensions of the , danger Europe was nowin 257 A party for France in the par liament ibid.*' Partiality in judging elections 258 The partition treaty charged in the house of lords 259 The lords, advised with in it, opposed it 261 An address to the king about it 262, Memorials sent from the States ibid. A design to impeach the former ministry 264 They are impeached 265 The lord Somers heard by the house of commons 266 Contrary addresses of the two houses 267 The king owns the king of Spain 268 Negotiations in several places 269 A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS. 561 An act declaring a protestant successor 270 An act explaining privilege 271 Proceedings upon the impeach ments 272 And first the articles against the earl of Orford ibid. The earl of Orford's answer 273 Articles of impeachment against lord Somers ibid. Lord Somers's answer ibid. Articles of impeachment against lord Halifax 274 Lord Halifax's answer ibid. The proceedings of parliament muctrrensured 275 The Kentish petition ibid. Messages passed between the two houses 276 The lords tried and acquitted 279 A convocation of the clergy met . 280 They dispute the archbishop's power of adjourning them 282 And complain of my Exposition 284 288 289 290 ibid. 291292 The king was still reserved 285 Prince Eugene marched into Italy ibid. His attempt upon Cremona 287 King Philip at Barcelona ibid. The war in Poland Several negotiations A parliament in Scotland Affairs in Ireland King James's death His character The pretended prince of Wales owned king of England by the French court 293 The English nation inflamed at it 294 A new parliament called 295 The king's last speech ibid. All were fbr a war 296 The pretended prince of Wales attainted ibid. An act for abjuring him 297 Affairs in Ireland 299 1702. "The king's illness and fall from his horse 301 His death 303 His character 304 VOL. IV. O O YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY