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• iLniaiSiaisy •

1926

J/iMnaJ J&fif*}

THE
HISTORY

OF THE

REIGN OF GEORGE Hi.

TO THE
TERMINATION OF THE LATE WAR.
. . \*
¥0' WHICH IS PREFIXED,
A VIEW OF THE PROGRESSIVE, IMPROVEMENT OF ENGLAND,
IN PROSPERITY AN1* STRENGTH, TO THE
ACCESSION PFHIS MAJESTY.
IN FOUR VOLUMES.
BY ROBERT BISSET, LL. D.
' 'AUTHOR Of., THE " LIFE OF BUREE," £5"C. &C.
A NEW EDITION.
VOL. Ill,
'.. ¦ . ==== .' ' . n B ' KJ'BB' ' r'* ' '
PHIMMMLPHIA :
PUBLISHED BY LEVIS &? WEAVEK, NO. 193, MARKET STREET.
THOMAS L. PLOWMAN, PRINTER.
18H. .'

HISTORY

or THE

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

CHAP. XXXII,
General election.— Meeting of parliament — and commence
ment of fdr. Pitt's administration. — The king's speech.— *-
State ofthe empire when Mr. Pitt's ministry commenced.
—Qbjects which he proposes to pursue. — First efforts
directed to finance  Bill for the prevention of smuggling.
--—Commutation act.- —Arguments against and for if.—
Regulation on duties for British spirits. — Preliminary
motions for the relief of the East India company. — Bill
for the regulation of India — Arguments, against it.—-
Arguments for_ it. — Comparison of the two bills as
resulting from the characters- of their authors.— 'Debate
on the .Westminster election. — Mr. Dundas proposes the
restoration of the. forfeited estates. — A law passed for
that purpose. — Labours of Mr. Pitt in investigating the
public accounts. — Supplies. — Loan and Taxes. — Session

BY dissolving the parliament, his majesty virtu- CHAP.
ally asked the question. Did yotu; late representatives ^^^
speak your sense, or not ? If they did, you will reelect |784
them ; if not, ypu will choose: others. Thus interrogated, ijet"rral
the greater part of the people answered, No ; and a very
considerable majority of members friendly to Mr. Pitt was
returned. As far as popular opinipn can be a test of
either merit pr demerit, it was decidedly favourable to the
minister, and inimical to his opponents. The general
conduct of Mr. F©x oft§B has been erroneously estimated

5 HISTORY OP TUB
CHAP, the chief constituents of national prosperity, bestowing
vvvir * , c *1
.— r>_) application and perseverance either in the removal or evil
im. or promotion of good, he must produce much greater bene
fit to the state, than he who regards and pursues only
a part. The chief constituents of national prosperity are,
first, the means of subsistence, through agriculture, mines',;
fisheries, manufactures, and commerce : secondly, defence
in military and naval strength, for securing those advan
tages ; comprehending also, connexions with "foreign coun
tries, when conducive either to benefit or security ; third
ly, the preservation and improvement of that physical
and moral character, which is best fitted for retaining and
promoting the advantages ; this head requires the encou
ragement of useful and liberal arts, and in every civilized
and enlightened country the promotion of science and
literature ; fourthly, the gratification of prevalent habits
of comfort and enjoyments, as far as depends upoh gov
ernment, unless restriction be necessary for the public
good, and the liberty of the subject, without which, to
generous and independent spirits, no other blessing of life
can afford perfect enjoyment; fifthly, subsidiary to the
rest, is provision for the continuance of these, as far as
human foresight can extend. b A statesman of. consum
mate wisdom may bestow a greater or less proportion of
attention on one or another of these constituents, accord
ing to circumstances ; but such a minister will have them
all in his view. The peculiar situation of Britain, ex-
hftusted by the enormous expenses of her late ruinous
war, and loaded with an immense public debt, rendered
the promotion of trade and imprPVement of finance the
most immediately urgent objects of legislative and minis
terial consideration. Besides, at this time, the study of
political economy occupied the greater number of scholars,
moral and political philosophers, and almost every able and
informed senator and statesman. Such disquisitions,'
originating in French ingenuity, had been corrected, en-
W^wl^l?!!?!18'8 *^e ™ader,wi" Perceive to be abridged from Gillies'* Fred*.
•i, ' »!}¦ fPP|:ars *° the auth01' t0 exhibit a muohjUMerai.il more comnreheh.
™!„ I", ? C "' '.'f1'0'*' "''vantage, than those, eitfier of writers or counsellor
,Tf lV.h Lr'?"'."' Tre- "I"*""*, either private or public, or the aggrS
of both, as Ihe tests oi national prosperity. <m>",S«C

EEIGN OF GEORGE in. 7
larged, and digested into a grand system, by British ex- CHAP.
perience, knowledge, and deduction. Adam Smith was .j^".
the framer of commercial science and the consequent in- ]m
culcations ; and his estimable work, indeed, was become
the text book of political economists in the closet, the
cabinet, and senate. A very eminent writer often gives
a tone and fashion to the subjects which he treats, that
procures them an attention, perhaps greater than may be
justified by their comparative value among the various
pursuits of life and constituents of happiness. Dwelling
on the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, both
theorists and politicians, by too exclusive attention to that
one subject, have frequently been led into an imagination
that the supreme constituent pf national good was opu
lence ; an idea totally inconsistent with a knowledge of
human powers and enjoyments, the experience pf happi
ness and the history of nations.' This very high estima
tion of wealth, as the supreme excellence of a country,
cooperated with the mercantile character, so prevalent in
Britain, and many in the various departments of active
(especially trading) life considered commerce, and finance
as the principal objects of executorial conduct. Mr. Pitt,
though tpo enlarged in hisjyiews to admit that opinion in
the common extent, yet regarding trade, and especially
revenue, as most immediately urgent in forming his plans
for the first session of the new parliament, directed his
mind chiefly to commerce and finance, and these consti
tute the principal subjects of his majesty's introductory
speech to parliament.
The new parliament being met, Mr.' Cornwall was Tne Wng's
chosen speaker, and on the 19th, his majesty opened the
session by a speech from the, throne; he declared the
high satisfaction with which he met his parliament, after
having recurred in so important a moment to the sense of
his people. He entertained a just and Confident reliance,
that the assembly was animated with the sentiments of
c Compare, for Instance, the Greeks and Persians, the Romans and Cartha
ginians, the Europeans and Hindoos. The heroes sent by poverty from ; the
north, to the dastardly and enervated defenders of the riches of the south.
TJiese, in the monuments of Gillies, of Fergusson, and Gibbon, show, how false*
bf a political reasoner would conclude, whs shoiild measure national glory and
¦fiappifiess by national receipts.

5 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, loyalty and attachment to the constitution, which had been
XXXl1' so fully manifested in every part of .the kingdom. The
1784. objects particularly recommended to their attention, were
the alarming progress of frauds in the revenue, the fra
ming of such commercial regulations as were immediate-
, ly necessary, and the providing for the good government
of our possessions in the East Indies. Upon this subject
parliament would not lose sight of the effect which the
measures they adopted might have on our own constitu
tion, and our dearest interests at home. , He had no wish
but to consult the prosperity of his people, by a constant
attention to every object of national concern, by an uni-
, form adherence to the true principles of our free constitu
tion, and by supporting and maintaining in their just ba
lance the rights and privileges of every branch of the
legislature,. An address conformable to the speech hav
ing been moved, a debate arose on the expressions of gra
titude to the king, for having, dissolved the late parlia
ment : and an amendment was proposed, to leave out
such parts of the address as referred to that subject, which
was negatived by a great majority. As his majesty's
s"peech implied a censure of the former parliament, and
particularly of Mr. Fox's East India bill, Mr. Burke un
dertook the justification of opposition and the censure of
their adversaries, and on the 14th of June made a motion
for an address to the king, representing and vindicating
the proceedings of the last parliament, and criminating
the present ministers. The remonstrance*1 dwelt particu
larly on the rectitude and expedience ol" the late East In
dia bill, and on the dreadful consequences likely tp ensue
from the dissolution. Though both the speech and pro
posed statement were replete with ingenuity, yet the main
arguments being necessarily a repetition of what had been
frequently urged before, the motion was negatived with
out a division. Firmly established as the minister, sup
ported by the people through their recently appointed re-
d He said, he intended his motion as an epitaph on his departed friend, the
last parliament ; that he hail, on some occasions, written long epitaphs to the
memory ot those that he honoured and respected ; and, on the present occa
sion, he chose to follow the corpse to the sepulchre, and go through the cere
mony of. saying, _" ashes to ashes, and dust to dust," in sure and certain hoDe
through the merit o! the good works of the tet parliament, that it would have
a glorious and joyt.ul resurrection, and become immortal.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. $j
presentatives, as well as chosen by the king, Mr. Pitt was chap.
called to exercise his talents for performing the duties of xxxn-
so arduous a situation. Although a year and a half had ""^C**
now elapsed since the conclusion of pfeace, the contentions
of party had hitherto prevented the adoption of any effec
tual measures to recover the country from the miserably
state to which it had been reduced by an expensive and
ruinous war. Commerce was still stagnant, the national
credit depressed, and the funds* after an interval of peace,
at the lowest price of war ; the public income unequal to
the expenditure even in its full amount, was at present
greatly diminished by fraud ; and our important concerns
in India Without any effectual plan of beneficial arrange
ment : the country, so situated, required the efforts of the State of
minister to raise drooping credit ; to revive the funds ; whenIMr!&
to promote the just and beneficial government of India ; fitt's min-
to improve the income, by suppressing fraudulent deduc- gan.
tion,' and by positive additions ; to stimulate the national
industry, enterprise, and skill, to the highest improvement
of our mercantile capability ; and to promPte manufac
tures and commerce, the sources of public and private
wealth. Such were the objects to which, partly the cir- Objects n
eumstances of the country, and partly the prevalent opin- proposes
ion of the times, called the attention of Mr. Pitt, wllo topursue.
was just commencing an administration long and impor
tant; in Which the counsels and conduct of the minister,
whether wise or unwise,-- right be wrong, stamp the
history of these realms, their dependencies and connex- .
ions, for the last sixteen years of the eighteenth century ;
an era more awfully momentous, involving greater and
more extensive interests of enlightened, energetic, and
efficacious Man, than any century in the annals of human -»
nature. The first ministerial efforts of Mr. Pitt were directed to His first
"finance. Before he proceeded to new imposts, or new directed to
regulations for the advancement of revenue, he attempted niu»n.ce>
to render the present taxes as productive as possible, by
preventing the defalcations of fraud. He had bestowed
Very great pains' in collecting information respecting the
^various subjects,, modes, and details of smuggung. The
former ministers having also in view the suppres/r.-jn of
Vel. III. B

10

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, this unlawful traffic, had in the last session proposed a
y*r^. committee for inquiring into those illicit practices ; three
1784. reports were delivered, containing very ample materials ;
and Mr. Eden, chairman of the committee, having em
ployed his usual industry and acuteness in investigating
these minute and complicated topics, bad moved the fol
lowing resolution, declaratory of the result, That. the il
licit practice had greatly increased ; the public revenue
was annually defrauded to the extent of not less than two
millions ; and these enormities and national losses merited
Bill for the the early and serious attention of the legislature. Soon
of smug-°" after the meeting of the new parliament, the subjects of
gling. these reports, and of the laws in being for the prevention
of smuggling, were referred to a committee ofthe whole
house. On the second of June, the chancellor of the ex
chequer moved for leave to bring in a bill for the more
effectual prevention of smuggling. The objects of the
proposition were, to- extend the bounds of the hovering
laws, which had limited the distance from shore- within
which seizures could be made ; to prevent ships from car
rying arms, without a license from the admiralty; smug
gling ships once captured were never to be returned ;
ships of a certain description adapted to smuggling, were
never to be built; and clearances were to be regulated, so
as to prevent ships clearing out in ballast, and afterwards
going on the smuggling trade. In the progress ofthe bill, a
variety of improvements were suggested ; and after consi
derable discussion, it passed into a law.
Among various articles of illicit trade, the principal
commodity was tea. It had appeared before the commit
tee on smuggling, that only five millions five hundred
thousand pounds of tea were sold annually by the East
India company, whereas the annual consumption of the
kingdom was believed to exceed twelve millions ; so that
the contraband traffic in this article was more than double
«"!*' the leS'al- The remedy which the ministers devised for
this evil, was to lower the duties on tea to so small an
amount, as to make the profit inadequate, to the risk. In
this trade the rate of freight and insurances to the shore'
was about ?25 per cent., and the insurance on the inland
-carriage about 10 per cent, more; in all 35 per cent.

REIGN OF GEORGE IrT. i j
The duty on tea, as it then stpod, was about 50 per cent.; CHAP.
so that the smuggler had an advantage over the fair dea- Jz^/\
ler of 15 per cent.; As this regulation would cause ->¦ im_
a deficiency in -the revenue of about 600,0001. per annum.
he proposed to make good the same by an additional win
dow tax. This tax (he said) would not be felt as an ad
ditional burden, but ought to be considered as a commu
tation, and would prove favourable to the subject.6 But
the principal benefit which he expected from this measure,
was the absolute ruin of the smuggling trade, which sub
sisted almpst entirely on the profit of their teas. Another
benefit would be, the timely and necessary relief it would
afford, to the East India company. By this regulation
they would find a vent for thirteen, instead of five, millions
of pounds pf tea and would be enabled to emplpy twenty
more large ships in their service. , This was the bill
since so well known under the title ¦¦of the Commutation
Act.
Opposition" in both houses denied this tax to be Argur
commutative : tea, though a commodity of general use, ^j^st aad
still was an article of luxury; whereas the admission pf for it.
light into houses was indispensably necessary ; and thus
all persons, whether they drank tea or not, were compel
led tp pay a tax. The gain to the company might be
cpnside-rable, but must be derived from1 the people, with
out any return; the present was a new and positive tax,
and not a substitution of one for another. , This bill was
farther censured, as a measure of finance; tea, it was
said, was a most eligible object for taxation, which pro
duced to the revenue near a million sterling annually. If
once given up, it could never be recovered, and five times
the quantity of tea consumed yearly that had formerly been
used, by the new duty would not, produce an equal reve
nue. It was farther contended, that it would not affect
the suppression of illicit traffic ; the price of tea, on the
continent was 7 .1-2 per cent, cheaper than at the compa
ny's sales, and 5 per cent, was allowed to the company;
e A house (he said), for instance, of nine windows, which would be ra
ted at 10b. fid , might be supposed to consume «even pounds of tea ; the differ
ence britween the old duties on which, and the new duty proposed, might at
.an average amount to 11. os. lOd. ; so that such a family would gain by the octfa.-
tuutatiou 15s. 4d.

j 2 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, these added to the 12 1-2 per cent, duty, it was asserted,
,J^X^, would be a sufficient compensation for all the risks incur-
im_ red by the smuggler, Mr. Pitt combatted these objections :
he denied that tea was a certain and permanent object
of revenue ; the present state of finance and public credit
did not permit him to barter a certainty for an uncertainty :
he was obliged to select an object on which he could build the
most entire and confident expectation ; and with the invalu
able benefits that would result from this measure to the pub"
lie, notwithstanding the industry with which popular odium
was attempted to be stirred up against it, he was ready to
risk any unpopularity which it might occasion. The bill
was passed by a majority of one hundred and forty-eight
to forty-
Regulation A third bill was also passed into a law for the regu-
of duties lation of duties upon British spirits, and to discontinue
on British . ,. . , . . . ...
spirits. during a limited time certain imposts upon rum and spirits
imported from the West Indies. These three bills com
prehended the whole plan of Mr. Pitt upon the subject-of
smuggling, as far as it was now submitted to parliament.
The effect of the scheme for preventing contraband trade,
including several improvements which subsequent experi- -
ence devised, has been almost the annihilation of that spe
cies of fraud, to the great benefit of the revenue? and of
morals. The commutation act being misinterpreted and
misrepresented both by ignorance and sophistical ingenu-f
ity, caused at first some dissatisfaction ; thut, however, was
not of Jong continuance, and the additional duty on win
dows came tP be paid without reluctance. /
Prelimi- Meanwhile East India affairs occupied the attention
tions for °f the minister and parliament ; a committee was appointed
'Sui'eKast t0 co^6ct information ; and its report being presented was
India com- taken into consideration by a committee of the whole
Pan^- house. A bill was proposed, for enabling the company to
make a half yearly dividend at the rate of eight per cent.
for the year, and passed both houses, with considerable
opposition in the house of lords, in which it was said that
f Visitors af the watering pi aces, or other parts of the coast, who have con
versed with elderly or -middle aged watermen, or any kind of seafaring men in
t Anse places, r.iust have perceived that they considered smuggling, heretofore
their most lucrative occupation, as 'having received its death blow from thp
* fcands pf Mr. Pitt.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 1,
the company's affairs could not afford such a dividend.8 CHAP.
On the second of July, Mr. Pitt introduced a bill for the ^-^^ '
relief of the company : this proposition was to allow the l7i^
cpmpany a further respite pf duties due to the exche
quer, to enable them to accept bills beyond the amount
prescribed by former acts of parliament, and to establishi
their future dividends. The proposed indulgence was,
that the duties now due should be paid by instalments, at
Midsummer and Christmas 17<35. The principle of thef
projected accommodation, was the solvency of the compa
ny at the specified terms. Mr. Pitt, in supporting the
measure, informed the house, that from the late inquiries
which' he had made into the state of the company's finan
ces, and from the very ample and satisfactory . accounts
he. had obtained, he had no room to admit the remotest
idea, that they would not, at the period he had mentioned
be able to fulfil every engagement. India would now
enjoy peace, and parliament would enforce the active
economy which the present state of affairs so strongly re
commended ; a few years of tranquillity, and a system of
exertion and frugality, would render our Indian posses
sions affluent and prosperous. Opposition doubted the
favourable prospect of the company's affairs, and objected
to. the relief proposed. A question was started, Whether
or not parliament, by authorizing acceptances of bills guar
anteed their validity ?, Mr. Pitt contended that they did
riPt ; Mr. Fox that they did, at least so far as tP pledge
the national honour to their responsibility, by allowing
the acceptance which they had a right to restrain. The
sanction of parliament impressed the public with an opin
ion of their goodness, and established their credit. Mr.
Dundas illustrated the subject, by reminding the house of
the circumstances in which the restriction had originated;
By the regulating bill of 1773, the public were to come in
for a share in the profits of the company : in order,
therefore to .prevent the appropriation bf any part of their
profits to the payment of bills that might be fraudulently
sent over from India, it had been thought necessary to re
strain the amount of those bills ; consequently, when a

g Parliamentary Journal*.

1<4i HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, parliament shpuld consent to the acceptance of bills to a
XXXU. greater amount, it resigned, in behalf of/the public, so
<-*^W much of the national claim to the dividends, as was secu
red to them by the bill of 1773. The bill passed with^
out a division.
These measures were preparatory and subordinate tq
the bill of the minister for the government of India, which
he now introduced, similar in object and principle to the
scheme that he had proposed in January, but more detail
ed in its provisions, and more extensive in its applications..
Bill fortiie On the 6th of July, Mr. Pitt proposed his bill for the
eflndia0" better regulation of India: in his prefatory oration he
stated the magnitude of the subject; and described the
vast accession of power which the wealth of India had
for a series of years added to the empire of Great Britam :
our former opulence was owing to the prudent, manage-.
ment of our commercial concerns ; and our future hopes
depended on the judicious regulations that were now to
be introduced for the government of that country. The,
leading, object was to correct and restrain abuses, remedy
evils, improve the condition of British India, and thereby
augment the opulence and prosperity of this country, by
powers adequate to those important purposes, without
being so great as to endanger the balance of the con
stitution. The hill undertook to institute a new system
of government at home, and to regulate the different pre
sidencies abroad; to provide for the happiness of the
natives, and to put an end to their misunderstandings
and controversies ; to establish a new judicature for* try
ing offences committed in India, and by strictness of gov
ernment to prevent delinquency. The proposed change
at home was nearly the same that has .appeared in the
narrative.11 It proposed to leave the management ol
Commercial affairs to the company, and. to vest the territo
rial possessions in a board of control. Abroad the su
preme council and governor general were to have an
absolute power of originating orders to the inferior pre
sidencies, in cases that did not interfere with the direc
tions already received, from Britain, and of suspending
ix See vol. ii. chap. xxxi.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. is
members pf the other councils in case of disobedience. CHAP.
The supreme government was restrained from offensive *'
war or alliances, without orders from home ; the subordi- 17S4_
nate settlements were prohibited from forming even de
fensive treaties, but with- a conditional clause, which
would render their permanency dependent on the ratifica
tion of the1 governor general; the servants of the com
pany were required to transmit accounts of all consi
derable transactions to the council of Bengal, and the
supreme council to. convey speedy intelligence to Britain
of every important occurrence. In considering the com
fort and security of the natives, inquiry was ordered to be
instituted by the different presidencies into the expulsions
of hereditary farmers, and the oppressive rents and con
tributions that might have been extorted ; and measures
were directed to be employed for. their relief and future
tranquillity. Various regulations were added, respecting
the debts of the nabob of Arcot, and the rajah of Tanjore,
to private individuals and to the company. The bill fur
ther required an examina*ion into the different establish
ments of the presidencies, for the purposes of retrench^
ment, and an annual report of the same to be transmitted
to Britain. The proposition also contained both the de
scription of delinquency, and the judicial establishments
for its cognisance and punishments. Crimes committed
by English subjects in any part of India, were made
amenable to every British court of justice, in the same
manner as if they had been committed in our immediate
dominions. Presents, except such as were merely cere
monial,- were forbidden to be received, unless ty a coun
sellor at law, a physician, a surgeon, or a chaplain, under
the penalty of confiscation of the present, and an additional
fine, : at the discretion of the court. Disobedience of
orders, unless absolutely necessary, and pecuniary trans
actions, contrary to the interests of the company, were
declared to be high crimes and misdemeanors. The
company were forbidden to interfere in favour of any
person legally condemned of the above crimes, or to em
ploy him in their service for eyer. The governors of the se-
-ral presidencies were empowered to imprison any person
suspected of illieit carrespondence, and to send him to

16

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXXU. 1784.

England if they judged it necessary. Every person serv
ing in India was required, within two months after his
return to England, to deliver in upon oath to the court of
exchequer, an inventory of his real and personal estates,
and a copy thereof to the court of directors, for the
inspection of the proprietors ; and should the validity
of the account be doubted, on any complaint to that effect
made by the board of control, the court of directors, or
three proprietors possessing India stock to the amount of
10,0001. conjunctively, the court of exchequer were re
quired to examine upon oath the person accused, and to
imprison him until he should have satisfactorily answered
interrogatories. Neglect or concealment were to be pun
ished by the imprisonment of the defendant, the forfeiture
of all his estates, both real and personal, and an incapaci
ty of ever serving the company. For the more speedy and
effectual prosecution of persons in Great Britain, charged
with crimes committed in India, a court was established,
to consist of three judges, nominated respectively by the
chancery, king's.bench, and common pleas, four peers taken
from a list of twenty-six, and six commoners from a list of
forty (the lists to be chosen by ballot from their respective
houses), a certain number of whom should be subject" to
peremptory challenge both by the prosecutbr and the de
fendant. The judgment of the court was to extend to
imprisonment, fine, and incapacity of serving the company.
Such are the outlines of Mr. Pitt's legislative, executorial
and judicial arrangement for the government of India.
Opposition reprobated the bill, on the grounds of
insufficiency for the regulation of India, and dangerously
extending the patronage of the crown. Many objections
were also made to particular clauses ; the new tribunal
was said to be in t;uth a screen for delinquents, since no
man was to be tried but on the accusation of the company
or the attorney general ; he had only to conciliate govern
ment, in order to attain perfect security. The obligation
to swear to the amount of property, and the powers grant
ed to the courts of enforcing interrogatories, tended to
compel persons to criminate themselves, and were modes
of inquisitorial proceedings unknown to the subjects of
this island. It was confidently denied that there was any

1784.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. . ,
i Ii
necessity for so alarming a departure from the established chap.
principles, and practice of the constitution; and it was X^K^'
therefore presumed that it could have been done with no
other than a corrupt view, to draw the rich and powerful
servants of the East India company into a dependence
upon the crown for its protection. Mr. Fox directed the
force of his eloquence against this measure of his rival.
" It prepares (said the orator) feebleness at home by a
" division of power; if there be a receipt, a nostrum, for
ft making a weak government, it is by giving the power of
' contriving measures to one, and the nomination of the
" persons who are to execute them to another. Theories
that do not connect men with measures, are not theories
for this world ; they are chimeras with which a recluse
may divert his fancy, but not principles on which a
" statesman would found his system. But, say the min-
" isters, the negative provides against the appointment
* of improper officers ; the commissioners have a nega-
" tive, therefore they have full power. Here then is the
^' complete annihilation of the company, and of the so
" much vaunted chartered rights. The bill is a scheme of
" dark and delusive art, and takes away the claims of the
" company by slow and gradual sap. The first assumption
" made by the minister, is the power of superintendance
" and control; and what is the meanitig of this power?
" Does it mean such a superintendance and control as this
" house possesses over ministers ? No ; for this house has
" not the power of giving official instructions. It is to
" be an active control, it is to originate measures ; and this
" is the next step. At last, to complete the invasion, or-
" ders may be secretly conveyed to India by the commis-
" sioners, atthe very moment they were giving their Open
" countenance to instructions to be sent from the directors
" of an opposite tendency. To suffer such a scheme
¦" of dark intrigue w.illbe a farce, a child's play, and does
u not deserve the name of a government. To this pro-
" gressive and underhand scheme, I peremptorily object.
"• If it were right to vest the powers of the court of direc-
" tors in a board of privy counsellors, at any rate it should
" be done openly. A great nation ought never to descend
" to gradual and insidious encroachment. Let them, do
Vgl. HI. C

^8 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. " what they wished for explicitly, and show the company,
l—^~^ " that what they dare to do, they dare to justify."
m4 The minister declared his conviction, that the ordi-
Argu- nary courts of justice were inadequate to the cognisance
it. of Indian delinquency ; and that there were many crimes
committed there, for which the common law had provided
no redress: at the sa!me time he did not conceive, that
the principle on which he proceeded was so totally un
known in the jurisprudence of this kingdom : it was recog
nised in the whole code of martial law. As to the influence
of the crown, he trusted he had sufficientlj guarded against
any such apprehensions, by the mode directed for the
constitution of the new court of judicature. The whole
plan was efficient to every good purpose, and guarded
against the evil which must have resulted from the scheme
of Mr. Fox. The bill passed both houses by very great
majorities.
Compari- *N tne characters of Messrs. Pitt and Fox a diver-
son ofthe sity has been remarked, which may perhaps account for a
resulting striking difference in their respective systems. Energetic
characters as ^r" ^ox 's la Power5 he is not always proportionably
of their guarded and considerate in the exertions of his faculties;
hence, though his judgment be exquisite, his actually
exerted discrimination does not uniformly keep pace with
the strength of his invention : Mr. Pitt, on the other
hand, powerful as he is in force, is extremely circumspect
and discriminate, as to the extent and bounds of operation
most conducive to the purpose. Mr. Fox, adopting a
principle in itself right, often adopts it too implicitly, and
carries its application to a greater extent than the exact case
justifies. Mr. Pitt much more accurately fixes the line of
demarcation, which the principle with the existing case
requires. The India bill of 1783, considered in relation
to certain ends, was ably, skilfully, and effectually devised;,
but attending to efficacy, its author neglected control. The
wheels strongly constructed, but wanting the drag, by the
force and rapidity of their motion, might have overturned
and crushed the constitution. The plan of 1784, in form
ing a power for specific use, guarded more cautiously
against eventual abuse.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

19

During this session, the Westminster election occu- CHAP.
pied considerable attention ; a scrutiny having been grant- xyMI-
ed by the high bailiff,- at the instance of sir Cecil Wray, ,784
the unsuccessful candidate, its legality was questioned' by Uebateon
•Mr. Fox: according to that gentleman, the election ought minster
to have been referred to a committee, under Mr. George e,ect,on-
Grenville's bill. The discussion produced an astonishing
display of legal ability and knowledge, both from Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Fox ; when the question was put, the argu
ments of the former were found to have prevailed, and
the scrutiny was ordered to be continued.
A very humane and equitable measure was this session *rr num"
proposed by Mr. Dundas, indeed equally meritorious as a sesthe re-
scheme of individual justice and national policy; this was th^forfeit-
thfe restoration of the estates forfeited in the Scottish rebel- ed estates: j
lions to the representatives of the sufferers. He enlarged
on the wisdom and justice of the principle, and adducing
the opinion of a Chatham as an authority in favour of his
arguments, he quoted the celebrated passage in one of that
illustrious orator's speeches, which describes the merits of
the Scotch highlanders. He drew an auspicious omen from A law is
reflecting, that the first blpw had been given the proscrip- thatpur?r
tion by the earl of Chatham ; and trusted, that the remains Pose-
of a system, which, whether dictated at first by narrow
views or by sound policy, ought certainly to be temporary,
would be completely annihilated under the administration
of his son.
He made the panegyric of persons under this predica
ment, who had distinguished themselves in the last war.
He said there was not one of those families, in which
some person had not atoned for the errors of his ancestors, ,
and spilt his blood in his country's cause ; and he would
boldly assert, that the spirit which had rendered the inha
bitants of the highlands disaffected to the present govern
ment, had long since disappeared, and that the king had
not at this moment a set of more loyal subjects in his
dominions. It would be magnanimity to treat them like
true and faithful subjects, and cancel for ever the offences
of theiri ancestors ; nor would the liberality of the pro
ceeding be greater than its policy. The spirit of emigration
in the highlanders was such, that nothing cpuld extinguish

20

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXXII.

1784.

ting the
public ac
counts.

it hut the return of their long lost patrons, and the affection
and reverence which the inhabitants of that part of the
island felt for their natural lords. It was obvious, that a
property held for the benefit of the public, was not so well
managed as if possessed by private proprietors: the resto
ration of the estates would tend very much to the improve
ment and prosperity of the country. The bill experienced
some opposition in the house of lords; the objections
proceeded not from the substance, but the lateness of the
season, and the form in which it was introduced ; all these,
however, were overruled, and it was passed into &
law.
Labours of Mr. Pitt found himself necessarily engaged in the
M<-. Pitt in laborious business of winding up the accounts of the
war, and was compelled, by the burden of floating debt,
and the general state of, the national finances, to negotiate
a loan, though in time of peace ; but as this measure was
obviously unavoidable, in order to make the terms as fa
vourable as possible, instead of granting enormous profit to
private or political favourites, he disposed of it to the best
bidders. The sum borrowed was six millions : the taxes
were chiefly upon articles of accommodation and orna
ment in dress, furniture, and equipage, or postage, by the
restrictions of franking, with some additional duties bn li
quors. The principle of impost with which he set out,
was to bear as lightly as possible on the poorer classes :
besides this loan, there was a large debt unfunded, chiefly
in navy and exchequer bills, and ordnance debentures. Of
these six million six hundrg d thousand pounds were fund
ed, and the rest necessarily deferred to the following year.
On the 2d day of August, the session was ended, by a
speech from the throne ; in which his majesty expressed
his warmest thanks for the eminent proofs exhibited by
parliament of zealous and diligent attention to the public
service. The happiest effects were declared to be expect
ed from the provision made for the better government of
India, and from the institution of a tribunal so peculiarly
adapted to the trial of offences committed in that distant
country. The sovereign observed with great satisfaction,
the laws which were passed for the preservation and im
provement of the revenue. He applauded the zeal and

Supplies.

Loan and
taxes.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 21
liberality with which the house of commons had provi- CHAP.
. XXXII
ded for the exigencies of the state, though he felt and re- ^^^J.
gretted the necessity in which their exertions originated. 178^
A definitive treaty, the king infprmed the house, was con
cluded between Britain and the states general ; and the
aspect of affairs, as well as the positive assurances frpm
foreign powers, promised a continuance of general
tranquillity. .

22

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXXIII.

Britain resumes her attention to the affairs of the conti
nent  State of foreign powers  Situation and views
of Catharine. — Character and conduct of the emperor
Joseph. — Catharine courts his alliance  Treaty be
tween these princes. — Catharine's invasion of the Cri
mea  Seizure of that country. — Measures of internal
improvement  It is the interest of Russia lo cultivate
amity with Britain. — Catharine's conduct to Britain not
consistent with her usual wisdom. — Reforming projects
of the emperor. — Suppression of religious orders.-r-
Schemes of naval and commercial aggrandizement. —
Dismantles the fortresses of the Netherlands. — Propo-..
ses to- open the Scheldt. — The emperor prefers his
claims. — Arguments on both sides. — Joseph's allegations
entirely contrary to justice. — Ihe Dutch prepare to de
fend their rights. — Russia supports the pretensions of
the emperor. — Prussia and France unfriendly to the
emperor's demands. — Britain disposed to protect Hol
land. — Britain's speedy recovery from the evils ofzvar.—
Flourishing commerce. — Miscellaneous occurrences. —
Death of Dr. Johnson, and a short view of literature
and science at his decease. — Improvements of the present
age in natural philosophy and chemistry  Invention
of air balloons. — Accent of Lunardi from the Artillery
ground. — General astonishment ofthe metropolis at this
phenomenon.
CHAP. FOR the last twenty years, England had been
v>rf^v^w so much engaged in her own intestine and colonial dissen-
irsi, sions, and afterwards with the American war and its con-
Britain re- sequences, that she bestowed much less attention on the
attention to general concerns of Europe, than at any former period of
of ihfcon- her history since the revolution. From the commence.
tinent. ment of Mr. Pitt's administration, while recovering her
internal prosperity, she resumed her importance among

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

33

foreign nations. During the remaining portion of our CHAP.
• i • . yy\ I IT
narrative, her interests became so interwoven with those "
of continental powers, that the general state of Europe 1784
must occupy a larger share of the history than has been
hitherto necessary.
The empress of, Russia had not been engaged in any state ot,
great war since the peace concluded in 1774 with Tur- {^'j^
key; she nevertheless was actively employed in schemes
of external aggrandizement, as well as of, internal im
provement. Catharine's objects were to extend over
Germany, and her more northern vicinity, her influence
and power, so much increased by her acquisitions in Po
land ; on the other side to make herself mistress of the Situation
Turkish empire, through the extent of coast which she ofCatha-
should then possess on the Euxine and the Mediterrane- rme-
an : in addition, to her maritime territories in the north,
she proposed to attain a commercial and naval eminence,
proportioned to her territorial power, rapidly increase th®
value of her immense dominions, and become decidedly
superior to every other sovereign. The end was grand,
nor were the means ill adapted. At peace herself, she
had carefully surveyed the circumstances, situation, and
character of other states and princes. As the supreme
obstacle to maritime exaltation would be Britain, the con
federacy formed against the mistress of the ocean was
consonant to her wishes, and, without open and direct hos
tilities,, she endeavoured to promote its success. This
naturally produced a connexion between her and France,
the ancient ally of Turkey, the chief object of Catharine's '
ambition. The sagacious empress, penetrating into the
characters of other princes, availed herself of either their
strength or weakness, and applied to their ruling passions
to gratify her own. The king of Prussia, she well knew,
she never could render an instrument for effecting her
purposes, though she might procure him as a coadjutor
when cooperation with Russia suited his own. She was
aware that he would instantly dive into her designs, and
effectually, obstruct them if they were likely ever remote
ly to interfere with his interests. Besides, in her princi- '
pal scheme, his cooperation could not directly advance het-
designs, even if he were so disposed. From the situa-
¦»

24 HISTORY OF THE
GHAP. tion and power of his dominions, the emperor would be
y^-^^ the most effectual auxiliary ; and to his personal character,
1784. she did not doubt she could apply with success. Joseph
and™ro-r was fond of distinction, without the means of acquir-
jects ofthe ing it by great and meritorious qualities. Ardently de-
Josep™r sirous of increasing his power, without solid and vigorous
eapacity to gratify his favourite passion, he was one of
those secondary characters, bustling, busy, and active,
which in all ages and ranks have been efficacious tools,
moved and guided by superior ability. Joseph, she well
knew, from his power and vicinity, would be a most use
ful instrument in her designs upon Turkey, either of en
croachment, which she at the time meditated, or of subju
gation, which though at a more distant period she no less
firmly intended. That she might the more readily win
over Joseph to second her views, in the year 1780 she re
quested a personal conference ; they met at Mohdof, and
there Catharine thoroughly confirmed the opinion which
she had conceived of his abilities and character, and after
having impressed him with the highest opinion of her
own genius and accomplishments she appeared to make
Catharine him the repository of her most secret designs. She re-
alliance * presented to him the advantages that would-accrue to both
empires from a close political union ; and the practicabi
lity that, by such a connexion, they might share the spoils
of Turkey, and each acquiring both an extensive and pro
ductive accession of dominions contiguous to their respec
tive territories, their concert, when so increased in power,
would enable them to direct the affairs of the German em
pire. Joseph very readily acceded, both to the expedi
ency of the object, and feasibility of the plan. It was
tyfs*0'n'fa' agreed that Catharine should return to her capital, and
eluded. that Joseph, after making a circuitous tour through the
Russian provinces, should repair to Petersburgh. There
they more completely digested their schemes, and a firm
alliance was established between the two imperial
sovereigns.
Catharine's Catharine found that from the late cessions in Turkey
invasion of 1 , • , , . , , , J
theCrimea. sne «e"ved great and rapid advantages; her commerce
on the Black Sea daily extended its progress ; the Russian
vessels passed the Dardanelles, and went to traffic at

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. %&
Aleppo, at Smyrna, and in the Italian ports. By so great CHAP.
and increasing benefits, the desire of Catharine, was inflamed 't '
to extend the kind of possessions from which they arose. t7ai.
The Crimea, so well known in ancient history and poetry
as the Taurica Chersohesus, the scene of exquisite tragedy,
is a peninsula which projects into the Euxine from the
Palus Mcetis, or the sea of Azoff. This country, cele
brated for its fertility and commerce, and tilled with popu
lous towns and cities, was formerly a dependency upon
Turkey, and had been, at the last peace, declared to be a
neutral principality, under one of the Tartarian, kahns, or
chieftains. . The empress studiously fomented dissensions
between -the ruling prince and his .brother, a pretender to
the sovereignty, expecting that the former, whom she pro
fessed to favour and protect, would implore her assistance,
and thus afford a pretext for sending Russian troops into
the Crimea. The Tartar solicited the assistance of Ca
tharine, as that ambitious princess desired* The empress.,
secure of meeting no interruption from Joseph, and well
knowing the feebleness of the Turks, invaded the peninsula
with a powerful army, srili professing that her intention
was to relieve the kahn. She left him the shadow of
power ; but taking all the substance to herself, she became
absolute mistress ofthe Crimea. Having ascertained the Seizure of,
success of the iniquitous invasion, , she published one of *at coun*
those manifestoes, in which modern aggressors and con
querors render due homage in words to that justice, and
rectitude which their actions are grossly viplating. In
this curious monument of imperial reasoning she affirmed,
that her successes in the late war had given her a right to the
Crimea, which from her sincere desire1 of peace she had
sacrificed to the wishes of the Ottoman Porte ; that she
had proposed the happiness of the C.rimeans by procuring
to them liberty and independence, under the authority of
a chief elected by; themselves. But. thpse benevolent
wishes had been grievously disappointed : revolt and rebel*
lion had arisen; to suppress which, and restore tranquillity
and happiness, from the same philanthropic motives she
had, been induced, at a very great expense of money and
loss of troops, to interfere, for the beneficent purpose pf
preventing the recurrence of such evils; and had undertaken,
Voe, III. D

26 CHAP.
XXXIII. 1784.

Measuresof internal
improve ment.

It is the
interest of
Kussia to
cultivate
amity with
Britain.

HISTORY OF THE
once for all, the firm resolution of terminating the
troubles of the Crimea. The measures which she had em
ployed, the manifesto farther affirmed, were also intended
to perpetuate the peace between Russia and the Porte. In
this bountiful display of virtue, seeking the temporal com
forts of its objects, Catharine did not forget their eternal
happiness, and promised her new subjects a full and free
toleration of their religion. The Turks were extremely
enraged at this usurpation of Catharine, but did not at that
time conceive themselves strong enough to commence
hostilities. Meanwhile the empress was engaged in improving her
own country, and in connecting herself more closely with
Joseph. In pursuing the former of these objects, she pro
moted manufactures, trade, voyages, and expeditions of
discovery ; particularly for exploring the resources of those
dominions which were remote from the metropolis, and not
under her own immediate inspection. She endeavoured as
much as possible to facilitate communication between distant
parts of Russia, and especially by water conveyance. She
had projected to open a navigation between the White Sea
and the Baltic, by a line of canals which should join the
gulf of Finland, the lakes of Ladoga and Onega, and the
river Dwina, and thus save traders with Archange^the
dangerous voyage round cape North ; but on a survey of
the interjacent country, abounding with rocks and moun
tains, the scheme was judged to be impracticable. She
attempted to establish an intercourse between her eastern
and western dominions, by opening a canal between the
Pruth, which falls into the Wolga, and the Mista, that
communicates by lakes with a river which falls into the
Baltic, that so there might be a commercial, traffic carried
on between the maritime regions of Europe, and the inland
recesses of northern Asia; and this great design was fully
accomplished. The policy of Russia respecting foreign alliances, was
of much more questionable wisdom, than her schemes of in
ternal improvement. The former princes of Muscovy had
uniformly cultivated a close intercourse with England;
desirous of naval and commercial aggrandizement, Catha
rine conceived that the trade and maritime power of Britain

EEIGN OF GEORGE HI. 27
¦were the chief obstructions to her owh, and from this CHAP.
opinion rather discouraged than promoted amity with J^^,
these realms. Were a person in private life to observe, ,7g4k
that it is the interest of venders of commodities to culti
vate a close connexion with their best customers, he would
be charged with advancing a self-evident proposition, which
nb man in his senses could deny, either as an abstract
truth, or as a prudent rule of conduct. Undeniable as it is,
yet Catharine was not guided by this principle. The com
merce with England is essential to Russia. No merchants,
with smaller capitals, or less commercial spirit than the Eng
lish, will or can advance such sums of money long before
the period of return, to invigorate the manufactories, employ
the people in a wide and poor country, and enable the
small traders to bring their goods to market from remote
districts. Without this application of British capital,
industry ceasing to be productive, trade and manufactures
would languish, and all the efforts of Catharine for stimu
lating the industry of her subjects, must become less valu
able, in the proportion that her policy decreased the English
market. Most of the articles that her dominions could
supply, might be procured from America; and should
repulsive conduct drive Britain from Russia into other
channels of import, it would be a loss to her commerce,
which from no other source she could compensate. Never
could, or can, Russia profit by disagreement with England.
Influenced, however, in this important instance by narrow, Her covl-
and unavailingjealousy, instead of her usual enlarged policy,' Britain
she conducted herself inimically to the nation with which' "°I c?n
it was her chief interest to maintain the strictest friendship, with her
She continued to cultivate an amicable correspondence w^0m-.
with France, and the closest union with Joseph, whom she
ardently seconded in schemes which now occupied the
chief attention of Europe,
Since the year 1781, Joseph IL by the death of his
mother the empress queen, had been the sole sovereign of
the Austrian dominions ; and being now free from
restraint, fully exhibited that character which was before
discovered by the discerning, but had not yet been dis
played to the world. Possessing lively but superficial
talents,' the emperor was extremely desirous of fame and

HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, distinction. Without original genius to concert great
xx^'" schemes, Joseph was the creature of imitation, and had
N"^*"/ formed himself on the model of the king of Prussia, as
Presuming far as his conception of that extraordinary character
Pempe0-' reached. Among many objects which called forth the
™r. exertion oi Frederic's astonishing powers, two principally
occupied his attention ; the acquirement of productive terri
tories, and the improvement of all his possessions, according
to their physical, political and commercial resources,: inclu
ding the advancement of the general character of his sub
jects. His efforts ably, skilfully, and constantly directed
to one or both of these objects, had been so successful as
to raise Prussia from bting a small and secondary prin
cipality, to the first rank among the powers of Europe.
Joseph attempted both to improve and ( extend the Aus
trian possessions ; his means did not, however, bear much
resemblance to the designs of his archetype. Frederic
directed his efforts to increase national prosperity in its
various constituents : whatever opinions he himself might
have formed on the subject of religion, he was far from
judging it expedient to interfere with the established
notions ot his subjects, or to subvert any of those estab
lishments, which either in themselves or by habitual asso
ciations, cherish sentiments of pietv, the surest sources of
both the private and public virtues which exalt a people.
1- he was a deist, he did not apprehend that his subjects
would be the fitter without religion for either defending or
improving his dominions. Like many others of no great
talents, Joseph considered indifference to religion as a
source of distinction ; he was ostentatious in infidelity,
and wished it, under the name of liberality, to spread
through his territories. One measure which he adopted,
was certainly in itself equitable ; he disclaimed all depen
dence in secular affairs on the pope of Rome : he justly
deemed it totally inconsistent with the rights and dignity
of an independent sovereign, to acknowledge subordina
tion to a foreign priest. The emperor greatly increased
toleration m the various parts of his dominions, and in
general e.-.t, nded religious liberty to Jews and all other
sects and ,k nominations. !•}¦> far his policy appeared Wise
and liberal ; but counsels and acts right in themselves,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 2g
may be wrong as part of a general system. The emperor CHAP.
was a reforming projector, and in the ardour of his zeal XNXUL
for change^ very far exceeded expediency : the suppres- 1784
sion of the religious orders, and confiscation of their pro- Suppres-
i • , i • i- ¦ . . . , sion of re-
perty, were the principal objects of his innovating plans, ligkms or-
In 1782, he issued imperial decrees for suppressing monas- ders'
teries, convents, and every species of religious fraterni
ties or sisterhoods, and took possession of all their lands
and moveables. A commission was established for the
administration of the sequestered estates and effects, xvhich
were so considerable, that the most moderate calculators
supposed that the emperor could gain four or five millions
sterling by the reform.1 Annual stipends were allotted for
the maintenance of the reformed abbots, abbesses, canons,-
canonesses, monks and nuns, which were in some degree
proportioned to their respective rank and condition ; but it
was heavily complained, that the portions were so scantily
measured, as to be shamefully inadequate to the purpose.
A reform, involving in it such an extensive robben', was
fey no means applauded by distinguishing and wise men, as
consistent with either justice or sound policy. The spolia
tion rendered the whole measure more particularly odious
than it otherwise might have been ; and whatever means
were at home employed to stifle complaint, they could not
restrain the censure of foreigners upon the conduct of this
prince. Many conceived that his object was to plunder
the church ; that the pillage (instead of being applied to
any useful or benevolent purpose) was intended merely
for the support of his ambitious projects; and that be
,had concerted with Russia, plans of mutual cooperation, in
order to aggrandize both powers. The situation of mari
time Europe had afforded to the Austrian Netherlands
mercantile benefit, which inspired Joseph with the hopes
of acquiring naval and commercial importance. The war
i The celebrated Mirabeau makes the following observations upon these
changes : — The internal revolutions which the emperor has effected in his
douiiiuons have been greatly applauded ; but what a number of objections might
be brought against these eulogi'ums ; at least, the panegyrists' bf Joseph the
second ought to tell us what justice they find, in driving a citizen from the pro
fession which he has embraced, under the sanction ofthe laws. I will tell them
plainly, that there is as much injustice in expelling a friar, or a nun, from their
retreat, as in turning a private iiidivnhutl out of his house Dt-spise the friars as
much ns you will, but do not persecute (hem ; ahove all, do not rob til em ; for we
ought not either to persecute or rob any man, from the avowed atheist dow n to
the most credulous capuchin.

30 CHAP.
XXXIII.

HISTORY OF THE
that pervaded western Europe had transferred from Hol
land to Austrian Flanders and Brabant that immense trade,
which, through the canals and great German rivers, Eng
land carried on with the eastern and northern countries of
the continent. The benefits which the Netherlands deri
ved from this transit of so great a commerce, were still
farther increased, by the peculiar circumstances of the
naval war in which Britain was involved : attacked at
once in every part of the world, England was frequently
under the necessity of abandoning the protection of her
European commerce, that her foreign fleets might be suf
ficiently powerful to cover her very numerous distant pos
sessions ;' and British merchants were obliged to use foreign
vessels for the conveyance of their goods. From the ope
ration of these causes, Ostend became a general mart of
all the neutral as well as belligerent states ; and such an
influx of trade was carried into that city and port, that
even early in the war it reached a degree of opulence and
commercial importance, which it never before enjoyed, or
was expected to attain. The spirit of mercantile adven
ture was rapidly diffused through the Austrian low coun
tries ; the desire and hope of acquiring immense riches
universally operated : Brussels itself notwithstanding the
habitual ease and love of pleasure incident to its situation,
and the long residence of a court, could not escape the
infection ; and many of its inhabitants, who had never
before engaged in commerce of any kind, now laid, out
all their ready money in building ships. The citizens of
Antwerp regretted the loss of their former trade, riches,
and splendor; and conceived hopes of the possible recov
ery of those valuable advantages. Indeed, the spirit now
excited was so prevalent, that the states of the Nether
lands presented a memorial to the emperor, requesting
that he would take measures for the reestablishment of
that port. Meanwhile the growing opulence of Ostend
was immense ; the limits of the city became too narrow
for its inhabitants, and the buildings were not sufficient to
cover the immense quantities of merchandise of which it
was become the temporary depository : traders and- specu
lators continually arrived to participate such benefit, and
rapidly rising population was in proportion to the sudden

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 31
flow of riches. Elated with unexpected prosperity, the CHAP.
inhabitants little regarded the circumstance in which it /^v_\
originated, and forgot that, as the cause was transitory, the, 1784
effect was not likely to be permanent. Such was the state
of affairs and sentiments in the Netherlands when the
emperor arrived in June 1781 at Ostend : struck with the
nourishing condition in .which he found this port, impres
sed with the exulting hopes of the inhabitants, and devoid
of, that comprehensive sagacity which could distinguish
between special and general causes, with the precipitancy
of superficial reasoners, he concluded that the prosperity
which was then prevalent must always last.- In his tour
through the Netherlands he bestowed the greatest atten^
tion upon merchants, and every object connected with
merchandise. Arrived at Antwerp he in his conduct
exhibited, views of interfering in the navigation of the
Sjpheldt. He went ,down that river in a boat, as far as to
the first of those Dutch forts, which had -been erected to
guard the passage, and to secure to the states the exclu
sive command of the river ; he had the depth of the chan
nel ascertained in several places, and he strictly examined
' all the obstructions of art and nature which tended to im
pede its navigation. Joseph had also farther objects in
view, which he thought the situation of Holland, weaken
ed by her impolitic war with her natural ally, would ena
ble ,him to accomplish.
At the conclusion of the succession war, as many
readers must know, the principal fortresses of the Austrian
Netherlands were deposited in the hands of the Dutch, for
the mutual benefit and security of the court of Vienna and
themselves ; and. while they formed a powerful, barrier to
cover the territories ofthe states, they were to be garrisoned
and defended'by them, and thus serve to obviate the danger
apprehended from the power and ambition of France.
Inuring the weakness of Austria in the beginning of Maria
Teresa's reign, she derived considerable advantages from
this treaty ; hut now that he was become so powerful, the
emperor thought himselfi fully competent to protect and
defend his own dominions, and, being master of great
armies, he conceived that he did not want fortresses' to
impede the progress of an enemy. Thinking it derogatory

32 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, to his own honour, as well as to the dignity and powei
^^^ of the empire, that a great number of his principal cities
1784. and fortresses should be garrisoned, and at his own
expense, he proposed to resume the barrier. To justify
the intended measure, he stated that, in the last war between
Austria and France, the Dutch had shown themselves
incapable of maintaining the fortresses ; that, besides, the
state of affairs was now so entirely altered, that none of
the causes or motives which originally operated -to the
establishment of the barrier, any longer existed. France,
instead of being the common enemy, as then, was now the
common friend of both parties ; her ambition was no
longer dangerous, and if it were, was directed to other
objects ; the emperor and she were mutually bound in the
strictest and dearest ties of- friendship and blood. O.n the
side of Holland, it was alleged that Austria was indebted to
Britain and the states general for the possession of the
Low Countries ; and that, as these were the great ¦leaders
in the succession war, they compelled: France and Spain to
cede the Netherlands to Austria. The settlement of the
barrier was the only compensation to Holland for all these
services, and her immense expenses of blood and treasure,
to place the grandfather of the presen emperor on the
throne of Spain. Besides, being a direct breach of treaty
and violation of faith, the proposed measure would bt^a
shameful dereliction of every sense of past service andobli-
gation ; and the season chosen for its accomplishment,
under the present embarrassed and depressed state -of the
Dismantles republic, would render it still more disgraceful.- These
thefortres- arguments, however strong, were of little avail against the
Nether- power of Joseph; and the Dutch were comrulied to ) kid-.
1 " '"'' The emperor dismantled the fortresses ; and thus Holland,
through her folly in- goir.g to war with England, was
stripped of her barrier, for which she had often and vigor
ously fought. Her most valuable resources being ex
hausted by war, that unhappy country had the additional
calamity of being torn asunder by factions ; peace had
neither restored vigour and unanimity at home, nor .reputa
tion and importance abroad: on the contrary, their civil
dissensions were every day increasing in magnitude and
virulence.., The faction hostile to the stadtholder, and

REIGN OF GEORGE IH,

33

connected with France, was now become so strong, that CHAP.
no sufficient counterpoise remained in the state, to restrain XXI"-
the excess and violence incident to the predominance of 1TSi
political parties. The emperor made various claims upon
the Dutch frontiers, and did not want pretexts that gave a
plausible colouring to meditated injustice. But of all his He pro
claims, the most distressing to Holland were the claims open the
upon the city and country of Maestricht, the entire and Sclleldt-
free navigation of the Scheldt from Antwerp to the sea,
and a free and uninterrupted commerce to the factories of
Holland in both the East and West Indies. The Dutch
alleged, that the emperor claimed all the benefits which
were derived from their colonies in the New World, and
their conquests and settlements in the East, being the fruits
of much hard adventure, great risk, and advance of
treasure, of numberless treaties and negotiations, and of
many severe wars through the course of near two centuries.
Theirights of the republic, and particularly her exclusive
sovereignty of the Scheldt, had been confirmed, and guaran
teed to her by all the treaties which secure the political
existence of Europe. The claim upon Maestricht was
founded upon, obsolete pretences ; important as the place
was, however, it.was only a matter of secondary considera
tion, and altogether subordinate to the Scheldt. The Arguments
assertion of the emperor was founded on what he called °"bot!i
the natural rights of countries to the navigation and benefit
of a river which ran through his territories ; whereas the
possession of Holland rested on positive and specific com
pact. A recurrence to the original rights of man, the
Dutch justly contended, would destroy those social agree- ,
ments between individuals and political conventions, which
constitute and secure all private and public property. Such
a principle, practically admitted, would unloose every
bond, that unites m&nkind, throw them into a state of nature,
and render the world a .chaos of confusion and disorder.
However just these arguments were, the emperor paid no
regard to reasoning so opposite to his ambitious views.
He saw in several concessions the fears of the Dutch, and
trusted that their dread of his power would make them
desist from the maintenance of their own rights. The
moral principle, indeed, of his conduct was very simple:
Vol. III. E

¦'34 the Dutch are weak, I am strongs I intend to rob them
of their property, and they will be afraid to resist. In
this belief, he tried the experiment, by equipping two
vessels, of which one was to proceed down the Scheldt
entirely"8 from Antwerp to the sea, and the other up the river from
*iMtieeryt° th^ sea' on its course from Ostend to that city. The
captain of the former of these was furnished with written
orders from the femperor, commanding him to proceed in
the brig Louis, from Antwerp along the Scheldt into the
sea, and expressly forbidding him and his crew to submit
to any detention, or to any examination whatever from
ships belonging to the republic, which he might meet in
the river, or in any manner acknowledge their authority.
The imperial ship passed the Lilu and some other forts
without examination, but falling in with a Dutch cutter
that sent a boat with an officer to the vessel from Antwerp,
the imperial captain told the Dutchman, that he was on
his passage to the sea ; and that his instructions forbid
his holding any parley whatever with the officers or ships
of the United Provinces. The cutter now coming up to
the brig, the imperialist quoted the instructions of his
master, and refused to give any further satisfaction, perse
vering to sail towards the sea. The commander of the
cutter entreated, threatened, and employed every means to
induce the other to desisf from conduct which would neces
sarily bring the affair to a crisis ; but finding his efforts
Unavailing, he determined to prevent such an unjust and
( insolent usurpation. He fired first powder without bali^
but at length poured a broadside, ahd threatened with the
next discharge to sink his opponent if he continued refrac
tory : the imperialist, seeing it was vain to contend, relin
quished his object. The ship from Ostend was no less
disappointed in the expectations of getting undisputed up
<he river* The emperor pretended to consider this spirited
defence of their own right, as an aggression on the part of
the Dutch. The imperial ambassador was recalled from
the Hague, and an army of sixty thousand men was under
orders and in preparation for marching from the Austrian
hereditary dominions to the Netherlands. The troops
which were already there, amounted to about sixteen
thousand men; great trains of artillery, and all the otheii

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. QS
apparatus of war were in motion. Exhausted as they were CHAP.
by the war with England, the Dutch made very vigorous xxxm-
preparations ; they employed agents to hire troops from >'^l!j?W
Germany; and at home they exerted themselves in recruit- TheDutoh
ing the troops, strengthening the frontiers, and putting the defend6 10
posts and garrisons in the best posture of defence. They tl?eir
prepared for ^the last refuge which the nature of their ™S
country peculiarly afforded, and resolved to open the
dykes and lay the- Flat Countries ..under water. While
they were thus making provisions for hostility, they endea
voured to appease Joseph by , reasonable and ' equitable
expostulation; though they were very far from heing .dis
posed, they said, to go to war with the emperor, they were
bound by all the laws of nature, pf nations, of justice, and
of reason, not to permit a violation of their dearest and
most incontrovertible rights.
Russia was at this time closely connected with the Russia sop.
emperor, and though. she had lately sought the alliance of preten-
Holland, and- made the republic the tool of her ambition emptor!"*
in the armed neutrality, she now warmly and . openly
seconded the, pretensions of Joseph. Catharine, in a
letter to the king of Prussia* roundly asserted that the
•Dutch were in the wrong, and the emperor equally just,
moderate, and disinterested, t The amount of her reason
ing was, that the law of nature gave the Austrian Nether
lands the exclusive right, of the navigation ofthe Scheldt,
and that the, Dutch, in quoting specific treaties to support
their claims, manifested an avidity which was notorious
and blamable' in every respect. Nothing well founded
(she said, in the conclusion of her letter) can hg alleged in
favour of Holland ; therefore she merits no assistance
,'from any foreign power. The consequences which, these
republicans are drawing upon themselves by their obsti
nacy, must be submitted to the moderation of the empe
ror alone : I am firmly resolved to assist his pretensions
with all my land and sea forces, and with as much efficacy
as if the welfare of my own empire was in agitation. I
hope that this declaration of my sentiments will meet with,
the success which" our reciprocal friendship deserves, and
which has never been interrupted.15 These maxims ef
fc Sec translation, of thig letter, in the State Papers, 1784, page. 352.

35 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, imperial ethicswere not more contrary to the moral judg'
(Xj^U^ment of impartial individuals, clearly apprehending and
1784. 'fairly estimating right and wrong, than the imperial poli-
Prussia tics of both the sovereigns were to the obvious interests of
unfrienriiy6 neighbouring potentates. The > king of Prussia, it was
pe""6 Te- foreseen, would not be an idle spectator of such an acces-
mands. si0n accruing to his rival. France, for her own securityy
would protect Holland against so formidable a neighbour,
and was not without farther inducements to oppose the
emperor, even should actual hostilities be the consequence*,
To the arms of France the rich provinces of the Low
Countries were most likely to have recourse, especially
now that the fortresses on the barrier were demolished.
Notwithstanding the affinity between, the royal families
of Vienna and Versailles, his most christian majesty
made very pressing remonstrances to the emperor ; he
justified the conduct of the Dutch, and urged his impe
rial majesty not to persevere in violating these important:
rights, which were so solemnly secured ; he- hoped the
emperor would desist from efforts, which would cause sc%
general an alarm among, his neighbours y and, other pow
ers would think themselves obliged to take such precau
tions and measures as circumstances and events might
require. The king himself must, in that case, be , under :
the necessity of assembling troops on his frontiers, and
could not, by any means, be indifferent to the fate of the
United Provinces, nor see them attacked- by open force
in their rights and possessions. The remonstrances of
France made no impression upon the emperor ; he consi
dered the free navigation of the Scheldt as an incontro
vertible right, which was subject to no discussion or
question. The Netherlands was fast filling with his
troops, and winter only retarded hostile operations.
Britain is Great Britain observed all those proceedings with
pXctthe a watchful eyei b«t did not commit herself by any hasty
™ght8 °f declaration. The views of the British cabinet were great
and extensive; it was planned, to secure Holland from
*Ke aggressions of her neighbours, and to detach her from
a connexion with France. This project, however, was
then only in contemplatipn, being by no means fit for
execution.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. sf-
v Britain was now recoverine: fast from the distresses CHAP.
of the war:; trade was reviving; by the prevention of w^_*.
fraud the revenue was becoming much more productive ; 17g4
and industry and enteiprise were again roused by the Britain re-
rekindled hopes of success. -So lately drooping,1 this rfrQm the
country now raised her head ; a benignant season added^8^9^
to the improvements of her condition, and in present
comfort the people soon- forgot recent distress : prospects
of returning prosperity opened, and the people were satis
fied with government, whose measures they ' expected:
would greatly increase and accelerate private and public
prosperity. The great demands of our distant posses
sions, precluded during the war from regular and suffi
cient supply, -afforded a very large vent for the produc
tions and acquisitions of British, industry and skill. The
Americans too, communication being again opened, eagerly
flocked in. quest of British wares, the superior excellence
of which, compulsory disuse had only imprinted the more
deeply on /their minds. The restored islands of the West
Indies furnished a considerable market for our commodi
ties ; the want of which,, while under the dominion of our
enemies, they had so sensibly felt. ¦ The settlements also
which remaifre€r*in our possession, had been but sparingly
provided while hostile fleets hovered on their coasts, and
not 'yet having fully recovered from the scourge of the
hurricanes, sailed,' for a 'great portion of our merchandise.
Of our foreign settlements, the chief vent' after the peace
was .the East, in which the supply had not been by any '
means so liberal) as the wants of British India required;
but during this, and some years after the war, the out
ward trade of the company very far exceeded the usual
periods of peace,1 Our commerce with our late maritime
enemies pf Europe revived, although it was easily seen
:<,--. Ui'V . :¦ .-.], ¦-.- i ,t ¦ ,
.1 Thjsgreat and general b,e.ue.fit to skilful and judicious adventurers, as weil
a? to the* public, was attehdcdwith partial evil in the. ruin of those traders,
who did not distinguish the real nature of tjie case, and who confounded tem
porary with general causes Finding that very large profits had been made by
a variety of articles during the first voyages after the war, nota few ofthe com-
pany's officers, in the shipping service, and their connexion at home, carried out.
investments of the same kind, until they glutted the market and lost their former
profits, and from their misjudging eagerness of avarice complete!} defeated their
own purposes and hecaiae bankrupts; but skilful ami able, traitors continued to.
realise forHmes. !'''¦'

a3 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, that systems might be formed; respecting every branch of
X^xrn trade, which would render them much more productive.
This year England lost one of the brightest orna
ments that had graced her literary annals during a centu
ry, with- which 'he was almost coeval." In December
1784, died Dr. Samuel Johnson, in the 76th year of his
age, after a long and tormenting illness, which he bore
of'iitera6^ witn fortitude and resignation, worthy of his other virtues.
tureand Literary history affords few instances of such a combina
tion of intellectual and moral qualities as constituted the
character, and prompted and guided the efforts, of Samuel
Johnson. An understanding perspicacious, powerful, and
comprehensive ; an imagination vigorous, fertile, and
brilliant ; and a memory retentive, accurate, and stored
with valuable knowledge, were uniformly directed to ren
der mankind wise, virtuous and religious. The most suc
cessful and beneficial exertions of this illustrious sage were
exhibited in philology, criticism, biography , and ethics.
On subjects of language, Johnson displayed science as
well as knowledge ; he not only collected usages, but
investigated principles ; applying and modifying general
analogies, according to the circumstances ofthe particular
cases, he extremely enriched the English tongue, and
improved it in precision -and force. The stile which his
precept and example formed, bore the stamp of his mind
and habits, being less distinguished for elegance and deli-
cacy, than for perspicuity and strength : his expression,
however, was perhaps not the most useful as a general
model, because its excellence depended on its conformity
to his vigorous sentiments and thought. Since the time
of Aristotle few have equalled Johnson as a critic, either
in principles of estimation, or in actually appreciating defect
and excellence,. Surveying models rather than consider
ing ends, many critics of distinguished acuteness and
knowledge of literature conceived that meritorious execu
tion consists in resemblance to certain celebrated perform
ances; but these, justly and highly applauded, do not
include every possible means of deserving applause. Dis
regarding mere usage and authority, Johnson followed
nature and reason : in rating the value of a Shakespeare, he
did not esteem the mode of Grecian arrangement the cri-

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. &9
terion of- judgment, butthe exhibited operation of passion, CHAP.
sentiment, and character,, and its conformity to, real life. ___^
He estimated works of imitation by their likeness to ori- 1734;
gihals, combined with the importance of object and diffi
culty of delineation. .As a biographer, Dr,, Johnson is
unequalled; he indeed possessed the highest requisites
for that important spe.cies of writing : he thoroughly knew
the constitution and movements of the human understand
ing and will ; was intimately conversant with the kind of
circumstances in which his subjects acted ; and the usual
ands probable operation of .such causes : . he completely
knew .their individual history, comprehended their charac
ter, and.had the power of clearly conveying to others, and
forcibly impressing, his thoughts, opinions, and concept
ions. Though the most valuable, ethics are diffused
through:all his works, yet two, of his productions-are more
peculiarly appropriated to those subjects. His Rambler
shojwed more of man in, his general nature, as he himself
says of TJryden ; his Idler, as he says of Pope, more of
man in his local manners. His Rambler was the work of
a profound, comprehensive philosopher ; his Idler of ge
nius and learning experienced in life : the former describes-
men as they always are, the latter as they then-were in
England. It may be easily and obviously objected to the
political writings of Johnson, that they were by no means
equal in either knowledge or wisdom to his other produc
tions. A whig zealot might exclaim against the high
church bigotry, theological intolerance, and arbitrary poli
ties of this great man, as a tory zealot might depreciate
JMUtony because a puritan and republican ;. but the impar
tial, observer, making allowance for human infirmities, will
see prejudices and unfounded opinions totally outweighed
by tKanaGendent excellencies. The historian of the pre^-
sent reign, if he narrate the truth, after balancing the good
and the bad, must admitlthat few either lived or died in
it pf, such great and beneficially directed wisdom as Samuel
Johnson. Besides the vast accession of knowledge and
instruction accruing to mankind from the individual efforts
of this extraordinary man, his conversation and writings
stimulated and formed many others to meritorious com-,
positions. The disciples of the Johnsonian school, whatr

17U.

40 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ever might , be, their several diversities,, of ability and
txj^1, character, have written to promote religion, order, and
'virtue. Having made such important additions to, the
- general mass of information and instruction, he taught by
precept and example the most efficacious processes of rea
soning, and the surest test of truth; he exhibited the close
connexion between clearness of conception and precision
of expression, and afforded materials and principles of
thought and judgment, with directions and examples for
estimating fairly, and conveying ideas and sentiments with
clearness, force and effect. Scholars of moderate talents,
who neither eyince, depth of reflection, vigour of invenr
tion, or brilliancy of fancy, are now accurate composers,
and competent estimators of, literary merit. Through
Johnson, respectable mediocrity of ability and learning
has beem prompted and enabled to direct its patient and
industrious efforts to the useful purposes, not only, df just
criticism, but loyal and patriotic, virtuous and religious,
inculcation. Perhaps, however, the literary efforts, of
Dr. Johnson may have been more beneficial.to other wri-
ters, than to his own particular associates ; from the latter,
they come to the world tinctured with his particular preju
dices ; among the former, they have often diffused unal
loyed portions of his general wisdom and virtue.
As the death of Dr. Johnson is an epoch in the lite
rary history of the times, it may not here be unseasonable
to give a short sketch of literary efforts at this period.
The American war had produced a. vast multiplicity of
political pamphlets, of which, though the, greater- number
were of only a -temporary interest, yet some, from the abir
lity of the writtrs, the importance of the principles, and
the receptions ,of the doctrines, were pf much more perma
nent consequence. Two men of considerable talents and
high reputation engaging, in this controversy, broached
opinions of a vtry unconstitutional tendency : these
were, doctors Richard Price and Joseph Priestley, gen
tlemen who from nature and study possessed the- means
of promoting, to a great extent, the benefit of society,
were disposed to use their talents for those merito
rious purposes, and had actually employed them with
very great success, in certain paths, to the good of man-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 41
kind; yet were now active in exertinp; them in pursuit of chap.
objects, or at least in inculcating doctrines of a very mju- ''
ribus tendency to the existing establishments. With genius l7Sii
competent to any subject of literary or scientific investiga
tion, and deeply skilled in calculation, Price hadpeculiarly
distinguished himself by inquiries into population, and by
financial research. Priestley, by his discoveries in chemis
try, electricity, pneumatics, and subjects relative to these,
had made valuable additions to physical knowledge and
science, both for theoretical contemplation and practical use;
These two philosophers were dissenters, and dissenters
of a class which has generally carried dissent beyond the
ological opinions, and has incorporated politics. Men, at
once able and ambitious, if they happen to find themselves
in a minority, very naturally seek to render that minority
a majority. In situations of peace by making converts, as
in situations of war by making conquests, aspiring leaders
seek power. From calculations and from chemical research
es, doctors" Price and Priestley betook themselves to politics,
arid to! theological controversy, which was intended to min
ister to politics ; adopted the1 visionary theories which the
profound wisdom of Locke had not prevented from per
vading his Opinions in politics, with many of the hypothe
tical comments which had joined them in the course of
the century: these they inculcated as the just conclusions
of political wisdom;- and the proper rules for political
conduct. Besides the treatises already mentipned, they
published various works, which refined on Locke's fiction
of a social compact, and represented every system of
government as necessarily bad, that had not originated in
a convention of men assembled for the purpose of forming
a constitution ; consequently, as no existing government
had been so constituted, concluding that every established
polity was necessarily unjust. So: far as these speculations
were merely exercises of metaphysical ingenuity; they
might be accounted innocent pastimes; but whether intend
ed or not to be harmless, they certainly were not designed
to be inefficient; they were most industriously circulated
by the secondary instruments, which, in the literary as
well as' the political world, are in such numbers ready to
repeat even the errors of conceived genius; and by the
Vol. III. F

42

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, authors themselves, amongthose who were most disposea
J^J". to take their assertions as arguments. Price, though con-
,784 stant in his principle, was more desultory and occasional
in his operations : eminent in certain departments of learn
ing, Priestley had attempted to grasp at every subject of
human knowledge, and, in the midst of his endeavours at
universality; directed his principal efforts towards one great
object, the subversion ofthe ecclesiastical establishment.' It
is now obvious, by considering the whole series of his
conduct, that he had early formed the design of overturn
ing our hierarchy, which he himself afterwards acknow
ledged with triumphant exultation for the imagined success.
Priestley appeared to have : proceeded on the following
principle : " I, and a minority of this nation, do not ap-
" prove of any'' establishment, especially of, the church of
" England, her constitution and doctrines, supported
" by the majority of the nation; as we, a smaller num-
" ber, with not more than our own proportion of ability
" and property, cannot agree with the greater num.
" ber, we must must make them agree "with our
"¦ creed." m Seeking the ¦ downfal of the ohurch, Dr.
Priestley formed a plan, consisting of two parts ; the
first to attack the article's of her faith, the next the muni
ments of her establishment. The former part of his ¦
scheme, which was indeed preparatory to the latter, at
present chiefly engaged his attention. For several years
he had been strenuously labouring to overturn the- Chris-
, tian doctrine of the Trinity; this being an article of faith,'
which the greater number of Christians, and especially
those of the church of England, deem essential to tne gos
pel, and consequently to every establishment by which the
gospel is cherished. An attack upon so fundamental ,a
part of our religion, was by. -no means an invpolitical
movement ; nor was it carried on without great dexterity.
In adducing the common arguments of often exploded
sophistry, his genius gave to triteness a colour of origin-
m It must be admitted by any liberal friend of the church, on the one hand,
that if Ur Priestley conscientiously intended th,e temporal and eternal happiness
of hjs countrymen, arid not his own aggrandizement, lie was morally justifiable ;
hut a liberal dissenter, on the other hand, must admit, that all.'those whose
opinion was different, whether moralists or statesmen, Were equally justifiable in
impugning his arguments and repelling his attacks,- "

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4,3
ality, and to superficial declamation an appearance of pro- CHAP.
found reasoning, Which, on many even of those not borne ^^i^"
down by the authority of his name, made a very strong lTii
impression. While the generalissimo of heresy was him
self thus employed, he had distributed his officers and
troops with great skill in different posts and positions,
according to his knowledge of their ability, skill, and zeal
for the cause. Our ecclesiastical establishment, however,
did not want a defender, who was at once ardent, able,
and well provided with the means of guarding the church
against the assailant. Dr. Samuel Hprsley brought an
acute and powerful mind, disciplined and formed by sci
ence, and stored with general and theological learning, to
support the faith which he had embraced, and the venerable
body of which he was a member. The Unitarian contro-
'Versy, which for several years maintained by misconstruing
ingenuity, and reassertion of often confuted arguments ;
by obstinate iteration of sophistry on the one hand, and
on the other, by plain interpretation, deductive reasoning,
fair inference, and firm adherence to positions so founded ;
now occupied.a great share of lettered efforts and attention".
¦Controversies arising from some parts of 'Gibbon's history
were also very prevalent : the author, however, engaged,
little in the disputes; he was persevering in his able,
learned, and approved work, in which, though the pious
must disrelish the antichristian tendency of several parts,
and the acute may discover assertion without proof addu
ced to support favourite notions, yet every reader of
judgment, comprehension, and philosophical and political
knowledge, must allow that it is an illustrious monument
of industry and genius, which lightens readers through the
darkness of the middle ages, and exhibits man in various
stages of declining society, until he terminated in barbar
ism, and, regenerating, began to return-towards civilization.
Another history had at this time just appeared, that em
braced periods much better known to every classical read
er; but though it recited transactions with which every
literary man was well acquainted, it presented new and
profound views, unfolded causes, and marked operations
n The Reviews of these years had more than one half of tfyeir writings
occupied either with this controversy, or the politics ot'tlie day.

4i HISTORY OF THE
chap, and effects, that even intelligent and learned readers had
XXXllt not before discovered. The philosophical pen of Fergusson
1784 rendered the affairs of the greatest people of antiquity the
groundwork of the deepest and most expanded moral and
political science ; to teach mankind that wisdom, courage,
enterprise and skill, uniformly and constantly exerted in
the various departments of a- political system, elevate a
a nation as. they exalt an individual, and that folly and vice
overturn the fabric which virtue and wisdom had raised.
Works of an inferior species to history, though pursuing
the same object, travels and voyages, much increased our
knowledge of the interior and civil condition of various
countries,, -with which our acquaintance before had been
chiefly confined to geographical ouriines and political
relations. The travels of Messrs. Moore, Wraxal, Coxe,
and others, into various parts of. Europe, not only afforded
amusement and entertainment, but knowledge of mankind.
The voyages of the renowned circumnavigator, captain
Cook, which displayed human nature in a light showing at
once its varieties and uniformity, were a pleasing aud
interesting accession of literary novelty. •
Improve- Physical knowledge and science were making rapid
the'pre- advances, while, from former discoveries qf philosophy,
se t age in invention and experience were fast educing arts, which
philosophy administered to the purposes of life. Doctors Black and
iSstry?' Watson were persevering in their chemical pursuits, and
powerfully contributing to the ^elucidation of subjects,
curious to speculative, and useful to practical men; with
which, through the abilities and labours of such.-men.fi fol
lowed by many others of patient research and useful indus
try, who were employed in experimental detail, the public
is now become so conversant,
Invention The immense improvements of the present age, in the
of air bai- general analysis of material substances, and particularly in
the application of chemistry to the qualities of air^prpdu-
ced about this time an invention that astonished mankind,
by an artificial phenomenon, which appeared to realize the
fable of Daedalus, and to find a passage for man through
the air. Eminent philosophers ofthe sixteenth and seven
teenth centuries from the qualities of air had inferred the
practicability of such an undertaking, but did not explore

1784.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 45
the ijtieans. The discovery was reserved for the ingenuity chap.
of t]vo French manufacturers of paper at Annouay in xxxar-
Dauphiny, Messrs. Montgolfier. These gentlemen, ob- *"" """
serving the ascent of vapour or smoke in the atmosphere,
concluded that the general principle was the ascent of air
rarified by absorption, and that it must ascend until it
arrive at air of such a tenuity as to prove an exact equili-
briuih. On this reasoning they constructed a globular
machine of paper and fine silk, covered with elastic gum;
in short, ofthe very lightest terrene materials. This ball,
being about thirty feet in circumference, was raised to a
considerable height, merely by applying some lighted
combustibles to an aperture at its lower extremity. If so
small a power of rarified air could raise such a weight, a
proportionate increase must raise a proportionably greater
weight; hence it was found, by extending the experiment,
that a ball of linen of 23,000 cubic feet" in dimension,
beingimoved by combustibles, would lift about five hun
dred weight- Montgolfier soon after presented the expe
riment at Paris } a sheep, a cock, and a duck, were placed
in a gallery next the balloon,. and returned without hurt.
On the 23d of November 1783, two human beings adven
tured to essay an element hitherto unexplored by man.
The marquis de Landes and Monsieur Drosier undertook
this extraordinary navigation : at 54 minutes past one
o'clock,, the machine ascended into the air ¦ before an
immense number of astonished spectators. When it had
reached 250 feet, the intrepid travellers waving their hats
saluted the wondering crowd:; the aerial navigators were
soon beyond the reach of discernment from the earth,, but
the ball itself was seen towering towards the confines of
ether. The travellers having found their experiment .suc
cessful, agreed to descend by gradually lessening the. appli
cation of air, and- arrived safely in an open field at some
distance from the city.p The event of this experiment
with rarified air, encouraged farther trials; Monsieur
o About twenty-eight and a half, to a figure exactly cubical.
p in an epilogue to a play exhibited at Westminster soon after this experi
ment, there was a verse containing the following pun on this Gallic invention :
" Quis propria Gallo plus levitate valet ?"
" Who can surpass a Freaehman in, appropriate levity }"¦

4,§ HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Charles, the professor of natural philosophy at Paris, sug-
^^. gested the improvement of inflammable air, instead of
lm rarified* In 1784 the experiment was tried in England by
. , . Mr. Lunardi, an Italian gentleman. On the 15lh of
Ascent of ' ° . c
Lunardi September, this gentleman, about .five minutes alter two
Irtilie*6 o'clock, ascended from the artillery ground, before 1 50,000
ground'. people, who were collected in the places immediately
adjacent : many of the other inhabitants of London and
the environs were gazing from the house tops; business
of every kind appeared to be suspended, and every ray of
thought converged into one focus ; in short, Lunardi and
Astonish- , , ,, . , , • t-,1 , r
"ment ofthe the balloon occupied general conversation. Ihe sky tortu-
atthisPihe- natehy was without a cloud, so that his ascent above Lon-
nomenon. don was clearly perceived from a distance of many miles
around. The balloon took a northerly, direction : at half
past three, Lunardi arrived at South Minims, where he
descended on a common ; but again raising himself, he
proceeded in the same direction, and afterwards, descended
at Ware.1" , Various balloons were afterwards launched, in
Britain and other parts of the world, and many treatises
were published, endeavouring to demonstrate the important
advantages which might arise from this invention, but
none of them have been hitherto realized. , ,
q The following passage is quoted from Lunardi's written account of his own
voyage, observations, and feelings, when from the aerial heights lie looked down
upon the British .metropolis : — " When .the thermometer was at fifty,, the effect
of (Jie .atmosphere, and the combination of circumstances around, produced a
calni delight- which is inexpressible, and which no situation on earth could give ;
the stillness, extent, and magnificence of tly: scene rendered it highly awful; my
horizon seemed a perfect circle; the terminating line several hundred miles iu
circumference. This 1 conjectured from the view of London, the extreme
points of which formed an angle of Only a few degrees; it was so reduced on
tho great scale before me, that 1 can find no simil^ to convey an idea of it. I
could distinguish St. Pauls ami other, churches from the houses ; 1 saw the
streets as lines, all animated with beings whom I knew to he men and women,
but which 1 should otherwise had a "difficulty in describing;, it was an enormous
beehive, but the industry of it was suspended. Indeed the whole scene before
me tilled my mind with a subliriie pleasure of which I never had a conception ;
1 had soared from the apprehensions and anxieties ot. the world, and felt as if I
had left behind all the caves and passions that molest mankind." Ofthe second ¦
descent, he gives the following account :— " At twenty minutes past four, I
descended in a spacious mpadow in the parish of Stondon, near Ware in Hert
fordshire ; some'labourei-s were at work in it, 1 requested their assistance ;' they
exclaimed they would have nothing to do with one who came in the devil's
house ! and no intreaties could prevail on them to approach rae. I at last owed
my deliverance to tfie spirit and generosity of a female; a young woman took
hold of a cord which I had thrown out, and'cajliug lo the men, they yielded that "
assistance to her request, whieb they had refused to mine. A crowd of people
from the neighbourhood assembled, who very willingly assisted me to disembark-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4f

CHAP. XXXIV.

Meeting of parliament — Consideration of the Westmirt*
ister scrutiny — Debts of the nabob of Arcot.—Mr.
Burke's speech on the subject.' — Mr. Pitt's plan of par-
1 liamentary reform — introduced into parliament — nega
tived by a great majority. — State of Irelandi—Proposi-
• tions of Mr. Pitt to settle trade on the basis of mutual
reciprocity. — Resolutions for that purpose. — Additional
propositions. — Petitions against them. — After consider
able modification they are passed into a law. — Sent over
to the Irish parliament. — Messrs. Flood and Grattan
{^oppose the propositions.— Their eloquence stirs up their
countrymen to rage or indignation. — They are aban-
*•: domed by the British government. — Their real merit.-—
Mr. Pitt's statements of finance, and intimation qf a
plan for paying the national debt.— The session rises.
— Affairs of Europe.— Designs of the' emperor upon
Bavaria. — supported by Russia — Opposed by Prussia and
., Hanover. — France, though in alliance with Austria, ad
verse to Joseph's ambition.— ~The emperor relinquishes
his designs upon Bavarian — Abandons the navigation of
the Scheldt, and' concludes peace with Holland. — Treaty
between France and Holland.— Internal state of France.
— Projects for diminishing her enormous debts.— Theo
ries of the philosophical economists.. — Influence the prac
tice of politicians and statesmen^ — Multiplicity of in
genious writers. — Votaries of innovation.- — -Doctrines of
Volfaire and Rousseau regarded with enthusiastic admi
ration. — ^Prevalence of infidelity. — Great and increa-
¦ sing prosperity .of Britain.— -Confidence of the moneyed
interests, in the talents and integrity of Mn Pitt. —
Supporters of the minister.— Butts of opposition, zvit,
and satire.— The Rolliad and birth-day odes.—Qiiestion
of literary properly. — Return of Mr. Hastings.-^^A
great subject of temporary literature.

48 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. '«~ PARLIAMENT met on the 26th of Ja-
^$1^, nuary 1785, and the chief object recommended by his
17S5. majesty to the attention of the legislature^ was theadjustr
Meeting of ment of such points in the commercial intercourse between
mint' Great Britain and Ireland, as had not before been arran
ged. The success attending measures which were em
braced in the last session for the suppression of smug
gling, would encourage them to persevere in their applica
tion to those important concerns ; they would also consi
der the reports suggested by the commissioners of public
accounts, and make such regulations as might appear
necessary in the different offices of the kingdom. Not
withstanding the dissensions on the continent, his majesty
continued to receive assurances from foreign powers of
their amicable disposition towards this country.
The earl of Surrey opposed the address, or rather
objected to' it on account of what he conceived to be
wrongly omitted ; especially because no mention had been
made of the reduction of the army. Lord North, con
ceiving parliamentary reform to be intended by one recom
mendatory expression, declared his sentiments very
strongly against any alteration of the constitution; and
Mr. Burke blamed the total silence relative to the affairs
of India. Mr. Pitt replied to the objections ; the ob
servations on the reduction of the army were premature,
until the supplies of the year should be before, the house :
parliamentary reform was a subject of the highest impor
tance, but at this early period of the session it was impos
sible to state his plans specifically :. ail his ideas were not
yet thoroughly matured; the subject comprehended a
great variety of considerations, and related to essentials
and vitals of the constitution ; it therefore required con
siderate and delicate attention ; and though it was a path
which he was determined- to tread, he knew with what
tenderness and circumspection it became him to proceed.
There was not a general debate, and the address was car
ried without a division.
SoToMh'e THE scrutiny of the Westminster election was again
Westmin'-6 brought before the house in the month of February. Mr.
ster scru- Fox had contended, that the election ought to be tried by
Mr. GrenviUe's act, and had imputed .the perseverance in

REIGN OF GEORdElU.

49

the scrutiny to the persecuting spirit of the minister. Mr. CHAP.
Pitt argued, that Mr. Grenville's act was for trying elec- ^^\
tions virtually made, but that there being no return from i7g?-
Westminster, the law in question was not applicable : a
scrutiny/ had been demanded by one of the candidates,
the returning officer had complied, as official duty requir
ed ; far from having any personal motives to promotes
scrutiny, the very reverse was the case ; it would have
been- more convenient and; easy for ministers to have suffer-
ed*Mr. Fox to take his seat without question, but instead
of attending' to their own accommodation, they had conr
suited ihe rights of the electors, and the purposes of sub
stantial justice. The house continued in the same opin*
ion as 66 the legality ofthe scrutiny ; but finding in its pro!
gress that, though there were objectionable votes on both
sides, a majority, nearly the same in proportion as at the
close of the. poll, remained in favour of Mr. Fox, they
judgedt it. expedient and -equitaMe to direct the high bai
liff to:., attake'xi feturn ; and the following, day that officer
retum»d,l©rd Hood andMr. Fox.
: Ok "the' eighteenth of February the nabob of Arcot's Debts o£
debts- to :Europeans-werethe subject of parliamentary dis- 0f Arcot.
cussion;,' In Mr. Fox's India bill the new commission
ers Juani been instructed to examine into' the origin and
justice1 of the claims ; by Mr. Pitt's law the examination
w>as >app@intedv but referred to the, court of -directors, who
sitae to enjoin th tar. presidencies and servants to inquire
into the-case^ and in concert establish a fund from ithe na
bob's revenue, for the discharge of the, debts which
should he found just, that they might be liquidated ac- ; ¦".
cording- to the respective rights- of priority of the sev- ,v>j,iuB sdi
eral creditors, and consistently with the rights of the
company, and the honour and dignity of the nabob. Con
formably to this clause, the directors had prepared orders ;
but after inspection, the board of control rejected them,
and gave new instructions, which admitted the greater
part of, the debts to be just, assigned a fund from- the re
venues of the Carnatic for their discharge, and establish
ed the priority of payment among the several classes of
creditors: these directions had been publicly read at a
meeting of such creditors as were in England* Mption,s
Vol. III. Jfr

59 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, were niade ihoBth houses^ that copies of the letters or m-
^^\ junctions issued by the court of directors might be pro
ngs, duced ; the object of this requisition was to prove, that
the board of control, in originating the contrary order,
had departed from the express purpose of their institu
tion, and had violated the act of parliament. Mr. Fox
having opened this subject in the house of commons, and
assuming the position that was to be proved, expatiated
with copious eloquence on the ^arbitrary power which-, was
usurped by the board of control, and the mischievous
consequences that the present act must produce to. the in
terests of the Carnatic, and of the India company. Mr.
Dundas argued from the act of parliament, that the power
exercised was not an usurpation, since, by the strict letter
of the statute, the board was enabled to originate orders
in cases of urgent necessity, and to direct their transmis
sion to India. In the present exercise of; that power, the
board of control had acted upon the most complete inform
ation that could be received,< and had directed the
arrangement in question, on finding it the most fair and just
to all the parties concerned. It was expedienfcnot -to keep
the nabob's debtsslonger afloat; the final conclusion of the
business would tend to promote tranquillity and harmony:,
and the. debtor had concurred with the creditors in. estab
lishing the validity of the claims. ¦ After these general
observations, he, by a particular detail of their respective
circumstance's, undertook to justify the. several debts.which
were admitted; by the board.
Mr. ¦ ONthis subject Mr., Burke made a very long oration,
roeeeh on which- displayed a most extensive knowledge of the history
the subject, and state of India; but it was much more remarkable for
narratives, imagery, and philosophy, to inform, delight, and
instruct a reader in his closet, than for appropriate argu
ments to the point at issue, to convince a hearer in the
senate, and induce him to vote as the speaker desired.
The part of his reasoning that appeared specifically, appli
cable to the subject before the house was adduced,. to de
monstrate that the alleged debts arose from a collusion
between the nabob and certain servants of the company,
who had been guilty of the most heinous fraud, oppression,
and cruelty : forcibly animated and highly coloured was

REIGN OF GEORGE W- $1
the picture -he drew, of tyranny and suffering, guilt and CHAP.
misery, in British India, as the result of the alleged con- v-rv^,
nivance ; but since, as a chain of logical deduction, the lrss."
evidence did not make out the case, the motion was nega
tived ; and in the house of peers a similar proposition
was rejected. ,
On the eighteenth of April, Mr. Pitt again introduced
his propositions for a reform in parliament. Desirous, as
the minister professed himself, of such a change in the
representation as he conceived most consistent with, the
principles, and conducive to the objects of the constitution,
he was aware of the danger of essays of reform, unless
very, nicely modified and circumscribed. The general Mr. Pitt's
characteristics of *his plan for that purpose, were caution parliameu-
and specification :. nothing vague or indefinite was proposed; ^jkrn,
no chasm was left which visionary imaginations might fill
with their own distempered fancies : thus far shalt thou go
and no farther, was. obviously expressed in the extent and
bounds. The leading principle was, that the choice of
legislators should follow such circumstances as give an
interest in their acts, and therefore ought in a great degree
to be attached to property. This principle being estab
lished, it was obvious, that as many very considerable
¦towns and bodies. either had no vote in electing represent
atives, or had not the privilege of choosing a number pra-
portioned to their property; it would be necessary to dis-
franchisecertain-decayed .boroughs. In relations between
government and subject it was a manifest rule in jurispru
dence on the one hand, that the interest of a part, must
*give way to the interest of the whole ; but on the other,
that when such a sacrifice is required from a subject, the
state should amply compensate individual loss incurred for
the public good. Guided by these maxims of ethics, Mr. j^^'nto
Pitt proposed to transfer the right of choosing representa- pallia
tives -from thirty-six of such boroughs as had already ment-'
fallen, or were falling into decay, to the counties, and to
such chief towns and cities as Were at present unrepresented;
that a fund should be provided for the purpose of giving to
the owners and holders of the boroughs, disfranchised, an
appreciated compensation ; that the acceptance of this re
compense should Be a voluntary act of the proprietor, and,

52

IklSWRYiOF THE

CHAP; if not taken at present, should b& placed out at compound
J^^Lj interest, until it became an irresistible baitvto such pro
ngs, prietor; he also projected to. extend the right of voting for
knights of the shire to copyholders as well as .freeholders*
The chief arguments in favour of a reform were derived
from the alleged partiality of representation; an active
reforming, and regulating policy, which kept pace with the
alterations in the country, was requisite to preserve the
constitution in its full vigour : when any part of our system
was decayed, it had ever been the wisdom of the. legisla
ture to renovate and restore it by such means as were
most likely to answer, the end proposed : and: hence had
arisen the frequent alterations that had taken place with
respect to the rule of representation. From> a change, of
' circumstances, towns which once ought to have a vote in
choosing a senator or senators, now behoved to have none ;
and towns once without any just claim to the right of such
an election, were now aggrieved and injured by the want of
that privilege. ..The principle continued the same in both
the former and the latter, but its application* should be
altered in a difference of case. The opposers- of reform^
onthe other hand, contended, that no necessity had been
shown for such a change ; that whatever inequalities theory
might exhibit in the existing system, the people were all
actually represented, as far as was necessary to their rights
and happiness ; that no man could be deprived of liberty,"
property,, or life, but by his own act, whether he had a vote
for a member of parliament or not ; that under the present
mode of representation, both individual and national pros
perity had risen to a very great pitch, and was rapidly-
rising to a higher; that itwas extremely dangerous to alter
what experience, the only sure test of political truth, had'
uniformly shown to be good/ The people did not want
r Never, perhaps, were the arguments on this side of the question more,
clearly exhibited, than those which are compressed Into a page of one of the
most \aluable works that can be recorded in the literary history of the present
reign. Paley, in his Principles of moral and political Philosophy, restine the.

establishment of good laws, or as it secures to the people the just admimstra-"
tion ol these laws: These effects depend upon the disposition and abilities of
the national counsellors : wherefore, if men the most likelv, by their qualifi
cations, to know aud to promote the public interest,, be actually returned to

RElGtf OF GEORGtiflH. s$
reform*; the large towns that were said to be aggrieved by CHAP.
thepresent state of representation had made no complaint, J^^"
or sought any redress; those which were called rotten and 178S
decayed boroughs were frequently represented by; gentle
men who had the greatest stake in the country, and conse
quently were as much concerned in its welfare as any other
representatives. Mr. Pitt's propositions were negatived 'and neea-
i c 1 , , i f - , tived by a"
by a majority of two hundred and forty-eight to one freat ma-
hundred and seventy-four. -jority.
Parliament was this year principally occupied by
forming arrangements for a commercial intercourse be
tween Great Britain and Ireland. '
¦"iWe have seen that, in the year 1780, the trade of State of
Ireland had been freed from the hurtful restrictions by relanl1-
which it had long been shackled." In 17"82, the indepen
dence ofthe Irish parliament had been for ever established.
It-remained for the legislature of' the two countries to
arrange a system of commercial intercourse, which might
best' promote the advantage of the two parties so nearly
Connected. The freedom of trade had afforded to Ireland
the means of improvement; of which the success must
depend on the active, well directed, and persevering
industry of the inhabitants ; as without those exertions,
the hiere 'exemption from former restriction could be of
little avail : no effectual measures had hitherto been
employed for exciting and cherishing so beneficial a spirit:'
the -manufacturers had for some years been much engaged
W political speculations, which, by abstracting their atten-
" parliament, it (Signifies little- who return them, If the propenest pemons be
"' elected, what matters it by .y%hom they are elected?. At least no prudent
"statesman would subvert long established 'or even settled rules of represen
tation, without a Jirospect pf procuring wiser or belter; representatives. This
" then being well btjserved, let, us, before we seek to obtain any thing more, cou-
" sider duIy"}Vhat we already have. We have a house of commons composed of
"Jive hundred and forty-eight members, in which number are found the most
''considerable landholders and mercliaiits Of the kingdom, the heads of the
" army, the navy, and the laws ; the occupiers of great .offices in the state,
" together with many private individuals, eminent by their knowledge/eloquence,
"or activity. S"bw, if the country be not safe" in such hands, in wliose may it
" confide its ijiteresf ? If such a number of such men be. liable to the influence of
" corrupt motives, what assembly of men will be secure from the same danger?
"Does any new scheme of representation promise to collect together- more wiss,
"dota or produce firmer integrity ? In this view of the subject, and attending not
" to ideas W order and proportion (of which many minds are much enamoured),
" but to known effects alone, we may discoverjust excuses for those parts ofthe
"present representation which appears to a hasty observer most exceptionable
" arid alisurd." Paley, vol. ii. p. 219.

S4, HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, tion from their own business, naturally caused great
Srf^ow/ distress » anc^ that distress, discontent and violence. Va-
1785. rious expedients were attempted for their relief. In 1784,
Mr. Gardener brought forward a plan for protecting their
own manufactures, and enforcing the consumption of them
at home, by laying heavier duties on similar manufactures'
imported from other countries; he had therefore moved
to restrict the importation of English drapery^ by subject
ing it to a duty of 2s. 6d. per yard. It was objected to
this motion, that Great Britain would probably retaliate,*
and that Ireland might endanger the loss of the linen
trade, the annual value of which was a million and a half,
for the uncertain prospect of increasing the woollen, that
did not exceed 50,0001. A proposition of such obvious
impolicy was rejected by the great majority of one hun
dred to thirty-six. The populace having been ardently
desirous that the bill should pass, were inflamed with the
greatest rage at its rejection, and gave loose to excessive
outrage. They entered into compacts not to consume
imported 'goods, and inflicted the most severe punishment
on those who either did not subscribe or adhere to such
agreements : the riotous outrages of the mob rendered
the interference of military force necessary, and though
the soldiers behaved with all possible moderation, still in
the tumults disagreeable violence took place, and Dublin
was a scerie of dissention. In such a situation, regard to
temporary tranquillity, as well as to general, commercial,
and political interest, rendered it necessary to devise some
tie, that, by connecting the interests, might combine the
inclinations of both countries. Mr. Pitt, seeing so strong
special reasons, and urging immediately what the general
consideration required to be speedily effected, took mea
sures for a commercial treaty with Ireland. Commis
sioners appointed on the part of the sister kingdom
concerted with the British cabinet a plan for regulating
toMo?" and fiMlly adJusting the commercial intercourse. The
Mr. Pitt result Mr. Orde stated to the Irish parliament on the 11th
trade on of Feb™ary, and moved a corresponding set of resolutions1,
the basis ot which passed the house of commons with little alteration.
Sprocity?" Tne. concurrence of the house of peers being soon after
obtained, the resolutions, ten in number, were immediately

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 55
transmitted to England, as on their part, the proposed CHAP.
basis for an equitable and final adjustment. Mr. Pitt XXXIV>
having received these assurances ofthe disposition of [the 1785
body of the Irish»parliament to settle their commercial
intercourse on the basis of reciprocity, moved a resolution
to the following effect: "That it is highly importand to Resolu-
'¦* the general interests of the empire that the commercial [h™s,„*£_
" intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland should be Pose-
"finally adjusted, and that Ireland should be permitted to
" have a permanent and' irrevocable participation of the
" commercial advantages of this country, when her- parlia-
'Vment shall permanently and irrevocably secure an aidi out
" of the surplus of the hereditary revenue of that kingdom,
" towards defraying the expense of protecting the general
" commerce of the empire in time of peace." After
reviewing what had been already granted to Ireland by
the British parliament, he generalized his object-: w^ich
was to settle commercial intercourse on the firm basis of
mutual reciprocity. . In applying this principle, he exhib
ited* an.- extensive, knowledge of the relative and absolute
state of manufa'cturesy and other materials of commerce, in
both' countries, and proposed a plan, under two general
heads : First, Britain was to allow the importation of the
produce of our colonies in the West Indies and America
into Ireland:- secondly,' There should be established be
tween the two countries a mutual exchange of their respec
tive productions and manufactures upon equal terms. The
first, he allowed, had the appearance of militating against
the navigation laws, for which' England ever entertained
the greatest partiality ; but as she already allowed Ireland
to trade directly with the colonies, the importation ofthe
produce of those settlements circuitously through Ireland
into Britain, could. not injure the (Colonial trade of this
country. t-.-Such was the general outline of the proposed
system on its first -appearance. A considerable portion
of'tthe session, was employed' in examining merchants and
manufacturers upon the various details which could eluci
date the subject; and after fully investigating the evidence
of the traders, Mr. Pitt, on the 12th of May, proposed
twenty resolutions, containing a full explanation ofthe terms
before proposed, and also new resolutions, which arose

5g- HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, from the increased knowledge that had been acquired;
^^. The chief objects of the additional propositions were to
1785 provide, First, That whatever navigation laws the British
Additional parliament should hereafter find it necessary to«enact for
Sans?81" the preservation of her marine, the same should bypassed
by the legislature of Ireland. Secondly, against the
importation of any West India merchandises, that were
not the produce of our own colonies into Ireland, and
from thence into Britain. Thirdly, That Ireland should
debar itself from trading to any of the countries beyond
the cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, so long
as' it should be thought necessarv to continue the charter
of the English East India company.
The propositions underwent severe animadversion1
against the whole system : it was .argued, that the manu
factures and commerce of Great Britain would be mate
rially injured by the establishment of the proposed regii-.
lations ; the former, from the comparatively small price:of
labour in Ireland, which alone,; it Was contended, would
sqon enable that kingdom to undersell us- at home- and
abroad ; the latter, from the facility with which it was well
known the revenue laws in Ireland were evaded. The
plan was strongly deprecated by. British manufacturers,
and many urgent petitions were presented, praying it
Slight not be adopted. , The chief objections'were made
tp the fourth proposition, by which it was intended;
"That all laws made or to be made in Britain for secui'-
" ing exclusive privileges to the ships and mariners- ol
" Britain, Ireland, and the British colonies and plauta-
" tions, and for regulating and restraining the colonial
" trade, should be enforced by Ireland, by laSvs to be
" passed by the parliament of that kingdom, for the same
" time and in the same manner as in Britain." The ad
versaries of the system asserted, that this part of the plan
was a resumption of the right of legislation for Ireland,
which Britain had renounced, and a proffer of commer
cial advantage to Ireland in exchange for her latelv ac
quired independence ; they further contended against the
propositions in general, that in whatever proportion the
one country should benefit from them, in the very same
the other would lose. . The supporters of the measure ar-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 5p
gued, that it was absolutely necessary, in order tore- CHAP.
move the discontents which at present raged in Ireland ; ^—L,",
and that unless the propositions were passed into a law, 1785
all the recent grants would prove useless, as they were
evidently inadequate to the expectations of the sister king
dom. The fourth proposition was a clause . which the
safety of our own navigation laws made it necessary to an
nex to the benefits allowed to Ireland. It was not the inten
tion of the British parliament .to interfere with the inde
pendence, of Ireland ; all that was proposed, was a prof
fer of advantage from one independent state to. another,
on a condition subject to which, that other had the alter- , -
native of either accepting j or rejecting the whole plan.
The notion that, in a commercial treaty between two na
tions, ifr the one gained, the other must proportionably
lose, was totally unfounded: trade between two states
might be, and often was, the reciprocal exchange of sur
plus for supply, as between individuals; and thus both
parties might be very great gainers.. The relative situa
tion of Britain and Ireland, their respective commodities
. and habits, were such as to afford a moral certainty of the
highest benefits to both countries, from the increased pro
ductiveness of labour through the -reciprocation of speedy
markets. After three months had been chiefly occupied After co*.
in examining witnesses, and modifying the various pro- JJ^g^g.
visions, the propositions were passed by' a large majority tion they
in the house of commons, and afterwards by the lords, into a law.
(On the 28th of July Mr. Pitt proposed a bill founded
upon them ; this was accompanied by. an address to the
king, in which bothhouses concurred, containing a state
ment of .what had been done by the British parliament,
and observing that it now remained for the parliament of
^Ireland to judge and decide upon the proposed agreement.
: Ijr Ireland national prejudice counteracted national Sent over
interest. During the progress of the discussion in Eng- p0^.1™1*
land, the people in the neighbouring island had expressed ment.
great dissatisfaction, which had increased, as their ora
tors expatiated on the propositions that had been thiefly
opposed in the British parliament. Mr. Flood and Mr.
Grattan peculiarly distinguished themselves by the elo
quent harangues which stirred their countrymen to rage
Vol. III. H

$8 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, and indignation against Britain. Declaiming with glow-
,*^XJ™' ing ardour against the whole system, they directed their
m_5 invectives particularly to the fourth proposition, and to
Messrs the ninth, which, restraining the Irish from trading to
¦Gr0aCttannd India, merely prevented them from infringing the char-
oppose the t red ri hts of the India company, and thus placed them
proposi- o . , T5 ¦ • l. L.-
tions. exactly on the same footing with every British subject
Their elo- who was not a member of that corporation. The senti-
stirTtheir mente of the people so impressed, influenced a consider-
country- able number of the house of commons; so that when a
Sgelnd corresponding bill was introduced, the majority in its fa-
indigna- r but smalL The clamour against it was very
tion. °
loud, and petitions were very numerous.- In these cir-
abanuoned eumstances, it was deemed by the British legislature inex-
fohgov^"' pedient to proceed any further, with overtures so misun-
ment. , derstood and misrepresented by the party to whom j they.
Their real were -really so advantageous. From close connexion, Mb.
merit. pjtt na(j geen t^at verv great advantages must accrue to
both countries ; commercial intercourse would, in addi
tion to appropriate advantage, gradually tend to assimila
tion of character, and speedily produce reciprocity of in
terest ; the result of both would be political harmony.
If his propositions had( been adopted, it is morally certain,
that the bond of amity would have been drawn so close,
as to have prevented subsequent events so calamitous to
Ireland. ,
Introductory to financial details, Mr. Pitt this sea
son took a general view of the state of pecuniary affairs,,
by comparing the public income with the public expendi
ture. The result of his statement and calculations was,)
that there would be such a surplus as would enablerpar-
liament to appropriate one million sterling to a sinking
Mr. Pitt's fund for the discharge of the national debt. At present,
of finance, however, he had only seen the general practicability of
tion'of™3" tne principle, but not, having matured measures for
plan for such an appropriation, he chose to defer a specific plan
national "rill the following year. There remained unfunded. up- -
debt. wards of ten millions of navy bills, and ordnance deben
tures : these were funded in the jfive per cents, taken at ,
about ninety pounds, and a million was .borrowed from
the bank at five per cent, to supply deficiencies, still re-,,

REIGN OF GEORGE IU.

59

raaining from the expenses of the war. The new taxes CHAP.
were, an additional duty on male servants ; a duty on fe- XXXIV-
male servants, increasing in a stated proportion according 17g5
to the number, with a farther charge to bachelors having
such servants ; a tax on attorneys, on posthorses, on car
riages, coachmakers, pawnbrokers, gloves, and retail shops ;
besides one hundred and fifty thousand pounds raised by
a lottery. On the 8th of August, on a message fromT1163.68" siin cise*?
the king, parliament was adjourned to the 27th of Octo
ber, and afterwards prorogued by proclamation.
The emperor and the Dutch still persevered in' the Affairs of
contest about the, Scheldt, but commotions in Germany Evin)Pe-
unexpectedly arising, prevented him from bearing down
upon Holland with his whole force. Joseph was become
sensible, not only that other powers would not suffer him
to open the Scheldt, but that his present possessions in the
Netherlands were precarious ; and finding one project
likely to misgive, in • the true spirit of an adventurer re-- Designs of
solved to try another, by making an exchange with the l0l aJX6"
elector of Bavaria, which should put the emperor in Bavaria.
possession of the dutchy of Bavaria, with all the appen
dages confirmed at the peace of Teschen, and make the
elector sovereign of the Austrian Netherlands, which,
more to render the proposal palatable, was to be erected
into a kingdom. This scheme would have been very ad
vantageous to Austria, by the accession of a large and
productive country, which, surrounding and completing
the Austrian dominions, would have consolidated and
compacted so great a body of power as would overbalance
the other states of Germany. A man of deep reflection,
in the very important advantages of the object, would
have discovered an unsurmountable obstacle to its attain
ment ; that the king of Prussia and other members ofthe
Germanic body would not suffer the establishment of a
power that must overbear themselves ; profound sagacity,
however, was no part of Joseph's character. Ambitious
in design, but fantastic in project, and light in counsel, he
very superficially investigated circumstances, and imper
fectly calculated the probabilities of success. As: soon as
he had formed his scheme, he communicated it to the
court of Petersburgh. Catharine who perfectly compre-

m

HISTOHTW THE

CHAP.
XXXI V.

1785.
Supported by Russia.

Opposed
by Prussia
and Hino-

Abandons
the naviga
tion of the
Scheldt,and con
cludes
(peace with
Holland. .

hended the character of the emperor, studiously cultiva
ted amity with a prince, whom she could render so pow
erful a coadjutor to herself. She most readily acceded
to hasty and ill digested schemes for gratifying his ambi
tion, that thereby she might prevent his obstruction, and
secure his cooperation to the mature and well digested
plans she had formed for extending her power and do
minions ; she also joined him in making overtures to the
house of Bavaria, but these were peremptorily and in
dignantly rejected. The king of Prussia being inform
ed of the proposal, made very strong remonstrances ; and
having concerted with the two chief powers of Northern
Germany," the electors of Saxony and Hanover, he, effect
ed a confederation for maintaining the indivisibility ofthe
empire. The court of Vienna did every thing in its
power to stop the progress of the combination, but it was
joined by most of the other states, and, France was known
to be favourable to its object. Besides the insuperable
impediments to the projects of Joseph from the well
founded jealousy of foreign powers, great intestine com
motions prevailed in his own dominions ; his numberless "
innovations in the civil and religious establishments of
Hungary and its appendages, -had the usual effect' of
schemes of reform founded on abstract principles, wiljh,-
out regard to the character, sentiments, and habits of the
people, and produced much greater evils than those which
they professed to remedy ; by violating customs, offend
ing prejudices, annulling prescriptions, and trenching on
privileges, he drove his subjects to dissatisfaction, insur
rection, and rebellion : to quell the revolters required
powerful and expensive efforts,, nor were they finally rer
duced till the close of the campaign : these various cau
ses prevented hostilities from being commenced against
the states general.; Pacific overtures were resumedunder
the mediation of the court of France, and the manage
ment of the count de Vergennes, the French prime minis
ter : the Dutch agreed to pay Joseph a certain sum of
money in lieu of his claims over Maestricht, which he re
nounced for ever, and also resigned his pretensions to the
free navigation of the Scheldt : less material disputes were
cpmpromis'ed and adjusted, and a treaty of peace was.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 6J
concluded between Austria and Holland. Before the expi- chap.
rations of the year, the Dutch and France entered into a new xxx,v-
alliance, offensive and defensive. France was internally m5
occupied in schemes of diminution of the immense debts Treaty bo
. which jsha had , contracted in the late war, and in the im- France
provement of her manufactures and commerce. A mer- J^Uo1"
chant, raised to be prime minister, contributed to the
-speedy elevation of the mercantile profession in the opin
ion of Frenchmen ; and trade, which before had been ,
considered as derogatory to the character of a gentleman, Internal
was now highly respected. Numberless treatises in fa- F^mce.
vour of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, flow-
edfrom the fertile ingenuity of their writers', which, if they
did not, much inform or convince acute and distinguishing
. understandings, by striking ductile imaginations, influenced
.a much more numerous class. The lively fancies, ardent
•ufeelings, and impetuous spirits of Frenchmen were now
turned to mercantile adventure; they conceived them
selves, happily emancipated from the old prejudices which
had kept many of their . forefathers in proud poverty.
¦t On other subjects also, they fancied they had dispelled the
.clouds of ignorance, and were enlightened by the sun
shine of reason. There was at this time a great multi- Multiply
- phcity or ingenious writers in * ranee, without that pa- gejiious
Anient investigation, research, cautious consideration, and-wnters-
experimental reasoning, which only can lead to just,
sound, and beneficial philosophy; to religious, moral, and
political wisdom. A few eminent framers of hypotheses
had given the tone to the rest ; Helvetius, Rousseau, and
Voltaire, (taught infidelity to numerous- classes of disci
ples, who admitted their doctrines upon the faith of their
asseverations. Their multiplying votaries, professing to Doctrines
^disregard all superstitious bigotry, were still Roman ca °nd ^iQ^
tholics in reasoning : thev admitted an infallible authority, seauimpii-
•r ¦ i • t" t l e .i, eitly recei-
lf not in the pope, in Jean Jacques; decrees Irom the ved.
mountains of Switzerland were received with no less
Veneration, than bulls had formerly been received from
the Vatican y. infidelity was become the prominent feature Preva-
of the French character, and occupied the principal share infidelity.
-of conversation in fashionable societies. The royal ia-
mily, indeed, were not tinctured with the, prevalent impie-

$ij HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ty, but the indulgent liberality of , the monarch did not
XXXiv. watcjj anci rig0rously check such opinions with the vigi-
l7gs lance which sound policy required, and neither he nor his.
ministers appeared to be aware of the dangers attending
the diffusion of irreligion through a nation.
Greatand B'ritish commerce continued to increase and extend;
increasing tne flourishing state of trade, together with the announced
tf BntSZ project of Mr. Pitt ,for the discharge of the national debt,
raised' the stocks in a short time from fifty-four to sevens
ty, in the three per cents, consolidated the barometer of .the.
Cot*- other funds; The mercantile and moneyed interest, in its,.
Aemonfed. var'ous departments and corporations, evidently reposed
interest in in the chancellor of the exchequer a confidence which, they,
and integ* had bestowed upon no minister since the time of his father.
rity of Mr. Xhey conceived the highest opinion of his integrity and
talents, approved the principles on which he was proceed*,,
l ing, and the regulations he had actually proposed, and were
thoroughly satisfied with the rapid advances of trade,: as
well as the increasing means of enlarging their capitals,^
While ministers impressed the public with a favourable.^
idea of their qualifications to promote the prosperity , of :
the country, the supporters of opposition were foremost,
in their efforts to amuse and entertain ; wit and temporary^
satire appeared with brilliancy and force in the Rolliad, a.#.
mock heroic poem, of which the professed hero was a
respectable and worthy gentleman, Mr. Rolle of Devon^A
shire, a zealous friend of administration, and therefore
held up by their opponents to ridicule. The notes on the,:
poem display considerable humour, and illustrate the feel
ings, sentiments, and opinions of opposition, concerning
Satirical the general politics of the times. The death of Mr. War-
Jiterature. tQn^ tn£ pQct iaureat5 ais0 afiordecl an occasion to ingenui
ty for exhibiting a sarcastic account of ministerial charac
ters in the birth-day odes ; performances satirically inscri
bed with the names of various gentlemen and noblemen
as candidates for the vacant office, and, as in characteris
tic compositions, presenting specimens of their poetical
powers by odes on the king's birth- day. The respective
essays painted the alleged foibles of the chief supporters
of the cabinet : viewed together, the Rolliad and the birth
day odes presented ministerial men a&d measures in the -¦

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

63

l, ' ' '1- "M; ' ' V
light in which the satirists of opposition at this pef ipd chap.
wished them to be beheld, and are not therefore uncon- ^?^"
rtected with the serious literature and politics of the anti- 1785<
ministerial party.
A cause affecting literary property was this year QHestion
determined by the court of session, the chief civil tribunal ofiiterary
. _. l>ropcrtY»
of Scotland. The compilers of the Scottish Encyclopedia
had inserted in that work large extracts from Dr. Gilbert
Stewart's history of Scotland, and his history of the refor
mation 'of Scotland : Mr.' Stewart prosecuted them for
piracy, and the transcripts being long and continuous, the
cGfcirt, having a power of determining equitably as well as
legally, gave sentence in favour of the prosecutor, on the
ground that the defenders had quoted more, and with, less
interruption, than was allowed by the rules of literary
property. The principle of the judgment appeared to be,
that large and connected passages copied from a literary
work, tend to injure the sale of that work, and conse
quently lessen the value of the property to the rightful f
owner. t
Peace havingbeen now completely established between Return of
the East India' company and Tippoo Saib, tranquillity was -m^ a
diffused over British India. During the recess, Mr. great sub-
x» • i ¦ t '•• , i -. ¦ i ' , i • ,.*'-jectoftera-
Hastings, the governor general returned ; and the periodi- porary
cal writings of the times teemed with attacks and yindica- I"teraturei-
tions of his character.

64 HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXXV.

Meeting of parliament. — King's speech.^— Views of Mr.
Fox concerning continental alliances. — The duke of Rich
mond's scheme for fortifying the dock yards — submitted
to parliament. — Arguments for and against.— speech qf
Mr. Sheridan on the fortifications. — The bill is rejected
by the casting vote of the speaker. — Alteration in the
mutiny bill. — Mr. Pitt's plan for appropriating an annual
.. million to the payment of the national debt. — Mr. Sheri
dan takes the most active part in controverting the min
ister's financial propositions.— Farther measures qf the
minister for preventing, frauds against the revenue. —
Proposes to subject foreign wines to the excise  A bill
for the purpose is passed into- a law. — Bill appointirig
commissioners tp examine the crown lands. — The conduct
of Mr. Hastings becomes a subject of inquiry. — Public
. opinion concerning Mr. Hastings.— Mr. Burke opens the
subject. — His introductory speech. — Proposes to proceed
by impeachment. — Presents a summary of , the alleged
criminal acts. — A majority, including' Mr. Pitt, finds
ground of impeachment in the proceedings against Cheyt
Sing. — Mr. Dundas's bill for improving the government
of British India — Supplies. — Session terminates.
cfcAP. ON the 24th of January 1786, parliamehfwas,
TC7- Y V "|7" ' ¦ * * *¦
"/*¦ assembled. The speech from the throne, mentioned the
1786 amicable conclusion of the disputes which had threatened
Meeting of the tranquillity of Europe, and the friendly dipositions of
ment* and foreign powers towards this country : it expresse'd* the
speech?'9 r°yal satisfaction, that his majesty's subject's now experi-,
enced. the growing blessings of peace in the extension of
trade, improvement of revenue, and increase of public
credit. For the farther advancement of those important
objects, the king relied on the continuance of that zeal
and industry which was manifested in the last session of«
parliament. The resolutions/which they had laid before

REIGN OF GEORGE III. g5
him, as the* basis of an adjustment of the commercial chap.
intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, had been x::xv
by his direction recommended to the parliament of that V*^?*^
kingdom, but no effectual step had hitherto been taken,
which could enable them to make any farther progress in
tha^t salutary work. His majesty recommended to the
house of commons the establishment of a fixed plan for the
reduction of the national debt ; a measure which, he trust
ed, the flourishing state of the revenue would be sufficient
to effect, with little addition to the public burdens.
Th£ objectsproposed by the sovereign for parliament
ary deliberation, were evidently of such primary impor
tance, that the speech and corresponding address afforded
little opportunity for animadversion from opposition. With
out objecting to the address, Mr. Fox expatiated into a very
wide field of continental politics. He went over the state
and, recent transactions of Russia, Germany, Holland, and
France, and endeavoured to prove, that the accession of
the. king, as elector of Hanover, to the Germanic confed
eration, would disgust the emperor with this country, and
"indispose him to an alliance with Britain in any future war.
Viewing the interests and relations of the various states Viewsof
of the continent, he deduced from them the principles of ^oncernhig
alliance which he judged most expedient for this country continental
to adopt. From the connexion between France and Spain,
-the emperor was the only power whose cooperation could
occupy the exertions of France by land, and thereby pre
vent her from directing to maritime contests such efforts
as she had employed in the recent war. An intercourse
both commercial and political with Russia, was also an
object of the highest consequence to this country ; a favour
able opportunity had been lost, but still an advantageous
alliance might be concluded. He understood that a treaty
was: on the point of being established between Britain and'
France ; and he strongly reprobated the policy of such a
measure, appealing to the experience of former times,
which (he said) proved that this nation had become pow
erful and flourishing, from the moment that she quitted
all commercial connexion with France. With strictures
on the Irish propositions and the India hill, he concluded
a speech, which, as usual with opposition on the first day
Vol. III. I

1786.

36 HISfWIWTOF THE"
CHAP, of the session, exhibited a statement, of all the alleged
xvx v- errors and miscarriages of ministers, In replying, Mr.
Pitt made an introductory observation, deserying peculiar
attention, as it very strongly exhibited a prominent fea
ture in the eloquence of his opponent. " Mr. Fox (he
" said) discovered most extraordinary dexterity in leaving
" out of a discussion' such parts belonging to the subject
" as did not suit his purpose to be brought forward, and a
" similar dexterity of introducing, however foreign to the
" question, such matter as he expected would be favour-
" able." By reverting to the course of Mr. Fox's oratory
during the administration of lord North, the reader will
perceive this remark of the minister not to be groundless.
expatiation,and roamed at large in the wide regions ofinvec-
Mr. Fox had often allowed himself unbounded liberty of
rive. Lord North had most frequently followed his adver
sary through the devious tracts, and much time was spent
by both orators in contentions on subjects which were
foreign to thb immediate business of the house. Forcible
as Mr. Fox was in argument ; dexterous, skilful and inge
nious, as lord North was in eluding a strength which he
could not meet ; the reasoning of both wanted closeness,
and compacted arrangement : besides, as of two very able
combatants Mr. Fox was imcomparably the superior, loril
North in his tactics naturally imitated, in order to parry
his assailant. Mr. Pitt was of a different cast, and cha
racter ; he was far from being under the necessity of shift
ing blows that he could repel by equal force, and return
with well directed effort. Disciplined in reflection and
argumentation, as well as powerful in talents, he thorough?
ly knew his own ground, and his ability to maintain it in
any mode which he judged expedient ; he was not there
fore to be hurried away by the evolutions of his adversary,
Mr. Pitt at this time declared an intention, to which in the
course of his parliamentary warfare he generally adhered,
that let Mr. Fox range ever so wide into extraneous sub
jects, he should confine his answers to what he conceived
relative to the purpose. In the present debate, he observed,

9 See parliamentary reports for 1786, Jan. 24.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 6 j,
various topics had been discussed by Mr. Fox, such as the CHAP.
politics of the emperor and the German confederacy, which xxx%
were not within the control of the house : the treaty with 17g6
Russia was in considerable forwardness, but neither that
proposition nor the negotiation with France were yet pro
per to be discussed; objections were therefore premature,
and only hypothetical concerning a subject so imperfectly
known. Fox replied, by placing his former observations
in a new light, without any fresh argument ; and no general
debate having ensued, the address was carried without a
division. The first important object that occupied the delibera- Duk<" °f
tions of parliament, was a measure which originated with mond's
the duke of Richmond, master general of the ordnance, fojl^jy.
Intelligent and ardent, this nobleman had paid peculiar ing the
attention, to mathematics, as a groundwork of military e yar *'
skill, especially gunnery and fortification, and desired to
rest a great portion of the national defence against the ap
proaches of an enemy, on the abilities and exertions of an
engineer. In these sentiments he was confirmed by his
conception of recent events. The late war had seen the
Bourbon armadas hovering on our coasts : accident only
(he thought) secured iis from the danger with which we
were menaced : our country might have been attacked,
our docks and harbours destroyed. Under this impres
sion the duke from the time he became master of. the ord
nance, had been uniformly eager for adding to our defen
ces a plan of fortification, and as we have seen, had in
culcated this doctrine upon ministers. In the former
session, a scheme of his grace for fortifying the dock
yards of Portsmouth and Plymouth was incidently men
tioned in the house of commons, without being introduced
in a regular motion : the house expressed an unwilling
ness to apply the public money to the execution of such
a scheme, until acquainted with the opinions of persons
most competent to decide on the wisdom and utility of
such a measure. That the desired information might be
obtained, his majesty appointed a board of military and
naval officers to take the project under consideration, and
to meet for that purpose at Portsmouth with the duke of
Richmond as their president. The instructions issued to

68

HISTORY OF THE

1786.

CHAP, this council propounded six hypothetical positions as
J^^ tljemes for discussion, and annexed heads and questions
*"" for directing the application of the assumptions to the
objects of inquiry.4 The hypothesis on which the propo
sition was grounded was, that the fleet should be absent,
or for some other cause prevented from affording its pro
tection to the dockyards. In the first and second prob
lems, this case was assumed and submitted to the council:
the unanimous answer was, that if the dockyards were not
defended by the fleet, fortifications would be necessary*"
The four subsequent heads of consultation were grounded
upon this basis ; and presupposing the absence of the fleet,
examined the probable force with which an enemy might
invade Britain during such absence of our navy, the troops
that might be expected to be ready, the time in which
the strength of the country could be collected, and the
insufficiency of the present works to hold out until an
army were assembled to oppose the invaders. Concern
ing these subordinate questions, there was considerable
diversity of opinion ; the greater number, however, de
livered a report, which approved the scheme of fortifica
tion as requisite for the supposed emergency, but gave
no opinion on the probability that such a crisis would
arise. Lord Percy and general Burgoyne, with several
naval officers, went beyond the given case, and represented
the hypothetical event as so extremely unlikely to happen,
that it was neither wise nor expedient to provide against
it by the expensive system which was proposed. Admi
rals Milbanke and Graves, captains Macbride, Hotham,
Jarvis, and some others, explicitly affirmed the fortifica
tions to be totally unnecessary. The opinion of the
majority of land officers did not amount to an approba
tion of the scheme, as actually right to be executed in
the present state of the country'; but was merely an assent
to the alleged necessity of fortifying the docks, if the'
country afforded no other means of defence, and no more
than an admission of a conditional proposition as true,
t See instructions transmitted to the hoard of officers, dateVl April 13th, 17.85,
•with extracts from the reports of the board, as laid before the house ol com
mons on the 27th ofFebruary, 1786.
a See opinion of officers on the first and second data.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 6g
in the circumstances which its author supposed. So chap.
bounded an acquiescence was construed by the duke of xxxv-
Richmond to authorise the immediate adoption of his 17g6
plan ; to which the cabinet ministers acceding, a board
of engineers was directed to make an estimate of the
expense and the requisite sum, as stated by these gentle
men, amounted to 760,0971. After preparatory motions Is submit-
for the production of papers, Mr. Pitt, on the 27th of foment!""
February, introduced the plan in the following general
resolution : " It appears to this ,house, that to provide effec-
" tually for securing his majesty's dockyards at Ports-
" mouth and Plymouth by a permanent system of fortifica-
*' tion, founded on the most economical principles, and
" requiring the smallest number of troops possible to an-
" swer the purpose of such security, is an essential object
" for the safety of the state, intimately connected with the
" general defence of the kingdom, and necessary for ena-
". bling the fleet to act with full vigour and effect for the
" protection of commerce, the support of our distant pos-
" sessions, and the prosecution of offensive operations in
a any war in which the nation may hereafter- be engaged."
The fayourers of the measure founded their arguments Argu-
©n the report of the board of officers, which stated, that !"ents f*
neither naval nor military . force, nor even both united,
could afford a security adequate to the importance of our
dockyards ; fortifications were therefore absolutely neces
sary, in addition to both. They represented the duke
of Richmond's scheme as the most eligible that could be
adopted, since it was sufficient for the requisite defence,
capable of being manned by the smallest force, de
manded the least expense to erect, and afforded an
increasing degree of security in the course ofthe construc
tion. These works, moreover, would give greater scope-
to our fleets : because the dockyards being thus protected,
the navy would consequently be unfettered, and left at liber
ty to act as occasion might require, in whatever part of the.
world its presence might be necessary; and. they would
also reduce the standing army. Were an invasion threat
ened, and were we to trust- only to our military force,,
there would be a necessity for augmenting to a most enor
mous degree that army on which the whole safety of the

70

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXXV. 1786;

Argu
mentsagainstit.

kingdom was to rest ; but, if it were assisted with fortifi
cations, a much smaller force would answer the purpose.
Ari alarm had prevailed, that the measure was unconsti
tutional in its tendency, by laying a foundation for a standi
ing army, and diverting into an Useless and dangerous
channel those resources which should strengthen our
navy : far from rendering an increase of troops necessary,
the proposed plan would actually tend to remove the ne
cessity of keeping up so large a military establishment as
otherwise must be maintained.
These arguments were by no means received without
opposition and controversy ; but the speaker who most
peculiarly distinguished himself, was Mr. Sheridan, who
was fast rising to very high ''curatorial fame and political,
importance. On the present question he exhibited the
substance, bf all the reasoning that could be adduced
against the scheme, and contended, that in itself and in
its consequences the project was dangerous and unconsti-\
tutional ; that the nature and circumstances of the report^
made by the board of officers did not Warrant or autho
rize the system ; fortifications would not reduce the stand
ing army, or if they did, they would still be constituents
of strength to the crown, even should it interfere with the
rights and liberties ofthe people. The possible existence
of this case was"" implied in the provisions of the bill of
rights, and in the salutary and sacred reserve with which,
for a short and limited period, we annually intrusted the
executive magistrate with the necessary defence of the
country. The orator first viewed the question on the
general ground of constitutional jealousy, respecting the'
augmentation of military force. This sentiment, so natu
ral to Britons, implied no suspicion personally injurious to
the individual sovereign, or even his ministers ; it merely
considered kings and their counsellors as actuated by the'
same passions with other men : princes were fond of pow
er; from the constitution of the army it must obey the
executive ruler, therefore it ought to be circumscribed as
much as was possibly consistent with the public safety.
Soldiers were maintained for national defence and secu
rity, and were not to be multiplied beyond the necessity
in which only they could originate. The minister had

RETGN OF "GEORGE III.

71

1786.

endeavoured to anticipate jthis forcible objection to the CHAP.
new plan, by persuading the house that the fortifications ^^\
would lessen, instead of enlarging the standing army; but
jhis arguments on the subject could not stand the test of
examination. If it was proper to fortify Portsmouth and
Plymouth, the reasons which justified such a measure
would apply to every other port in the kingdom, which
might be of Sufficient importance to require defence. The
plan, as it now stood, proceeded upon two suppositions
extremely improbable ; the first was, That we should be
so much inferior on our own seas, as to permit the enemy
to land : secondly, That if they did invade Britain, they
would choose to attack the only places we had fortified.
Might they not, on such a supposition, land between Ply
mouth and Portsmouth ; or in Sussex, Kent, or the east
ern coasts^ and strike at the heart of the empire? If
fortification was to be our defence, there must be a circle
of fortresses round the coasts ; the completion of such a
project would require a military establishment, extensive
•beyond all former example. The safety of England rest
ed on our navy, the courage and enterprise of our people,
and not upon ramparts and intrenchments. The proposed
fortifications would not be our safeguard against an inva
sion ; but though far from being beneficial, they might be
efficacious : the garrisons requiring such an additional
number of standing troops, in the hands of an ambitious
prince or minister might be employed against the liberties
of ,the people. The proposition was not only unconstitu
tional, unnecessary, and absurd, but unauthorized bythe
report of officers ; mutilated as the statement was which
had been submitted to the house, it did not contain
grounds for justifying the scheme. The opinion of naval
officers had been withheld, but the opinion of land officers
was founded upon hypothetical and conditional sugges
tions, and upon such data as the master general had pro
posed to them ; for the truth or probability of which, the
board invariably refused to make themselves responsible.
In this part of his speech, Sheridan diversified his close
and poignant reasoning by an interspersion of wit most
happily appropriated to the subject. The report (he said)
had been so artfully framed, that the board of officers ap-

f3 H1STWFT OFTHE
CHAP, peared to have admitted the data; whereas they only
XXXV' assented to conclusions, which in their opinion would
S""^0W ensue on the assumption of the data. The master gen
eral of the ordnance deservetfthe warmest panegyrics for
the striking proofs which he had given of his genius as an
engineer, which appeared even in planning and construct,
ing the report in question ; the professional ability of the
master general shone conspicuously there, as it would
upon our coasts: he had made an argument of posts, and
conducted his reasoning upon principles of trigonometry
as well as logic. There were certain detached data, like
advanced works to kef p the enemy at a distance from the
main object in debate ; strong provisions covered the
flanks of his assertions, his very queries were in case
mates ; no impression therefore was to be made- on this
fortress of sophistry by desultory observations, and it
was necessary to sit down before it, and assail it by regu
lar approaches. It was fortunate, however, he said, to
observe,' that notwithstanding all the skill employed by
the noble and literary engineer, his mode of defence on
paper was open to the s";ime objection which had beeD
urged against his other fortifications, that,- if his adversary
got possession of one' of his posts, it became strength
against him, and the means of subduing the whole line of
his argument. No supporter of the bill undertook" to
refute the arguments of Mr. Sheridan : many who usually
voted with administration, were averse to the present
measure ; even Mr. Pitt was believed not to be very
eager for its success, and the event was certainly different
from the issue of most of his propositions; for when the
question came to a division, the numbers were equal, and
the casting vote of the speaker negatived the motion.'.
Soon after the defeat of a scheme which* tended to
increase military establishments, a bill was introduced for
enlarging the authority of -military courts, hy subjecting
to their jurisdiction officers who held commissions by
brevet. This clause, occasioned a strenuous opposition in
both houses : the ground of disapprobation was the arbii
trnry nature of martial law, which was justified only by
necessity, and therefore ought to be extended no farther
than: necessity required. Its object was to secure the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. y3'
discharge of duty on actual military service, therefore it CHAP.
ought not to operate out of that service. The supporters J^^".
of the motion contended, that such officers might be 1786.
invested with command, and therefore should be made
sabject to a court martial in case of professional misbe
haviour ; there were also many other military officers who
were not mustered, such as governors and lieutenant
governors, who might eventually exercise command, and
ought therefore to become amenable to the laws which
bind other soldiers : persons choosing to have the advan
tage of military rank, should hold it on the condition of
complying with military rules ; and if they disliked the
terms, they might ease themselves of their grievance by
resigning their commissions. On these grounds the clause
was carried in both houses.
On the 29th of March, Mr. Pitt brought forward his pian0f
plans" for the reduction of the national debt. A com- J1'"- p,iu
.... .,,., . forredu-
mittee had been appointed early in the session, in order eing the
to investigate and exactly ascertain the public income and debt°.Dal
expenditure, and strike the balance : the result of the
investigation from the income of the year 1785, was,
Income — £. 15,379,132
Expenditure, — 14,478,181
So that a surplus of more than £. 900,000 remained ; and
on this basis Mr. Pitt formed his scheme. He proposed
that, by taxes neither numerous nor burdensome, the
balance might be raised to a million : by a succinct and Is sul)mit.
clear view of our finances he demonstrated, that excess of ted to par-
income beyond expenditure was in the present and follow- " -
ing years likely to increase ; but in making his calculations,
he had contented himself with concluding that it would not
decrease. This million was to be appropriated unalienably
to the gradual extinction of the national debt. Several
savings of expense and increases of revenue, especially
through the customs from the suppression of smuggling,
would add to the national income : annuities would also
fall into the same fund ; the accumulated compound added
to these sources would, in twenty-eight years, if properly
xThe minister is believed to have availed himself of the financial ability of
Dr. Price, who so thoroughly understood political arithmetic.
Vol. III. K

74

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, managed, produce an annual revenue of four millions to
^^J the state. For the management of this fund, commis-
m6. sioners were to be appointed to receive two hundred and
fifty thousand pounds quarterly, with the full power of
employing it in the purchase of stock. In choosing persons
> to be intrusted, Mr. Pitt proceeded on his general princi
ple, which had been already exhibited in his India bill},
that in circumstances requiring new delegation of executo
rial power, the trust should be vested in men whose official
situation presumed their competency to the execution of
the commission ; the speaker of the house of commons,
the chancellor of the exchequer, the master of the rolls,
the governor and deputy governor of the bank of England,.
and accountant general, were gentlemen whose nomination
he recommended. After illustrating his calculations, and
the advantages of his scheme, he compressed the substance
into the following motion : " That the sum of one million
" be annually granted to certain commissioners, to be by
"them applied to the purchase of stock, towards dis-
" charging the public debt of this country ; which money
" shall arise out of the surplusses, excess.es, and overplus
" moneys, composing the fund commonly called the sink-
" ing fund." The policy of contracting expenditure
within income, in order to liquidate debt, was so obviously
just, that no one dissented from the principle, but various
objections were made to the scheme. These are reducible
to two general heads : first, that the alleged excess did
not exist: secondly, that admitting its existence, the pro;.
posed mode of application was not the best that might be
Mr. Sheri- adopted. On this subject, Mr. Sheridan took a leading
the most Part in opposition; he moved a series of resolutions,
active part declaring there were not sufficient grounds to establish the
in contro- * ¦ r- i_ , ,
verting the existence ol the asserted surplus; that the calculations
p'ropot- were founded upon one year peculiarly favourable, and
minister1"5 HOt Up°n SUCh a number of succeeding years as could
constitute a fair average ; and that in the existing accounts
even of that year, at least in the report of the committee,
there were certain articles erroneously stated to the credit
of income, and others erroneously assigned to the diminu
tion of expenditure. He, however, neither proved the

REIGN OF GEORGE III.
alleged errors, nor the impropriety of calculating from
1785, the first year to whiclvany reasoning on the "reduced
expenditure, or growing revenue of a peace establishment
and rising trade, could apply. The objections to the mode
were principally adduced against the appropriation being
Unalienable in any circumstances : in times of war and
pecuniary emergency, it might he expedient to have re
course to the present fund, instead of a loan. To modify
this objection, Mr. Fox proposed, that in a future loan
the Commissioners might accept of as much of it as they
could pay from the public money in their hands ; and
thus, besides a prevention of that amount of future debt
which would be equivalent to the redemption of the past,
the public would be gainers by the profits which would
accrue- from such a loan.* Mr. Pitt not only adopted,
but highly applauded this clause : Mr. Pulteney proposed
that the commissioners should continue purchasing stock
for the public when at or above par, unless otherwise
directed by parliament. This provision, of which the
object was to attach to parliament the responsibility of
giving instructions to the commissioners, if necessary in
the specified circumstances, was adopted. The bill con
taining the original principle and plan, though with some
modification of the latter, passed through both houses, and
.received the royal assent.
Mr. Pitt had examined the frauds against the reve
nue with minuteness and -fullness of inquiry. In no sub
ject of impost he found they were more prevalent than in
wine : the present amount of the revenue resulting from
that article was less by two hundred and eighty thousand
pounds, than in the middle of the last century, yet it was
manifest that the consumption was greatly increased since
that period : he attributed the defalcation, first, to the frau
dulent importation of large quantities of foreign wine,
without paying the duties : secondly, and principally, to
the sale of a spurious liquor under the name of that beve
rage. To remedy this evil, he proposed a bill for subject
ing foreign wines to the excise ; by this means they could
'"' y For instance, if there were a loan of six millions of which the commis
sioners contracted for one miHion, and there was a bmw of two per cent, the
public would gain 20,000/.

76,

HISTORY OF THE

chap, no longer fraudulently escape the payment of the revenue,
XXXV. as tne exc;se> Dy its opportunities of more completely vigi-
irs6i lant inspection, could much more effectually prevent,
smuggling, if attempted ; and there would not be the same
motives to adulteration, when the substitute should have'to
pay the same duty as the genuine ; the consequence would.
be, that the public would, without an additional price,
procure better wine, and the revenue would be much
greater, which would produce an increased demand for
our manufactures, and thus the mass of productive industry
would be augmented. For all these reasons, Mr. Pitt
recommended the adoption of his plan. The arguments
against it rested on two grounds : first, general, on the im
policy and unconstitutional tendency of extending the
excise laws ; secondly, special, on the inexpediency of the
mode. These necessarily turned on topics oftem discussed,
the collection of the duty by, inspecting and searching.
private houses, the summary proceedings against offenders.
Under the second head it was contended, that the practice;
of gauging, so applicable to brewers, was perfectly incom
patible, with respect to such an article as wine ; that con
tinual increase and diminution of the trade stock would
baffle the endeavours ofthe officers to keep a regular account :
as these objections did not apply more forcibly to wine
the pur- than to liquors already subject to the excise, they made
sedeintoPaS" utt*e impression ; the bill passed through both houses, and
law. received the royal assent.
Bill for ap- IN consequence of a message from the king, Mr. Pitt,
commisg- on *^e 20tn °^ June> introduced a bill for appointing com-
sioners to missioners to inquire into the state and condition of the
the Trown woods, forests, and land revenues belonging to the crown. '
laws. Against this proposition it was contended, that the powers
granted to the commissioners were contrary to the security
of the subjects, whose rights, founded in prescription,
would be invaded. It subjected all persons who held of
the crown, or possessed estates adjoining to the crown
lands, to an inquisition into their ancient boundaries and
title deeds, at the mere motion of the commissioners,
without any other legal or ordinary process. It was sup
ported on the ground of expediency, that it was proper
and wise to ascertain the condition of these lands, in order

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

77

1786.

to see of what improvements they were susceptible. In chap.
the commons, the bill encountered no material opposition ; xxxv-
in the peers, lord Loughborough argued strongly against
the proposition : he and other lords entered a protest ; but
itpassed by a majority of twenty-eight to eighteen. Mr.
Marsham proposed a bill for extending, to persons em
ployed by the navy and ordnance, the disqualifications
contained in. Mr. Crew's bill of 1 782, for preventing reve
nue officers from voting at elections of members of parlia
ment. The proposition was controverted by Mr. Pitt ;
the situation of persons intended by Mr. Crew, and of
those now designed to be excluded, was totally different :
the revenue officers were under the influence of government,
but the persons employed in the departments in question
were subject to no control ; they were at all times capable
of procuring what was equal to their present salaries- in
foreign services, or from our merchants at home ; the
former were dependent upon the crown, the latter totally
independent ; no fair argument could therefore be adduced
from the disfranchisement of the one set, for disqualifying
the other : on these grounds the proposed bill was
rejected. A discussion was now begun in the house of commons, The con-
which long occupied the attention of parliament and the Hastings
public ; this was the conduct of Warren Hastings, esq. late be^om"?
governor general of India. Early in the session, major inquiry.
John Scott, late confidential secretary to Mr. Hastings,
and now a member of the house of commons, reminded
Mr. Burke of his charges against the governor general,
said that he was now returned from India, and called on
his accuser to bring forward the allegations of criminality,
that they might undergo the inquiry and receive the deci
sion of the house. Major Scott was, doubtless, warmly
attached to Mr. Hastings,, and perfectly confident of his
innocence; nevertheless, the prudence of such a challenge
is very questionable. Many warmly approved of Mr.
Hastings's character and administration, and conceived
him the saviour of India from a native combination co
operating with the ambition of France; these admirers
could not estimate him more highly than at present, though
he were freed from charges which they thought altogether

78

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, unfounded, while persons of a contrary opinion might not
|XX^XV- be convinced even by his acquittal. Mr. Scott undoubtedly
m6 ' knew, that however innocent his friend might really be,
there was a great body of oral and written evidence in the
reports of the committees, which tended to establish, the
opposite belief, or at any rate to leave the issue doubtful;
the multiplicity - and complexity of allegations would
certainly render the process extremely tedious. From all
these circumstances, an inquiry and trial must involve its
subject in a labyrinth of difficulty, even were the ultimate
event to be favourable. The zeal, therefore, which pro
duced this defiance, was evidently imprudent; by rousing
charges that might have lain dormant, it actually proved.
highly injurious to him whom it was intended to serve:
Mr. Burke did not immediately answer major Scott's
summons, but within a few days opened the discussion.
On the 17th of February he brought the subject before the
house, and in an introductory speech traced the history of
the proceedings of parliament respecting the affairs of
British India, and also the alleged misconduct of the com
pany's servants, from the period of lord Clive's govern
ment to the reports of the secret and select committees,
the resolutions moved thereupon, and the approbation
repeatedly given to these proceedings by his majesty from
Mr. Burke the throne. On the authority, the sanction, and the en-
snbject. couragement thus afforded him, he rested his accusation of
d" ctoi-™" ^r' Hastings as a delinquent of the first magnitude. There
speech. were three species of inquisition against a slate culprk :
pose's' to first, prosecution in the courts below, which^ in the present
prm-eed by casey he thought very inadequate to the complicated nature
meut'j and extent of the offence, and the enormity of the offender :
secondly, a bill of pains and penalties of which he disap
proved as a hardship and injustice to the accused, by
obliging him to anticipate his defence, and by imposing on
the house two relations that ought ever to be kept separate,
those of accusers and of judges. The only process that
remained, was by the ancient and constitutional mode
of impeachment. The first step in such a cause, was
a general review of the evidence, to enable them to deter
mine whether the person charged should be impeached.
If the general question was carried in the affirmative, they

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. yQ
must next appoint a committee to divide and arrange the CHAP.
evidence, under the heads of which the impeachment should xxx v-
consist. He proposed, previously to a resolution of im- .
peachment, that the evidence should be particularly investi
gated by a committee of the whole house, that they might
be well acquainted with the grounds of procedure before
they should attempt to proceed. He eloquently described
the disagreeable nature of an a&cuser's office, and contended
that it was not imposed on him by choice, but by necessity.
He, moved for the production of papers alleged to contain
evidence relative to the subject, and endeavoured to show
that Mr. Dundas, who in 1782 had moved the recal of
Mr. Hastings, ought to have taken a lead in the present busi
ness. Mr. Dundas acknowleged that he had recommended
the recal of Mr. Hastings as politically expedient, but denied
that this proposition expressed, or even implied, any
judicial charge of criminal conduct, which consistency
would require him to support ; if there was appearance of
guilt, he agreed that it ought to be investigated, that if
found to be real, adequate punishment might be inflicted.
No objection was made to the production of the papers
which were then specified ; but Mr. Burke continuing at
subsequent meetings to move for various other documents
Mr. Pitt, before he would agree to the requisition, pro
posed, that the accuser should exhibit an abstract of the
charges which he intended to adduce, that the house might
judge ^yhether the papers required or to be required were
relevant to the elucidation of the subject. Mr. Burke and pre-
read a short outline of the charges, and pointed out the summaary
matters which the writings were intended to explain and of alleged
substantiate. The charges were twenty-two in number : acts.
first, the Rohilla war : second, the detention of revenues,
of the province of Cola Alia Habad : third, the proceedings
respecting Cheyt Sing: fourth, the conduct towards the
princesses of Oude : fifth and sixth, the treatment of two
rajahs : seventh, extravagant contracts made by Mr.
Hastings in the name of the company : eighth, illegal
presents : ninth,, disregard of the orders of the East India
company : tenth, eleventh, and twelfth, extravagant con
tracts on account of the company, and enormous salaries
bestowed on officers of his own institution: thirteenth,

SO HISTORY OF THE
chap, ambassadors sent to Arcot and the decan : fourteenth, the
J^T" Mahratta treaty : fifteenth, the management of the revenues
irg6 of Bengal : sixteenth, the ruin of the province of Oude :
seventeenth, the dismissal of Mahomed Khan from the
internal management of Bengal : eighteenth, treatment of
the mogul : nineteenth, a libel upon the directors : twen
tieth, the Mahratta war : twenty-first the suppression of
correspondence : twenty-second, the treatment of Fizullak-
ham. Of these articles, by far the most distinguished
were the third and fourth : Mr. Burke employed the
remainder of February and the whole of March in moving
for papers and preparing his accusations. On the 4th of
April he charged Warren Hastings, esquire, late governor
general of Bengal, with sundry high crimes and misde
meanors ; nine of his articles he then delivered, and the
other thirteen the following week. Mr. Hastings peti
tioned the house that he might be heard in his defence,
and that he might he allowed a copy of the accusation.
The first request the prosecutors granted': Mr. Burke
objected to the last, at so early a stage of the prosecution;
he was, however, overruled. The month of May was
chiefly occupied in examining evidence ; and on the first of
June, Mr. Burke adduced his first charge, in the following
terms : "That there are grounds sufficient to charge
" Warren Hastings, esq. with high crimes and misde-
" meanors, upon the matter of the said article." After a
full discussion, it appeared to the house, that this war was
unavoidable oh the part of Mr. Hastings ; this proposition
was negatived by a majority of one hundred and nineteen
to seventy-six. On the 3d of June, Mr. Fox brought
forward the charges respecting Benares : he contended
that Mr. Hastings had acted unjustly in his first demands ;
that his subsequent conduct was a continuation and increase
of injustice, but that his last proceedings, when he arrived
in that. province, were flagrantly iniquitous and tyrannical,
and had rendered the British name odious in India. On
the other hand, it was argued that the demands of Mr.
Hastings were agreeable to the established conduct of
superiors in India, from their tributary dependents, in
situations of danger and emergency: the circumstances of
affairs were extremely critical ; the governor general was
reduced to the alternative of either requiring pecuniary

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. gl
supplies, or wanting money to pay his troops, when their CHAP.
most strenuous efforts were necessary for saving India
against the confederacy of France, and the native powers ; 17^
the rajah's refusal, combined with various parts of his
conduct, manifested disaffection to the British establish
ment, when Mr. Hastings went to Benares ; Cheyt Sing was Amajority,
also in actual rebellion, and intimately connected with the Mr. Pitt,
allied enemies of British India. His conduct was there- finds . ,
ground of
fore justified by necessity, as part of that general system of impeach-
, - , .- ,. , . , j ment in the
wise and comprehensive policy which preserved our pr0ceed-
important interests in Indostan. Mr. Pitt admitted that l"gsasainst
the situation of affairs at that period was extremely critical, Sing.
but considered the proceedings at Benares beyond the
exigence of the case, and necessity of the service. It was
carried by a majority of one hundred and nineteen to
seventy-nine, that there was a matter of impeachment in
the charge in question.
During these proceedings concerning part of the Mr. Dun-
transactions in India, Mr. Dundas introduced a bill for ?as's t,u
. . torimprov-
the improvement of its government in future. Its prin- ing the go*
cipal object was to enlarge the powers of the governor q| 'British <
general ; first, by vesting in him the nomination of the lndia-
vacant seats in -the council ; secondly, by limiting the
officers ofthe governor general and commander in chief
of the forces ; and thirdly, by authorizing him to decide
upon every measure, even though not agreeable to the
'council, The proposition was opposed by Mr. Burke, as
tending to introduce despotic government into India ; but
its framer insisted, that the responsibility of the governor
general was in proportion' to his power, and that abuse of
'nis trust was punishable by a fair and established judica
ture : he was himself satisfied, after a long and attentive-
inquiry into the affairs of India, that all the recent mis
chiefs in that country had arisen from the parties formed
in the different councils, and the factious spirit which had
almost uniformly pervaded these bodies. By his system,
the governor general, on the one hand, would no longer
be restrained by personal pique and factious opposition,
from forming and executing such plans as'he thought most
conducive to the public good ; yet, on the other hand, he was
amenable to the laws of his country for any unjust, tyran*
Voi. I If. L

8,2

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, ical, or injurious exercise of his power. The authority?
^_^/ allowed to the officer in question, was founded on the same
1786. general principle, as that conferred on the several mem
bers of the British state, sufficiently extensive to effect the
useful purposes required, and so clearly bounded as to
prevent pernicious exercise.
Supplies. The supplies of this session were eighteen thousand.'
seamen, and about thirty thousand soldiers. A loan was
wanted, 2,500,000/. were to be raised by exchequer bills,
paid as usual, from the first aids of the following year ; about
200,000/. were to be raised by a lottery. There were no
new taxes, but a duty of a penny per gallon on spirits, on
deals and battens, on hair powder and pomatum, the whole
being intended to make up the sum stated to be wanted ;
that the surplus of income might be the annual million
appropriated to the liquidation of the national debt.
Theses- 0N tne lltn °f Ju^y ms majesty closed the session by
sion termi- a speech from the throne, in which he testified the high-
est satisfaction with the measures adopted for improving
the resources of the country, and reducing the national
debt. He continued to receive assurances that the peace"
was likely to remain undisturbed; the happy effects of
general tranquillity appeared in the extension of the nation
al commerce, and he should adopt every measure tending
to confirm these advantages, and to give additional
encouragement to the manufactures and industry of his
people. *

REIGN OF GEORGE JU. fe'

CHAP. XXXVI.

Continental affairs.— Death and character of Frederic of
Prussia. — His provisions for the security of his succes
sor. — Revolution in Denmark. — §>iieen dowager disgra- '
ced, and the reins of government assumed by the prince
royal. — Physical calamities in various parts ofthe conti
nent. — Commercial and political pursuits of France.—
Amiable character of Lewis XVI. — Britain  -Alarming
attempts against our soVereign.-^-pr ovidentidlly br event-
ed. — Magnanimous humanity of the king.— 'The person
proves to be a lunatic named Margaret Nicholson  -Gen
eral consternation oh hearing of the attempt. — Anxious
affection of all ranks for their revered sovereign. — Con
gratulatory addresses. * ,
ON the continent of Europe, nb event so much CHAP.
distinguished the year 1786, as the death of Frederic xxxvl-
II. king of Prussia ; who, for half a century, had ,786
acted such a conspicuous part on the grand military Continen-
and political theatre. Were we to estimate his conduct Ucath and
on the simple principle, that a long and constant series of c5?,rac,ter.
r r . r ' ° . , ofFredene
successes must arise from the possession and steady exer-'of Prussia.
tion of adequate qualities, we should find grounds for
concluding, that the talents of Frederic, as a soldier, a '
statesman, and a lawgiver, were singularly eminent. Con
cerning a man who has long enjoyed the uncontrolled
direction of any species of affairs, we may fairly arid can
didly ask, in what state did he find the subject of his
trust? did any material advantage assist, or difficulty
retard, its improvement ? has he left the professed* objects
of his care in: a better or worse situation ? When the '
government of Prussia devolved upon Frederic, he found :
a small, inconsiderable, and disjointed kingdom, without "
arts, industry, or riches ; and without either the disposi
tion or means of rendering the territory productive, the
inhabitants prosperous, or the state ^respectable. The

£4t HISTORY OF THE
treasury was scanty, and the income inferior to the neces- .
sary expenditure ; his dominions were surrounded by
1786. powerful and jealous potentates, who commanded numer
ous, valiant and well disciplined armies : in such circum
stances Frederic raised his country to be a great, well
compacted, and flourishing empire. By teaching his sub
jects ^industry, agricultural skill, manufactures, and com
merce, he bettered their condition, civilized their manners,
enlightened their understandings, and enabled them to
acquire the comforts and enjoyments of life. His king
dom which before occupied a small space in the geogra
phy, and still less in the politics of Europe, was by him
rendered the terror of its most formidable foes, and the
admiration of mankind. Great as was the result, there
are more special, grounds for estimating the character of
Frederic than bare effects : his progress exhibits the
operations of the most efficacious qualities ; an under
standing that grasped every object of necessary or useful
consideration ; an invention, rapidly fertile in resources,
increased both in force and effort with the difficulties by
which its exertion was required : self-possession never
suffered his powers to be suspended by either peril or
calamity ; intrepid courage faced danger, and magnani
mous fortitude, sustaining adversity, rendered misfortunes
temporary, which would have overwhelmed others in de
struction. Never had a leader with so small a force to
contend with such a powerful combination, not of mere
multitude (as when Asiatic enervation by feeble crowds
impotently tried to overwhelm European strength,) but of
hardy, disciplined, and veteran troops, equal to his own
in prowess and military skill, and quadruple ia number.
Frederic experienced dismal reverses of fortune ; having
attained the highest pinnacle of success by dint of genius, he,
rom incidents and circumstances, against which no wisdom
could provide, was driven to the lowest abyss of disas
ter; the Very existence of his kingdom became doubtful;
his inflexible constancy, uninterrupted perseverance, and
transcendent abilities, triumphed in calamities, and rose
through adversity to victory and glory. His exertions
during the seven years war demonstrated to his enemies, „
that all their attempts to crush Frederic were unavailing

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 8i
against him-, and recoiled on themselves. Hostilities being CHAP.
terminated, he had leisure to cultivate the arts of peace, xxxv*:
and both in planning and executing measures for that pur- m6
pose, he proved- that his mind was formed for excelling
not only in war, but in every other great and difficult pur
suit to which circumstances might require the direction
of his efforts. Complete comprehension of objects sim
plified plans ,for their attainment : the Prussian king was
a great inventor in the military system, particularly in the
mode of attack. His object was to render the assault
irresistible in one or more points, so that the confusion-
produced there might be communicated to the whole line ;
the means were not merely to advance intrepidly and charge
vigorously ; but .in the moment of onset to form such
unforeseen and skilful dispositions, as would enable an
army, greatly inferior in number, to surpass the enemy in
exertion, and wherever the action was likely to prove most"
decisive, to bring a greater front to act against a smaller.1
His internal improvements proposed at once to increase
the resources and meliorate the character of his subjects ;
' to render them, both from external circumstances and per
sonal qualities, fitter for securing and extending individu
al and national prosperity, virtue, and happiness. Addicted
himself to letters, he was extremely attentive to the edu
cation of his-subjects, according to their circumstances,
condition, or probable and destined pursuits. Tinctured
with infidelity, he was far from encouraging its general
diffusion. Totally free himself from bigotted prejudice
or. superstition, he knew the compatibility of such errors
in others with most beneficial conduct, and granted every
sect full and undisturbed toleration. That there were
great alloys among Frederic's excellencies, he would be a
partial panegyrist, not an impartial historian who should
deny. The justice of several parts of his conduct in the
early part of his reign was very questionable. One very
important act in a later period admits of no dispute : the
dismemberment of Poland will always remain a monument
of exorbitant ambition and unjustifiable usurpation by
Frederic and the other powers concerned. It would not
z See Gillies's Frederie.

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXXVI.

1786.

be difficult to evince, that both the subjects thus forcibly
acquired were bettered in their condition by this annexa
tion ; but shallow would be the moralist who, from even
tual and contingent good, would defend injustice. It
might be easily shown that the greater number of victo
rious commanders, in proportion to their power, have been
guilty of as ambitious usurpations as Frederic, and that'
not many of them have by their victories done so much
good. In appreciating conduct we must consider the cir
cumstances and opportunities of the agent, and the temp
tations which these produced ; how very few men, it may
be asked, having a very desirable object within their grasp,.
would abstain from possessing it, even though not con
formable to strict justice. The perspicacious and recol
lecting observer of mankind must recognise such conduct
to be natural, but the just estimator of moral sentiments
and actions will reprobate it as unjust. Frederic, with
considerable moral defects, possessed very high moral and
the very highest intellectual excellencies ; he raised a small,
poor territory to be a great, opulent, and powerful, king
dom ; and rendered ignorant and uncivilized inhabitants
an enlightened and civilized people. To a very great
portion of mankind most momentous benefits have accrued
from the efforts of the renowned Frederic,
As the power of Prussia had arisen from the counsels
and exertions of Frederic, many apprehended, that, rest-;]
ing on his character, its stability would be endangered by
his death; and supposed, that the ambitious confederation -
of the imperial courts, so recently thwarted by the vigilant
sagacity of Frederic, would take advantage of his deathj >
and endeavour to reduce northern Germany to dependence. ;
But the provisions of Frederic had not been temporary, .
to expire-with his own life : he acquired and formed such,;
strength and power as could be protected by mediocrity of
talents^ that he knew was to be generally expected in sove
reigns as well as others, and which only he saw his imme
diate successor to possess. His counsellors had been;
trained by himself, and were likely to continue the plan' of ¦
policy which the object of their adoration had delineated
and conducted with so signal success. For the preserva
tion of his dominions, Frederic bequeathed the most.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

er

effectual securities to his successor which human wisdom CliAP.
could provide or devise, by leaving him a full treasury, XXXVL
and a formidable army, wise and experienced counsellors,
and a people enthusiastically attached to the government
and memory of their illustrious king: The imperial pow- '
ers thought it by no means expedient to interfere with a
kingdom so powerfully protected, and were besides ma
nuring their preparations for their own principal design,
in the prosecution of which it was their obvious interests
to win Prussia to forbearance, instead of provoking her
to war. Thus the death of Frederic made no immediate
perceivable difference in the politics of Europe.
In Denmark a revolution had taken place in 1784, Revolution
which proved very beneficial to that kingdom. Ever m°£n"
since 1 772, the queen dowager having triumphed Over the
unfortunate and ill used Matilda, from the imbecility
of the , king, retained the supreme power which she had
acquired by such unjustifiable means. Her sway was
indeed established beyond all control, and beyond the pro
bability of subversion. She had filled the great offices of
state with her adherents and favourites; the son of the
unhappy Matilda was a child, and the chances against his
life at that tender age being considerable, Julia's son,
prince Frederic, (the king's half-brother,) was regarded
as the presumptive successor to the throne : all things
seemed to concur in securing her influence and authority
for life. The exercise of her dominion was far from dis
pelling the hatred which the dowager queen so deservedly
incurred by her means of elevation. Imperious and tyran
nical, she sacrificed the national' good to the interests of
her supporters and minions; and was hateful throughout
the kingdom, except to her own creatures. Retribution
though slow was not the less sure ; as the prince royal
approached to maturity, he indicated qualities that excited
tjhe hopes of the people in general, and especially of those,
many in number, whp were disgusted with the queen dow
ager's government. In the seventeenth year of his age*
the heir of the crown, by his manly abilities and character,
was become the universal favourite of the nation, and in a
few months acquired such influence and power as to over
whelm the usurpers ef his father's authority. With such

88

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XXXVf. 1786.

Queen
dowagerdisgraced,and the
reins of go
vernmentassumed by
the prince
royal.

Physical
calamitiesin various
parts of
the conti
nent.

wisdom and secresy had he formed his measures, that,
being declared of age at seventeen, he was placed at the
head of the council board ; when he acquainted the junto
that directed the affairs of the kingdom under the queen
dowager, that the king his father had no farther occasion
for their services, before they had conceived the most
distant idea of their approaching downfal. Having dis
missed these ministers, he published an ordinance, that no
orders from the council of state were in future to be
received, or considered valid, which had not been pre
viously reported to the king, signed by him, and counter
signed by the prince royal. Having accomplished so
desirable and beneficial a change, the prince conducted
himself with temperate, wise, and magnanimous policy
toward the junto and its head. He abstained from punish
ing the planners and most active instruments of the revo
lution 1772, any farther than by the loss of their offices.
On the queen herself he bestowed a superb castle and
extensive demesnes in Holstein, whence it was understood
she was not to return to court. Prince Frederic 'had
never taken any share in his mother's cabals.; to him his
nephew presented great possessions, and made him second
to himself in the cabinet council. His subsequent conduct
confirmed and increased the opinion of his countrymen;
he' bestowed the closest attention on public business, and
studied the political and commercial interests of Denmark.
His highness planned and executed a very great and royal
work, which was finished in 1786, the formation of a short
and direct junction between the Baltic and the German
ocean. This was effected by drawing a navigable canal
from west to east across the peninsula of Jutland. Beside*
his attention to official duty, the prince manifested a dis
position to literature, and became the patron of learning
and learned men.
During this year and the two former, various parts
of the world suffered dreadful calamities from physical
causes. Earthquakes, which had so desolated Calabria
and other parts of Europe, raged both in Asia and
America. In Europe and the adjacent parts of Africa"
and Asia, there was a succession of severe and irregular
seasons ; violent storms of rain spread inundations over -j

1786.

REIGN OF GEORGE 1U. gg
the richest, parts of ', Poland, Lithuania, Germany, Hun- CHAP.
gary, Italy, and France. Rigorous cold destroyed the ^^^
crops of Norway and Sweden^ and the same causes
prevented Livonia from affording them, the usual supplies :
even the. fisheries of the. north, did not yield their wonted
stores ; the consequences were, that Norway, notwithstand
ing every effort of government, laboured under an absolute
famine. In Iceland a new kind of calamity ravaged the
country ; mount Hecla, and the other volcanos which so
much distinguish that island, although perhaps they pro
mote, the purposes of vegetation by communicating a ge
nial warmth to its frozen bosom, have at all times been
the terror, and a% particular periods the scourge and de
stroyers, of the inhabitants. The present calamity, how
ever, was, totally new : the country with its products were
now consumed by subterraneous fire. This destroyer of
nature made its. first appearance in. June 17.84, reduced to
cinders every thing which it met, and continued burning
until the month of May in the following year, haying in
that time extended its devastation about twenty leagues in
length, and from four,, to five in breadth. The great
riv'er Skaptage, which was from seven to eight fathoms
in depth, and half a league in width, was entirely dried up,
its bed and channel presenting a dreadful yawning chasm.3
A similar fire broke out about this time on the eastern
side of the same range of mountains, and pursued its
xourse in the opposite direction. The pestilence also
raged .with uncommon malignity over those countries
Which it usually pervades : from, the Atlantic borders- of
Morocco to. the extremities of Egypt, and from Palestine
to the mouth of the...Euxine, ' the African and Asiatic
coasts of the Mediterranean, with those qf Thrace on
the opposite, side, the cruelty of its ravages was severe,
and the destruction of mankind, greater, than at any period
within the reach of memory, or perhaps within the re
cords of history.
France persevered in her attention to maritime and
commercial affairs, and endeavoured to increase the numr
a About a fourth part of the consumed soil consisted qf a lava; and of
teossy bogs or marshes ; the remains of thftjburnt earth resembled vast heaps
of calcined' stones ; and were of the colour of vttrto], A an nal Registe* l786»
History of Europe, p. 60. .
Vol. III. M

90

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, ber of lier naval arsenals and harbours on the ocean.
J^w The '.part of Cherburg, on the coast of Normandy, frpifo
JLJ35 its vicinity to England, and lying directly opposite to
Commer- Hampshire, seemed directly calculated for this purpos&
political Here the French were constructing a capacious basin,
pursuijsof wjtn dociES and other requisites necessary to a great naval
arsenal ; the works were stupendous. It was proposed to
cover the road, being about a league and a half in length,
with a series of moles, leaving only two sufficient open
ings, one for the passage of ships ofthe largest size, and
the other for trading vessels. Forts, with batteries of
the heaviest cannon, were to be erected on the different
moles, in such' situations as to be impregnable, and to
render the approach of an enemy utterly impracticable
M. Calonne, the prime minister of France, in order* to
open the" way for the introduction of foreign industtfe-
procured the publication of a law, which might be cons&*
dered as a counterpart of the noted edict of Nantz. This
was a decree, which invited strangers of all christian
"nations and religious persuasions to settle in the country,
and enabled them to purchase lands and enjoy all the
rights of citizens. b To encourage artists and manufactu
rers of all countries to settle in France, another ordinance
was published, allowing them the same privileges which
they enjoyed in their native lands, and for a limited time
granting them an immunity from all duties on the impor
tation of the raw materials that were used in their manu
factures ; also exempting them and their workmen from
the payment of taxes, and every personal impost. On
these conditions they were obliged to continue for a specifi
ed number of years in the kingdom, but, at the expiration of
that term, they were at liberty to depart themselves, and
to move their property wherever they chose. The king
and his ministry were no less disposed to favour the
b The judicious author of. the history of Europe, in the Annual Re
gister of. 1786, observes, that it afforded a singular object of moral andj political
consideration, to behold fourteen -vessels fiom North America arrive "together
in the harbour of Dunkirk, freighted with the families, goods, and property5 bf
a colony sf quakers and baptists, (the, most rigid, perhaps, in their religipus
principles of any among the reformed), who were to odmc to settle at that
place, in a Roman catholic country, and under the government of the Fremh,
monarch; two circumstances the most directly opposite to their ancient sen
timents, whether political or religious*

RETOirtJF,»HEORGE III. gj
t t . . - •
native protestants, as far as was consistent with the, well CHAP-
being and security. of the national church : indulgences XXXVL
were likewise extended this year to the peasants, who
long had been grievously oppressed; they were relieved
.from various arbitrary exactions, both of labour and
money, and their condition was in general, meliorated.
The great objects which the mild and benevolent Lewis
pursued were, the improvement of the strength and pro
ductiveness of his kingdom, the alleviation of oppressions
interwoven with the government, as it had descended to ,1
him from his ancestors^ and the extension of the bless
ings of liberty to his peoples.
The most remarkable domestic occurrence of the Alarming
. . . . , , f attempt
year was an attempt, originating in phrenzy, that tortu- against our
nately answered no other purpose than to demonstrate the «°vereign,
warm affection with which a happy, feeling, and' grateful
people regarded their sovereign. On Wednesday the 2d
ef August, his majesty came to town to the levee ; as he
was alighting from his carriage at the garden gate of St.
James's palace, opposite to the duke of Marlborough's
wall, a womara,- decently dressed, presented to the king a
paper folded up in the form of a petition ; his majesty
stooping to receive it, felt at his Stomach a thrust, which
passed between his coat and waistcoat; drawing hack, provide!*.
he said, ft What does the woman mean?" At that instant J^rtJ?1*"
a yeoman of the guards laying hold of her arm, observed
something fall from her hand, and called out, " 'Tis
'-**¦ a knife!" The king said, " I am not hurt; take care
" of the woman do not hurt her." Much affected by the Magnani-
i . • i • • - r i mous.hu-.
attempt, his majesty said, in a voice expressive ot tender manity of
¦feelings^ " I am sure I have not deserved such treatment the kinS-
" from any of my subjects!" >On opening the paper, when
he entered the royal apartments, he found written : ", To
" the king's most excellent majesty;" the usual hea.cL.to
'petitions; but nothing more. The woman was immedi
ately taken into custody, and carried to' the guard cham-
-ber. Being questioned how she could make, such a
wicked and daring attempt;- her answer was, "That
" when she was brought before proper persons, she would
" give her reasons." Front' the hour of twelve to five
she remained in a chamber to which she was conducted,

92

HISTORY OF THE

1786.

The at-
tempter
proves to
be a luna
tic named
Margaret Nicholson.

Generalconsterna
tion on" '
hearing of
theat-f. tempt.

Anxious affection
of all
ranks for
theirsovereign.

but would not answer one word* to any person. In the
evening, after the levee was broken up, she was examini-
ed by the ministers, the law officers of the crown, and
several magistrates. Her replies, claiming the crown as
her property, and threatening the nation with bloodshed
for many ages if her right was denied, indicated an insan
ity,, which, from appearances, examination, and subse
quent inquiry, was soon discovered to be real : her name
proved to be Margaret Nicholson. It was imagined by
many, that disappointment of her. own, or some new
connexion, concerning a place under government, had
contributed to her insanity, - and given her disordered
fancy such a direction ; but when her history was traced,
it was found to haye no relation to either the court or
government. After a short consultation, it was resolved
that she should be sent to Bethlehem hospital, where she
has been confined ever since.
Most providential it was, that this wretched crea
ture made use'Ot her left hand, her other presenting the
petition , and that its position was such, that she could
Only aim obliquely. Had her right hand been employed,'
which, where she stood, could have struck directly, dismal
might the consequence have been. Even with the aim
which she took, the happiness of the nation, in the safety
Of its revered monarch, was highly indebted to our king's
presence of mind. Had his majesty been thrown into
confusion by a danger so unexpected, the fatal deed might
have been perpetrated, before the attempt was perceived.
Next to his magnanimity, the considerate humanity ofthe
sovereign shone most evidently conspicuous. His benevo
lent injunction to abstain from hurting a person who had
compassed against hjm so atrocious an act, most probably
saved the assassin from the summary and immediate ven
geance of his surrounding subjects. Similar conduct, in
similar circumstances, this history has still to record, con
cerning the same exalted character. Fortunately for their
feelings, neither her majesty nor any of the royal off
spring were present. The intelligence of the danger was
accompanied by the certain information that it was esca
ped. The report of the aim excited horror and indignant
resentment through the nation, until the state of the per-

REIGN QF GEORGE HI.

93

petrator's mind was made generally known, and the dread- CHAP.
ful impression of the calamity threatened yielded to XXXVI-
delight that it had threatened in vain.; The exquisite 17s6
pleasure that results from terrible and impending evil Congratu-
. ¦ , Iatory ad.
avoided, poured itself hi addresses of ardent and heartfelt dresses on
loyalty from every quarter of the kingdom. His sub- J,1^"^?
jects before knew that theyioved and revered their king ; loved sovfc-
but now only felt the full force of these affections, when re'sn"
the impression present to their minds was the imminent
danger of their object.

94

H18T0W0F THE

CHAP. XXXVII.

Mr. Pitt's enlarged views on the relation between; this
country and France  Perceives that peace and amica
ble intercourse is the interest of both countries —
Thinks past enmity not an unsurmqutttable bar to pef*
manent reconciliation. — Projects <j commercial inter
course, to be mutually beneficial by a reciprocal ex
change of surplus for supply.- — Seeks the best-assistance,
and employs the most skilful agents—Principle and de
tails of the treaty  Meeting of parliament and the
king's speech. — Treaty submitted to parliament.— Mr*
Fox and his 'coadjutors oppose the treaty. — Arguments.
—France the unalterable enemy of Great Britain.— -Mu
tual interest can never eradicate that sentiment. — Even/
commercial connexion with France has been injurious to
Britain. — For the treaty denied that there is any unal
terable enmity between France and this country. ^-Not
always enemies.' — The repeated discomfiture of Franc*,
zvar ring against the navy of England, at length taught
' her the' policy of peace;- — The treaty supported by agriat
majority. — Convention with Spain. — Consolidation* of
the customs. — -Application of the dissenters for the re
peal of the test act.— Number' and respectability qf the
dissenters as a body. — Distinguished talents of some qf
their leaders. — Dissenters favourable to 'Mr. Pitt,and
thence expect his support of their application.— PrevioWs
steps to prepossess the public in their favour < — Mr.
Beaufoy demonstrates their zeal for liberty and the pre
sent establishment. — Lord North, a moderate tory, oppo
ses their application, as inimical to the church. — Mr.
Pitt opposes it on the grounds of political expediency**—
The test no infringement of toleration, merely a condi
tion of admissibility to certain offices of trusti — Emi
nent dissenters had avowed themselves desirous of sub-
Verting the church ; — therefore not expedient to extend
their power.' — Application rejected. — Bill for the relief

REIGN OF GEORGE IM.
of \imolvent debtors.— --Lord Rawdon's enlightened > and
liberal policy.— -Bill negatived. — Inquiry about Scotch
peerages. — Magnanimous sacrifice by the prince of
. Wales of splendor to justice. — Situation of his highness.
— -Satisfactory adjustments. — Proceedings respecting Mr.
{,, Jlastings*— Writings in his defence.— The nation long
.averse to his impeachment.— r-Hastings's cause generally
" popular. — Eloquence gives a turn to public opinion*—
^., Celebrated speech of Mr. Sheridan on the Begum charge.
—Its effects on the house qf commons and the public—
, Singular instance of its impression on a literary defen
der of Mr. Hastings. — A committee appointed to pre
pare articles • of impeachment. — The commons impeach
Warren Hastings at the bar ofthe house of lords.— Sup
plies. — Favourable state of the finances.— Mr. Dundas
¦j >&rings forward the financial state qf British India.—
^'¦promising aspect of affairs.
¥¦ ¦¦ HISTORY recorded^that|F.rance and England had
been usually jealous, and often hostile : statesmen on both
sides acted upon an assumption, that rivalry and enmity
were unavoidable consequences of their situation ; and
therefore, that the chief objects of external policy to both,
were reciprocal suspicion, and provision for probable en
mity. The bold and soaring genius of Pitt was not to be
trammelled by precedent : he investigated principle, and
combining generalization with the experience of political
systems and events, easily traced effects* either good or
bad, to their causes ; and could discover in what cases
and circumstances, continuance, or change of plan or of
practice, was expedient or unwise. The sagacity of this
minister analized the history and spirit of the wars which
had b.een carried on between Britain and France, since.
trade and navigation became so much the objects of Eu
ropean pursuits : and saw that they had commonly arisen
from a desire on the side of France of equalling, and even
surpassing, Britain on her peculiar element. He consi
dered the event, as well as the origin ; every endeavour
of our neighbour to triumph by sea had diminished the
riches and power which she sought to increase by a con
test : both her commerce and naval force had been uni-

96 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP... formly reduced by the very, wars, through which she
XXXVII. attempted their extension. The resources of Britain had
,_.- risen in proportion to the power which she was compelled^
to combat ; and all the confederacies which her rival could(
form, were incapable of depriving this island of her mari
time preeminence : hence it was evident, that no state
which sought opulence and strength, through commercial
efforts, acted wisely in provoking to conflict the mistress
of the ocean, who could so effectually destroy the trade of
her foes : it was therefore the interest of France to de*
sist from that hostile policy which had so much obstruct
ed the irnprovements of her immense resources. Peace
with France was no less beneficial to Britain, which had
so far consulted her advantage^ as to abstain from, offen
sive hostility against her neighbour : within the periodof
great commercial enterprise in northern and: western Eu
rope, England had never gone to war, but to < repel agr
Perceives" gression, direct or circuitous. Concord being the mutual
and arnica^ interest of the parties, Mr. Pitt conceived the noble de-
bie inter- sjgn 0f changing the contentious system of policy which
the inter- had so long prevailed ; and the execution, though, diffi-
frLsf001"1 clHt' ne nac* son(i reasons not to believe impracticable.
That hereditary enmity was not an unsurmountable obstaf
cle to reconciliation and close alliance, was clearly demon
strated from the former and recent relations between
France and Spain, and between France and Austria.
Those powers, which had been the constant enemies of
France throughout the seventeenth century, and one of
them during more than one half of the eighteenth, were
now herifastest friends ; why might not permanent amity
Thinks he established between Britain and her former rival I The
past enmi- a- . , .......
ty not an most effectual means ot inducing the two countries to pur-
mwntable Sue obJects so conducive to their mutual benefit, he thought,
bar to per- would be a commercial intercourse, which should recijpro-
coSa™ cauT increase the value of productive labour. The jflftin-
tj011; ister derived his ^knowledge and philosophy from the pu
rest sources ; he sought information, either particular or
general, wherever it was to he found authentic and impor
tant; and was peculiarly happy in arranging details,
and, from either masses or systems, selecting and apply
ing what was best fitted for his purpose. Political econo-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

97

my and commercial science he learned from Smith : he CHAP.
' ''' "V"V~WlT
agreed with that illustrious writer in his estimate of the
reciprocal advantage that might accrue to industrious and 17g6
skilful nations, from an unfettered trade, which should
Stimulate their respective efforts. Before he formed his
scheme for promoting an intercourse between the two chief
nations of the world, he made himself thoroughly acquaint
ed with the state of facts, the actual productions, and the
probable resources of the respective countries. The min
ister possessed that ability and skill in choosing coadju
tors, which results from a thorough comprehension of
characters, and a nice discernment of the appropriate
talents and knowledge, dispositions and conduct peculiar
ly adapted to any specific end. For commercial inform- Seeks the
ation and science, especially the history and actual state of Jj* a!m'dt'
modern trade, no man exceeded lord Hawkesbury : from employs
... i , • , ¦ " • 'ne most
that able statesman he derived very important assistance skilful
in preparing his scheme. Greatly did he also profit by asents-
Mr. Eden, whose acuteness and conversancy with every
subject of commerce and diplomatic experience, rendered
him a most valuable auxiliary in digesting and composing
the plan at home, and the ablest agent for negotiating and
concluding an advantageous agreement with France. Eden
accordingly repaired to Paris ; where he conducted and
completed , the desired arrangement with the ministers of
Lewis. The treaty in question established reciprocal liberty Principle
of commerce between the two countries. The subjects ™ ^tiei-
of each power were to navigate and resort to the domin- ty.
ions of the other, without any disturbance or question,
except -for transgressing the laws. The prohibitory duties
in each kingdom, by enhancing the price, had reciprocally
discouraged the sale of their principal commodities; these
were now modified to the satisfaction of both by a tariff.
The wines of France, to be imported into England, were
subjected to no higher duty than the productions of
Portugal ; the . duties on brandies and various other arti
cles were to be lowered in proportion; and the commo
dities of Britain were to be equally favoured in France.
On the same basis of reciprocity were the, articles respect
ing disputes between the mercantile, maritime, or other
Vol. III. N

as

1786.

HISTBWOF THE
subjects of the two countries, and various details of civil,
commercial, and political intercourse were to be adjusted.
In whatever related to the lading and unlading of ships,
the safety of merchandise, goods and effects, the succession
to personal estates, as well as the protection of individuals,
their personal liberty, and the administration of justice,
the subjects of the two contracting parties were to enjp$
in their respective dominions the same privileges, liberties,
and rights, as the nation or nations most highly favoured
by each. Should hereafter, through inadvertency or other
wise, any infractions or contraventions of the treaty be
committed on either side, the friendship and good under
standing should not immediately thereupon be interrupted^
but this treaty should subsist in all its force, and proper
remedies should be procured for removing the inconve-
niencies, as likewise for the reparation of injuries. If the
subjects of either kingdom should be found guilty, they
only should be punished and severely chastised^ The
relative commercial condition and resources, on which
Mr. Pitt grounded his conclusion's, he generalized into
concise propositions. At first sight it appeared, that
France had the advantage in the gift of soil and climate,
and in the amount of her natural produce ; while Britain
was on her part confessedly superior in her manufactures
and artificial productions. This was their relative conchj,
tion, and was the, precise ground on which he imagined
that a valuable correspondence and connexion might be
established. Having each her own distinct staples; each;
that which the other wanted, and no clashing in the grand
outlines of their respective riches ; they were like two
great traders in different branches, and. might enter into
a traffic mutually beneficial. The respective princes
reserved to themselves the right of revising this treaty
after the term of twelve years, tp propose- and make such
alterations as the times and circumstances .should- have
rendered proper or necessary for the commercial .interests
of their subjects. This revision should be completed in the
space of a year, after which the present treaty should be,
of no effect; but in that event the good harmony and
, friendly correspondence between the two nations should
not suffer the least diminution.

RBIGtf OF GEORGE HI. §9
In a treaty formed on the basis of reciprocal freedom chap,
of trade, the advantage to the contracting parties was, and XXXV1[-
necessarily 'must be, in the compound rates of their 178s
resources and skilful industry. At first! sight, from the
climate and soil of France, the balance of! commercial
benefit appeared in favour of that country, and so many
politicians reasoned with much plausibility; but Mr. Pitt
had profoundly considered the relative circumstances, and
justly concluded that the French industry and skill was
much more inferior to the British industry and skill, thati
the French soil and climate were superior to the British
soil and climate ;' and thus, that greater benefit would
accrue to'this country from the freedom of trade: expe
rience justified his conclusions.
The commercial treaty was the chief object which 1787.
occupied the public attention when parliament met on the parua-
23d of January 1787. The speech from the throne men- J?en''. a3d
tioned the tranquil state of Europe, and the friendly dispo- speeeh..
sitions of foreign powers to this country. His majesty
informed parliament, that a treaty of navigation and com
merce had been concluded between this country and
France, and recommended it to the consideration of the
houses, under two heads ; its tendency to encourage the
industry and extension of commerce, and to promote such
an amicable intercourse as would give additional perma
nence to the blessings of peace : these were also the objects
which his majesty had in view in other treaties which he
was negotiating. A convention was formed between
Britain and Spain, respecting the cutting of logwood : he
farther directed their attention to plans, which had been
framed by his ordfers, for transporting to Botany Bay, in
New Holland, a number of convicts, in order to remove
the inconvenience which arose from the crOuded state of
the gaols in different parts of the kingdom: he trusted
they would also devise regulations for simplifying the
public 'accounts, in various branches of the revenue : he
relied upon the uniform continuance of their exertions in
pursuit of such- objects, as might tend still farther to
improve thCnational resources, and to promote and con
firm the welfare and happiness of his people. In discuss- *
ing the proposed answer to the speech, some general

100 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, observations were made upon the treaty by Mr. Fox; but
XXXVU. they. prpciuCed no debate, as the minister and his friends
1787 reserved their reasonings until the consideration of the
subject was properly before the house.
The treaty On the 4th of February the treaty was submitted to
is submit- parliament. After the minister had explained and sup-
ted to par- r , , * . *
fiament. ported the object, spirit, ahd provisions ot this treaty"?
numbers of the Opposite side attacked it on a variety of
grounds, as relative to commerce, revehue, the naval, and
the political interests of Britain. The arguments deriv
ed from our manufactures were, they contended, founded
on a presumption, that the French character would not
Mr. Fox admit of equal industry as the English : that opinion was
a"rutorsC°" asserted to be unjust : the treaty would facilitate and en-
opposethe courage that contraband trade, which it had been the pro
fessed object of Mr. Pitt's policy to suppress: the free
access of French ships to the British shores, would be
unquestionably by many employed to the purposes' of
smuggling, and thus the revenue" would be greatly- injured.
By reducing the duties on French wines, we had concede
ed advantages to France, for which we did not receiveaii
equivalent : we had farther interfered with the Methven
treaty, and the interests of our natural ally, Portugali1
Respecting the naval operation of the treaty, it' was a
substitution of a near for a remote market^ and requiring
short trips would not exercise, nor form nautical skill:
but the political effects of the treaty were chiefly reprd*-
bated : one argument, often repeated, was founded upon
an authority, to which many politicians would bow on the
recurrence of precisely similar cases. Mr. Pitt, the
elder, having found the country at war with France, had
displayed the whole vigour Of his genius in measures
Aifuments most fata!ty hostile to France ; therefore it was unwise iii
any minister to cultivate friendship with France, and
particularly wrong in the son of such a father. France
was the natural enemy of England, ahd no sincerity could
be expected in any professions of friendship, no stability
in any contract : nations which bordered on each other,
cduld never thoroughly agree, for this single reason, that
they were neighbours: all history and experienCei accord
ing to opposition, assured us of the fact* Mr. Fox in

REIGN OF GEORGE UI.

101

particular maintained, that France was the inveterate and CHAP.
unalterable enemy of Great Britain; no mutual interest *~^^*\
could possibly eradicate what was deeply rooted in her ,rg7,
constitution. The intercourse which this treaty would France the
produce, must be extremely hurtful to the superior na- enemy of
tional character of England. Evil communication cor- Jjl-reBt m""
rupts good manners. The nearer the two nations were tuai inte-
drawn into contact, and the more successfully they were in- jjer eradi-"
Vited to mingle with each other, in the same proportion «»te that
the remaining morals, principles, and vigour of the Eng
lish national mind, would be enervated and corrupted. Every
No feommercial treaty formed between the two countries a°"onnexi-
had ever been beneficial to this country : on the contrary, °n with,
that which followed the peace of Utrecht would have beeninju-
been extremely injurious, and every mercantile connexion g™^'"
with France had been always injurious to England. In Argu-
,r r. . ¦ • 1 i i ments for
defence ot the treaty it was maintained, that the compa- the treaty.
rative character of the English and French manufactures,
and artificial productions, would render the free trade
more beneficial to this country than to France, notwitiv
standing her soil, climate, and natural produce. We had
¦ agreed , by this treaty to take from France, on small
duties, the luxuries of her soil, which, however, the re
finement of this country had converted into necessaries*
The wines of France with all their high duties, already
found their way to our tables ; and was it then a serious
injury to admit them on easier terms ? The admission of
them would not supplant the wines of Portugal or of
Spain, but only a useless and pernicious manufacture in
our own country. The diminution on brandy was also
an eligible measure, and would have a material effect in
preventing the contraband trade, in an article so much
used. It had been objected, that no beneficial treaty
Would be formed- between this country and France, be
cause no such treaty had ever been formed, and because, on
the contrary, a commercial intercourse with her had
always been hurtful to England: this reasoning was com
pletely fallacious; it deduced a similar conclusion from
totally dissimilar premises. For a long series of years
we had no commercial' connexion with France, and the
relative value of the respective productions Were totally

102

HISTORY OF T1U5

CHAP.
XXX VII
1787.

Denied
that there
is any un
alterable enmity be
tweenFranceand Bri
tain.

changed. When a treaty was proposed at . the peace of
Utrecht, England was extremely deficient in those manu,
factures in which she, now excelled, and much inferior to
France in produce; by a free trade she must then have
been a great ¦ loser $ because she would have given much
more than she would have received,:, now she would be a
great gainer, because she would receive much more than
she gave. The present treaty did not in the smallest, de?
gree affect the stipulations with Portugal. The French
wines would be still much dearer, notwithstanding the
diminution of ,tfie duties. In apolitical view it certainly
could be no argument against the adoption of a system of
conduct in one species of circumstances, that a contrary
system had been pursued with acknowledged wisdom in a
different situation of affairs. Although Mr. Pitt the
father had, when his cpuntry was at war with France,^
employed the most energetic and successful effortsj to be
victorious in war, that was no reason that Mr. Pipt- thfei
son should not endeavour equally to make the best of ex?
isting circumstances, by promoting . commerce with the
same country when at peace. The minister himself, con?
troverted Mr. Fox's position, that France was unalterably
the enemy of the country. The existence of eterra4»
enmity was totally, inconsistent with the constitution . of
the human mind, the history of mankind, and the expe
rience of political societies., Every state recorded in
history had been at different times in friendship, or amity
with its several neighbours. The dissension bet.wgjp
France and this country has arisen from mistaken ambi
tion on her side; there was no, more natural antipathy be
tween an Englishman and a Frenchman, than between a
Frenchman and a Spaniard, or a Frenchman and. a Ger
man. France, after being long hostile to the house oi
Austria, had at last discovered, that it was much more
advantageous for both parties to. cultivate peace and har,
mony, than to impair their /espeetive strength, and. ex
haust their resources. Hostilities had been carried on
between France and Austria, without very long intervals.
of peace, for two centuries and a half.^ During the
greater part of the seventeenth century, profound peace
had subsisted between France and England; there was

REIGN OF GEORGE III. jq,
nothing improbable in an idea that such a system might CHAP.
again prevail ; but should war again arise, would the ¦J^J[\
treaty deprive us of our natural watchfulness, or our ac- 1787i
customed strength? On the contrary, as it must enrich the
nation, it would also prove the means of enabling her to
combat her enemy with more powerful effect: but it was
now much less likely that our resources should be called
for such a purpose, than at former periods. If ever There-
France and her allies could have expected to overwhelm'comfiture
England, their hopes might have been sanguine in the' ^J|£jn<lp'
Ainerican war; they had united the whole maritime">gai»st the
world to reduce her commerce and her navy, but they*England,
had totally failed in reducing our naval power, and sunk at length
, r ¦ ¦ r i taught her
her finances to a situation ot extreme embarrassment ; the policy
hence, though it was always the interest of France to ° pea<,&
avoid war with Great Britain, her present circumstances
rendered it more necessary than ever to abstain from hos
tilities, which, under her embarrassment, would expose
her to inevitable .bankruptcy. On the other hand, by cul- Ry the
tijsatirfg a connexion with this country, she must Perceive'b™^ k°'k
the means of recovering from her difficulties. From all^irea
these considerations, we might safely infer the sincerity'tensive
of" France; no doubt that country would gain by the -™arket ftr
treaty; the French would not yield advantages without spective
the ; expectation of a return : unless the other party de- tj0nsUthaa
rived,., benefit from the agreement, we could have little &ther
hopes of its permanency; but Britain would reap much where.
more advantage. France gained for her wines, and her
productions, an extensive and opulent market; we did the
same to a much greater degree : she procured a market
of eight millions of 'people; we a market of twenty-four
millions ; France gained this market for her produce,
which employed few hands in the preparation, gave small
encouragement to navigation, and afforded little to the
sta|e; we gained this market for our manufactures, which
employed many hundred thousand of our countrymen in
collecting the materials from all corners of the world,
advanced our maritime strength^ and in every article and
stage of its progress contributed largely to the state.
The treaty under went, many and various discussions
through its passage in both houses ; and although there

104

HISTORY OF THE

1787.

OHAP. neither was, nor indeed could be, much novelty of argu-
.*LXJin ment, as it had been so fully canvassed, yet in both houses
it called forward an exhibition of commercial knowledge
and philosophy, superior to^any that had ever appeared in
the British, and consequently in any, senate. In the house
of commons several young members very eminently .dis
tinguished themselves, by speeches for , and against the
treaty,- especially Mr. Grenville on the one side, Mr. Grey
and Mr. Windham on the other. In the house of peers,
though lord Thurlow, and lord Hawkesbury, lord,,Loughr
borough, and lord Carlisle, with other peers on both sides,
exerted their respective abilities upon this subject, yet the
fullest and most detailed reasonings were presented by the
marquis of Lansdown, and the bishop of Landaff, , The
oration of the former nobleman, in some respects, coin
cided with the supporters, and in others with the opposes
of the treaty. He with ministers contended on the sou|p
policy of cultivating an amicable intercourse with France;
and with the other side, that the reciprocity on which dje
treaty was said to be founded was merely ideal, and that
Britain must greatly lose by the stipulation : these objec
tions were weighty, if well grounded ; nevertheless lje
declared his warm and cordial support of the treaty0. Tfic
bishop of Landaff, in his oration, manifested the same

c An altercation arose from the debate between the marquis" and the duke
of Richmond : the 'former had stated the danger- of the fortifications of Cher-
burg, and, while on that subject, had digressed to make a severe animadversion
on his grace's plan for fortifyingPortsniouth and Plymouth. The duke observed,
that the marquis's opinion declared orally and in writing, as witnesses and letters
could prove, had, when himself minister, declared his perfect approbation of the
plan, to reprobate which he had now deviated from the question. It append,
however, in investigation, that the marquis had never expressly and explicitly
either said or written, that he concurred with the duke of Richmond,- bis grace
and Mr Pitt, and other hearers, had only inferred his sentiments; fioiajiil
words, and conduct, but could not affirm that he had plainly and categorically
said,' that he approved' of the plan. They thought that he had i agreed ,|o|Uie
plan, because he spoke of it very favourably when J consulted on the subject He
had, aa first lord of the treasury, included a sum for the proposed fortifications
in the estimates of expense for the year. His lordship, however, now declared,
that he had always disapproved ofthe scheme, and challenged his grace to pro
duce a scra]> of writing to the contrary. Although, by this declaration,!): Wild
appear that those senators were mistaken in their construction, of his words and
actions, it must be allowed, that their interpretation was, according to the usual
rules of reasoning, not very unnatural. The applicability, however, of a general
criterion to the explanation of a particular case, must depend in a great degree
on the peculiar qualities' of the subject. The duke of'Richmond went so far as
tp charge hfs lordship with insincerity j an allegation which the noble peer

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

105

vigour of mind and industry of inquiry, ' which rendered CHAPi
him so eminent in chemistry and theology, and procured XXXVH-
the applause of both parties. The. treaty was approved l7i7
by a great majority of both houses ; and on the 8th of The treaty
March an address was presented to both houses, testifying eVhyT* *
their joint approbation of the treaty with France. < Fe.at m*"
The convention with Spain, to which his majesty's
speech had alluded, was of very secondary and subordi*
nate moment; when compared with the treaty that we have
been considering ; nevertheless, it was by no means unimr
portant. The agreement in question was concluded the
14th of Julyd 1786, and chiefly regarded the privilege of
cutting logwood. The British possessions on the Mus-
quito shore were ceded in exchange for a tract of land on
the Bay of Honduras. The contract produced little ani
madversion in the house of commons, but underwent
severe strictures in the house of lords ; the opponents of
administration contended, that we certainly could haye ,
made a better bargain, than to have ceded to Spain a tract
of land, at least as large as the whole kingdom of Portugal,
which yielded us cotton, indigo, mahogany, and sugar, in
Exchange for a liberty to cut logwood, and a scanty settle
ment of twelve miles in extent : it was moreover ungrate
ful to the British Subjects who resided there on the faith
of our protection, and who had contributed every effort in
their power to assist their country. Ministers replied,
that the complaint respecting the value of the cession arose
from geographical and statistical inaccuracy. The terri
tory which we relinquished was much less extensive, and
productive, than lords in opposition apprehended. On the
second subject of censure they asserted, that the number
of Britith subjects settled there did not amount to one
hundred and forty; and provision was made for the
security of , their persons and effects: these arguments
'being satisfactory to the majority of the house, tihey
declared their approbation of the treaty*
„ reprobated with great indignation. Jn vindicating, himself, the marquis ofLansj-
down asserted, that openness was his characteristic, and that it wassolsly
from the consideration of the unguarded ness of his temper, that, by the advice
of his friends, he had secluded himself from the world.
d See State Papers.
Vol. III. O

106 HISTORY OF THE
One of the subjects recommended to parliament by
the speech from the throne, was the consolidation of the
~,7S7 ~~ customs. The increasing commerce of this country on
Consbiida- the one hand, and its accumulated burdens on the other,
tion ofthe , , . , , , , , . e
customs, had so widely exceeded the expectation of our ancestors,
and all the grounds of calculation on which they founded
their system of finance, that the principles which they
adopted, though sufficiently suited to the narrow and con
fined scale of our former exigencies and resources, were no
longer applicable. The consequence of retaining the old
principle, under the altered circumstances of the country,
had been in several points of view very detrimental to the
interests of the nation. The first institution of the subsist
ing duties of the customs was made by the statute of the
twelfth year of king Charles II. under the names of ton
nage and poundage; the first, an impost upon wines,
measured by the quantity imported ; and the second, on
the price of all other articles. The last was therefore
liable to great inaccuracies : it was not calculated according
to the real value of the commodities, but by an arbitrary
estimation ; perhaps the market price of the article at the
time of imposing the duty: this principle, when once
adopted, was pursued in every fresh subsidy.: in some
instances it had operated, by imposing additional duties
calculated at so much per cent, upon the duty already
paid ; in others it laid a farther impost of the same de
scription on a particular denomination ofthe commodity;
almost all the additional subsidies had been appropriated
to some specific fund for the payment of certain annuities :
there must, therefore, be a separate calculation for
each made at the customhouse ; and from the com
plexity of the whole System, it was scarcely possible
that a merchant could be acquainted, by any calculations
of his own, with the exact amount of what he was tor pay.
To remedy this great abuse, Mr. Pitt proposed to
abolish all the duties that now subsisted in this confused
and complex manner, and to substitute one single duty pn
each article, amounting, as nearly as possible, to the aggre
gate of the various subsidies now paid ; only where a
fraction was found in any of the sums, to change it for the
nearest integral number, usually taking the higher rather

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

than the lower. This advance would pyoduce an increase CHAP.

xxxvu.

in the revenue to the amount of 20,0001. per annum, and
lay upon the- public a burden, which must be amply com- 1737
pensated by the relief which the merchants were to expe
rience from the intended alteration. Mr. Pitt had given
complete attention to this business ; and had not left one
person unconsulted from whom any information could be
obtained ; and the. greatest diligence had been used to cir
culate the plan among the most competent judges of those
persons who were immediately concerned in its operation
and effects. The proposed scheme caused no debate ; the
object was so evidently adventageous, and the means so
well>adapted, as to command the concurrence and appro
bation of the whole house;" and a bill for the purpose was
introduced and passed. On the 26th of April, Mr. Pitt
presented, to the house, of commons a bill, stating, that
notorious frauds had been committed in the collection of
the tax on post horses, and providing that, as a rem
edy to the evil, the tax should be farmed.. The several
districts were to be put up to public auction at the present
amount received in each, and at the highest rate which
it ever nad produced ; and it was not doubted there would
be many candidates ; hence the full value might be expect
ed. Mr. Fox opposed the bill, as tending to enlarge the
HiUmber of collectors very considerably, and in the same
¦proportion to increase the influence of the crown : it was,
besides argued against the proposed mode of taxation, that
it was repugnant to the principles of our constitution, and
to the general system of our revenue; and was the. mode
adopted under arbitrary governments, and one of the prin
cipal sources af oppression in France : the precedent was
in the highest degree alarming, and required to be warmly
resisted in the outset. To these objections the minister
and his friends replied, that although farmers of the reve
nue contributed, under arbitrary governments, very greatly
tothe 'miseries of the people, yet it was not from the nature

e Mr. Burke, who rose immediately after the minister, professed that it
did not become him, or those.who like him .unfortunately felt it to he frequently
their duty to oppose the measures of government, to content themselves with
a sullen acquiescence ; but on the contrary to rise manfully and do justice to th*
measure, and to .return their thanks to its author, on behalf of themselves and
their country. See parliamentary debates, 1787.

j^g HISTORY OF THE
CIJAP. of their employment, but from the system under which it
XXXVH. was exerc;seti. The powers to be given to the farmer
VJ^^"' were no greater than those at present intrusted to collec
tors : after considerable discussion, the bill passed both
houses without a division.
Appliea- ^ subject was introduced into the house of commons,
tion of the which became repeatedly the object of its consideration in
foTare6-' succeeding sessions : this was a proposition for the repeal
testaet the °f tne test and corporation acts. The dissenters from the
church of England were very considerable, both in number,
and opulence ; and certain classes of them derived great
lustre from the learning and- genius of their leaders.
i Among them there were not a few active, bold, and aspir
ing men ; these very naturally wished to enjoy the sweets
of power, to rise to a political superiority over those to
whom they might fancy themselves intellectually superior.
Among sectarians, the influence of their ministers is gen
erally greater than under an establishment. The relation
between the dissenting pastor and his flock is voluntary^
whereas between a clergyman and parishioners it is created
by the law of the land.' The former has, from his situa*-
tion, dependent on the liberality of his employers, the
strongest motives of interest to accommodate himself to their
passions, prejudices, and humours ;f because, if he thwart
these, the proceeds of his labours will be much diminished.
The latter, being independent of the bounty of those whom
the constitution of the country has delegated to his spir
itual care, has no interested motive to gratify his parish
ioners, any farther than is consistent with wisdom and
virtue. The sectarian minister, like a tradesman, depends
for subsistence on his customers ;g and the sure way of
increasing the number of those is obsequiousness.1' The
beneficed clergyman, as a gentleman, may cultivate1 the
good will of his people, and the friendship of the most
deserving; but in paying his court need not stoop beneath
a dignified equality. Sectarians also are infinitely more
addicted to theological disputations, than members of an
established church. The zealous agitators of controversy
? >See Hume, vol. iii. p. 249. prefatory to the history of the reformation.
glbid. 251. h.The reader will observe, that here I merely descrftethe
general tendency of situation to influence conduct. '

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 109
naturally regard with much veneration the chief professor CHAP.
of their tenets. From these causes, the influence of, dis- " "
senting preachers over their employers was and must haye 17sr
been very great. It certainly then was very easy for them
to render the people zealous and eager to procure privi
leges so gratifying to human passions, nor were they
actually wanting in attempts to predispose the public in
their favour. Many of their preachers were literary
undertakers, who would write on any and every subject.
Doctors Price, Priestley, and some others, furnished ideas,
which, by the assistance of dilation, repetition, and prolixity,
sent to the wprld numberless books and pamphlets on the
severe policy of the British constitution, which, in its
allotment of offices, had required certain standards of
qualification and disposition to discharge the respective
duties. There were circumstances which they conceived
favourable to the attainment, of their object. The dissent- J>>"™«*''5
ers -had coincided with the majority of the established to Mr.Pin.
church, in supporting the minister of the crown and peo- ""f,^0] "'.,''
pie against the leader, of, a confederacy.; , thence they support-
inferred, that gratitude would induce, him to support a
cause, in, the discussion of which he was to be one of the
judges ; that Mr. Pitt was to be guided by private affec
tion in deliberating on a question of. public expediency.
"£he .minister was on terms of friendly intercourse with
various dissenters, especially Mr. Beaufoy : this consider
ation, they apprehended, would have great weight in
determining the part which he, as a lawgiver, was to
act, Mr. Fox, from -his general eagerness to diminish
gptraints, had often professed, , and uniformly manifested,-
disapprobation of tests and subscriptions : it was not
doubted he would be friendly to the project, the whole
dissenting interest, supported by the leaders of the two
parties, would, they trusted, produce the desired repeal.
«-. Delegates were appointed to arrange and conduct Vi-evious
^eir plans ; these did not directly petition parliament, but steps t0
first published and dispersed a paper which they called the public
"the case of, the protestant dissenters, with reference, to J-JJy^''
" the test and corporation acts."1 This treatise exhibited
i See Domestic literature in the New Annual Review for 1787.

no HISTORY of the ""
the history ofthe corporation and test acts; the hardships
to which conscientious dissenters were exposed "by those
1787. restrictory statutes; and endeavoured to demonstrate both
the justice and expediency of affording them effectual
^Jl" ?e?u" relief. When this representation explained to the public
their cause their apprehension of the predicament in which they stood,-
'"int! la" tne dissenters engaged Mr. Beaufoy to move, that the
house should resolve itself into a committee to consider
those acts. In introducing this subject, on the 28th of
March, the senator in the first place, stated, what were the
exceptionable provisions of the law; and in the next, the
peculiar period and circumstances of its enactment. The
test act required of every person accepting a civil office, "
or a commission in the army or navy, to take the sacrament
within a limited time; and if, without qualifying himself,
he continued to occupy any office, or hold any commission,
he not only incurred a large pecuniary penalty, but was
disabled thenceforth for ever from bringing any action in
course of law ; from prosecuting a suit in the courts of
equity; from being the guardian of a child, or the execu
tor of a deceased person, and receiving any legacy.-1 On
the second head, he recapitulated the history of the act,
and the noted though despicable artifice by which Charles
II. defeated its repeal. k He farther endeavoured to prove,
that the dissenters had always been favourable to the pre
sent happy establishment, and that their general conduct
had been such as to entitle them to the gratitude and
Lord regard of every true patriot. Lord North, who had been
moderate lately deprived of the organs of sight, and thereby pre-
tory, oppo- vented from regular and constant attendance in parliament,
piisaiion as came that day forward to defend the church from appre-
[he"hui'cL°. hended encroachment. His lordship, educated at Oxford*
and impressed with the sentiments which that university
has uniformly inculcated, was a strenuous supporter of
episcopal doctrines. Though too benevolent in disposition
and mild in temper for bigotry, he was the warm friend
of the rights and privileges of the ecclesiastical establish
ment, and had always opposed the dissenters when apply
ing for a change. He now declared himself, though
k Hume, volvii.

REIGN OF GEORGE lit. , m
attached to the church, the sincere friend of religious chap.
liberty. Far should he be from opposing the present XXXV!I'
motion, if it sought no more than the free and entire 17g7
exercise of the rights of conscience ; but it prayed for the
repeal of an act, which was the great bulwark of, the con
stitution, and to which we owed the inestimable blessings
of freedom; and recommended a proceeding contrary to
the happy experience of a century. It had been said, that
the test act was an indignity to the . dissenters : but had
we not resolved, that no monarch should sit on the throne
who refused to comply with the test ? If the throne were
offered to any prince, who, from motives of conscience,
declined this condition, surely the refusal of the throne to
that prince would be no indignity. There was no com
plaint Of .ecclesiastical tyranny ; .universal toleration was
established; let them therefore guard against change in
the church, nor confound the free exercise of religion with
admissibility to civil and military appointments. Mr. Mr. Pitt
Pitt supported the same side of the question ; and began on'PtheS "
by marking the difference between civil and religious grounds of
,.,, . , , , , ,. . , , , political
liberty on the one hand, and political trusts on the other, expedien-
¦The former, every good constitution of government must ey' ¦
secure to all its subjects; the latter was bestowed with
discrimination, according to individual qualification and
disposition, of which the community had the right of judg
ing by any rule that it thought expedient. The test was
merely the condition required by the employer from per
sons to whom he committed a trust. Every master had Th<=testn0
* inirii)0'C- '
an unquestionable right to declare the conditions in which ment of to
ne-would admit service; and none could be aggrieved by ^erelv'a
an ^exclusion arising from himself. The present, therefore, condition.
was not a question of grievance and redress, but simply of
policy. On this question legislation had only one subject
of deliberation, was it expedient, in the present circum- Of admis-
stances, sentiments, and principles of the dissenters, for certain of
the nation to employ them in certain specified offices ? To fioe5-
such an inquiry, - every recapitulation of former history
was extraneous: a repeal might, have been wise in the
time of Charles II., and unwise in the reign of George III.
The dissenters were, undoubtedly, a body of men, who
were entitled to the consideration of parliament; but there

j tc, , HISTORY QF THE
CHAP. Was another class equally respectable, and more numerous)
xxxvii. wnose fears on tnis occasion Would be alarmed. Many
^^S"/ members of the church of England conceived, that-the
ecclesiastical part of our constitution would be seriously
injured, and their apprehensions were not to be treated'
lightly* If he were arguing on principles of right;' he
should not talk of alarm ; but he had already said; he was
arguing upon principles of expediency. The church and
state Were united upon principles of expediency; and it
concerned those, to whom the wellbeing of the state wa$
intrusted, to take care that the church should not rashly
be demolished. The persons who now applied,' declared,
that they meant nothing political by their application; but
he must look at human actions to find out the springs.
Eminent Highly as he thought of many of the present dissenters,
avowed he Could not but. observe there were persons among them,
themselves- wjjo would not admit that any establishment was necessary;
the and against such it became the legislature to be upon their
eiuroh. guard. Doctor Priestley, whose abilities and learning
were Very high, and whose opinions were received as ora
cles by a certain class of dissenters, had proclaimed enmity
Therefore against the church. Sectarians (he said) were wisely
not expedi- placing as it were, grain by grain, a train of gunpowder, to
tend their which the match would one day be laid to blow up the
power. fabric of error, which could never be again raised upon
the same foundation. When he saw proceedings, intended
to subvert so important a part of our polity, he thought
circumspection and vigilance absolutely necessary? when
there was an avowed design to sap the fortress, it became
the duty of the garrison to secure the outposts : the dis
senters already enjoyed every mental freedom to serve
God, according to their consciences, in the most aihpte
degree: what they now required, was inexpedient arid
The appli- dangerous. These sentiments deeply impressed the house;
cation is re. and on a division, the proposition of Mr. Beaufoy was
^ negatived by a majority of one hundred and seventy-eight
to one hundred.
Soon after this application,' a bill was introduced for
granting indulgence to a different species of complainants ;
these were insolvent debtors. The vast increase of com
merce poured opulence on the nation ; but to many indivi-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. v jjs
duals,unavoidable losses or injudicious speculations, brought CHAP.
bankruptcy and ruin. Luxury, growing with commerce J^P}"
and riches, spread its influence over society; the immense 1787
fortunes that were acquired by extortion and peculation in
-the east,* and during the American war, through the pro
digal effusion of the public moneys stockjobbing, and
other causes, operated upon the minds of many traders,
and inspired them with a desire of rapid accumulation.
This spirit suggested various schemes, which being much
more extensive than the capital that could be employed,
failure produced certain ruin. Gaming of every kind,
was extremely prevalent : the example of some very emi
nent characters, combining with their winning and impres
sive manners, infected their intimate associates with this
particular vice, and with general extravagance; and that con
sequence extended itself to many of their political supporters.
•i-The metropolis teemed with gambling tradesmen; these
became strenuous politiciansj who wished to have a share
¦ in directing the business of the nation, and that they might
•^deliberate in the tavern, they neglected their shops ; imi
tating those whom they admired, they followed them to
their private pastimes ; and closed their exertions in the
king's bench or fleet prisons ; and the number of imprison
ed debtors, through either misfortune or vice-was extremely
great. There can be no wise andjust reason for confining'
a debtor, but to compel payment : if there be no property
concealed, confinement of the debtor cannot restore the
creditor's right : were it practicable to compel, in every
case, the debtor, to 'give up his effects to the creditor,
as from effects, not person, his reimbursement must
•proceed, imprisonment1 might appear no longer to an-
"l Mr. Burke delivered the following opinion on this important subject, in
his address to the electors of Bristol : — " There are two capital faults in out
law, with relation to civil debts. One is, .that every man is presumed solvent ;
a"presump'tionVm innumerable cases, directly against truth ; "therefore the debt
or is ordered, on a supposition of ability an<l fraud, to be coerced his liberty
"jfiitjl he makes payment. By this means, in all cases of civil insolvency, with
out a pardon from his creditors, he is to.be imprisoned for life ; and thusa miser
able mistaken invention of artificial sciauce operates to change a civil into a
criminal judgment, and to scourge misfortune or indiscretion with a punishment
•which the taw does not inflict, on very great, crimes The next fault is, -that the
inflicting of that punishment is not on the opinion of an equal and a public
judge; but is referred to the arbitrary discretion of a -private, nay interested
and irritated, individual. He who formally is, and substantially ought to be, the
judge, is in reality no more than -ministerial,- a mere executive instrument ot a
private man, who is at "once judge and party : every idea of judicial order j? snV
Vpl. III. P

1 14 HISTORY OF THE
swer any just purpose to the creditor. The laws oi im*
prisonment for debt were, by many of the most enlight-
7/Jr. ened men, deemed a great blemish in the legislative
code of the country. Cautious, however, not hastily tcv*
innovate, lawgivers, instead of changing the principle,
had endeavoured to lessen the severity of the opera
tion by temporary expedients. One of these was by
insolvent acts, which have been usually passed at periods-
of various distance, when the prisons of the kingdom
were so full, as to be supposed to render them absolutely
necessary. The last of these had been passed in the year
1 780, and bills of this kind had been repeatedly proposed^,
Bill forthe but negatived. This year a proposition to a similar effect
relief of in- , • , , r , , i_ ,• c
solvent was made in thehouse ot lords ; the chief supporters were
debtors. lord Kinnaird, the earl of Hopetoun, the duke of Norfolk,'*
but above all lord Rawdon. This accomplished nobleman
we^have already seen" distinguished as a soldier; equally
excelling in the arts of peace, he was now become eminent
Enlighten- as a member ofthe senate. With, his many other virtues,
ed and libe- , , , r . . . . . ¦ , • • ,
rai policy remarkable for humanity, he directed his attention to tnej'
Kawdcf alleviation of misery : his lordship supported the liberation
of insolvent debtors, both on the ground of mercy and politi
cal expediency. Do not confine debtors (he said) to gratify
the resentment of creditors! Do not, because one indivi~
dual is malignant, suffer another to be miserable! By con
fining insolvent debtors, you prevent them from benefiting
themselves, their families, and the community;, and you
deprive them of every possible means of indemnifying their
creditors. Clauses may be introduced, which would
relieve misfortune, without suffering fraud to, escape*.
Lord Thuriow had been uniformly the chief opposer,,of
the several insolvent bills, and now maintained j the same ,
ground. His arguments on the subject have been, fre
quently imputed to a seyere unmerciful, disposition ; but
whether conclusive or not, when fairly canvassed^:, they ¦ • **
verted by this procedure. If the insolvency be no crime, why is it punislied
with arbitrary imprisonment! If it be a crime, why is it delivered into private
hands to pardon without;. discretion, or to punish without mercv and. without
measure.'* m This nobleman, hitherto mentioned in the history as the earl of Surry,
had, about a year before, succeeded to the dukedom by the death of his father.
The present duke is the first protestant representative ofthe family.
n Vol. ii. passim.- -,

RESIGN' OF GEORGE in. j 15
discover no marks of such a spirit; they manifestly arise CHAP.
from a policy, suggested by an extensive view of a com- xxxm
mercial country, ahd the meahs of encouraging industry- and ,787
-frugality, and restraining idleness and extravagance : what
ever opinion We may form of his reasoning, these were evi
dently his objects. His lordship, to answer theoretical
•ingenuity, which expatiated on the miseries that a rigorous
creditor might inflict on an innocent though unfortunate
^debtor, stated a simple and broad fact : English creditors,
as a collective body, are distinguished for lenity ; to sap-
port this assertion he appealed tO observation and experi
ence ; and affirmed, that lawyers and judges, who, i in the
exercise of their professions, had the most frequent oppor
tunities of knowing the treatment of debtors by creditors,
Were beyond all others the most deeply impressed with
this truth. Lord Mansfield had observed, that for twenty
prodigal debtors, there scarcely appeared in the course of
law one cruel creditor; the law, as it now stood, discrimi
nated between misfortune and vice: the bankrupt code, was
instituted for the relief of traders, who failed through
unforeseen misfortunes ; they were the proper objects of
generosity and protection ; while, on the other hand, those
who ran in debt, knowing that they should never be able
to pay, were certainly fit subjects of that severity, which the
law, as it stood, empowered their creditors0 to exercise;
besides, in the last insolvent act, the preamble had declared,
that it was not likely any more such acts should be pass
ed ; and thus in a great measure pledged the public faith
to creditors : as he Was inimical to the insolvent bill, he ,
said he intended to propose several regulations for miti
gating the miseries of imprisoned debtors. This bill was The bill is
• , ..... . . c .. .« negatived.
negatived, on a division, by a majority or twenty-three to
twelve. A QjJESTiON was this session submitted to the house inquiry
of lords concerning peers of the kingdom of Scotland' who ^utSc"1'
acquired British peerages. During the preceding sum-' ages.
-mer, the earl of Abercorn, and the duke of Queensberry,
of the kingdom of ScOtland,-had been called to the dignity
of British peers, by the titles of viscount Hamilton, and
oLord Thurlow did not here overturn th« objection to a system -which
makes the party both judge and punisher.

j16 HISTORY OR THE
baron Douglas-; notwithstanding which, they continued to
sit as representatives of the peerage of Scotland. Lord
,.K, ' Stormont contended, that the right of representation was
granted to Scottish peers as a recompense for the loss of.
an hereditary seat in parliament; those who no longer
suffered the. loss, could therefore no longer be entitled to
a share in the compensation. Having recapitulated the
history of the union to illustrate his positions, he moved,,
that the earl of Abercorn and the duke of Queensberry,
who- had been chosen in the number of the sixteen peers,
having been created peers of Great Britain, thereby ceased..
to sit in that house as representatives of the peerage) of:
Scotland., His lordship rested his principal argument, on
a resolution of the house of lords, which was passed in
January 1709, that a peer of Scotland, sitting in the.
parliament.of Great Britain, by virtue of a patent passed
since the union had no right to vote in the election of the.
sixteen peers of Scotland. From this opinion ofthe,
house, declaring that such peers could not choose repre
sentatives, his lordship inferred, that they could,, not be
representatives themselves. Lord Loughborough, sup
ported this constructive interpretation ; lord Thurlow, on
, the contrary, maintained, that a resolution of either house
did not constitute the law. of the land ; and that-they
ought to abide by that law, according to its literal mean
ing. Another debate soon after took place on a ^question,
nearly connected with this, but to which the resolution of
1709 more directly applied: whether British peers, crea
ted since the union, could vote at the election of a Scot
tish representative : both sides were supported and op»
posed on, the same grounds as in the foregoing case; and,
both motions were negatived.p
Magnani- A subject equally interesting and important at this
ITceby^he' tlme attracted the public attention, and underwent a dis-
pi-ince of cussion in the house of commons. The prince of Wales,
^Vale0 of
fplendorto amiable, engaging, and accomplished, with a vigorous
justice. understanding, possessed strong affections, and was not
without that disposition to pleasure which so often accom^
v p At the election ofthe earl of Selkirk and lord Kinnaird, to represent the
peerage of Scotland, in tho room bf the duke of Queeusberry and the earl of
Abercorn, the dakes of Qucensberry and Gerdonhad sriveu their votes as peers
of Scotland. ' b ' ¦

REIGA OF GEORGE III. j j y.
panies the sensibility and. animation of, youth* especially Chap.
jn such rank and circumtances as easily afford the objects xxxv,[-
of .pursuit and the means of attainment. Attached to the ]7S7
fair sex, the manly beauty of his face and person, apart
from his other advantages, procured him, in the suscepti
ble hearts of his countrywomen, incitements, which while
it is admitted as a moral, proposition that ascetic virtue
ought to have resisted, it must be allowed as an historical
fact, that such virtue is not very common in young men
of twenty-four. Generous by disposition, the prince was
munificent in bounty ; social and elegant, he was sump
tuous in hospitality : much connected with the chief cha
racters of opposition, he partook of amusements, which
constituted (the favourite recreation of some of the most
illustrious men of the party. The effect of so great an
additional source of expenditure to his convivial splen
dor" and expanded generosity, was, that his income did
not prove sufficient, and that he had before summer 1786
"incurred a very considerable debt. , Finding himself in
such circumstances, and desirous of rendering justice to
his creditors, his highness -resolved to suppress the estab
lishment of his household and every useless expense, and
to save from his income its greater portion, to be applied
by trustees for the liquidation of his incumbrances. He
had hitherto, like many other persons of rank and fortune,
trained running horses for Newmarket, and the other
places of public convention. His racers, his hunters, and
even his coach-horses, were now sold by public auction.
The buildings of Carleton house were stopped, and some
of the principal rooms shut up from use : and the heir of
the crown retired from the magnificence of his station to
do justice to his creditors. This conduct in itself did
the highest honour to the sentiments and rectitude of the
pfincey but a consideration totally irrelative, entered into
the estimate which many formed of its merits. His
highness had, in the several objects of his attachment,
displayed a discriminating selection, which required the
union of mental qualifications with corporeal -graces.
The lady who at this time occupied the principal share of Situation
:,,. J ' ,, _. * . * , ofhishigh-
his - attention, was Mrs. ,Fitzherbert ; a woman who, ness.
besides the charms and fascinations of beauty and accom- -

j^g HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, plishments, possessed a very respectable character : frtftli
3^XXK" this last circumstance a report originated, that grearJy1
I7g7 interested the public : one relation being presumed, w'as
justified on the part of the lady by the presumption of
another. It was currently reported, that the ceremony
of marriage between Mrs. Fhzherbert and her lover had
been privately performed ; and as she was of the Rornim
catholic persuasion, that the officiating clergyirhan was
a priest of her own religion. As a legal contract," no
such marriage could have been concluded^ according to
the written statutes which regard the royal family ; as
a matter of fact, such a ceremony might have been
performed, but the belief that it actually took place,
was totally inconsistent with' a just and candid estima
tion of the prince's character : it proceeded ori one
of two suppositions ; either that he disregarded his c¥n
particular station, under its constitutional limits and' pre
scriptions, and the recent laws enacted respecting the^royal,
family, or that he had consented to an appearance which
he well knew could not be valid ; and thus practised defcejj-'
tion on the other party. Improbable as the report wasiff
its subject, and totally unsupported by any evidence',1 nev
ertheless it was very prevalent, and created considerable
alarms The prince's friends had expected an interference
from a still higher quarter to extricate him from his pecu
niary difficulties. Finding no measure of this kind iri
•agitation, and from dther incidents inferring disapproba
tion on the part of the father, many imputed the appre
hended coldness to dissatisfaction with certain portions'of
the son's conduct, especially his close connexion with that
party which opposed the ministers of his majesty's choice*;
who had been appointed under so very peculiar circum-'
stances; and not a few attributed some share ofthe alleged
displeasure to the abovementioned report. From July
1786 to April 1787, these topics continued greatly' to
engross the thoughts and conversation of the public ; but
, had not been deemed fit subjects for parliamentary con
sideration. His highness now authorized Mr. AldeririA
Newnham to represent to the house of commons his em
barrassed situation. On the 20th of April that gentleman
opened the business : he previously asked Mr. Pitt if he

RBIGN OF 1K0RGE HI. j j
had any design of bringing forward a motion for the relief chaf
of the prince ; and being answered that he had received xxxvl
no commands from the king on the subject, the alderman " 1W
gaye notice, that, on the 24th of May, he should make a
motion to that effect. This intimation excited much anxiety
in the house, as it seemed to lead to such interesting dis
cussions. Mr. Newnham, on one of. the intervening days,
explained the precise nature of his motion ; which was to
address the king, praying him to take into his considera
tion the derangement of the prince's affairs ; and to grant.
him such relief as his wisdom should deem expedient and
suitable ; and. pledging the house to make good the same.
Mr, Pitt earnestly wished that the motion should not be
brought forward : there w|fere circumstances (he said)
respecting the pecuniary concerns of the prince, that would
render the present proposition inimical tothe object of its
author : the application ought to originate elsewhere, and
not in the house : a correspondence had taken place be
tween the party principally concerned, and another per
sonage, respecting financial embarrassments. Mr. Pitt,
with his usual closeness, kept to the subject which, was
introduced by Mr. Newnham; but some ofthe mostzea-r
lous supporters of administration introduced an extraneous
topic, in an allusion to the prevailing rumours. Messrs.
Fox and Sheridan reprobated the report to which this
insinuation referred ; and, at the next meeting of the house,
Mr. Fox declared he Md authority from the prince to
contradict the allegation. In law, as Mr. Fox observed,
it could not take place ; and in fact, Mr. Ftfx pledged the
veracity of his highness that it had not taken place. This
public disavowal, at the instance of the heir apparent^
aijjjrded very great satisfaction to the whole house. On
recurring to his pecuniary situation, Mr. Fox declared, that
the prince :was willing to give a general and fair account
of his, debts ; and if any part of it was doubted, he would
present a clear explanation of the particulars to the king
or his ministers. He had not the smallest objection to
aflord the house every possible satisfaction ; and there was
not a pircurastan.ee of his life which he was ashamed to
have known.

120

CHAP.
XXX VIT

1787.
Satisfacto
rily adjust
ed.

Proceed ings re
specting
Mr. Hust-

HIsfSftY OF THE
Meanwhile, interviews took place between Mfc.
Dundas and his highness; and the following day between
the minister and the prince. Mr. Newnham being made
acquainted with the result, on the day on which the motion
was intended to be made, declared it was no longer neces
sary. About a fortnight afterwards, a message from the
king was delivered to parliament, stating, that his majesty
with great concern acquainted them, that the prince had
incurred a very large debt, which, if left to be discharged-
out of his annual income, would render it impossible for
him to support an establishment that would be suited to
his rank and station. His majesty was induced to 'the
present application by his paternal affection to the prince
of Wales ; he could not, however, desire the assistance
of parliament, but on a well grounded conviction that the
prince would avoid contracting any debts in future."; With
a view to this object, the king had directed a sum of
10,0001. to be paid out of the civil list, in addition to. his
former allowance; he had the satisfaction to observe, that
the prince had given the fullest assurance of' his determi
nation to confine his future expenses within his income;'
and had settled a plan, and fixed an order in his economy*
which, it was trusted, would effectually secure the due
execution of his intentions. He farther recommended to
the commons to direct, that the wprks of Carleton house
should be properly finished. In answer to this message,
t6 1,0001. were voted for the payment of the prince's debts"}
aud 20,0001. for the completion of his palace.
The conduct of Mr. Hastings continued f to occupy
the attention of parliament, and produced an extraordinary
display of abilities. One charge, of great, importariefeihad
been decided against the late governor general : the event
of the accusation respecting Cheyt Sing, had surprised
and alarmed Mr. Hastings and his friends. Many sup?
porters of administration regarded the conduct ofthe accu^
«ed in a very favourable light ; thence his advocates seem
to have inferred, that Mr. Pitt entertained- a similar opin
ion. One of the most important qualities of a great mh>
ister is, that secresy which avoids the communication of
sentiments or intentions, unless prudence admit or duty
require that they should be manifested. This self com-

1787.

REIGN OF G*EORGE HI. j2j
mand, the firm mind of Mr. Pitt possesses in a very high CHAP
degree ; and no artifice can discover what he resolves to J*^X'^
conceal. In the present case he studied the charges sepa
rately, and, as became a -jiodge, abstained from publishing
his opinion, until he was prepared, to deliver judgment.
Mr- Hastings, therefore, saw that the vote of the prime
minister would depend entirely on the view which he took
of the respective charges ; and that in cases comprehend
ing probable grounds both of blame and justification, it
might be doubtful what his sentence might be on some of
the subsequent accusations. The authority, he was aware,
of so highly prized talents and integrity would be great
with those who, hesitating between contending probabili
ties, found a difficulty -themselves in forming a decisive
opinion. Much more anxiety and doubt now, therefore,
displayed themselves in the friends of Mr. Hastings, than
when major Scott, in the exultation of anticipated victory,
had so eagerly invited Mr. Burke to the combat. The Writings
press teemed with defences of the late governor general ; ^J["sfit'
either the spontaneous effusions of conviction and friend
ship, or the purchased productions of literary ability : the
former were more disinterested in the motive ; the latter
•more successful in the execution. Some of Mr. Hastings's
.friends, indeed, very injudiciously, as well as uncandidly,
¦ascribed bad or frivolous motives to the chief men on both
sides of the house who voted for the impeachment. They
asserted, that Mr. Burke was actuated by resentment;
that Messrs; Fox, Sheridan, Windham, Adam, Anstruther,
Grey, sir Gilbert Elliot, and other members of opposition,
merely wished to gratify Burke, and to attack a man
whom they thought favoured by the court and some of
the ministers ;g and that leading men of administration
were moved by jealousy of Mr. Hastings's influence.
Apprehending those advocates to be convinced, that the
person whose cause they so warmly espoused was inno
cent, and also able to prove his innocence, the impartial
reader must deem, them extremely imprudent, and indeed
unwise in resting his defence upon extraneous grounds.
, ¦¦ : w ¦ ¦ ¦ ' ¦ ¦
g See pamphlets in favour of Mr. Hastings passim ; also periodical worts,
especially a newspaper called (he World.
Vol. III. Q

122

HISTORY OF THE

This imputation was uncandid, because it assigned unjusti
fiable motives without proof, or even plausible argument.
1787 The motive ascribed to the principal accuser was virulent
resentment, because a friend of his had been promoted by
Hastings ; but the alleged cause is not. adequate to the
effect. That Mr. Burke, or any man, would undertake
so laborious a task, which required such minuteness of
investigation concerning intricate details, the materials of
which were to be fetched from such a distance, with so
great and powerful a body inimical to an inquiry, merely
because his friend had been slighted, is hardly within the
compass of credibility : the same observations will apply
to all the other prosecutors, as far as they were concern
ed. As to the jealousy of ministers, where can we find
the grounds for such a passion- in the relative situation of
these and of Mr. Hastings ? Fully admitting extraordi
nary talents and also meritorious conduct in the political
saviour of India, can a reader discover any official-situation
which he was likely to fill, that could in the smallest degree
interfere with the power and influence of the ministers in
question ? But the hired pleaders for Mr. Hastings,-being
much more accustomed to reasoning, defended him on
stronger grounds. Instead of forming hypotheses concern**
ing the motives of the accusers, they adduced arguments
from the conduct of the accused, which, in detailed
series, principle and system, they justified by the circura-'
stances in which he, was placed, and illustrated by the effects
TheomaJ0- that his exertions produced. These two classes of de^'
nation is fenders had each considerable success ; the first with the
adverse w weak an(j ^distinguishing ; the second with men of dis-
peach- cernment and abilities : and the majority of the-nation was
mem. ...... , J J
inimical to the impeachment.
Eloquence Such was the state of the public opinion, when one;
contrary, m°St Powerful effort of eloquence diffused quite different
turn to sentiments through the kingdom; and presented, Mr.
opinion. Hastings as an atrocious criminal. This was the celebra
ted speech on the charge ofthe begums.
British elo- An opinion long prevailed among literary men, that
queucc. though Britons surpass the ancients in knowledge and phi-,
losophy ; equal them in epic, and excel them in dramatMS^
poetry ; yet they are inferior in eloquence. Writers of

' REIGN OF GEORGE III.
transcendent talents, distinguished taste, and- profound
erudition, deem this notion so evident. as not to require
any discussion : they take the fact for granted, and confine "1757/
their inquiries to the, cause.1' Great ingenuity is employ
ed ,m com.pari.ng the~ fields of ancient, and modern oratory,
and discovering motives that led to much more powerful
and impressive exertions among the Greeks and Romans,
than any that influence British, speakers : hence (say Hume
and Blair) no Demosthenes or Cicero arises in a modern
senate. A careful examiner of the eloquence which adorns
the parliamentary history of the present reign, may proba
bly doubt the truth of this assertion : he who peruses the
orations ofthe elder or younger Pitt, Burke, or Fox, may
hesitate before he will determine that they are surpassed
by either Cicero or Demosthenes. It is, indeed, in the
supreme excellencies of the Roman or Grecian orator,
that they are most nearly equalled by British senators.
Like .Demosthenes,8 especially, the highest of our orators
are much less eminent for rhetorical flourishes, than for
clear aud forcible statement of important facts ; combina
tion of whatever illustrates the question, or promotes the
measure proposed; . comprehensive views ofthe situation,
intentions, and interests of the parties concerned,; ener
getic reasoning appropriated to the point at issue ; and
application of forcible motives to impel hearers to the
counsels and conduct which the speaker desires. Elo
quence, to.be efficacious, must be adapted to the senti
ments and knowledge ofthe persons to whom it is address
ed ; the same species and mode would not suit informed
and. enlightened gentlemen ofthe British house of com
mons, and the populace which constituted so great a part
of the Grecian and Roman assemblies. The same genius
and wisdom which enabled and directed Demosthenes to
perform such intellectual wonders, empowered and guided
him to. adapt his oratory to the feelings and capacity of his
audience : the acuteness and ingenuity of the Athenian
meetings did not admit, of much tinsel, instead of sterling
.. '¦ :l», ,\ :,. ,
r See Hume's Essay on Eloquence; see also Blair's Lectures, lect. xxvi. ;
ami Man of the' Moon, by J)r. .William Thompson.
s Of British orators Mr. Fox unquestionably bears the nearest resemblance
to the Athenian in materials, spirit, and expression ; anxl equals him in force
and in fire, but is less attentive to luminous arrangement.

1787.

124 HISTORY OF THE
value ; nevertheless, they were in many respects a mere
mob ; consequently, there was sometimes room for sub
stituting impression for conviction ; addressing their feel
ings instead of their understandings ; their weakness
instead of their strength. -Demosthenes, in order to carry
the most beneficial plans into execution, was often obliged
to sootbfe and cajole them ; and for that purpose occasion
ally to admit into his discourses ornaments, which his own
austere, strong, and chaste judgment would have; induced
him to reprobate. British eloquence is rather unlike to
ancient in some of the subordinate instruments,' than une
qual in the combination of strong reasoning, vivid image
ry/ and pathetic exhibition ; which passing through the
head affects the heart, and influences the conduct : the
Operation and result of oratory are no less vigorous and
effectual in Britain, than in Rome or Athens. These
observations though somewhat digressive, will not,-I trust,
be accounted foreign to the subject of our narrative, that
now comes to a display of eloquence, which has, perhaps,
never been surpassed in ancient or modern times.
On the 7th of February Mr. Sheridan opened the third
article of accusation against Mr. Hastings; which <was
his conduct towards the begums/ or dowager princesses
t That, in point of action, ancient orators far surpass modern, is deemed
one of those tritical observations, which it would be equally, superfluous to illus
trate, as absurd to controvert ; a common inference from the allowed superio
rity of action is greater excellence of oratory j and the noted saying of the "Ro
man is often quoted to prove,-that, gesticulation is the primary constituent of elp,
quence. One of the wisest men that has written on that or any other suDject,
• views the importance of action in a different light " It is (says' Ur. Johnson) »
complaint which has been made from time to time, and whfch seems to have
lately become more frequent, that English oratory, however forcible in "argu
ment, or elegant in expression, is deficientand inefficacious, beoause our speak
ers want the grace and energy of action. Amongtbc numerous projectors who
are desirous to refine our manners, and improve our faculties, some are willing
to supply .the deficiency of pur speakers : we have had more than one exhortation

audience, animate (he insensible, engage the careless, force tears from the ob
durate, and money from the avaricious. If, by slight of hand, or uinibleness of
foot, all these wonders can be performed, lie that shall neglect to attain the free
use of his limbs, may be justlv censured as criminally lazyir but we are afraid
fhat no specimen of such efl'ects will easily be shown. If we could once find a
speaker in ^ phang-e-.il/ei/, raising the price of stocks by the power of persuasive
gestures, we should very zealously recommend the study of his art; but having
never seen any action by which language was much assisted, we have been
hitherto inclined to doubt whether our countrymen are not blamed too hastily
Jpr their calm and motionless utterance." Idler, No. 90.
u See vol. ii. of this history, chap. xxix.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. l25
ef ..Oude. The introduction attacked a ground of defence CH-vp.
chosen by many advocates, of Mr. Hastings, that the sue- XXXYH.
cessful result of his administration, amounted to a suffi- ?tr
cient justification of his conduct : this principle the speaker Speech of
reprobated, as contrary to every rule of natural and chris- ^n on the
tian morals, which both taught, in the most unequivocal c°™d"ttof
language, that wicked means were not to be employed for ingsto-
the purpose of accomplishing desirable ends ; it was, ^urns*6
moreover, a new and base sophism in the maxims of judi
cial inquiry, that crimes might be compounded, and that
fortunate events were a full and complete , set-off. against
oppression, corruption, breach of faith, peculation, and
treachery. The conduct of the house of, commons,.during
the preceding year, was guided by the soundest principles
of jarisprudence ; they had asserted, that there were acts
oi moral turpitude, which no political necessity could
warrant ; and proved, to the world, that, however degene
rate an example some of the British subjects had exhibit
ed in India, the people of England, collectively, speaking
and acting by their representatives, felt, as men should feel
on such an occasion : they had demonstrated themselves
superior to the- presumptuous'pretensions that were advan
ced in favour of this pillar of India, this corner stone of
our strength in the East, this talisman of the British terri
tories in Asia, whose character was said to be above cen
sure, and whose conduct was not within the. reach of
suspicion. After this conciliatory exordium, the orator
proceeded to rouse the attention of his hearers, by a con
cise but striking outline ofthe nature and magnitude of
the subject, which he was about to submit to their con
sideration. The present charge he stated to be replete
with criminality ofthe blackest die, tyranny the most vile
and premeditated, corruption the most open and shame
less, oppression the most severe and grinding, and cruelty
the most hard and unparalleled. He professed to God,
that he felt in his own bosom the strongest personal con
viction on the present subject. It was upon that convic
tion that he believed the conduct of Mr. Hastings, in
regard to the nabob of Oude, and to the begums, com
prehended in it every species of human offence. He had
proved himself guilty of rapacity, at once violent and

126 HISTORY- OF THE
CHAP, insatiable ; of treachery, cool and premeditated ; of oppres-
v^rv-w sion, useless and unprovoked; of breach of faith, unwar-
1787. '."" ranted and base; of crueltv unmanly and unmerciful!
These were the crimes of which his soul and conscience]
arraigned Mr. Hastings, and which he trusted he should,
demonstrate to, the satisfaction of every hearer. He was,
far from meaning to rest the charges upon assertion, or
upon the warm expressions which the impulse of wounded
feelings might produce : he would establish every part of
the accusation by the most unanswerable proof, and the;
most unquestionable evidence. He would support every,
fact by a testimony, which few would venture to contra
dict, that of Mr. Hastings himself. As there were per
sons ready to stand up advocates for the late governor;
general, he challenged these to watch every particle ofthe?
accusations which he should advance : he desired credit,
for ho fact which he did not prove beyond the possibility*
of refutation. ,;,;t
Mr. Hastings had endeavoured to establish, that the
-treasures of the begums were not private property, but
belonged to the nabob ; that the real proprietor had; a
right to reclaim his own property, whenever he chose ;_
and actually had resumed it for the purpose of liquidatifflgte
his debts to the East India company. To controvert this;
assertion he quoted the mahommedan law, and decisions.
upon that law concerning this very case; the amount was*
that women, on the death of their husbands, are entitled,
only to the property within the zenana or harem wfterfy
they lived. This opinion had been fully admitted by the
council of Calcutta ; the begums retained only the trea
sures which were within the harems, and relinquished
every other property to the reigning prince. The British;
government of India at the time admitted, and even gua
ranteed the tenure by which the begums held this residue
of effects; that property, therefore, was their own, and
not the nabob's; it might be plundered, but could not be
justly reclaimed. Mr. Hastings, in mitigation of his
own severities, mistated the principles of mahommedan
law, as if he meant to insinuate, that there was something
in the eastern codes which rendered it impious in a son
not to plunder his mother. From these arguments, to

REIGN OF GEORGE HI,

127

1787.

establish that the property was the right of the begums, chap.
and consequently the seizure a violation of rights, the XXXAl11-
orator proceeded to the reasons which had been adduced
for appropriating the treasures of the princesses : here,
he rested his inference 'on the report of the governor
general- himself. The begums had at all times given
disturbance to the nabob; they 'had long manifested a
spirit hostile to his and to the English government;
they had excited the zemindars to revolt ; and they were
accessary to the insurrection at Benares. Each Of these
allegations was sufficiently disproved by Mr. Hastings
himself; who made it appear, that on the contrary they
had •particularly distinguished themselves by their friend
ship with the English, and by the various good offices
which they rendered to the government. Mr. Hastings
left Calcutta in 1781, and proceeded to Lucknow, as he
said himself, with two great objects in his mind, Benares
and Oude. What was the nature of these boasted re
sources i They resembled the equitable alternative of a
highwayman, who, in going forth in the evening, was
held in suspense which of his resources to prefer, Bag-
shot or Hounslow. In such a state of generous irreso
lution did Mr. Hastings proceed to Benares and Oude ;
at Benares he failed in his pecuniary object ; then and not
till then, not on account of any ancient enmities shown
by the begums; not in resentment for any old disturb
ances; but because he had failed in one place, and had
but two in prospect, did he conceive the base expedient
of plundering these aged women. To carry his scheme
into execution, Mr. Hastings, said his eloquent accuser,
formed the atrocious design of instigating a son against
his mother, of sacrificing female dignity and distress to
parricide and plunder. At Chunar was that infamous
treaty concerted; in which, among other articles, Mr.
Hastings had stipulated with one whom he called an in
dependent "prince, that, as great distress had arisen to the
nabob's government from the military power and domi
nion assumed by the dowager princesses he be permitted
to reassume such of their lands as he may deem to be
necessary. From the plan, the accuser proceeded to the
execution; no sooner was this foundation of inquiry

1787.

HISTORY OF THE
established, in violation of the pledged faith and solemn
guarantee ofthe British government:' no sooner had*
Mr. Hastings determined to invade the substance of
equity, than he resolved to avail himself of judicial
forms; and accordingly despatched a messenger for the
chief justice of India, to assist him in perpetrating the
violations he had projected. Sir Elijah Impey being
arrived, Mr. Hastings, with much art, proposed a ques
tion of opinion, involving an unsubstantiated fact, in order
to obtain a surreptitious approbation of the measure he
had predetermined to adopt ; — the begums being in ac
tual rebellion, might not the nabob confiscate their pro
perty ? " Most undoubtedly !" was the ready answer of
the friendly judge. Not a syllable of inquiry intervened,
as to the existence ofthe imputed revolt; not a moment's
pause as to the ill purposes, to which the decision of a
chief justice might be perverted. It was not the office of
a friend to mix the grave caution and cold circumspection
of a judge,, with an opinion taken in such circumstances;
and sir Elijah had previously declared, "that he gave his
advice, not as a judge, but as a friend; a character which
he equally preferred in the strange office that he under1
took, of collecting justificatory affidavits on the subject
of Benares. It is (said the orator) curious to reflect on
the whole of sir Elijah's circuit at that perilous time : he
stated his desire of relaxing from the fatigues of office,
and unbending his mind in a party of health and plea
sure; yet, wisely apprehending, that too sudden relaxa
tion might defeat his object, he contrived to mix some
concerns of business with his amusements. In his little
airing of nine hundred miles, great part of which he
travelled post, escorted by an army, he selected those
very situations where insurrection subsisted, and rebellion
was threatened; and had not only delivered his deep and
curious researches into the laws of nations and treaties,
in the capacity of the oriental Grotius, whom Mr. Hast
ings was to study, but also appeared in the humbler and
more practical situation of1 a collector of ex parte evi
dence : in the former quality his opinion was the prema
ture sanction for plundering the begums ; in the latter
character he became the posthumous supporter of the ex-

xxwa
1787.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.
pulsion and pillage of the rajah Cheyt Sing. Acting on chap.
an unproved fact, on a position as ideal as a datum.-ofihe
duke ol. Richmond, he did not hesitate, in the first in
stance, to, lend his authority to an unlimited persecution j
in the latter, he did not disdain to scud about India, like
an itinerant informer,* with a pedlar's pack of garbled
evidence and surreptitious affidavits. With a generous
oblivion of duty and honour, with a proud sense of hav
ing authorized all future rapacity^ and sanctioned all past
oppression, this friendly judge proceeded on his circuit, of
health and ease : while the governor general issued his or
ders to plunder the begums of their treasure, sir . Elijah
pursued his progress, and. explored a country,, that pre
sented a speaking picture of hunger and nakedness, in
quest of objects best suited to his feelings; in anxious
search of calamities most akin to his invalid imagination :
thus, at the same moment that the sword of government
was turned to an assassin's dagger, the pure ermine of
justice was stained and soiled with the basest contamina
tion. Such were the circumstances, under which Mr.
Hastings completed the treaty of Chunar ; a treaty which
may challenge all the treaties that ever existed, for con
taining in the smallest compass the most extensive trea
chery. An 'apology adduced by Mr. Hastings for his
conduct is, that the begums resisted the resumption of
the jaghires : the amount of this charge is, that these
poor old women attempted to prevent robbery. Could
any thing be more absurd, than to accuse, persons of en
deavouring to preserve their property from plunder ? But
the fact is, they made no resistance ; they well knew that
their feeble efforts could not restrain the force of the plun
derer: but, Mr. Hastings farther added, the begums
complained that they had suffered injustice. " God of
" Heaven ! had they not "a right to complain ? After the
" violation of a solemn treaty, plundered of their property,
" and, on the eve of the last extremity of misery, were
'' they to be deprived of the ultimate resource of impo-
" tent wretchedness, lamentation and regret? Was ita
" crime that they should crowd together in fluttering tre-
" pidation, like a flock of helpless birds, on seeing the
" felon kite, who, having darted at one devoted victim
Vol. III. R

130

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. " and missed his aim, singled out a new object, and was
" springing on his prey with redoubled vigour in his wingj
17S7 " and keener vengeance in his eye ?" After the eloquence
of Sheridan had exhibited such a view of the acts of the
accused, he proceeded to his general character. " It has
" (he said) been advanced by admirers of Mr. Hastings,
" who are not so implicit as to give unqualified applause
" to his crimes, that they found an apology for their
" atrocity in the greatness of his mind. To estimate the
" solidity of such a defence, it is sufficient to consider
" wherein this prepossessing distinction, this captivating
" characteristic consists : is it not solely to be traced in
" great actions directed to great ends? In them only are
" we to search for true magnanimity ; to them only can
" we affix the splendor and the honours of true greatness.
' There is, indeed, another species of greatness, which
displays itself in boldly conceiving a bad measure, and
undauntedly pursuing it to its accomplishment. Had
Mr. Hastings the merit of exhibiting either of these!'
There was nothing great, nothing magnanimous, no
thing open, nothing direct, in his measures or his mind :
on the contrary, he pursued the worst objects by the
worst means ; his course was an eternal deviation from
rectitude : at one time he tyrannized over the will, and
at another time deluded the understanding; he was by
turns a Dionysius and a Scapin ; as well might the
writhing obliquity of the serpent be compared to the
direct path of the arrow, as the duplicity of Mr. Hast
ings's ambition to the simple steadiness of genuine
" magnanimity; in his mind all was shuffling, ambigu- .'*
" ous, dark, insidious, and little ; nothing simple, nothing
unmixed; all affected plainness and actual dissimula
tion : he was an heterogeneous mass of contradictory
" qualities, with nothing great but his crimes, and those
contrasted by the littleness of his motives ; which at once
' denoted his profligacy and his meanness, and marked
" him for a traitor and a juggler : in his very style of
" writing there was the same mixture of vicious contra
rieties ; the most groveling ideas he conveyed in the
most inflated language; giving mock consequence to
" low cavils, and uttering quibbles in heroics ; so that his

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 131
" ¦compositions disgust the taste of the understanding, as chap,
" much as his actions excite the abhorrence ofthe soul. The ^~s*^j
¦' same character pervaded every department of his go- l7S7,
" vernment; alike in the military and the political line, we
" may observe auctioneering ambassadors, and trading
a generals : we saw a revolution brought about by an affi-
" davit; an army employed in executing an arrest; a town
'} besieged on a note of hand; and a prince dethroned for
'* the balance of an account. Thus ' a government was
" exhibited, uniting the mock majesty of a bloody sceptre,
"and the little traffic of a merchant's counting house ;
" wielding a truncheon with one hand, and picking a
" pocket with the other." This energetic, grand, and
splendid display of eloquence was closed by the following
peroration. " Factions exist in this house, and there is
" scarcely a subject on which we are not broken and di-
" vided into sects ; habits, connexions, parties, all lead to
" diversity of opinipn ; but when inhumanity presents
'' itself to our observation, it finds no division in the re-
" preventatives of the British people; we attack it as our
" common enemy ; and conceiving that the character of
" the country is involved, in our zeal for the destruction
" of cruelty, we quit not our undertaking till it be com-
" pletely overthrown. It is not to allowed to this as-
" sembly to behold the objects of our compassion and bene-
"', volence in the present extensive inquiry : we cannot
" contemplate the workings of their hearts, the quivering
" lips, the trickling tears, the loud yet trc mulous joys of
" the millions, whom our vote of this night will for ever
" save from the cruelty of corrupted power : but, though
" we cannot directly see the effect, is not the true enjoy-
" ment of our benevolence increased, by its being confer-
" red unseen ? Will not the omnipotence of Britain be
" demonstrated to the wonder of nations, by stretching
" its mighty arm across the deep, and saving by its fiat
" distant millions from destruction ? And will the bless-
" ings of the people dissipate in the empty air ? No. J If
*' I may dare use the figure, they will constitute heaven itself
" their proxy, to receive for them the blessings of their
" pious thanksgiving, and the^n-avers their gratitude will
"dictate!"

ia&

HISTORY OF THE

1787.

Its effects
on th--
house of
commonsand the
public.

Such is the Outline and chief substance of this celei
brated speech, whose delivery occupied the extraordinary
length of five hours and a half ; during which its excellence
Was uniform in vivid, animated, and fervid description of
conduct, that excited the various emotions of the human"
heart* for the alleged sufferers, and against the alleged
tyrant : filled the hearers with contempt and scorn against
exhibited meanness, detestation of represented atrocity,
and called their vengeance upon powerful guilt overwhelm
ing helpless innocence. Never was Mr. Sheridan sur
passed by any orator in brilliant and irresistible eloquence,
nor has he often been equalled in ingenuity and acuteness
of deduction from the premises which he assumed. If
the governor general had acted in the mode, and frorh the
motives represented with so impressive effect by Mr.
Sheridan, he would have certainly deserved to have been
ranked among all the Caiigulas, Neros, and Caracallas,
that had ever scourged humanity by lawless power; with
all the Jonathan Wilds and , Scapins, that by fraud and
imposture supplied. the want of force to perpetrate villany.
The speech so manifestly astonished the house, that Mr.
Pitt proposed to adjourn their meeting without coming to
a deliberation until they should be sufficiently recovered
to distinguish the blaze of eloquence from the light of
truth : throughout the country the impression was little
less powerful ; and great numbers conceived Hastings as
guilty as he was represented by transcendent genius. To
the commons there appeared so probable grounds of accu
sation, as to produce a vote of one hundred and seventy-
five to sixty-eight, for impeaching Mr. Hastings upon
the third charge : several other inferior charges were voted
to contain grounds of impeachment. On the 2d of April
various other accusations were examined, and the impeach-

x 1 he late Mr. Logan, well known for his literary efforts, and author of a
most master y defence of Mr. Hastings, went that dar to the house of commons,
prepossessed for the accused and against his accuser. ' At the expiration of the
first hour he said to a friend, " Al] this is declamatory assertion without proof:."
when the second was finished ; " Thisis a most wonderful oration :» at the close
o the third ; Mr. Hastings has acted very unjustifiably :" the fourth- " Mt.
Hastings is a most atrocious criminal :" and at last ; " Of all monsters of iniouitv
Xrietrof7be0ni8^an?nHaStings!" '1'hisl ™ toltl «y MrTe e°rs '4 J,
proprietor ot the Oracle, who was present.

REIGN OF GEORGE Hi. 1 33
ment was at length voted ; when- the form in which that CHAP.
inquest should be carried on, became a subject of consi

deration. Mr. Fox proposed, that there should be a gene- 178-»
rai charge of impeachment, and that the house, on ac
quainting the lords with their intention, should inform
them that they were preparing articles which they would
present with all convenient despatch; reserving to them
selves the constitutional rights of supplying more heads,
after they had gone through the whole. Mr. Pitt proposed
they -should separate and analyze the charges, since the
accusation consisted of a diffuse and complicated mass ;
of many allegations which had not been substantiated, and
of many facts which could not be considered as criminal;
that thus each part should be tried by its distinct and
individual merits. Mr. Burke and Mr. Sheridan coin
cided with the minister ; and his plan was adopted. Mr.
Hastings now made, through, major Scott, an application
to the house, that if they resolved there was ground for
impeachment, they would vote that he should be brought
to trial : he trusted that the house of commons would not
suffer his name to be branded upon their records, without
allowing him at the same time the only legal means of
effacing the stigma.
A committee was formed to prepare articles of
impeachment against Warren Hastings, esq. and empow
ered to send for persons, papers, and records. The com
mittee consisted of-Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan,
Mr. Pelham, sir James Erskine, Mr. Windham, Mr. St.
John, Mr. Francis, sir Gilbert Elliot, sir Grey Cooper,
Mr. Frederic Montague, Mr. Wellbore Ellis, general
Burgoyne, colonel North, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Grey, Mr. An-
struther, Mr. Adam, Mr. Dudley Long, and lord Maitland.
On the 20th of May, Mr. Edmund Burke went in the The oom.
name of the house of commons, and of all the commons of me°"shira*
Great Britain, to the bar of the house of lords, and Warren
impeached Mr. Hastings of high crimes and misdemean- th^bafof
ors ; and acquainted the lords, that the commons would, the house
n .,..., • 1 ¦ j °* Peers-
with all convenient speed, exhibit articles against him, and
-make good the same. The articles were eight in number :
the charge of Cheyt Sing, the begums, charges of Far-
ruckahad, the contracts, Fizulla Khan, the presents, the

134

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, revenues, and misdemeanors in Oude. At the instance of
XXXVH. Mf Burke, Mr. Hastings was taken into custody by the
Ir87 sergeant at arms; and being immediately conducted to the
bar of the house of lords, Was delivered to the gentleman
usher of the black rod. Upon the motion of the lord
chancellor he was admitted to bail, himself in 20,0001. and
two sureties, Mr. Sullivan, and Mr. Sumner, in 10,0001.'
each, and was ordered to deliver in an answer to the
articles of impeachment in one month from that time, or
upon the second day of the next session of parliament.y
Supplies. On the 20th of April the financial accounts and
arrangements of the year were brought forward. The
minister opened the subject, by testifying the high satis
faction that he felt, and which he doubted not the house
would share, when he laid before them such an account of
our finances, as would justify his former statements, rea-
Favoura- soninsrs, and predictions. The public services were to be
bie state of . ° ' ' , ' ,
the finan- provided for without additional imposts, although a very
oes- bad season in the West Indies had caused a defalcation in
the customs to the amount of 350,0001.
Mr Dun- ^N tne 7tn °* May, Mr. Dundas, as president ofthe
das brings board of control, brought forward the financial state of
the finan- British India. He conceived it (he said) highly improper
ciai stateof tnat any part Qf tne empjre should be in the receipt of a
«Ua. revenue of five millions, and maintain an army of seventy
or eighty thousand men, without its being known to the
house of commons how that revenue was disbursed, and
why such an establishment was supported. The debt in
India amounted to nine millions, the revenue of the last
year afforded a surplus of 1,800,0001., and the company
would be able to discharge their debt in this country in
the year 1790. Having clearly and concisely stated these
facts and opinions, Mr. Dundas moved resolutions respect
ing the revenues of India ; these were carried without a
division. On the 30th of May his majesty prorogued parliament
with a speech, expressing his entire approbation of the
zeal and assiduity with which the houses applied them
selves to the important objects recommended to their
y See Annual Register for 1787 ; British and foreign history, p. 148.

REIGN OF GEORGE UI.

135

attention at the commencement of the session, and return- chap.
ing his majesty's particular thanks for the proofs which
they had given of affection for his person, family, and ,78r
government. Satisfied as he was with the assurances Promising
which he received ofthe continuance, among foreign powers, affairs.
of general tranquillity, he greatly regretted the internal
dissensions among the states of the united provinces. He
rejoiced at the progress made in the reduction of the
national debt; and at the measures adopted by parliament
for carrying into effect the commercial treaty with France,
and for simplifying the revenue ; he trusted the same
patriotic dispositions would be exerted in their several
counties, in promoting industry and good order; the
surest sources of private and public prosperity.

136

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XXXVHI.

Affairs of Holland— Ruinous effects ofthe war with Bri
tain. — Complaints against the stadtholder. — Charge con
cerning the inaction of the fleets, — Objects of the aris
tocratic party at the end of the war. — They put arm
into the hands of the multitude. — Effects of this mea
sure—Beginning of a democratic party — Both the
aristocratic and democratic parties agree in hostility to
the house of Orange.- — Advantages which they possess
ed over the stadtholderian party. — They are supported
by the moneyed men — and sectaries. — Circumstances fa
vourable to the prince  He is commander of the army
and fleet  Civil power and authority. — He is governor
general of the East and West India companies — His he
reditary possessions.— Several provinces favourable to
his cause.- — Friendship and affinity with Prussia. — Ad
verse faction trusts to the protection of France. — They
deprive the prince of the command of the Hague. — -The
Orange family leave the Hague. — Temperate remon
strances of Prussia — disregarded by the faction, — zvho
absolve the troops from their oath of fidelity. — Meeting
of the states of Holland and West Friezeland, — violence
of. — Remonstrance of the prince. — Frederic William
sends his prime minister as ambassador to the states of
Holland. — Firm memorial of. — Conduct of France —
encourages the faction. — Rebellion commences at Hat-
tem. — The insurgents are defeated. — Conciliatory inter
position of Prussia — and of Britain — unavailing. —
Joint mediation of Prussia and France. — Different
views of these powers. — Alarming power of the demo
cratic party — is exerted in levelling innovation — defeated
in an attempt lo suspend the office of stadtholder. —
They try a new fabrication of votes  The armed burg
hers are employed as instruments of revolution. — Fury
of a revolutionary mob. — The states general avow them
selves supporters ofthe constitution. — Disorders at Aw-

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. j3y
sterdam — The army continues attached to the prince. —
The faction becomes desperate  Arrest of the princess
on her way to the Hague. — She is compelled to return.—
-" On this insult the king of Prussia changes his tone 
.; He demands satisfaction ofthe states of Holland— whic%
is not granted. — He determines on force. — The revolu-
i Pianists rely 'on France — The duke of Brunswick en
ters the United Provinces at the head of an army  The
-^-revolutionists apply to France for aid. — Conduct of Bri
tain. — The king of France intimates an intention of
assisting the states of Holland. — Our king declares he
-Mwili forcibly oppose such interference, — and prepares an
armament — France relinquishes her design, — and the
n<-duke of Brunswick is completely victorious, — Resfora-
' t tion , of the -stadtholder. — Great and unanimous praises
of the British cabinet.
THE most important events of the summer re- CHAP.
garded the United Provinces. Their unfortunate war ^^-^^Z.
with Britain, and its ruinous consequences, had shaken 1787.
the republic to its foundation, occasioned a departure from ^fi*irs.of
r • • .,'.., r , , Holland,
many of its ancient maxims and principles ; and not only
strengthened the old party which was friendly to
France, but made way for the rise of a new faction, much
more dangerous and destructive. The known averseness
of the stadtholder to connexion with the house of Bour
bon and the American colonies, his near relation and be
lieved attachment to the British sovereign, afforded
grounds for suspicion, that he could not engage very hear
tily in a cause so directly opposite to opinions in which
he had been nurtered. The disgraceful and ruinous con- Ruinous
sequences of the war, the. immense losses sustained by the the wa°
capture of St. Eustatius, with other severe blows, as well with Bri-
on the seas as in both the Indies, which the republic had
received during that ill sought and unfortunate conflict,
not only disappointed the views of the supporters ofthe
French interest, but produced great discontent among
many other individuals, who did not originally belong to
that party ; and they imputed to the backwardness of the
stadtholder, losses which proceeded from their own folly
in courting a war with England. They commenced hos-
Vol. III. S

13g HISTORY OF THE
tilities unwisely and unjustly, when they had so much va
luable merchandise, either on sea or in their factories, ex
posed to an enemy, who, notwithstanding every opposi-
ktion, still retained the command of the ocean; and were
enraged that the stadtholder did not perform impossibili
ties by saving them from the consequences of their iniqui-
CompiaintB tolls impolicy. The charges against the stadtholder were
sKuthoid^ chiefly general : it was said, that . he had not exerted the
er^ force with which he was intrusted by the state, in that
manner, or with that energy which he might have employ
ed, and which would have been most effectual for coun
teracting the designs and frustrating the efforts of the
'enemy. On these points, the prince in vain repeatedly
challenged his adversaries to the inquiry and proof ; but
aware of the futility of their charges, they did not wish
Charge for investip-ation. One specific object of examination
concern- . o i j
ing the was, why the Dutch fleet did not proceed to Brest, ao-
thefleet.0 cording to compact, in the year 1782, that the whole com
bined, naval force of the house of Bourbon and Holland
might have descended at once on the coasts of: Britain.
The failure had been loudly attributed to criminal neglect,
if not treachery; and a committee was speedily appoint
ed to inquire into the causes : the result was, no disco
very was made, tending in the smallest degree to affect the
stadtholder. - .-,

Objects At the termination of the American war, no id
tocratic of democratic liberty, or of the admission of the whole
P*rty *4 . people into a share of the government, appear to have been
the var. entertained by the party in opposition to the stadthold^i
their design was to strengthen the aristocracies, and to
place the government in the hands of an oligarchy, com
posed of their own principal leaders, who would likewise
be self elected and perpetual; and who, not subject to the
jealousy attendant on the sway of a single person, in the
nature of things would soon assume a decisive authority,
which had never been possessed by tne stadtholderate*
The contest with the emperor afforded a pretext for a
measure, which the aristocratic faction intended", for
strengthening their power, but eventually produced the
total dissolution of their authority ; this was, the bestow
al of arms on the multitude : the people finding arms in

REIGN OF GEORGE III. - 139
their hands, began at once to feel their own importance ; CHAP.
"V VYA7 ! IT
they awakened, as it were, from a dead sleep, and won- ^t^^.
dered why they held no share in that government which 1787
they were called upon to defend Or support, and which it They put
1-t -i_i ,,, • * arms lnt0
was evident without them could have no permanent security, the hands
The examples of Ireland and America Were fresh before jftu^mul
them ; the very term of volunteers, which they assumed, Kffects of
contributed to stamp the character of the part they were Bur\.
to act. The democratic spirit being thus' suddenly
brought to life, felt the possession of its' faculties, and dis
played all the vigour, and,- perhaps," even the wantonness
of youth. The armed burghers had been designed as;a -
counterpoise to the army, which was known to be general-
ly+attached to the stadtholder ; and it was fondly expect
ed', that when they had performed the service, they would
'have silently sunk into their former insignificance ; but
without waiting for that issue, they began to account
themselves constituent members of the commonwealth,
;&nd demanded to be admitted to a share in the legisla
tion and government of their respective cities, by electing
delegates, who were to be received as their legal repre-
tfiritatives in the public assemblies, aud thus form a popu
lar counterpoise to the aristocratic power.' When these
sentiments were avowed, nothing could exceed the sur
prise and consternation which they excited. The princl- Beginning
pal leaders of the faction were disconcerted and alarmed ; cratic par-
they had improvidently raised a dangerous spirit, and ty'
'brought a new power into action, without a due consider
ation of the force and. eccentricity of its movements ;
and these were evidently beyond their control or man
agement. This new body they saw would prove equally
inimical to the aristocratical, as to the stadtholderian
aiflfhority ; but afraid, if they should then oppose the pre
tensions of the democratical party, that a powerful body
Would go over to the Orange adherents, and both united
put an end- to £he sway of the nobles, they temporised,
;*and appeared to Coincide with the plebeian combination.
'¦'¦: This union of two parties', of adverse interests, but
concurring in desire to humiliate the stadtholder, was very
formidable to that prince and his friends. The states of
Holland and West Friezeland were the great and constant

140

HISTORY OF THE

1787.
Both the
aristocraticand demo
cratic par
ties agree
in hostility
to the, ,,,
house of .
Orange.
Advantages which
they pos
sessed over
the stadt-
holderian
party.

They are
supported by the mo
neyed men
and secta-

Circum-
.stances fa
vourable
to the
prince,ne is com
mander of
the army
ind fleet.

impugners ofthe stadtholder's -authority and prerogatives.
They assumed a > superiority which was not admitted by
the constitution of the union, and was derived only from
the circumstance of Holland possessing a greater share of
wealth, and a larger extent of territory, than any of the
others. The most bitter animosity which appeared against
the prince,, seemed to be peculiarly lodged in that pro«
vince ; and the city "of Amsterdam took the lead of all
other places in the invariable display of enmity. The-
adverse faction had many and great* advantages over, the
Orange party in this contest : for several years they pur
sued one common object, to which all their measures were
directed ; thence they were closely united : while their
antagonists having no purpose to attain, which mights
serve to combine their zeal or excite their enterprise, were'
loose, careless, and unconnected. The opposite party had
likewise the important advantage of being favoured by the
moneyed men ; they were, besides, quickened bytthe ar
dour, and kept in constant exercise by the indefatigable'
zeal and restless spirit," which is always observable in sec
taries ;- and though the measure of arming the volunteers
had been productive of much trouble and disorder among
themselves, yet it afforded them at least the benefit of a
formidable appearance. , i
- To balance these unfavourable circumstances, the
prince was not without considerable means, both internal
and external: as captain general and admiral general of
the United Provinces, he had command ofthe whole mil
itary and naval force of the republic : he had the nomina
tion of all the commissioned officers in either service, and*
was considered by these as their patron and master ; he .
had also the appointment of most of the civil servants of
the state. The landed interest, though a much less pro
portion of the aristocracy of Holland to the moneyed^
than the corresponding class of England, was, with feWt
exceptions, friendly to the prince in all the provinces? <
even of the people, great numbers (though not amounting
to a majority) were partisans of the stadtholder. But
his authority and legal powers were by no means confine#

z Annual Register, 17.86.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 141
to the fleet and army : by his office he was placed! as pre- chap-.
sident -at the head of most, if not all of the civil departr Xy> vm"
ments of the republic. He presided, either in person or, |78r
by deputy,>as he, chose in all the assemblies of the seve--^1'80""1
rai respective provinces. He had a seat, though not a rXiority .
vote, in the assembly of the states general; and it was
not .merely a matter of right, but a part of his official
duty, to be present at their deliberations, and to give his
opinion or advice upon all matters of discussion, in which
he deemed it necessary; and this had not only a great
influence upon their proceedings, but in, times of harmony,
and under , a vigorous and successful-administration of
public affairs, was generally decisive of their conduct.
His right of nomination or rejection, with respect to the
new members appointed to fill up the town senates and
magistracies, was now contested, and generally overruled,
but could not fail to have given him by its past operation
a great influence in those distinct republics. In the quali
ty of governor general and supreme director of the East
and West India companies, the stadtholder likewise had
an .unbounded influence in those great commercial bodies.*
The prince, moreover, inherited very large estates and Heisg°-
1 . ' ' " . . vernor ge-
possessions, which included palaces, cities, and castles, neral of
and endowed him with several important privileges, inde- *n| ^st
peadent of his offices under ,the state. Powerful as the lndja com-
, aristocracy was, yet the party favourable to the stadthol- iiis heredi-
der had many votaries; even in Amsterdam and Rotter- ,tai"y.P°s"
* sessions*
dam, and the greater cities of Holland, which were pecu
liarly hostile to the house of Orange, the domineering fac
tion had to combat numerous adversaries. In the smaller Several
Jowns the parties approached more nearly- to an equality :, favourable
of the ' provincial states, Guelderland and Utrecht were to *"s
-. ,' rr cause.
devoted to William; Overyssel, Groningen, and Zealand
were fluctuating, and disposed to be mediatorial; so that
Holland and West Friezeland only were absolutely hos
tile to the stadtholder. . The prince possessed an external Friendship
resource and support in the friendship and protection; of *ithVriu>
thetillustrious Frederic : policy directed a wise king of sia-
Prussia to repress the ambition of France, and prevent
a. See Annual Register for 1786, p. 74.

142

HISTORY OF THB

CHAP.
xxxvm.

1787.

Adverse factiontrusts to
the protec
tion of
France.

They de
prive the
pi-ince of
the com
mand of
the Hague.

her from acquiring, under the name of alliance, the com
mand of those provinces, and bound him to the antigalli-
can party ; while affinity cemented the bands by which he
was connected with the house of Orange. The authoM*
ty of. so renowned a protector, long shielded William and
his consort from any measures of extreme violence. Such
was the state of affairs in the beginning of autumn 1785.
The aristocratic faction now found themselves very po
tent at home, and placed unbounded confidence in the as
sisting power of France. Proud of this protection, and
freed, of every apprehension from the emperor, they be
came less attentive to the admonitions oi Frederic him
self : they proceeded at once to show that they were no
longer -disposed to observe any measures of amity with
the prince stadtholder, nor even to preserve those out
ward appearances which might indicate a disposition to
future conciliation. This was announced by divesting
him of the government and command of the garrison of
the Hague; a measure not more violent in the act, than
it was degrading in the execution, through the unusual
circumstances with whicli it was accompanied. The
committee of the states issued a decree, by which they
deprived the prince of his government and command, foi*
bidding the troops to, receive the word from him, to obey
his orders in any manner, or even to pay him any of the
customary, military honours. To render the degradation
complete, and as it were, to add the incurable sting of a
personal insult, they, at the same time, stripped him of his
own body guards, and even the hundred Swiss, Who were
destined merely to civjl purposes, and to the support of
state parade and magnificence. A remonstrance ofthe
prince termed this decree a violent breach of the consti
tution, an invasion of his rights, and an indignity to his
person and character ; but his complaints produced no
other satisfaction than the contemptuous intimation, that
the guards were maintained for the purpose of supporting
the grandeur of the state, and not for the pageantry of
the stadtholder. After such an open indignity, the prince
and princess could no longer continue in a city, which was
the seat of the court, public business, and government ;
as well as the residence of all foreign ministers : they

REIGN OF GEORGE 143
therefore immediately abandoned the Hague. The prince CHAP.
retired to his own city of Breda, and the princess with J^^J
the children repaired /to West Friezeland, where, notwith- l7s7
standing the implacable enmity of the states of that pro-*' T«e
vince, , the people where generally well affected to the family
Orange, family. The faction followed their late measures Hague*!16
by an order for furnishing the guards with new Colours,
in which the arms of the house of Orange were totally
Oinitted, and those of the province of Holland substituted
in *their place. The king, of Prussia regarded this -per
sonal insult, and violent attack upon the authority of the
stadtholder, with great but regulated indignation ; he still 1
preserved the most temperate language in his remonstran
ces ; and while his expostulations placed in the fullest Tempe- rjito rc~
light the wrongs and undeserved injuries sustained by monstran,
that prince, and sufficiently indicated that he was too p^Jj^,
much interested in his cause to permit him to become ul
timately a victim , to oppression; yet for "the present, he
appeared rather in the character of a friendly neighbour
(Oiboth, and an amicable mediator, wishing to reconcile
the differences and misunderstandings between the par
ties, than the direct advocate of either :b but the faction dferegartf-
was too far advanced in violence to regard moderate re- faction j
monstrances; and proceeded to still greater innovations.
They issued an order, that the military honours usually
bestowed on the stadtholder, in all his different capacities
of captain general,, governor of the Hague, and comman
der of the garrison, should in future be paid only to the
president of their committee, as the representative of the
States, and to the grand pensionary of Holland. This ^l'vVthe
was,soon .followed by an order to discharge all the trOops troops
of the province from their oath of fidelity to the stadt- -bath of fi-
holder, and to prescribe a new oath, by which they were del,ty'
bound to the states only. The faction took the press en
tirely into their own hands, and the most scurrilous in
vectives were every day published against the stadtholder ;
and not only passed with impunity^ but received high ap
plause : while the most temperate writings in defence of
bis rights, or a. bare statement of their nature, subjected
b Annual Register for 1786, p. 77.

14-t HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the publishers and writers to severe and certain punish-
^^"" ment. Such was the state of affairs at the end of the
1787. year 1J"85*
The prince stadtholder from Breda had repaired to'
Middleburgh ; but finding the faction in Holland had pro
ceeded to extremities, he concluded force would be neces
sary, resolved to betake himself to the province in and
near which his strength chiefly lay; and therefore, fixed
his residence in Guelderland : besides vicinity to his par
tisans, he there could easily avail himself of the coopera
tion of Prussia. The, faction were not at first sensible of
the advantages which must accrue to the prince from the
residence which he had chosen, and proceeded in ^their
Meeting of violence. Great expectations had been formed on both
of Holland sides, from the assemblage of the states of Holland and
and West W"est Friezeland, which was to take place at the Hague
land ; in the middle of March. When this body was convened,
instead of the cool impartiality of a deliberative meeting,
it exhibited all the violence and outrage of a mob ; and the
members appeared to have parted with the phlegm of
Dutchmen, and to have borrowed the animated virulence
violence of. of enraged Frenchmen. In the course of ,the session, the
most important question which was handled.by the assem
bly, was, whether the stadtholder should, be restored to
the government of the Hague ? and after many vehement
debates it was, on the 2 7th of July, carried against the
prince of Orange, by a majority of only one ; the numbers
being ten to nine. The equestrian order, and the depu
ties of, some towns, protested against this resolutions
Remon- violent, illegal, and . unconstitutional. William did. not
strance of ,. .. .
the prince, rail to express trie strongest reprobation of this conduct of
the states : in a letter to that body he denied the legality
of one or two .provinces presuming to deprive him. of a
power which had been conferred by the whole confedera
cy.; he did not even acknowledge the right of the whole
union to dispossess him of the dignities and powers, which
were in the fullest manner rendered hereditary in his fam
ily ; but without, for the present, investigating that ques
tion, he argued, that at least the retraction of the authority
should be attended with the same unanimity which prevail
ed in the donation. The states of Holland, regarding this

REIGN OF GEORGE Hi. 145
letter as a defiance, passed a second decree confirming the CHAP.
first. The death of Frederic brought to the throne of XXXVIIL
Prussia the brother of the princess of Orange, and pro- 17i7
duced a more active interference to support the interests
of the sister, than had been employed while she was only
the niece. Soon after his accession, Frederic William Frederio
gent his prime minister, the count de Goertz, as ambassa- sendshfe
dor extraordinary to the states of Holland ; and by him a Plime min"
llOl 1 m, . 1Stel* a,T>-
-long letter to the states general. Tnis paper mingled bassadorto
temperance of manner with vigour of substance, and was ofeH0uan<I.
in every respect worthy of ministers formed under the
wise and resolute Frederic. Its introduction removed the
objections which might be made, by the states to the inter
ference of a foreign power in their internal affairs. The
firm friendship, which for two centuries had subsisted
between his predecessors and the republic, would even
have demanded his friendly and mediatorial interposition.
in the present unhappy and dangerous state of their civil
dissensions : his situation, as their nearest neighbour, and
the vicinity of a part of his dominions to their territo
ries, must necessarily prevent him from being indifferent Firmme-
. , J * . , , . a . moral ot.
to any violent or essential change that was attempted to
be made in the constitution of the republic : besides these
causes, the near relation in which he stood with the prince
stadtholder, and the affection which he bore to the prin
cess his sister, rendered it impossible that he could be
unconcerned in seeing them degraded from their high
rank and authority, and the stadtholder arbitrarily depri
ved of his rights and prerogatives : he therefore, urgently-
pressed the states general to interpose their friendly and
powerful mediation with the states of Holland and West
Friezeland, that the differences between them and the
1 stadtholder might be amicably settled, and the prince re*
stored to his rights and dignities. The application express-
« ed the fullest confidence that the states general would exert
'themselves for the attainment of its purposes ; and pru~
dently forbore any intimation of the measures which
Prussia would pursue, should the letter not produce the
intended effects. This representation made a very' strong

0 See State Papers of 1786, Sept- 18-
Vol. III. T

14jg; HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, impression^on the states of five of the provinces ; Holland
XXXVHI, and West Friezeland vehemently protested against foreign
mr interference ; but while they reprobated the interposition
of a potentate hostile to their faction, they closely con
nected themselves with a power that was friendly to the
Conduct of anti-stadtholderian party. The court of Versailles skil-
rance £u^ fam,e(j the flame of discontent by subordinate agents,
but her public memorials were couched in so equivocal
terms as to admit of different and even contrary construc
tions ; and carefully abstained from pledging France to
encourages anv specific line of conduct. The faction, however, was
Refaction. wen assured of the support of France, and by that
expectation inflamed to the most insolent violence : they
seemed indeed not only to cast off all obedience to their
own laws, but every regard to the law of nations. A
courier from Berlin to London was stopped, and narrowly
escaped having his despatches examined by the populace ¦
of Woerden. This outrage obliged the count de Goertz
formally to demand a passport from the states general for
a courier he was sending with dispatches to his royal
master. The states which were in the interest of the Orange
family, strongly remonstrated against the turbulent out
rages of Holland, but found their interference made no
Rebellion impression ; the standard of rebellion at length, was hoist-
ces"atHat- e& at Hattem and Elbourg : the states of GuelderlaneUjat
t*m. jhe frontiers of which these towns are situated, determinr
ed to employ force in repressing revolt : they charged the
prince stadtholder, as captain general, immediately to send
a sufficient number of troops, under the conduct of an
experienced officer, to these scenes of disturbance, with
injunctions to continue there until further orders ; but that
if the inhabitants were to make any resistance to the per
formance of this service, such officer was authorized, in
spite of all obstacles to support the sovereign authority of
their noble mightinesses, by proceeding to force and vio
lence in the establishment of the garrisons. General
Spengler, with four regiments, and proper artillery, was
appointed by the stadtholder to this service, with strict
injunctions,, if possible, to avoid the shedding of blood.
The armed burghers of Hattem, being reinforced by as
many volunteers as money or party zeal could procure

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 14,y
from different quarters, exhibited a great parade of mak- CHAP.
ing a most obstinate resistance. Their cannon were XXXV1U.
mounted on the walls and works ; and on the approach of 17g7_
the stadtholder's little army, as they called the regular
forces by way of contempt, they fired several rounds of
artillery with great briskness, but with so defective judg
ment in the direction, as not to produce the smallest
effect. As soon as Spengler arrived within a proper dis
tance, in order to do the least possible mischief, he point
ed his artillery at the chimneys and tops of the houses
only; this, however, along with the bold advance and near
approach of the troops, soon produced the desired effect ;
the armed burghers, with their adherents and auxiliaries,
abandoned the town ; and Spengler's men entered at one The insur-
gate, as they were retiring through another. Elbourg Ideated!
was relinquished in the same manner, and with still less
trouble.4 The faction commanded all the public papers,
and represented the trifling affair at Hattem as a signal dis
play of republican heroism, worthy of the descendants of
those bands which had risen to vindicate their liberty from
Alva and Philip ; they could have completely routed the
soldiers, of Orange, but patriotic as well as valiant, they
were willing to spare the effusion of the blood of their
countrymen. In the same style of delusion, nothing
could be more shocking or deplorable than the accounts
which they published of the enormities, the plunder, and
cruelties, committed by the troops who gained possession,
of Hattem and Elbourg, The capture of the two "towns
was represented by the faction as the actual commence
ment of civil war ; and nothing was to be% heard but exe
crations, as well against the states of Gueldres, as the
prince stadtholder. In the province of Holland especially,
the flames seemed to be blown up nearly to the greatest
height at which they were capable of arriving. All regard
to forms was now laid aside in completing the deposition
by force, of those magistrates, senators, and members of
the respective town councils, who were known or suspect
ed to be of the opposite party. Towards the close of
irfi6, the fortune of the house of Orange appeared to bg
4 See Annual Register for 17,86, p, 87.

14,8 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP- entirely fallen ; but external efforts were made in its favour,
**£?**; which proved ultimately successful. The king of Prussia
irg7 was incessaht in his endeavours to promote all such mea-
Conciiiato- sures of conciliation, as could in any degree tend to prevent
pos'itkm' of those unpleasant and dangerous consequences, which the
Prussia, present state of things, and the violence of the republican
party, could not otherwise fail to produce. For the attain
ment of this purpose he showed himself disposed to try
any means, however unpromising, and to coincide with
any interests, however discordant, that afforded even a
possibility of success.
and of "BrU- The court of London offered its joint mediation with
availing. Berlin; but the faction, aware ofthe predilection of Bri
tain for the interest of the stadtholder, as well as the,-
family of Orange, totally refused her mediation. The
king of Prussia therefore proposed that France, the *
avowed friend and close ally of the republic, should, along
with himself, undertake the kind office, but arduous task,
of settling and composing the differences by which it was
Joint me- distracted. The court of France professed to receive
Prussia and - these overtures with the warmest cordiality ; and an am-
France, bassador was sent to the Hague for the purpose desired.
Though such movements wore the appearance' of return- .
ing tranquillity; yet it was easily seen -that the actual
conciliation of the contending parties was very improba-
Different bie. France, it was conceived, would never '-^ally coin-
those pow- "de with the king of Prussia in restoring the stadtholder
"<¦ to his power, which the- faction regarded with bitter
hatred; the king of Ptussia would not sacrifice to France
the interests of the prince of Orange, by making such
concessions, as the adverse combination would require. •¦
The ministers, however, of France and Prussia entered
upon the negotiation, which was carried on during the
winter months; and though the >mediat6rs had agreed in
their views and intentions, the objects and notions of the
parties concerned were so diametrically opposite that it1
Alarming would be totally impossible to satisfy both. While con-
the*demo- testsi begun by an aristocratic faction, were thus distract"-
cratic par- fag the United Provinces, the democratical party, which,
as we have seen, the dissensions generated, was becoming
extremely powerful. In Utrecht, a government entirely«

REIGN OF GEORGE 111.

US

democratical was established ; and in Holland the states chap.
found that in stimulating the efforts of the populace, they XXXVIU-
had called in an auxiliary more formidable than the adver- l7S7
sary whom they desired to subdue : the violence and ;« exerted
anarchy of mob government now prevailed throughout innovation^
the provinces. It sometimes fortunately happens, that the
desultory efforts of a domineering populace, from unskil
ful direction, produce effects diametrically opposite to the
intentions. The city of Amsterdam from the beginning
had been the bitterest and most implacable of the stadt-
holder's enemies ; so that it seemed as if all the violent
measures pursued against him, had originated in the pride,
malice, and power of those citizens: but Amsterdam sud
denly changed sides, and declared in favour ofthe stadt
holder. To detail the causes of this revolution^ belongs
not to a history which considers the affairs of the United
Provinces, only as they affected the interests, or came to
stimulate the energies of Britain ; and it may suffice to
say, that the change produced great alarm in the anti-stadt-
holderian faction, and eventually facilitated the reestab
lishment of the house of Orange. The defection of
Amsterdam could not but excite' an universal alarm among
the leaders of the revolutionary party, and urged them to
the adoption of every measure that could possibly tend to
counteract its effect : for this purpose they proceeded to
very violent conduct ; and at length resolved to propose a
dafiitig measure, which though they had often meditated,
tbeyihad not yet ventured to cany into execution; this defeated in.
was the suspension of the prince of Orange from his offi- *0,sa^™Jdt
ces bf stadtholder and admiral general, in the same man- the office
ner^they had already succeeded in suspending him from holder.
his 'command of captain general. This question was
brought forward on the 10th of January 1787, and for
two succeeding days occasioned the warmest and most
violent debates that had ever been knoWn in the assembly.
The proposers, however, found the opposition so formi
dable, and the aspect of the independent members so
doubtful, that they did not choose to hazard the decision
of a vote on the question.
!* Defeated in this attempt, the faction attempted a
flew fabrication of votes ; bat the project was treated with

150

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP indignant resentment arid scorn. The states of Holland,
xxxvm. cjeprivea 0fthe cooperation of Amsterdam, and thwartedln
1787 schemes of violence, begari in spring 1787 to assume a
They trv a moderate tone, and to adopt measures very disagreeable
-cation of to the violent leaders of the adverse faction ; the cause of
votes. tne stadtholder became popular, even in the province of
Holland. The aristocratic confederates hitherto, as much
as possible, repressed the ambition of the democratical
malcontents : but now they saw that' there' was no alterna
tive but acquiescence in their claim, or submission to the
The armed stadtholder: on the former they resolved, and called 'in
areSem-S the armed burghers as their instruments in revolutionizing
ployed as the state. Such reformers proceeded with the usual fury
ments of of a democratic mob. They attacked the assemblies of
revolution. Rotterdam and other towns, and to produce unanimity
drove away by force every member whom they knew or
suspected to be friendly to the house of Orange, or ene^
Fury of a mies to boundless innovation. Encouraged by their' suc-
ary mob. ' cess, they carried their reforming projects to Amsterdam}
and effected a similar change in the metropolis.-', During
antecedent disorders, the states general had observed strict
impartiality; and it could not be discovered to which
side they inclined ; but now that an armed mob threatened
confusion and anarchy, they thought it was full time to
rally round the constituted authorities, in whose downfal
their own ruin must be involved.
The states In May 1787, they avowed themselves the defenders
avbwthem- °^ tne existing establishments ; and now it was no longer
selves sup- a contest between the house of Orange and a party of
the eoiwti- nobles, but between constitutional order and revolutionary
tution. rebellion. The armed populace having forcibly restored
the majority of malcontents in the states of Holland, thai
body assumed to itself powers that could only belong 'to
the states general. Among the respective partisans fre
quent skirmishes took place not without bloodshed. -": The
revolutionary democrats did not confine themselves ¦*$>:
personal outrage and savage cruelty, but added robbery}
the richest towns of that very opulent country became
scenes of pillage*' In the course of the summer, Ant'
e Annual Register, 1787, chap. i.

REIGlf OF GEORGE HI. j5j
sterdamwas a scene of more dreadful devastation, than chap.
WYVI1T
any European metropolis had exhibited during the, pre- * ~
ceding part of the eighteenth century ; it indeed, afforded t7gr
a, specimen to the world of the consequences of a furious Disorders
love of change, which entirely overleaped every bound of <iam.
reason and of justice. The states of Holland were ex
tremely anxious to obtain a command of the troops- ; and
the states general with equal activity, and much greater
effect, counteracted * these efforts : this, indeed, was the
less difficult,- as the disposition of the army continued
very favourable to the family of Orange ; many, both of
officers and! privates, refused to obey the orders of the
provincial states, and ardently desired ,the restitution of
the stadtholder. • ¦ The states general very properly en- The army
couraged this repugnance to usurped -authority, and took attaciieTi«
the troops into immediate protection and pay. Colonel the prince.
Balneavis, a Scottish gentleman of -great ability and reso
lution,, by his successful address was the means of recall
ing the military force of Holland to the service of their
prince." Possessing the affection and confidence of the
soldiers, he carried with him two . battalions to join the
stadtholder, arid the, other regiments immediately followed
so -laudable an example. But the departure of their The fae-
troops, instead of intimidating the states of Holland, serv- cdmes'^o
ed only to drive them to more desperate violence. perate.
Amidst all the rage which the revolutionists vented Arrest of
against the government of the house of Orange, the per- j^ssm "in r
sons of these princes had not hitherto been violated ; but «j»y ''"the-
the 7infatuated fury of a mob no longer confined itself
within these bounds. The consort of the stadtholder was
agprincess of vigorous capacity, and intrepid. spirit : from
the justice . of the cause, as well as the late accessions to
^he party, she conceived that the hour of restoration was
approaching, and might be accelerated by a bold and reso-
lute'effort. She accordingly determined to leave Nime-
guen,,(.unaccompanied by her husband; to proceed to the
Hague and shov/ herself to the people ; she hoped, through
th.ec-8tates general, and other adherents, corporate and pri
vate, to effect the restoration of the prince. Accompanied
only by the baroness Wassanaar, count Bentick, and a
Held officer or two, and attended- by a few domestics, the

152 HISTORY OF THE
chap, princess arrived at the borders of Holland, near Schoon?
^^^ hoven. Since the departure of the constitutional troops,
17ar the revolutionary burghers composed the sole military
force of Holland: a party of these surrounded the car
riage, and arrested the person of the princess. - The com
mander of this notable troop was altogether worthy of
such a corps ; a vulgar and ignorant* burgher ; and by
unmerited authority , elated to- insolence, this person and
his band behaved with brutal irreverence ; they conducted
the illustrious captive as a spectacle, with all the coarse
vociferation of an exulting rabble : even when their bar
barous dissonance startled the horses, and^Salmdfet overMBB*
ed her carriage in a canal, they would not permit the gen
tlemen of the Suite to afford her assistance. At lengldh
they arrived at an inn ; the gallant captain accompanied the
princess to her room : regardless of the presence of a laay,
this municipal commander kept his sword drawn; but her
attendants representing the impropriety of such an exhi
bition, he complaisantly returned it to the scabbard : after
this effort of politeness, he sat down by her side,- cross-
legged, and at the same time ordering beer, pipes and
tobacco, enjoyed a comfortable regale, but without being
seduced by such appropriate pleasure to intermit the vigi
lance8 of official employment.
After being confined several hourSj commissioners
arrived from the town of Woerden, who expressly told the
princess she would not be allowed to continue the jour
ney, but she might retire wherever she chose ; according
ly she set out on her return to Nimeguen : the prince,
informed of her capture, applied to the states general for
protection to his consort, and satisfaction for so gross and
outrageous an insult ; and his representation was seconf ed
by a much more powerful applicant : the conduct of the
revolutionists towards the princess, was attended with
very important consequences. Hitherto the kingof Prus
sia had acted towards the United Provinces as a media
ting neighbour between the two parties : though naturally,
f See Annual Register for 1787, p. 32.
g The Annual Register mentions some very laughable instances ofthe assi
duity with which the Hutch sentinels kept watch, to prevent female attendant!
from effecting (heir escapd : see A. R. p. 33. '

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

X.S.S

and indeed avowedly, favourable to one, he had never CHAP.
intimated a design of forcible interference ; but from the ^^j'*,
seizure of the princess, his relation to the provinces was 17g7
•changed ¦„ he was now a powerful brother demanding repa- On this in-
. ..¦ • ¦ i . ' . . , . suit the
ration to a sister ; a mighty monarch requiring the satis- king of
faction which he could exact. He sent a memorial to the fh"ngeshls
states of Holland, wherein he insisted upon immediate and i°'>e
ample atonement, and also the punishment of the perpe- mandtsa-
trators : he, moreover added, that he should estimate the taction
value which they attached to his friendship, by their com- states of
pliance with this requisition.1* Before this memorial HoUandi
arrived, the states of Holland had expressed their appro
bation ofthe conduct of the persons who had seized the
princess : they returned a long and laboured answer;" but
aaiJjteibwledged no blame, and proffered no satisfaction.
,The stubborn iniusti.ee. of the states of Holland was con- which is
not criiCiP"
?trastedby the fair and liberal conduct of the states general, ed.
.to Whom the king of Prussia had also applied : that
.assembly declared, that they had made repeated represen
tations to the provincial meeting of Holland on this out-
ferageous insult; that those states themselves must be entire
ly responsible for measures, in regretting and reprobating
which, their' high mightinesses perfectly agreed with his
Prussian majesty. Frederic,, was determined to enforce He deter.
from the states of Holland the satisfaction which they foroe.
had refused to his requisition : meanwhile he repeated his
demand in indignant and peremptory terms, and made a
representation of their proceedings to the court of France,
tojtyhich the faction chiefly trusted. His christian ma
jesty expressed to the-states very strong disapprobation of
the, treatment which the princess had experienced ; and
declared he thought the king of Prussia very fully justi-
;<.fied in demanding ample satisfactionv Notwithstanding The revo-
this intimation, the revolutionary party persisted in their ^"Jf*
course ; they had no doubt that, if affairs came to an open Franee.
rupture, they would receive from France an assistance
proportioned to the danger by which they might be threat
ened: the Prussian army they knew was strong, but! the
French army they naturally conceived to be much strong-
... #"<•---' h See State papers, August 6, 1787*.
Vol. III. U

!54 HISTORY OF THE
er ; and they were too, deeply engrossed themselves t£
consider or estimate internal circumstances in the doming
178r ions of their ally, which might prevent the employment of
his usual force. r %
Repeated remonstrances and. replications passed be
tween the states of Holland and the Prussian king during
the month of August ; but so little to the satisfaction
of Frederic William, that he made immediate and
powerful preparations for hostilities ; and in , the, be:
ginning of September, an army commanded hy the.dukje,,
of Brunswic was ready to enter the Low Countries.
Haying in the seven years war| attained a very high
character for heroism and ability, while hereditary prince,
from- the peace this commander had passed his time, in
tranquillity, but not idleness, devoting his attention tornjjl|j^
tary and political improvement. On the deatii, of hir
father, becoming reigning duke, he continued suclj pur-Y
i suits as meliorated the condition of his. territories. Fsgrnj
these meritorious occupations he was now called, to headm
an armament, destined to enforce the purposes of Justice, .
ofBruus- Pn' tn€ 13tn of September he entered ^the province of
•wickenters Guelderland, and there the country being all favourable tq
theTJnited . . , . , . . , , ; -'"'*> "
Provinces his attempts, he, without opposition,. reached the confines
at the head Qc Holland. On the duke of Brunswic's approach, th^;
The revo- revolutionary party applied to France, for aid, and obtairu-L
lutionists , r . ' "' ""'*"
apply to ed a promise or support. : -*
Franee for Britain regarded with anxious attention the trappr?
tant events that passed in the United Provinces, and per-:
Conductor , , ... . , , . . ..
Britain. ceived that the crisis was arrived, when it must be speet^j
ly determined, whether the Dutch republic was to resume
her ancient and natural connexion with her first protecto^
or to become a mere appendage of France. Our sove,*;,
reign, during the course of the disputes, repeatedly offer
ed his friendly mediation ; but his interposition was
extremely disagreeable to the revolutionary faction, which
could not stand the, award of an impartial umpire. The
court of London was confident that the internal strength
of the constitutional party, seconded by the king of Prus
sia, was perfectly adequate to the adjustment of disputes,
i See our narrative ofthe campaigns of the allies in Germany, in the first
chapters of this history, passim.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. ^gg
and the resumption of constitutional rights, if France did chap.
not interfere with an armed force. Dignity, justice, and XXXV11L
policy, called from his majesty explicit avowals*, 'that he irsr
would not remain a quiet spectator of such forcible inter
ference. In these circumstances, the chief obiectof British The kinS
,. • tt it i 1 . of Franee
policy, concerning Holland, was to watch the movements intimates
of the court of Versailles. A message from his christian Son'ofra.
majesty announced to our king, that he had determined sistingthe
to afford to the states of Holland the assistance which Holland.
they had requested. Such an intimation demanded only Our king
one line of conduct; our king accordingly declared, to wtuforci-6
France, that if she interposed forcibly, Britain should take % oppose
. 1.1. • <- suc'1 ,nter-
an active part ; and he gave immediate directions for aug- ference;
mentilig his fleet and army. A powerful armament was ^are's^an
equipped with uncommon expedition: a decisive and grand armament.
tone, worthy of mighty power supporting conscious jus- Franee
tice, produced the desired effect -, and France made no reimequ!ish-
hostile effort to support the revolutionary faction. The *8 her
. . . . design ;
energetic vigour of the British cabinet being so success- and the
fully exerted towards the formidable ally of the states of Brunswic
Holland, the duke of Brunswic proceeded in a rapid career » oom-
of victory. The hidden friends ofthe house of Orange victorious.
now publicly declared themselves : the revolutionists, how
ever, still entertaining -hopes France would not yield,
threw themselves into Amsterdam, and resolved to stand
a siege; but finding their expectations entirely vanished,
they at length entered into a capitulation ; the constitu- Rg^,,,.^
tional party proved completely triumphant, and the stadt- tio" oftlle
htffitfer was restored to all his rights and dignities. The der.
discussion which arose between Britain and France termi
nated amicably, after his christian majesty had declared,
that in intimating a design of active interposition in the
affairs of 'Holland, he had never intended forcible efforts.'
Such was the result of the disputes in the United Provih- Great and
ces, and the measures which Britain adopted respecting unanimous
3 • i j- i i praises of
the contests. This was the first occasion that displayed the British
the genius and energy of Pitt in foreign policy, and pro- cabmet-
cured him general admiration abroad and at home. Oppo-
k See his majesty's speech, November 27, 1787. State papers.
1 See correspondence between the respective ministers ef Britain an<l
France on this subject, in the state papers of October 1787. , i «

J56 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, gition as warmly and loudly praised his conduct, as the
T—^^. rest' of the nation : indeed it is difficult to conceive that
'"* tfgjf two opinions could be formed on the subject by any Briton
who at once valued and understood the Interests of hi*
country. The interference was requisite, to prevent such.
an aggrandizement of France, as must endanger this coun
try. The means were vigour of tone, seconded by pow- ,4
erful preparation, the most successful instruments which a
mighty nation can employ for averting aggression, eithe|>,
direct or circuitous.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI;

CHAP. XXXIX.

Meeting of parliament — Unanimous approbation of the
-conduct of ministry respecting Holland— Bishop of
Landaff's speech on British interference in continental
affairs — Subsidiary treaty with the landgrave of Hesse
Cassel. — Plan for the defence ofthe West Indies  Com
plaints of a partial promotion of flag officers  Minis
ters contend that the complaint is unfounded.'— Declara
tory law for explaining certain -parts of Mr. Pitt's East
India bill. — Origin of the doubts from which this mea-
amre proceeded.— rRegiments ordered by government ts
.India, to *be^paid and subsisted at the expense of the
, company — -£>iiestion by Mr. Pitt's bill; had govern
ment that power f denied by the directors and by opposi
tion in parliament — Arguments for and against. — Passed
into a law. — Extension ofthe mutiny bill. — Bill against
the smuggled exportation qf wool— passed into a law.
— Commencement of an inquiry concerning negro slave-
'hitry. — State of facts.— General and special objections to
negro slavery. — Impugned as contrary to Christianity,
as well as justice and humanity — Pious and benevolent
enthusiasm in favour ofthe negroes. — Mr. Wilberforce
— character, talents, and laudable zeal— ^opposite argu-
- ments. — Slavery an evil great or small, according lo the
sentiments and circumstances of the sufferers.— -The
condition >of the African negroes is meliorated by becom
ing slaves, to British masters,— Slaves in our planta
tions generally happy. — If Britain abolish slavery,
Other European states will enjoy the benefits. — Great
capitals are embarked^ on the public faith guaranteeing
this trade.— An ample source of private opulence, and
public revenue. — Petitions for and against the aboli
tion qf the slave, trade.- — The privy council institutes an
inquiry into the details and alleged cruelties ofthe slave
trade. — Sir William Dolben's motion for regulating the
transportation of negroes— passed into a law. — Mr.

158

CHAP
XXX1X

1787.
Meeting
of parlia
ment.

Unanimous ap
probation
of ihe con
duct of
ministry
respectingHolland.

HISTORY OF THE
JPitfs bill for the relief and recompense ofthe American
loyalists.— Commencement of Hastings's trial— Spekh
of Mr. Burke. — Motion for the impeachment of sir Eli
jah Impey — negatived- — Mr. Grenville' s bill for improv
ing his father's, law respecting contested elections — Sup
plies.— Flourishing state of commerce and finance. •
PARLIAMENT assembled on the 27th of
( November ; and his majesty's speech exhibited to the
houses an outline of the policy which he had adopted
concerning Holland. He had endeavoured by his good
offices to restore tranquillity between the contending par
ties, but found his efforts unavailing : he also discovered
a desire of forcible interference on the part of "France ;
he expressed to his christian majesty his determination
to counteract any such intention, and had armed for that
purpose ; but the success of the Prussian troops had re
established the lawful government in Holland'; an expla-
nationhad taken place between his majesty and the king
of France, which had terminated amicably, and both par-'
ties had agreed to disarm. The necessary preparations
had produced extraordinary expenses for which he doubt
ed not his faithful commons would provide, and also
adopt proper means for the defence of his distant do
minions.' He rejoiced at the flourishing state of* com
merce and the revenue, and the zeal and unanimity which
his subjects demonstrated during the iate expectation of
war. From' the dispositions which were then manifested,
in any future emergency, he should depend on a prompt
ness and vigour of exertion, proportionate to the exigence
by which it might be required.
The conduct of Mr. Pitt respecting Holland was ex
tremely popular among all parties throughout the king-
¦ dom ; and in both houses it experienced the same unani
mous commendation. Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, and Mr.
Sheridan, perfectly coincided with Mr. Pitt and his friends
in the general principle of interference in continentallaf-
fairs to preserve the balance of Europe. In the house'of
peers the bishop of Laudaff, in justifying the principUp
adduced reasoning at once appropriate to that specific
.case, and generalizing the constituents of wise and just

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. j5»
interposition in any future circumstances. "Upon what CHAP.
'.' ground (he said), did, he approve of our late interfe- XXX1X-
" rence.?, on the ground of self preservation. If X7S7
"France .had gained Holland, the security of Britain Bishop of
"-tJffiPJfldhave been endangered : when it is said. that ,Hol-)vie"yof s
" land and the other states , of Europe are independent British in-
u i. . .1 ¦ ¦ • , . . , terference
States, the proposition is true only on a certain consider- in conti-
" ation, for . they all depend one upon another, like the J.1™*91 tf'
" links of a chain ; and it is the business of each to watch
" every other, lest any become so weighty and powerful
"as. to endanger the security or political importancdof
"vtiTe,rest.», >
. During the preparations, a subsidiary treaty had Subsidiary
been concluded with the landgrave of Hesse Cassel;. by . treaty with
which .tijat prince was to receive 36,0931. to hold twelve grave of"
thousand, troops ready to be employed by Britain when l,?!Sse Cas"-
their services should be required. This treaty was part
of a general system, which it was then deemed premature
to detail : the motion passed without a division. On the p|anfb,.
1.0t|i of .December an augmentation of the army was pro- the de
posed,, for the purpose, recommended by, .his majesty's the West
speech, of strengthening our distant possessions. On par- ind,es-
ticular inquiry into the state of defence of our western settle
ments, ministers had found the force to be inadequate ; this
opinion had . been confirmed ,by the reports of the officers
commanding in. the West Indies, who had been severally
consulted upon the. troops which each thought requisite for
the.,>s£Gurity of the island, he commanded- It was objected
by^some members of opposition, that the opinions of our
commanders abroad did not .afford satisfactory grounds for
increasing our present establishments. It was obvious, that
ea^ch of these officers would demand as large a force as
he,ttii.pught adequate to the defence of his own particular
situation, and would, govern himself in such requisition,
merely by axegardto his own responsibility; whereas,, in
judging of an adequate peace establishment for all the
possessions, of Britain, the whole would depend on a gene
ral $i,ew of its!tparts, and. their relative exigencies; by the
presen|. motion the house was called on to vote an increase
of the army without .sufficient grounds. It was replied,
that the opinion of the officers had, not been asked, on the

..„ HISTORY OP THE
joy CHAP: whole force requisite for the defence of the West Indies,
XXXIX. but that undoubtedly in forming plans concerning remote
*-C2W' objects, men must proceed on information, and in seeking
' information must have recourse to those by whom it can
be best afforded ; officers who had been on the spot were
certainly competent to state the separate facts, on the joint
result of which ministers formed their inferences. The
West India islands were, without doubt, objects of the
highest importance to Britain. For their secure defence,
three modes might-be mentioned : first, a great stationary
fleet: secondly, succours might be sent on the' prospect, of
a rupture ; or thirdly, such a military force as would pre
vent a surprise. The experience of last war proved: that
a fleet could not solely defend these possessions ; since
some of the islands had been wrested from us, when our
naval strength was equal to the strength of the eneraya:
respecting the second means, it might, be unsafe to detajsh
any part of our army or navy from' Europe; and though
there should be no danger in the attempt, the succours
might not arrive in time to prevent mischief; therefore'
the most eligible mode was to have a sufficient- military
force upon the respective islands to secure them froiii
surprise ; since, from the dispersion and distance of the
islands, and the peculiarities of that climate, winds, and
currents, it would sometimes be absolutely impossible for
a fleet to afford that speedy relief which the occasion might
require. """¦-¦
1788. After the recess, one of the first subjects of discus-
of^nartial s*on before the commons was a recent promotion of flag
promotion officers during the preparations for war. Sixteen captains
%t%S ° ' had been promoted to the flag, and about forty passed over.
This partial promotion had greatly displeased the officers
whom it omitted. They brought forward their complaint
in the house of peers, under the patronage of lord Rawdori1,
who moved for the presentment of an address to the king ;
praying, that he would be graciously pleased to take'iinto
his royal consideration the services of such captains of his
majesty's navy, as were passed over in the last promotion.
Lord Howe, first commissioner of the admiralty, endea
voured to justify the conduct: of the 'board; to execute
beneficially the functions; of their office, the lords of the

REIGN OF GEORGE UI. jgj
admiralty must employ their own judgment and discretion chap.
in delegating an important trust : unless they were invested XXXIX-
with the privilege of selection, they certainly could rtot 17ag
undertake the burden of responsibility. n- His lordship Ministers
could not state in a public assembly the particular grounds that The
on which he had formed his judgment; there might be ^"nfoun^
several reasons for not promoting captains to be admirals, ded.
without impeaching the character of the officers in ques
tion. The same persons might be fit for a subordinate
employment, without being qualified for a higher trust;
officers who had served ably and meritoriously all their
lives, might not appear proper to be intrusted with the
care of a fleet. So important a charge ought to be com
mitted to men, not only Affirm minds, but of such bodily
strength as would enable them to endure the fatigues of
the hard service which they might have to sustain. The
executive government must have the choice of its own
officers in the various degrees and -kinds of service, other
wise it cannot be responsible for the effectual discharge of
its duties. ¦- On these grounds the motion was rejected^by
• the lords : in the commons a similar proposition was
brought forward and supported by greater particularity of
detail, in order to illustrate individual hardships ; but as -
the general principle was the same, the proposed address
was negatived, though by a small majority. It was after
wards moved, that the arbitrary powers which were claimed
by the. admiralty,- having in some degree received the
sanction of the house, to prevent the mischievous conse
quences which might ensue, they should adopt, as a rule
of service, 9ome permanent principle, to which officers
might trust; and a motion was made, that it is highly
injurious to the navy, to set aside from promotion to flags,
meritorious officers of approved service, who are not pre
cluded by the orders of his majesty in council. Ministers
objected to the propositions as unnecessary; and it was
negatived. .*. The most important measure of this session, was a bill Deetarato^
introduced by Mr. Pitt to explain doubts which had arisen explaining
concerning a part of the law of 1784, for the administration ^°f
of British India. During. the apprehensions of a rupture ^ Pitt's
with France, government had formed a resolution of send- bm! "¦
Vol,. III. X

169

HISTORY OF TOE

CHAP, ing out four additional regiments to India, on board thfc
^X^-- company's ships, for the protection of our possessions^
Srf^S"' that quarter; and the proposition had been received* will*
Orign, of general approbation by the court of directors. Though
fromwhich apprehensions of war were dissipated, yet government was
thismea- anxjous for the security of distant possessions,' and fdr
sure pro- J ... , , , ,
ceeded., that purpose proposed a permanent establishment ot his
majesty's troops in India ; on these grounds they adhered
to the determination of sending the soldiers. A question
had arisen between the directors and the board of control^
concerning the expense of their conveyance, their future
Regiments pay and subsistence. By an act which passed in the year
ordered by jWo,^ jt was stipulated, that the company should be bound
ment to to p^y for such troops only, as were sent to India upeB
be paid and their requisition : and upon this act the directors had
subsistedat refused to charge the company with the expense of th*
pense of forces how about to be sent. The board of control" con-
pany!*"" tended, that they were invested With a power of ordering
the conveyance of such troops as circumstances might
require; and that if the directors refused, the expense
should be defrayed out of the revenues which arose from
their territorial possessions. The court of directors VoiM
the advice of several eminent lawyers, who concurred in
their opinion. Mr. Pitt, impressed with the contrary idea,
proposed to bring in a bill for removing the doubts-**
question, by declaring the intention of the legislaturetfe
the act of 1784, to have been agreeable to the construction
put upon it by administration. By the law of 178* he
contended, every power, which before that time was
intrusted to the court of directors for administering the
territorial possessions, was by that act vested in the board
of control. Those commissioners had the sole direction of
the military and political concerns, the collection' and
management -of territorial revenue. His object had been
to leave to the corporate proprietors, and their representa
tives, the direction of those commercial concerns for fetich
their charter had been granted, but to take into the han&
of the executive government territorial affairs; under the
political department was evidently to be classed,, the dis
posal of troops, and the provisions for their maintenaWit

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 162
As doubts were entertained and sanctioned by legal '™-«^j-
authority highly respectable, he proposed an act declaring ^-^L^J
the meaning of the law-, This motion was controverted, - lYf^_
first, on general grounds : legislature ought never to have ^j8!^."'
ftonurse to this expedient, except when either the wording vemmen
^f-.an act -was evidently so ambiguous as to stand in need pitt'siaw
of explanation, or where, in consequence of the clashing *" denied
judgment of courts, or doubts expressed by judges from by the di-
the bench, it became necessary for- the legislature to proi opposition
pound anew its. own meaning. In all other cases, parlia- *" P5"-'1*-
,. c ¦ ,,..,... i ment-
ment by interfering would quit its legislative, and assume
a judicial capacity ; and in the present instance would
decide in a cause, in which it was in some respects inter
ested as a party; since it would gain. by its own decision.
It was a dispute between the crown or the public, and ar
¦SBarnoration, on a pecuniary claim. The king insists upon
a»certain sum of money from the company, for a specified
object. The company admit a sum to be due, but not
the amount demanded : here is a clear and simple question,
on which an issue might be tried in a court of law. The
measure proposed was liable to many serious political
Objections, and might be used as a precedent for the worst
-^Hfcposes. A minister has nothing to do but to propose,
and bring in a bill for granting new powers, in doubtful
and ambiguous words, under restraints indistinctly defined,
and with clauses that have a double aspect. The compafltr
had been induced to consent to the act of 1784, upoK
¦pretences, which now proved to be delusive ; and the*
minister, having obtained that consent, was resolved to
put his own construction upon it, contrary to the original
intention of the party concerned. In the farther progress
ofthe bill, counsel was heard for the India company at
ithe bar of the housed and the whole ability of opposition
was exerted, to prevent its enactment.
¦* -The following was the substance -of the arguments, Argument
tJegal and political, which were employed on each side. Karato-*
Its opponents controverted it principally upon '. two rybill.
-grounds : first, that the construction attempted to be
put upon the act of 1784, was not its true and just
construction: and secondly, that if it admitted such
interpretation, the powers it vested in the board of con-

164

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, trol were injurious to the rights and interests of th£
^^^ company, and of a dangerous political nature, and there-'
1788. f0^ ought not to be confirmed. To prove the former
proposition, its supporters contended that, the charter
granted to the^ company having been purchased for a
valuable consideration, every statute that diminished their
rights ought to be construed, like penal laws, in the mild-'
est sense, and so as to infringe those privileges in the least
possible degree ; and in ambiguous cases^ acts of parlia
ment should be explained in such a sense as to be consis
tent with each other. In the act of 1781™ it was expressly
stipulated, that the company should defray the expense of
no troops, but such as were sent to India upon their own
requisition; therefore the acts of 1784 should be inter
preted so as to coincide with the preceding law. But the
best and safest, mode of ¦ expounding a statute, was to
illustrate one part of it by other clauses of the same art.
By the law of 1784,° " the commissioners (it was admit-
" ted) are authorized and empowered from time to time, to
" superintend, direct, and control all acts, operations, and
*' concerns, which in anywise relate to the civil or military
<'. government,, or revenues of the territorial possessions of
" the company, in the manner in the said act directed :"
and " the court of directors are required to pay obedience
";to, and to be governed and bound by, such orders and
'indirections as the said court shall receive from the said
^board." Were these clauses taken solely, it was allow
ed that they would justify the construction which was
intended by the declaratory act ; but from subsequent
passages it was argued, that the positive directorial- pow
er of the commissioners was restrained to definite cir
cumstances; and to be exercised- on specified- omissions of
the East India directors. The directors by the act
were required to deliver to ¦ the commissioners copies of
all despatches which were received from their servants
in India, and all instructions proposed to be sent to the
company's officers in that country : these the commission
ers, within fourteen days, were to return to the directors-,
either approved or disapproved and amended; and the

m See act of parliament 1781, respecting India.
n Sec act for. the government of India, July, X7%b.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 163
directors were bound to obey the orders so amended or al- CHAP.
tered. If within fourteen days the court of directors should J^J*\
neglect to yield, the obedience commanded by the act, 1788_
then and- then only, the commissioners might originate
instructions. If the board were invested with the positive
pbwer claimed by the declaratory act, it was absurd to
specify certain cases in which it might be lawful for them
to send orders and instructions to the company's servant's
in India without the consent of the company. It was
evident, from the whole tenor of the clauses taken toge
ther, that the authority vested' in the commissioners was
no other than a superintendency and control over the
transactions of the company in their management of their
affairs in India; a power to alter and amend their orders
and instructions, and, in case of neglect in the directors,
to carry- such orders so amended into execution; but not
to originate measures, in opposition to the chartered and
stipulated right of the company. It was farther contend
ed, that the directors had understood the power proposed
to be conferred by Mr. Pitt's bill on the commissioners,
to be subject to the alleged limitations; and that even the
minister had expressly declared his coincidence in that
construction ; that otherwise the directors would have
opposed it as no less hostile to the rights of the company,
than 'thie obnoxious bill of Mr. Fox." The board of con
trol itself had not understood the act of 1784 as investing
them with the unlimited sway which they now claimed;
they had acted upon the statute of 1781 for upwards of
two years after the law of 1784, and by their conduct
admitted that they had no power to send out any of his
majesty's troops to India without the consent of the com
pany. From the general rules of interpretation, from the
clauses ahd tenor of the act in question,- the opinions of
those whom it first affected, the declaration of its framer,
and the construction of the persons who were appointed
to carry it into execution, members of opposition endea
voured to prove, that the power now proposed to be
declared did not arise from it as a law.p

o Speech of Mr. Fox on the second reading of the bilL
p See parliamentary debates, Mareh 1788, passim.

1788.

j 56 HISTORY OF THE
, They next objected to it as a measure of policy: thj§
-authority which was claimed annihilated the court of
directors, and even the property of the company. The
territorial revenues being in many instances unavoidably
implicated in their commercial concerns, the absolute
command of the former, as to their application and expen#
diture, would necessarily carry with it a control over the
latter, and might be used to supersede the efficiency! of the
directors in the only branch of the company's affairs that
was left to their management. The measure itself of
sending four regiments to India was not less- injurious to
the rights and interests ofthe company, than the unlimited
power under which it was to be executed. It would; hav»
been more economical and just, 'either- to have suffered the
company to raise four regiments, or to have sent over the
2,400 men which were wanting to complete, the king's regjir
ments already in India,: — more economical, because in
the one case the company's troops are, and- would be
maintained at infinitely less expense than the king's^ in
the other, the company would be free from the additional
burden of all the officers of the four new regiments :—
more just, because in the former case, the company; would
haye enjoyed the patronage ofthe troops which they were
to pay, and might provide for many of their own deserving
officers, six hundred of whom,, reduced at the late peace*
were living.in very distressed situations in India. It was
farther impolitic, as it would create a jealousy and disgust
among the officers in the company's service. The oppo
nents next proceeded to the motives of ministers, which
they alleged to be a desire of extending their own influence
and patronage, at the expense of the India company. The
ministers had formed a regular progressive plan, to grasp
all the .patronage of India. The direction claimed by the
board of control afforded grounds of jealousy in another
view; it placed a revenue at the disposal of the king's
ministers, for raising and paying an army without consent
of parliament, and was therefore inconsistent with the bill
of rights, and a dangerous departure from the principles
of the British constitution.
mSfor BY the suPPorters of the declaratory act, it was con-
men tended, first, respecting the rule of construction, that the

REIGN OF GEORGE III. jgy
principle could only be admitted, so far as was consistent CHAP.
- YV\IY
with the spirit and express objects of the statute itself; it _*¦
could be no reason for an interpretation, of a subsequent l7iSr
law, that it militated against a prior ; it would be absurd
to put a sense upon an act, that would defeat the main.
ends for which it was passed ; and with regard to the act
of 1.781, such parts of it as were inconsistent with, the pro
visions of the subsequent, arrangement, were virtually,
though not expressly repealed. The object of the plan of
1784 was, to take the entire management of territorial
possessions, and the political government of India, out of
the hands ofthe company, leaving them only the direction,
of their commercial concerns. The board of control was
in future to be responsible to the public for the prosperity
defence, and- security, of our Indian possessions, and was
therefore to be invested with all the, authorities necessary
for the due discharge of the important trusts. These pow
ers were given in general terms, and the mode of exercisr
ing them in particular cases was specified : rin some they
had a negative upon the orders of the directors ; in others,
where a difference of opinion arose, the board might
enforce the; execution of its own orders. The act in gen
eral .clauses expressed, this power which was claimed, and
without it would have been- totally inadequate to its object.
Could it be supposed that parliament intended to leave to
tjhve company, who, it might be expected from the short
duration of their charter, would attend chiefly to their pwn
immediate pecuniary interests, the entire disposition ,pf
their uevenues, without enabling the board of control, who
weres responsible for the defence and security of the whole,
to appropriate such part of them as should be thought
necessary for those purposes ? The assertion of opposition,
that either .Mr." Pitt or the board of control had understood
die act in the sense imputed, was totally unfounded in
truth, and unsupported by any evidence. With regard to
the economy and policy of the measure, the company's
trpops might be raised and maintained at a smaller ex
pense ; but these were not sufficient for guarding India
against dangers by which it was now threatened. : As to
the additional patronage said to accrue to the crown, it
Was denied*, on the grand question, of standing armies,

168 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP; there were inaccuracies in all the existing laws. The bill
Yyyi V" '
^J,^" of rights was not very explicit ; it hardly stated the
1788; illegality of a standing army within the kingdom, but was
silent with respect to military force in our settlements
abroad'. Mr. Pitt declared, that if any danger was appre
hended from the bill before the house, relative either to
the augmentation of the army, or the patronage of India
in general, he was ready, to receive any modifications
which might be offered to avert such danger. In the
committee he proposed several clauses for so modifying
the bill, as to remove the objections respecting patronage.
The bill is The bill was carried in the house of commons by a ma-
passed into . . .
a law. jonty of fifty-tour; and, after experiencing strong; oppo
sition in the house of peers, was passed into a law ; and
thus it was declared that the commissioners, being insti
tuted for the territorial administration of India by the act
of 1784, possessed a directorial, as well as controlling
power, in whatever was necessary to the effectual execution;
of the trust reposed in them by the act of 1784.
Extension In the mutiny bill of this session, a clause was pro?
tinybiiS'.U" Posed f°r incorporating with the army a new body of
military artificers. It was objected to this project, that
it was an unnecessary extension of the military law, and-
consequently inconsistent with the principles of the consti
tution. These artificers had served the army, hitherto,
without diminution of their liberty, and no necessity was
shown why their tenure of service should be changed. The-
great advocate for the clause was the duke of Richmond.1
Such a corps (he said) was employed in all the armies
abroad, and found to be extremely useful: he had pro
posed such an establishment to his majesty, who was
pleased to signify his approbation of the- scheme. The
policy of the nation had considered it as right that all
soldiers should continue in such a state of subordination^
therefore artificers, being enlisted regularly as soldiers,
ought undoubtedly to become subject to the same law.
Such a change was not to be accounted any hardship;
since no species of trial, however popular it might be, was.
more fair and candid than trials by a court martial. Ths
s q Debates ofthe peers, 1788.

¦ REIGN « OF GEORGE III. i$g
dause, after a long discussion, was at length carried with- CHAP.
out a division. * ' " ' '
At the instance of the woollen manufacturers, a bill ,,-8S
was introduced in the house of commons: for rendering Bin against
/r 1 i • i . • c t,ie sn^'g-
more effectual^ laws against the private exportation ot gied ex-
wool. The manufacturers asserted, that of long or'Jj^DJJ11
combing wool, to the amount of 13,000 packs were an
nually smuggled to France : hence it was inferred ; first,
that the wool growers were by this means enabled within
the, kingdom to keep up the price of their commodity be
yond its just standard, to the great detriment of our
staple manufacture; secondly, that there' ensued a loss
to Britain of the surplus value of the- manufactured arti-
-cles over the raw materials, and of the increased popula
tion, which the employment of an additional number of
manufacturers would produce ; and thirdly, that the
smuggled wool being an article necessary to the French
manufactures, it enabled them to rival ours. In answer
to these arguments, it was contended, chiefly by country
gentlemen, that it was an unnecessary and unjust attack
upon the landed interest. " The quantity alleged to be
smuggled bore no proportion to the whole produce of the
country, and subtracted only about a fifteenth share, even
at thccalculation of the proposers; but there was no
evidence of the calculation being just. The price of
wool was not enhanced beyond its just standard: as a
proof that the manufacture was not injured by it, they
demonstrated the increase of the value of woollen goods,
exported from the year 1776 to the year 1787, to be in
the proportion of nearly one-third. Upon the second in
ference it was* said, that admitting the quantity of wool
stated to be smuggled into France, it did not follow that
our manufacturers would work up that additional quantity
above what they now do, merely by preventing its mak
ing its way thither ; on the contrary, unless it were first
proved, which had never been asserted, that, in conse
quence of the exportation, the manufacturers are in want
of materials to work upon, it was fair to conclude,, that
the quantity exported was a mere surplus, and that the
British manufacturers would not Work a single, pound
more, though the whole should be kept at home": a view
Vo*. III. Y

jjrg HISTORY OF TAE
chap, of the very flourishing state of our manufactures was
XXXIX. sufficient to convince us that there was no ground of ap-
ir88 prehension from the rivalship of France. It was replied,
that the restraints' proposed to- be laid upon the wool
growers would not materially affect their interests. The pre
sent bill was consonant to the existing laws, and was only de
signed to carry into more effectual execution those prin
ciples of policy, respecting the exportation of wool, by
which this country for so many years had been governed,
and under which both our manufacturers and our wool
growers had flourished and grown rich together. The
bill underwent a very minute discussion, in which party
politics appeared to occupy no share; and at length was
carried by a large majority. ;¦'
Com- A subject of very considerable importance, and
ment of an which long occupied the attention both of parliament and
^inquiry tne nation, was this year for the first time brought before
ing negro the house of commons-: this was the celebrated question
slavery. concerning the trade carried on for purchasing negro
slaves to cultivate our possessions in the western world.
State of Slavery is so evidently repugnant to the feelings of
facts, a j3riton5 that it may at first sight appear astonishing no
means had been devised to prevent the existence of such
a state in the British dominions. The mercantile charac
ter of this country predominated over the political, when,
for the acquisition of wealth, she admitted the destruction
of freedom; and the guardians of European liberty be
came the most active instruments of Afriean slavery.
This' inconsistency did not appear to have impressed any
of the most zealous and powerful champions 'of constitu
tional freedom, during the greater part ofthe eighteenth cen-
Generai tury. Planters and traders, who are the mostfrequent and
objection's1' cons[ant observers of this state, were not likely to testify an
to slaves, abhorrence of a system, by which they were so consider
able gainers, or even perhaps to feel the' adequate detesta
tion for oppressions, with -which they were so familiar.
Statesmen might overlook some rigours, through which
they conceived the nation derived private and public
wealth; and the people in general were two distant to
consider the condkion of the negroes. Nevertheless, the
mild and liberal principles of British policy" seemed' ex
tremely inimical to human thraldom; and the doctrines

REIGN OF GEORGE IH.

171

of benevolent philosophers were totally .hostile to such a CHAP.
practice; but neither enlightened policy, nor ingenious XXXIX-
theory, were the causes which at this period produced a ^^7**
prevalent enmity to slavery : a more rapidly operative
principle. exerted itself in favour of negro freedom : reli
gious zeal was infused into the subject, and, engaging
the passions of many individuals, stimulated them much
more powerfully than the deductions of moral science, or
the dictates of political wisdom. An opinion was eagerly itisim.
disseminated, that the state of slavery was incompatible, puSned as
with Christianity. This notion seems to have been drawn ehristAni-
from.the consideration of detached passages, rather than ^rus'tilcf1
from the general spirit of that admirable system. The and huma-
religion of Jesus, seeking the happiness of mankind, nlty'
finds its sources in the disposition and character1 of the
individual ; and comprehending the vast variety of situa
tion and sentiment, delivers general rules, enforced by
cogent motives, for performing the various duties of
social and civil life; political establishments and grada-,
tions it leaves to be formed according to the circumstan
ces ofthe case, and character of the people. Philanthropy, p;0usand
iVhi-ch mingled with a piety sincere, though somewhat benevolent
eccentric, distinguished many of the earliest votaries of in favour of
negro freedom ; and in the ardour of benignant project, Loes!"
overlooked difficulties of execution; indeed, perhaps,
rather indulged itself in fancying advantage from the
change, than accurately ascertained the probability of be
nefit, even should their wish be accomplished. In the
southern provinces of America, soon after the establish
ment of their independence, the quakers presented a
strong and pathetic address to the several legislative asr-
semblies ; in which they exhorted these bodies to abolish
slave ty ; and in many instances emancipated the negroes
in their own possession. In Britain the same sect first fol
lowed the example of their American brethren, and presents
ed a similar petition in 1 787 to parliament. The cause em
braced by the enthusiasm of religion and benevolence,
procured a great number of votaries. From sympathy
and imitation, it- became extremely popular; literary in
genuity was not wanting, and no works were read with
such avidity, as compositions which decried negro slavery.

172

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. As usual iii controversy, one side of the question only
y :XIX' was considered by its supporters, and the statement of
1788 propositions was such, as to render conclusions ob
vious. A topic repeatedly employed was; difference
OF COLOUR IS NO REASON FOR FORFEITURE OF LIBERTY.
On so trivial a truism very popular pamphlets were
founded; eminent divines embraced the cause; recom
mended it from the pulpit, and in printed discourses.
Churchmen and dissenters concurred in eagerly inculcat-
ing the abolition of slavery; many were so far transport
ed by philanthropic feelings, as to declare their readiness
to forego all the advantages and habitual gratifications
which arose from our West India islands, rather than
enjoy them through the compulsory labour of their fellow-
creatures. With this enthusiastic zeal, hypocrisy, its
usual, occasionally mingled ; and there were demagogues
who, without possessing much tenderness of disposition
themselves, courted popularity by coinciding with the
humane sentiments, , which were so generally diffused.
For a considerable time a stranger might have sup
posed, if he judged from prevalent discourse and 'writ
ing, that the African negroes monopolized misery, and
therefore, that the highest duty of christian benevolence
was to afford them relief. While this fervour predomi
nated, a society was formed to collect information on
which to ground a petition to parliament; and a very
considerable sum of money was subscribed, in order to
defray the expense.
Mr. Wil- Among those who took the most active share in endea-
taients"6 ' vourinS to relieve the negroes, was Mr. " Wilberforce,
character, member of parliament for the county of York." Of good
and lauda- . . . . , - . , , . , , .
We zeal of. talents, active and indefatigable industry, and extensive
knowledge, this gentleman held a high place in the public
estimation; and possessed considerable fortune and influ
ence : these advantages he uniformly directed to such pur
suits as he thought conducive' to virtue, religion^ and the
happiness of his fellow-creatures. Conceiving the cause
of the negroes to be that of piety and humanity, he had
employed persevering labour, in order to learn the particu
lars of their treatment; and viewing the subject as a' Bri
tish senator, he attempted to reconcile political expediency

RFJGN OF GEORGE III. j 7&
with what he deemed a discharge of christian and moral duty. CHAP.
''From these motives he was believed to have entered much XXX1X-
more minutely into the detail of the slave trade, than any 1788
-other member of the legislature.
While one party exerted itself so strenuously to ren- Opposite
der the abolition generally popular, and thereby prepared arSmlttenf/s-
to facilitate its passage- through parliament, another with
less animation and impressiveness of eloquence, but with
a considerable share of sound reasoning, laboured to prove,
that the advantages alleged to be consequent upon aboli
tion were ideal, and founded upon abstract theories of
philanthropy, without a knowledge of ' the existing case.
The evil of slavery (it was. said) depends on opinion : that
state is universally prevalent in Africa ; and the minds
of the negroes are habituated to its contemplation, as
one of the most common conditions of life. Having Slavery an
the principles of dissension and hostility in common ^^J'
with other men, the African tribes are often ene-ae-ed according
,. . . . , , tothecir-
m war : one consequence ot war is captivity; the usual eumstances
treatment of captives is either massacre or sale. The ^entsof*
market for slaves, independent of European purchasers, the suffer-
is comparatively inconsiderable" in Nigritia. The' chance
to the individual of escaping butchery," in a great mea
sure depends on the demand from European traders.
Carried to the West Indies, the negroes are on the whole Thecondv
well treated : by some individual masters they may have African
been hardly used; but in general, as can be proved from negroes is
persons most conversant with these countries, they are ed by be-
contertted and happy. Severity is not the interest of plant- ^ve"f0
ers; and if even malignant passions transport masters or British
their delegates to unwise cruelty, the recurrence of such
acts maybe prevented by judicious regulations. Narrow
in their views, the negroes like other savages repose their
chief happiness in the supply of animal wants : indolent
and improvident, they are often deficient in the exertions
requisite for their maintenance. Nothing is more frequent Slaves in
in Africa than famine, which destroys great numbers of ti»ns>gene-
the inhabitants ; whereas in the West Indies they have rall>' ,WP-
abundance of provisions. To a Briton, death, either by
sword or famine, may be preferable to life and slavery ;
but to a Nigritian the case is far different : by transport-

174 CHAP.
XXXIX- 1788.

If Britain
abolishslavery,
other Eu
ropean states will
reap the
benefit.

Great ca«
pitals em
barked in
this trade,
which is a
large source of
riches and
revenue.

Petitions
'for and
against the
slave trade.
The coua-
cil insti
tutes an
inquiry in
to the de
tails and
alleged
- cruelties.

HISTORY OF THE
ing him to a situation, in which his animal wants are fully
supplied, where by personal exertions he can modify slavery,'
and has nothing to fear from either famine or a victorious
enemy, you place him in a higher state, according to his
estimate of good, than if you had suffered him to remain
in Africa. The slave trade does not on the whole vio
late humanity," because it does not on the whole diminish
that happiness which humanity seeks to promote. The
culture of the West India islands, so productive a source
of private opulence and public revenue, depends upon
labourers inured to such a climate. Were we to forego
the advantage of such possessions, what would be the con
sequence? the other European states would take up the
benefits which we abandoned : the slave trade would be
still carried on, though Britain did not participate. It
would not be real generosity, but romantic extravagance,
to abstain from so advantageous a commerce, when we
ourselves should lose, and our rivals only should gain by
its discontinuance. Very great capitals have been embarked,
both in the West India islands and African slave trade,
under the sanction of public faith, which guaranteed the
commerce by many internal regulations and foreign trea
ties for rendering it productive. Are we to sacrifice a
great and valuable property to philanthropic chimeras,
totally unfounded in fact and experience ?
Petitions and remonstrances containing such topics,
for and against the abolition, were presented to the house
of commons and privy council. A committee of the latter
was appointed for investigating facts. Mr. Pitt finding
that the information hitherto collected was not sufficient to
authorize parliamentary discussion, on the ninth of May
proposed, that the consideration of the slave trade should
be deferred till the commencement of the next session;
meanwhile, the inquiry which was instituted before the
privy council would be brought to such a state of maturity,
as to make it fit that the result should be laid before the
house, that it might facilitate their investigation, and ena
ble them to proceed to a decision, founded equally upon
principles of humanity, justice, and sound policy. ' >
Sir Willi am .Dolben- introduced a measure of inter
mediate relief, in a bill for regulating the transportation of

REIGN OF GEORGE III. j 75
African natives to/ the British West Indies : the object of chap.
, . . . J XXXIX
this proposition was to accommodate the slaves, during ,-__^\,
their passage, better than had been hitherto done. It was ,788
intended to limit the number, who should be conveved, in Sh-Wiiiiam.
. r , ' - , Holbcn s
proportion to the tonnage ot the vessel; to secure to them motion for
good and sufficient provisions, and other matters equally ^'trans?
conducive to their health, and their accommodation, portationof
While the bill was pending, a petition was presented from
the merchants and other inhabitants of Liverpool, praying
to be heard by their counsel against this regulating bill :
this request being granted, it was .contended at the bar of
the house, that the. proposed reduction of number would
essentially injure the trade, and that it was founded on an
assertion of hardships which did not exist. The plea of
the merchants was noi made out to the satisfaction of the
house ; and the bill, though in a small degree modified,
passed unanimously, without any material, alteration. In
the house of lords it underwent such changes, that the
commons considered its original object as not attained: is passed
a new bill was accordingly introduced, which passed both lnt0 a
houses, and received the royal assent.
About the same time, Mr. Pitt called the attention of ?*r-PitJ's
' . bill lor the
the house to a different class of sufferers, the American relief and
loyalists, and the losses sustained by them through their pen^of
adherence to the parent country during the late war. theAmeri-
. , T . . can loy-
Commissioners had been appointed to inquire into the alists.
claims ; and in consequence of their report, the minister
divided the claimants into four, classes. In the first class
he ranked those who had resided in America at the com
mencement of the war, and who, in pursuance of their
principles of loyalty and adherence to Britain,' were obliged
to abandon their estates and property in the colonies ;
which were in consequence seized and confiscated by the
revolters. The mode he meant to adopt1, with respect to
this class of loyalists, whom he considered . as having the
strongest claims of any, would be to allow the full amount*
r See Annual Register 1788, p. 13.
s His proposition was, " that all such loyalists shall receive the full amount
of their losses, as far as the same do not exceed the sum of ten thousand pounds ;
and shall also receive, where the amount of such losses shall be above ten thou-
s and pounds in the whole, and not above thirty -five thousand pounds in the

HISTORY OF THE
to those whose, demands were so small, that' any deduction
from them would materially affect their means of com-
1788.. fortable existence. The second class of claimants were
persons who, having resided in England during the war,
made claims upon alleged loss of property in America :
these were not sufferers in the same degree as the first
class, because they had not been driven out of America,
but had made their choice : though, however, their option
was to remain in England, still they were entitled to
expect compensation for the loss of property in America, .
which they had incurred through a preference of this coun- .
try : he proposed respecting this as the former class, that
property affording only the means of comfortable subsist
ence should be paid in full of the established claims ; but
that beyond the sum deemed requisite, the deduction
should be considerably greater.' The third class consisted
of loyalists who had either enjoyed places or- exercised
professions in America, but were driven away in conse
quence of their loyalty to this country, and lost their
income. With regard to these it was to be considered,;
that though they had been expelled from America, they
were able to obtain fresh incomes in this country, by ex
ercising their talents and their industry : he therefore pro
posed, that all whose incomes did not exceed four hundred
pounds a year, should receive halfpay; persons whose*"'.
incomes were higher, should receive forty pounds for every
hundred above four hundred, and under fifteen hundred;
and beyond that sum, at the rate1 of thirty per cent. The?-"
fourth class of claimants consisted of those who had been
obliged to leave their habitations and property in conse
quence ofthe cession of that country at the late peace: as
their loss had been incurred by a national act, without any
alternative of their own, he proposed that they should be
completely reimbursed by the public. He then stated the
whole, ninety pounds per cent, of such part ofthe said losses as shall exceed ten
thousand pounds; and where such losses shall lie above thirty-five thousand
pounds, eighty-five pounds per cenl . of such of the said losses as shall exceed ten
thousand pounds ; attd where the same shall be above fifty thousand pounds,
eighty pounds per cent, of such part of the said losses as' shall be above ten
thousand pounds."
t That from all those claims, amounting from ten thousand pounds to thirty
thouB-irid , a deduciion'should be made of twenty percent. ; and a farther atlili-
tmnal deduction ol twenty per ceut in progression, upon every additional fifty.

RFtfGN OF GEORGE 111. {ff
sUm to which the festablished claims amounted! Thepro"- CHAP.
positions which he founded On this account were refetived XXX1X-
with great approbation, and a resolution for the payment m^
ot 5-the same, after some modification^ was unanimously
adopted. Thus, sufferers through loyalty and patriotism
to our sovereign and country, received from the national"
munificence a liberal compensation for the damages which
they had sustained.
A considerable portion of parliamentary attention Corn-
was directed to the prosecution and trial of Mr. Hastings. „en?rf
In consequence of the order of the house of lords, near' *^e *"»¦ **
the close of the last session, to the defendant to deliver inga.
answers to the charges alleged against him by the house "
of commons, on the prescribed day he appeared at the
bar, and presented answers. Of these the lords sent
a copy to the house of commons; the answers being
read, Mr. Burke moved, that they should be referred to
a committee which should have the conduct ofthe prose
cution. This measure being embraced, Mr. Pitt pro
posed Mr. Burke as the first member; the house unani
mously concurring, Mr. Burke named Mr. Francis, and
to support his nomination, stated the immense advantages
which would accrue to the committee from the very ex-
* tensive knowledge of that gentleman. The abilities and
information of Mr. Francis were universally allowed;
but great political differences had subsisted between him
andithe accused, in India, and some personal animosity
was conceived to remain ; on these grounds a great ma
jority of the house voted against the motion. The rdst
of the committee consisted of the same gentlemen who
had been delegated to present the charges to the lords ;
and in addition to them, Mr. Wilbraham, Mr. Fitzpa-
trick, and Mr. Courtney. To the answer of Mr. Hast
ings, two days after, Mr. Burke brought from the com
mittee a replication, averring the charges to be true, and
that they would be ready to prove the same against him
before the lords, at such Convenient time and place as
should be appointed. The reply being carried by Mr.
Burke to the peers, Wednesday the thirteenth of February
was fixed for proceeding upon the trial in Westminster
hall; and the members of the reeently appointed ccrm-
Voa. III. Z

178

HISTORY OF THE

if 88.

CHAP, mittee were nominated managers for conducting the trial.
XXXIX. ¦jyri._ pox propoSed that Mr. Francis should be added to
"" the committee; but the majority of the house continued
to oppose the insertion of his name." The committees
were appointed by both houses to search the records of
parliament^, for precedents relative to the mode' of pro
ceeding in trials by impeachment; and the necessary* or
ders were made for their accommodation in Westminster
hall, for the admission of spectators, the attendance of
witnesses, and other matters respecting the regularity of
their proceeding. On the thirteenth of February the
trial commenced with the usual formalities*" Mr. Hast
ings being called into court, the lord chancellor addressed
him in the following terms :
" Warren Hastings,
" You stand at the bar of this court, charged with
" high crimes and misdemeanors ; a copy of which has
"-been delivered to you: you have been allowed counsel,
" and a long time has been given you for your defence;
" but this is not to be considered as a particular indul-
" gence to you, as it arises from the necessity ofthe case;
" the crimes with which you are charged, being stated to
j.; u Mr Francis at this time, in a very. able speech, entered into an account of
bis conduct respecting Mr. Hastings, for the last thirteen years, both in India
and in England1"; which, though in some degree individualjustification, contains
much important statement and remark on the general subject concerning which
the differences existed. Mr. Francis and Mr. Hastings having foiighi a duel, and
the former gentleman having been dangerously wounded, they liad exchanged
forgiveness; in what sense that forgiveness was to be interpreted,. Mr. Francis
explained in the following passage : — " It was my lot to be dangerously wounded :
as 1 conceived immediate death inevitable,, 1 thought of nothing but to die, in
peace with all men, particularly Mr. Hastings. 1 called him to me, gave bun
my hand, and desired him to consider in what -situation my death would leave
him. By that action, and by those words, undoubtedly I meant to declare, that
I' freely forgave him the insult he had offered me, and the fatal consequeWse
which had attended it- .1 meant that we should stand in the same relation to
each other, as if the duel and the cause of it had never happened. But did I
tell him that, if I survived, 1 would renounce the whole plan and principle of
my public life? That I would cease to oppose his measures? On my return
to England," 1 found that a parliamentary inquiry into the hue transactibiisin
India was already begun, and 1 was almost immediately ordered to attend one
of Ihe committees employed upon that inquiry. Could 1 without treachery
to (lie public, refuse to give evidence or information necessary for the public
f-G.-v'oe when it wiw demanded of me by the authority of the house of com
mons ?" See parliamentary debates.
x The house of commons, about eleven o'clock, preceded by the managers
pf the impeachment, who were led by Mr Burke, came from their own house
into the hall. The lords, half an tioilriftcr, entered from the house of pefers ;
fir«t official attendants on the house in a rising series, commencing with the
clerks, and terminating with the judges ; afterwards the peers, beginning with
tne junior barons, and ending with the prince of Wales.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. jyg
" have Jaeen committed; in a distant, place.. Thesecharges CHAP.
" contain the most weighty allegations, . and they eome XXXlx-
V from the highest authority : this circumstance, however, ""VJ""
"though it carries with it the most serious importance,
fir is not to prevent you from making your defence in a
i'j-firm and collected manner; in, the confidence that, as a
"British subject, you are entitled to, and will receive,
^ full, justice from a British court." Mr. Hastings
answered : .
" My lords, ,.,.-.
"I am come to this high tribunal, equally impressed
" vjifh a confidence qf my own integrity, and in the justice
" of the court before which I stand."
The two first days being employed in reading the
charges, the third was appointed for, opening the same,
stating the nature and quality of the imputations, the evi
dence by which they were to be supported, .and the guilt
jfhich, to the. defendant, if they were proved, would
.attach. Never , had an inquiry of more magnitude been
instituted .before a judicial assembly. ,,The question was,
jjjfhetheK a man to whom a trust affecting the happiness or
jnisery of millions.' hadibeen, delegated, in, the discharge
of his office, had been a faithful or unfaithful trustee to
his employers, the protector or the scourge of the irtt-
p|ense and populous regions committed to his care } The
question derived a very high additional importance from
the character of the accused, whom friends, enemies, and
Impartial men, concurred in deeming a .person of the
most powerful and comprehensive talents; from the cha
racter of the accuser, whom friends, enemies, and impar
tial men, concurred in esteeming a perspn of the most ex
traordinary genius, multifarious knowledge, and .splendid
^eloquence, that had ever graced a British senate. The
anxiety of the public to^ hear Mr. Burke speak upon, so
vast a subject, against Mr. Hastings, brought an immense
„^)hcourse of hearers to the hall, ,
"¦'" The court was assembled to the number of one hundred Speech
and sixty-four peers, and the chancellor, having called the Burke.
managers to proceed, Mr. Burke rose and said, that he
stood forth by order of the commons of Great Britain, to
support the charge of high crimes and misdemeanors which

180

HISTORY OF THE

1788.

CHAP, they had exhibited against Warren Hastings,, esq. ; and
xxxix. that,ne- had a body of evidence to produce to substantiate
"""* the whole and every part of those charges. The gentlemen
who were joined with him in supporting the impeachment,
had, instructed him to open the cause with an account of
the grounds on which the commons had proceeded; a
general view of the nature of the crimes alleged ; and with
an explanation of concomitant circumstances thatr were
¦necessary to elucidate the accusation. The dreadful, dis-s
orders of our Indian government were acknowledged;, it
was not till after every mode of legislative prevention had
been tried without effect, till they found, during a course
of fourteen years, that inquiries and resolutions and, laws
were equally disregarded, that they had recourse to a penal
prosecution. The crimes imputed were not errors of
human frailty, nor the effects of imperious necessity;. they
originated in. the worst passions, apd evinced a total
extinction of moral principle : they were committed against
advice, supplication and remonstrance, and in defiance of
the 'direct commands of lawful authority. The accused
was the first in rank, station and power, under whom as the
head all the peculation and tyranny of India was embodied
disciplined and paid ; and in. striking at whom, therefore)
they would strike at the whole corps of delinquents.: Thej
evidence, which supported the charges, in many; instant^
amounted to the clearness and precision required by the
English law ; but a considerable part did not reach,muni«
cipal accuracy. The prosecutor contended, that it was a
right of the house of commons, in an impeachment, not to-
be bound by the confined rules and maxims of evidence
prevalent in the lower courts ; nor by any other than those
of natural, immutable and substantial justice.5, -This mode
of interpretation was due to suffering nations, who were
unconcerned in our technical distinctions, but on the-greafe
principle of morality wished punishment to follow -guilt*
It was highly necessary to prevent the disgraceful impu-

y This doctrine, that the rank and dignity of the assertor constituted a just
ground of difference in the criterion of proof, is certainly not logically accurate:
neither would it be politically wise, that the qu-jlity of the accuser should affect
the requisite testimony, as in a criminal case there would be a substitution of
authority for proof, which might subject liberty, property, and life, to arbitrary
cSprice.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 181
tation21 which might fall either upon that high? court, as if CHAP.
it were corrupted by the wealth of India, or upon the laws Si^^Sml
of England, as "impotent in the means of punishing sue- ^gg,
cessfttl fraud and oppression. Descending from prelimi
nary observations to '•¦the actual subject of the i charge, he
stated the relations in which Mr. Hastings stood, and the
duties which from these he had incurred ; in order to prove
his transgressions. The powers delegated to Mr. Hastings
by the India company, and which he was charged with
having abused, were derived from two sources ; the
charter ¦ bestowed by the crown, under the authority of
parliament, and the grant from the mogul emperor of' the
DeWannee, or high stewardship of Bengal, in the year 1T66.
He exhibited an historical account of the company from
its first establishment, the powers which it had dele
gated to Mr. Hastings, and which Mr. Burke charged him
with having abused. He next proceeded to the rights
with which the company were invested by the mogul
emperor, to the collection of the revenue delegated by the
company to Mr. Hastings, and which he also charged
him with having grossly violated. The alleged violation
of duties so originating, and abuses of powers delegated
for such general and specified purposes, Mr. Burke repre*
sented with an eloquence which so astonished and agitated
every hearer of fancy or sensibility; as for a considerable
time to preclude the exertion of that judgment that could
distinguish pictures from realities. Having exhibited Mr.
Hastings as a monster of flagitiousness and crimes^ he
Concluded with a peroration which described the nature of
the cause, accusation, accused, accuser and tribunal, in all
their constituent parts, and closed with the following
words : " Therefore it was with confidence ordered by the
"cdmmohs, that I impeach Warren Hastings, esq. of high
^crimes and misdemeanors : I impeach him in the name
" ofthe commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled,
" whose parliamentary trust he has betrayed :

'•" z This argument proceeded on a supposition, that the high court, was to. he-
influenced by the fear of censure from misapprehension, instead of giving jndg"-
.nfent according to the merits of the case..

182 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. ^t.P "I'impeach him in the name of all the commons
XX\'X. m f Qreat Britain, whose national character he has
1788 " dishonoured : '¦¦¦*'-
" I impeach him in the name of the people of, India,;
" whose laws, rights and liberties he has subverted,, whose
" properties he has destroyed, whose countries he has laid
" waste and desolate."
Such were the grounds adduced by the orator in a
speech which occupied three hours for lour days succes
sively. Mr. Burke having concluded his account of the
substance, Mr. Fox addressed the court on the. mode of
the charges : he stated, that the committee proposed to
open and adduce evidence which should substantiate onj
charge at a time; to hear the prisoner's defence and
evidence upon that charge, and afterwards to reply ; and
to proceed in the same manner- in all the other articles.
Mr. Hastings's counsel being asked if they consented to
this mode ? replied in the negative. The manner proposed
was, they said, contrary to the practice of all courts of
justice, and was inconsistent with all principles of, equity.
After some debate it was resolved, that, according to the
usual practice on trials, the prosecutor should cornplete,his
case before the accused commenced his defence. Mr. Fox
opened, the Benares charge, which he brought down to,the
expulsion of Cheyt Sing; the following part was finished
by Mr. Grey : Mr. Anstruther conducted the examination
of evidence, and summed up the whole of that article.
Mr. Adam, on the fifteenth of April, opened the second
accusation respecting the begums : Mr. Sheridan examined
the witnesses and summed up the charge; the last that
came before the court during that session of parliament.
Motion for ,? Another accusation of Indian delinquency was brought
peachment before the commons in the conduct of sir Elijah Impey.
of sir Eli- This task was undertaken by sir Gilbert Elliot, who, in a
jah Impey. . . . , , ... .
very able and eloquent speech, maintained two general
¦principles ; that India must be redressed or lost, and that
the only means left of reforming Indian abuse, was the
punishment, in some great and signal instances, of Indian
delinquency": he stated the nature, the occasion, and the
purposes of the commission with which sir Elijah Impey
was sent out to India, as involving circumstances which

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

183

were strong aggravations of his guilt, and increased the CHAP.
necessity of its punishment ; that in the two grand objects xxx,x-
which were committed to his charge, the protection of the 17gg
company from the frauds of its servants, and of the natives
from the oppression of Europeans, he had, bycorruptly
changing sides, added his new powers to the very force
they were intended tocontrol, and taken an active part in the
oppressions which it Was his duty to have avenged. Sir
Gilbert Elliot presented to the house six distinct articles
of accusation. The subject ofthe first was the trial and execution of
Nundcomar ; the second} the defendant's conduct in a cer
tain Patna cause ; the third, entitled extension of jurisdiction,
comprehended various instances, in which the jurisdiction
of the court was alleged to have been exercised illegally and
opipressively, beyond the intention of the act and charter ;
the fourth charge, entitled the Cossijurah cause, though
also an allegation of illegal assumption, was distinguished
(according to the statement of the accuser) by circumstances
so important, as to become properly the subject of a sepa
rate article ; the fifth charge was for his acceptance of the
office of judge of the Sudder Dewannee Adaulut, whieh
was contrary to law, and not only repugnant to the spirit
of the act and charter, but fundamentally subversive of all
its material purposes ; the sixth and last charge related to
his conduct in the provinces of Oude and Benares, where
the chief justice was said to have become the agent and
tool of Mr. Hastings in the alleged oppression and plunder
of the begums. ,
k,JSiR Elijah Impey on his defence contended, that in
the acts which were charged he had not exceeded the pow
ers intrusted to him as supreme judge. Respecting the
first and most important article, the trial and execution of
Nundcomar for forgery, he had been accused of extraju
dicial interference. Neither Nundcomar (it was contend
ed by sir Gilbert Elliot) nor the person whose name was
forged, were subject to the jurisdiction of the English
court. By the laws of India, forgery is not punishable
capitally ; and thus a man was put- to death by a court to
which he was not amenable,- for a crime not capital by the
laws to which he was amenable. Sir Elijah Impey argued,

{ g4 -HISTORY OF THE
that though the authority of the supreme court did not
extend over all the inhabitants of the English provinces in
India, it included the inhabitants of Calcutta. Nundco
mar had not been tried as a native of Bengal, but as an*
inhabitant of Calcutta, where he resided, and where of
course he was amenable to the laws of the place. A mo
tion being made in the house, resolved into a committee,
that'the first charge exhibited against sir Elijah Impey
contained matter of impeachment, it was negatived by a
majority of seventy-three to fifty-five ; and it was after
wards voted, that the other charges should not be taken
' into consideration. h-w
Mr. Gren- « This year Mr. Grenville proposed certain amendmenft
forfm^'U and additions to the bill brought into parliament by his>fa-
proving ^ ther, for the better regulation of the trial of controverted
law re- elections. When the existing act had been proposed, Mr.
contested Grenville said its principal aim was to take the trial of peti-
eiections. tions on controverted elections out of their hands, and :to
place them in a committee so constituted, likely to do strict
justice to -the parties. That object, it was universally
allowed, had been fully answered; but collateral inconye-
niencies hadbeen incurred, which, intent on the main end
the author had overlooked* Ever since the bill had passed
into a law, an infinite number of petitions,: complaining of
undue elections, had been presented in the first session of
every parliament ; and many of them, after having- taken
up much of the time of the house, had proved frivolous.
To prevent the interruption of public business, he proposed,
that the committee empowered to determine whether the
election petition presented, or the defence offered in answer
to it, was frivolous, should adjudge the payment of costs
against the party to blame. This was merely an act of
justice ; yet such a regulation would save much expense to
individuals, and much time and trouble to the house. The
present Was the most proper season for considering and
determining such a subject, as there was actually no peti
tion concerning elections before the house, and the minds
of members were therefore perfectly cool and open to im
partial deliberation. The bill was introduced, passed both
houses without opposition, and received the royal assent.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 185
On the sixth of May, the financial plan for the year CHAP-
was proposed by Mr. Pitt. The minister obserygd, that J^_!]^
se»eral extraordinary expenses had been, nje,cessarijy, in- 17gg
'Burred ; in the navy there was an increase _ beyond $he Supplies.
peace establishment of 44-6,0001. ; in the army of 233,000,1, i
and in the ordnance of 61,0001. These augmented de
mands were occasioned by the circumstances of, our put
ting the distant possessions of the country into a state of
more complete defence, and were not to be considered as
tJie permanent necessary expenses of the nation; and to
these there were several sums to be added, which could
not occur again, or at least could not make a part of our
-settled yearly expense : such was the sum for the relief of
the,. loyalists, the expense of the late armament, and the
Tote for the payment of the debts of his royal highness
the prince of Wales; these demands added together
amounted to 1 ,282,0001. which was to be considered as
extraordinary, and consequently to be deducted from the
settled regular establishment of the country. It, had been
-kerned wise to put every part of the British dominions
into such a posture of defence as to secure the blessings
•f peace. ... Notwithstanding the extraordinary expenses
incurred, the receipts of the country had fully answered
even unforeseen demands, without deviating from ths
splan which the legislature had adopted for diminishing
the -national debt. When such were the savings in a
year of unusual expense, as our resources were fast in
creasing in the extension of commerce, and the improve
ment of revenue, we might most fairly. infer that our
financial concerns were in a state of progressive melio
ration : it might be well argued from probable causes, that
such a country as England, blessed with peace, must
rapidly increase in the various constituents of prosperity ;
that she did so, was ascertained from fact and experience :
he had formed an estimate from an average of four years :
the revenue of 1783 amounted to ten millions, besides the
land and malt tax: the revenue of 1787, with the same
exclusion, amounted to thirteen millions ; the additional
imposts had not exceeded a million and a half ; hence the
other million and a half must have arisen from the sup
pression of smuggling, and extension of trade : he was
Vol. III. A *

HW3TGRY OF THE
CHAP, about soon to adopt farther regulations for the restrictions
' of fraud, and commerce was very fast rising, so that he

j-8g, augured a much greater excess of receipt beyond expen-
v diture. Mr. Sheridan, =wkh an ingenuity that evidently,
surpassed his. investigation of financial details, endeavour- '
ed to controvert the ministerial statements, but did not
succeed. The supplies granted this year were eighteen
thousand seamen, and about twenty thousand landmen,
besides those who were on foreign service ; no new taxes
were imposed, but a lottery was appointed.. The various
departments of duty occupied parliament until the eleven*!/
of July, when the houses were prorogued by a speech
from the throne. His majesty thanked the legislature .for
their uniform and diligent attention to the laborious ser
vices of the present year. To the house of commons he
expressed peculiar gratitude for the readiness and lib$r
rality with which they had granted the requisite supplies.
Hostilities had commenced between the imperial sove--
reigns and Turkey, but he received the strongest assur*
ances from the respective powers of their amicable dispo
sitions to this, country. The security and welfare of his
own dominions, and the preservation of the general tran
quillity of Europe, were the objects of engagements which
he had recently formed with the king of Pi ussia and the
states general,

REMJN OF GEORGE IH.

CHAP. XL.

•Affairs ofthe Continent.— Objects of imperial combination.—
Catharine prepares lo visit the Crimea. — Attempts to
deduce -the christian subjects of Turkey.- — At Cher son
she meets her confederate Joseph  State ofthe Turkish
empire — Commotions in Egypt. — Reasons which dispo-
'*sed Turkey to strike the first, blozv.— Treaty qf the
pacha with the Mamelukes. — Catharine proposes exten
sive cessions by Turkey to Russia, as the only means of
securing peace  7 urkey indignantly rejects these
•viaims ; — declares war against Russia.— Manifesto.^-'
Cownter manifesto of Russia. — Joseph II. without any
provocation joins Russia against the Turks.— Mighty
' preparations.— Manifesto of the emperor. — Commence-
'ment ofthe campaign.- — The emperor takes the field.' — .
Generous indignation ofthe Ottomans against the impe
rial aggressor. — Wise and skilful conduct of the vizier. —
Military reforms of the emperor.— Injudicious and pre-.
cipitate, they disgust his soldiers.— Operations ineffectu
al. — Obliged to act on the defensive.'— The Turks over
run the Bannat. — Dismay seizes the imperial armies.—*-
Bperaiions of Russia — Effect of the aggressive confed
eracy on neighbouring states, — ~on Great Britain. — Bri
tain resumes her character ofthe protector qf Europe,—
Thwarts the imperious designs of Catharine.— Russians.
eapture Oczakozvfi— State of Sweden.— -Interference of
(Satharine in the internal affairs of Sweden.-*- Attempts
to stir up revolt against Gustavus.— The king resents
this conductt-*-War.— Military and naval operations. —
Refractory spirit of Guslavus's1 officers.— Defensive
confederacy between Britain, Prussia, and the states
general. — Principles of this treaty. — Different views of
Messrs. Fox and Pitt on this scheme of alliance.— 'Inter
nal occurrences. — Retirement of lord Mansfield from the
king's bench.. — Momentous improvements during his judi
cial supremacy, especially in mercantile law. — Strict and

188

HISTORY OF THE

¦' liberal interpreters of the law have their respective advan-
/ tages and disadvantages. — Lord Mansfield of the latter
kind.— Principle of his decisions in undefined and unpre
cedented cases. — The i Justinian of English commercial
law.— General character.
THE attention of Europe was at this time prin
cipally occupied by the conduct and operations of its
eastern powers. The confederacy between Austria and
Russia, originating in the causes and directed to the ob
jects which have been already commemorated, had been
long engaged in maturing its plans. Ever since the con
quest of the Crimea, Catharine was occupied in desultory'
war with the Tartar tribes, adjoining her frontiers.
Immensely superior as the Russians were in force and
discipline to these hordes, yet rapid irruptions annoyed
those Who could have easily repelled regular warfare;
Catharine proposed either to conciliate the hostile Tartars
by proffered kindness, to dazzle them by displayed mag
nificence, or to intimidate them by manifested power."
The reduction, however, or pacification of these hordes
was but a small part of the mighty designs, to promote'
which she deemed it expedient to visit her late acquisition"
the Cherson. This journey, planned in 1 786,' was execu
ted in 1787, but before that time the Tartars produced a
change in her original intention. As soon as the intended
progress was known, and its believed object was reported,
instead of either dazzling or terrifying the Tartars, it
became a signal of general and immediate danger,* to
cement their union in the strongest manner, and urge them
to the greatest possible exertion, and determined resis-
Catharine tance. Catharine diminished a considerable part of her*;
Jiiit tie" destined splendor, when not likely to answer her purpose,
Crimea. artfi a great portion of her military force, wlftch, in the war
with the Tartars, could be so much more usefully employ
ed elsewhere; she still had various purposes to accom
plish ; by visitingthe confines of her own and the Turkish ,
empire. She had employed by her agents very skilful,
incessant^ and extensive efforts, to seduce the christian
a ll(2frtry ofthe 1-eign of Catharine, Vol. ii. honk x.

REI6S OF GEORGE Ut.

1*1'

safejects of the Ottoman Porte. Mistress of the principal chap.
country in which the Grecian faith prevails, she had declar- xLl"
ed herself the friend and protectress of the Greek church "^^^
in all parts of the world ; her partisans were very numer*
ous in the heart of the Turkish empire, and she did not
doabt, by a near approach, to stimulate their zeal, and
rouse them to schemes of ready cooperation.11 Aware of
the imhecility of her son and heir, she had rested the hopes
of talents, similar to her own, on the puerile promise of
her two grandsons. The Second of these princes receiv
ed the name of Constantine, was dressed and educated
from his childhood according to the manner of the Greeks,
and always attended by a guard of Grecian youth, who
were formed into a corps for that purpose : in short, she
endeavoured to excite the wishes and hopes Of the Greek
christians, that the empire of the east should be restored
under a prince who bore the name of its founder. - This
youth she proposed to carry with her to the frontiers of
Turkey, but indisposition prevented his attendance : she
farther designed to inspect her new dominions, to estimate
their value, both as actual possessions, and the means of
farther acquisition. While the empress thus pursued her At Chemm
grand project, she was anxious to concert measures with hhe.™"ts
Joseph, at once her confederate and tool ; and fot that pur- federate
pose invited him to meet her at Cherson : the king of Pd- ' 0ibV
land too was present at this congress. Though Stanislaus
was far from being able to yield active assistance to the
confederates, yet, by the position of his kingdom he could
afford the two empires important aid against the Ottomans,
by enabling them to unite their force, and act in perfect
concert along the wholelme of frontier belonging to Euro
pean Tarkey. At this congress the system of aggression
appears to have been completely adjusted, although farther
preparations were resolved before it should actually
commence. Meanwhile, report had carried to Constantinople the
intended progress to the Cherson, and had represented
with her usual exaggeration the superb splendor which
was originally designed. Catharine, it was said, was about
b S6e Annual Register, 1787.

788.

4,90 mSTOJWT- OF THE
chap, to be crowned empress of Taurida, and to be declared pr&-
__ J^ tectress or autocnitrix of the nations of Tartars^ A
christian was, by ostentatious triumph, to insult mussel*
men, whom she had outraged by usurpation. Were Turks
so degenerate from their ancestors, as to suffer such inse*.
knee and spoliations with impunity ? Were those Otto
mans who had kept the whole christian world in awe, now
to be trampled by a power, till within this century scarcely
known in Europe ? These considerations influenced the
Turks to hostilities, in which they might have appeared:
precipitate, if it had not been evident that they speedily
either must attack or be attacked themselves. War was now,
undoubtedly, the purpose of Catharine and Joseph : the
question, therefore, with the Turks was, which was the
State of wisest time for commencement ? Various circumstances
the Turk- ;n tne situation of the Turkish empire were unfavourable
ish empire. . ' . .
to war : in the northern part of the grand seigniors, ter
ritories the influence of the Russians was not only gene^
rally great, but conspiracies were with strong reason sus
pected to have been formed by, the governors ofthe two
principal provinces, Moldavia and Wallachia, to join the
combined empires. In .the east the prince of Georgia.
had renounced his allegiance, and even made successful
inroads into Asia Minor. The Persians atte'mptedfehos-
Commo- tilities on the side of Bassora. In the south, the turbu-
E^ypt" lent heys involved Egypt in civil commotions.11 These
insurrections were believed to have been fomented by the
Russian consul at Alexandria, and were headed by Murat
Bey, a Mameluke chieftain. The. dreadful contests almost
desolated that fertile country before any assistance, could
arrive from Constantinople. Hassan Bey, the grand admi
ral of the Turkish, empire;,, being consulted, formed a pro
ject for not only crushing the present insurrection, but
annihilating as a separate class, the Mamelukes, whose
ferocity and, rapacity had so long oppressed and plundered
Egypt; and for this purpose to extinguish the order of
the beys which had headed and directed these outrages.
When this essential resolution should be: effected, he
intended to divide the country into five distinct govern-
c .Annual Register, 178G: d See Annual Register 1786, cfiap. *ui.

REIGN OF GEORGE UI. jg
l«keKt«, under the immediate authority of the Porte, and CHAP.
all the officers of its new appointment. An armament, XL"
comprehending two strong 'fleets, twenty thousand land ,7gg
forces, with a train of artillery, plentifully supplied with
stores and- provisions, and equipt with equal secresy and
dfenpateh, arrived at Rosetta before the rebellious beys had
entertained the smallest conception of such a design. The
pacha immediately marched against the Mamelukes, wait
ing to receive him with a more numerous army. After
being repeated!}' superior,' he gained one decisive victory
at Grand Cairo, made himself master of all lower Egypt,
compelled the rebel chieftains to fly into upper, and was
preparing to pursue them into those regions, with the con
fident expectation of completely accomplishing his design.
The situation of the beys now appeared desperate, and
another year probably would have enabled the pacha' to
overthrow the Mameluke power. Should hostilities com
mence with Russia and Germany, the whole force of Tur
key must be exerted against these formidable enemies ; the
pacha and his artny must be immediately recalled : a decla
ration of war, therefore, was a necessary dereliction of
the pacha's project, when it was about to be crowned with
complete success. On this view, policy appeared to dic
tate that war should, if possible, be deferred ; on the other
hand, besides the general advantage from striking the first
blow, there were special reasons of considerable Weight for
anticipating the certain intentions of the christian empires.
Gatofaarine, conceiving the time of beginning the war 'to
d&pend upon -herself and her ally, had not been hasty in
preparation, and was at present chiefly occupied in provi
ding for her own security in the north and west, before
she^ With her confederate, proceeded to invade the security
of her neighbour in the south and east. Engaged in ne
gotiation with the powers in the western vicinity of her
capital, and not intending to go to war during that cam
paign, she had suffered her military equipments to proceed
slowly; Her finances were by no means in a condition
favourable to the increased demands of hostilities ; she had
been greatly exhausted by the former war : and though
her projects and improvements might ultimately tend to
enrich .her country, yet her establishments, both for splen-

19,2 HISTORY OF TH.E
Ciup. dor and for force, together with her profuse largesses to
.---L. her favourites," or at their instance, were extremely expen-
1788. s*ve > aH<^ her present expenditure actually exceeded her
present income.
Reasons The sultan had beheld with most indignant resent-
Vlllcll (lis- . „ . - ,
posed Tur- ment thp ambitious usurpation of Russia ; irom her in-
strike°the vas'on °f (he Crimea, he appealed with success to his
fcrstbio*. subjects, both as Turks andmussulmen, on the treatment
which he had received ; he aroused their patriotism, and
their religious enthusiasm ; animated by such incentinflm
he trusted that their native courage would operate, and
that the ability of the pacha, aided and supported by otiiw
officers, would give it discipline and direction : great
western powers, he not only inferred from their policy,
but knew from their assurances, would interest themselves
in a contest so materially affecting the balance of EuRgpe,
which they had ever been so anxious to preserve. The
vast accession of treasure from the capture of Cairo, the
depository of Mameluke riches in addition to their us-uat
revenue, placed the Turkish finances in a flourishing stated
From the situation of his enemy, the state of his own Ws
sources, and, beyond all, the spirit which diffu,s#dj itself
through his people, notwithstanding th? successes of his
armies in Egypt, he resolved immediately to withdraw
thcni from the sowth, and eoipfoy them in striking thg^rst
Iplow against the autocratrix of the north, The grand
pacha, hearing from Constantinople tivat his talftftjjs. and
military force might be, required elsewhere, lamented, $e
cause but did not repine at the order : and since he cai*ld
no longer hope to subvert the Mamelukes, endeavoured
to avail himself, as much as possible, of the, advantages
the" '--JchsL vv^1"'n tnpy lJ)ust still retain. In these circumstanees he,
with the discovered political ability not inferior to his military ; he
"luk™!" cautiously concealed both his intention of leaving Egypt
H.»d its cause, and intimated; to the beys, that, though, as
they themselves must be sensible, his- power was a,We to
effect their speedy destruction, yet bis master and Iw
would more willingly dispense pardon than punishnjt&t.
The Mamelukes gladly listened to these overtures, and

e "MbMoirs of Cathariae) passim. { See Atiuual Register, 1788, clw|j. *

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

193

•entered into a negotiation; in which the pacha so com- CHAP.
p'letely wrought upon their fears, that he compelled them XL
to purchase, with their still remaining treasures, the for- 17g8
bearance of a war which he had previously determined
to abandon. Hassan, having thus despoiled and reduced
the revolters, returned to Constantinople with such trea
sures as had not been brought thither for many years, and
were alone sufficient to invigorate all the preparations; for
war. The conduct of the Russian ministers at the Turk
ish capital since the last peace, had been haughty and im
perious, without exciting any strong expressions of resent
ment on the part of the Ottomans. Bulgakow, the am- Catharine
bassador, having been called to attend his mistress at Cher- extensive
son, on his return repeated a set of propositions6 which S:ss!?n8'Z
were laid down by the empress as the basis of a new Russia, as '
treaty, and as the only means of establishing on a perma- means of
nent footing the tranquillity of both empires. The gene- securing
rai principle of the proposed contract was, the most exten
sive and important cessions to Russia by .Turkey, without
any equivalent ; indeed a surrender of a great part of a
territory. So dictatorial and insolent a proposal was im- Turkey iri-
"nsediately rejected : the divan, not satisfied with this ab- refects*^
solute refusal, proposed a set of conditions, not only as th°se
the basis of a treaty, but as the only means for preserving1
peace. The leading article was the restoration of the
Crimea, that had been usurped by Russia, >with others of
a similar nature ; and producing a written instrument,
which contained the proffered terms, they required
the Russian to sign them on the spot. Bulgakqw
declared his incapability of subscribing any condi
tions, without express orders from his mistress, and de-
g They included, besides the admission of a Russian consul at the port of
Varna, within a hundred and twenty miles of Constantinople, which had Ions
been an object of much solicitude, a totar renunbiation of the sovereignty of
Georgia : which^a's thatill defined denomination of territory might be ex-tended
to ajjthe neighbouring countries, as well as to Mingrelia, would have afforded
sanction to all' the past and future encroachments of Russia on that side. Another
¦proposed condition, and still harder to be .admitted, was a new settlement of
the provinces of Moldavia and Wal)achia,.by which their governor's, generally
(Sailed in Europe princes, wer"e to "hold them by hereditary succession, and in a
great measure independent ofthe Porte. Butthe most singular claim, perhaps,
of any, was that upon Bessarabia, which, as having once belonged to the Tartar
khans, Russia now demanded; a principle of no very limited operation, and
which, if pursued to ils full length, would havefaade the usurpation ofthe Crimes
a'lawful title to all the conquests of Tamerlane. Annual Register, 1788, p
Vol. Ill B b

J94 HISTORY OF THE
chap, sired time for receiving; instructions concerning some of i
,2!^! the articles : but respecting the Crimea, he avowed, that
lm he could, not venture to mention such a proposal to his
sovereign ; and that he well knew, in no fortune, and in
no circumstances whatever, could she ever be reduced to
relinquish thj sovereignty pf that country. A barbarous
cystom prevailed under Turkish ignorance and despotism,-,
of imprisoning foreign ambassadors on a rupture with-
their principals ; accordingly, Bulgakow was, sent to a
castle with seven towers, allotted to alleged offenders
- against the state : but he was treated with much more in-*
dulgence than former captives in such circumstances had;
andde- there experienced. Two days after, on the eighteenth of
war against August 1787, war was declared against Russia. Thft
Manifesto manifesto presented to the christian ambassadors, stated •
the good faithh and the strict attention to the terms of the
treaty of Kainardgi, which the grand seignior had uni
formly observed; and to this conduct contrasted the con
tinual violation of the most solemn conventions by Russia.
The empress had instigated the prince of Georgia to re-.
bellion, and supported him by her troops against the sul
tan his sovereign : she had deprived the inhabitants of
Oczakow ofthe benefit of the salt mines, which not only.
from time immemorial had been open to them, but whkh>j
were, expressly stipulated by treaty to be held in comnJoMS
by both nations. Russia, through her agents, had en,-4-
deavoured to corrupt and seduce the subjects of the.
Porte : she constantly interfered in the internal policy of;
the Turkish empire,, and presumed to dictate to the sul*
tan, insOmuch that when the pachas, governors, or judges;
by a faithful discharge, of their duty, displeased her, she
arrogantly demanded their removal or punishment. The
complaints in the manifesto respecting commerce were
equally numerous ; and the whole detail endeavoured to esta
blish, and in many cases with success, a spirit of encroach--;
ment, rapacity, usurpation, and insolence, on the part of
Russia. The court of Petersburgh had regarded' Tur
key with so much contempt, as to entertain not only no>
apprehension, but no idea that they would commence hog'
Jj See State Papers, August 24, 1786.

REIGN OF GEORGE llll, 195
tilities, and received the manifesto with astonishment. CHAP-
The counter manifesto* was expressed in that lofty style .1^
which Russia had used since the peace of Kainardgi J" and ,788.
^presenting Turkey as holding all which she-fjo^fessed by Counter
her merciful bounty exercised at that treaty • if repeatedofTl'usL.
her former justification of her conduct respecting the
Crimea, and, vindicating in detail her owti acts, endea
voured in the usual tenor of such productions, or where
argument was wanting, by bold assertion to throw the
blame -upon her adversary. As the season of 1787 was
so far advanced before hostilities began, no very impor
tant operations took place. The Turks made several
attempts' on Russian fortresses, but were not successful.
The Russians contented themselves with defensive efforts ;
reserving offensive exertions for the next campaign. Du
ring the winter the French and Spanish ambassadors
made several attempts to mediate between the belligerent
powers, and to procure an armistice. The grand vizier
#©<stared the proposal to be totally inadmissible, from its'
affording every advantage to Russia, and none to the
Porte : their perfidious enemy, whose rapacity and ambi
tion were insatiable, would gladly1 put them off their
griard,and amuse them with a negotiation, until her pre
parations were complete. The Porte now demanded of Joseph II.
thelfenperial ambassador, what part his master intended to ,H,0voca-
take in the war ? That minister, having applied for the ti°nJ.oms
ffttperor's instructions, answered by his' prince's direc-' against
tions, that his Imperial majesty, as the friend and ally of
Russia, was bound by treaty to furnish her with eighty
thousand men* in case of war ; that if the Porte should,
.itesider this engagement as an act of hostility, he was
prepared to abide the consequences ; but, on the contra
ry, if they should choose to maintain the good understand
ing fwhich subsisted between the two empires, he would
With pleasure uudertake the office of mediator, in order
tojfprevent the effusion of blood.
S&Great preparations were made in all parts of the
efapero<E's dominions : four armies were ordered to be
assembled; one at Carlstadt in Croatia, under the com-

iSee State Papers, Sept, 13, 1787.

1,96

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, mand of general de Vins; another at Peterwaradhtiin
, XL' Hungary; commanded by' general Langlois ; a third on
l788 the borders of Lithuania, under general Febris ; and the
His mighty fourth in the Buccowine,- headed by the prince of Saxe<«
Sot.'."*" Coburg. On tho tenth of February 1788, the emperor
Manifesto declared war against Turkey ; in his ¦ manifesto"1 there, is
of the ein. . , , ° . , , j c
peror. not a single sentence asserting the least ground ot com
plaint from Austria on her own account; the whole pre
text is, that the Porte had not acceded to the reasonable
requisitions of the empress of Russia, and had maltreated
her envoy ; that by this conduct the Porte had manifested
hostile disposition to the emperor, who was in alliance with
the empress of Russia. " The Porte (says this manifesto)
" were not unacquainted with the strict bonds of amity and
" alliance Which unite the courts of Vienna and Peters-
" burgh : of this occurrence they were informed, as well
" by verbal insinuation, as by a memorial presented towards
" the close of the year 1783. This was accompanied with
" an energetic representation of the nature of this alliance,.
" and the danger of encountering its force,: the Ottoman
" court have, ''therefore, themselves only to blame, if the
" emperor, after being for many years employed in the
" preservation of peace,- and in his endeavours to live with
" them on the best terms, and after having seized upon every
"opportunity of amicable intervention, finds himself. at
"length obliged by their conduct to comply with his
" engagements to the empress, and take a part in the war
"into which she finds herself so forcibly, drawn." < Such
were the principles of morals exhibited in the emperor's
declared reasons for a rupture with the Turks, from whom
he did not allege that either he or his subjects had received
the slightest provocation. He went to war with an unof
fending nation, ahd plunged his own country in all the evils
of hostilities, that he might fight the battles ofthe empress of
Russia. Before his declaration, he began his enmity by an
ineffectual attempt to surprise Belgrade, which believed
itself to be still in a state of peace : six chosen regiment**
of imperial infantry were, at a season of peace, despatched
k See State Papers, Feb. 10, 1788.

REHJN OF GEORGE 111. I97
in two divisions to attack this fortress : by some failure, in chap.
the time and place of rendezvous, the one body did not "
arrive speedily enough to assist the other : the first detach- i788.
ment< formed under the fire of the garrison anji town,
without any prospect of being joined by the second- The
Turkish governor, was well prepared for their reception,
and with great coolness sent a polite message to the Aus
trian commander, expressing his surprise at seeing, in a
season of profound peace, such an appearance of troops on
their territory, and in the precincts, of a fortified city; only
requiring farther to know the cause or motive of their
coming. The. Austrian leader answered, that, hearing a
party of Turks was preparing to surprise the neighbouring
city of Semlin, he had advanced to counteract their scheme ;
but that, finding himself mistaken, he would withdraw his
troops. Though the excuse was accepted, yet conscious
of their own intentions, and afraid that the moderation of
the Turks was only affected, the Imperialists crossed the
Saave with great precipitation, and lost a considerable
number of men. An attempt of the same kind was, before
the termination of the peace, made by the Austrians upon
the frontier fortress of Turkish Gradisca : this place they
ei»deavoured to take by assault, but were repulsed with .the
loss of at least five hundred men killed and wounded.
War being now declared, both parties made disposi
tions for regularly commencing the campaign. The em
peror applied to the court of Warsaw for leave to pass
through the Polish dominions, if requisite, in order to form
a junction with the Russians. The king and permanent
council replied, ..that they had no power to grant the pas
sage demanded, as it entirely depended on the general
diet. The emperor had intended to force a passage, if
refused, but found, it expedient ,to change his resolution.
He also requested the consent of the Venetians to a Rus
sian fleet to be received into their harbours, but his requi
sition was absolutely refused. Notwithstanding these
disappointments, the Imperial troops took the fie^d.,, The Theempe-
emperor joined; his principal army about the middle of the field.
April, being on the south side of the Danube, and about
to invest the small fortress of Schabatz in Servia. The
investment was deferred, until the emperor's arrival, that

19e HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, he might have his share of the military glory that would
"^_^ accrue from such an achievement. The place was obvi-
1788. ously incapable of resistance, and was easily captured.
The triumph of this victory, however, was soon balanced
by a check which prince Lichtenstein's army received
abput the same time at Dubicza. That prince having
carried on his approaches regularly against the fortress}
and made a breach, which he deemed practicable, resolved
Generous to attempt it by storm. The animosity of the Turks was
indignation , . .
of the ot- vehemently inflamed against the Austrians : in their esti-
sKato'st the niation the emperor was an officious intermedler in quar-
imperiai rels which did not concern him or his territories ; he'
endeavoured to take advantage of their recent misfortunes,
and without provocation to insult and despoil those^whortt
he conceived unable to resist his power : they considered
him as invading them without even any pretence of wrongs
or any other -motives than those of a robber and1 common
enemy to mankind : they were inspired with generous
eagerness to make so flagrant aggression ¦ recoil on the
head of its author. This indignant spirit, so merited by
its object, pervaded all ranks of the Turkish host ; invig*
orated their efforts against the Imperial armies, during the
whole campaign; and turned upon the offender' that:
defeat, and disaster, which he had projected agains^'those
who were doing him no wrong. The garrison of DubicZa^f!
being reinforced before the assault was attempted, instead'-
of waiting for the enemy, threw, open their gates, andi
rushing out, attacked the intrenchments, forced them swortfl
in.hand,and compelled the foes to raise the siege with thw
loss of two thousand men.1 The grand vizier, who com
manded the principal army in Bulgaria and Silistria, Wa#i
a man of very vigorous abilities : he knew the troops under"
his command, and the enemy with which he had to copPp
Wise and reviewing the history ,of former wars, and the relative
d^ofX character of the contending forces, he saw that since the
wier. art of war in christian countries had been' reduced into ''p-
regular system, the Turks, devoid of discipline/ were
generally unsuccessful, through a prevalent impolicy of

i See Animal Register, 1788, chap. ii.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. jg^.
hazardingpitched battles, which depended chiefly upon tac- CHAP.
tical skill;" he, therefore, resolved to pursue a plan much ^J^L*
more adapted to his materials : fierce as the Ottomans were im.
in natural courage, stimulated by strong incentives, and ani
mated by partial successes, he Was fully aware that they
were very much inferior to German discipline ; he, there
fore, resolved not to hazard a general engagement, unless
absolutely necessary, but to employ the energy of his forces
in attacks on posts and detachments, in which the discipline
of* the enemy could be of little avail. This mode of war
fare Would give full scope to the qualities in which the
Turks excelled, and prevent the effectual operation of
those in which their enemy was so superior : he thus
intended to train his troops to obedience, discipline, and
military skill, to1 give them continual opportunities of sig
nalizing their valour in encounters with the enemy; and
gradually to approach'to decisive combat, as he found his
forces increase in tactical knowledge and efficiency. While Military
the inventive mind ofthe grand vizier was exerting-itself ™01'msof
in devising changes necessary for his object, and thus ror.
improving the means intrusted to his direction, the vision
ary *fancy,- and flimsy understanding of Joseph, was occu
pied in projects of reform, which tended" to render his
materials worse instead of better. Applying to military
subjects the same general principle which distinguished his 'anffpreeT-'
civil government, thai change is improvement, he contrived?,Pitate tiie7
-*. . r . • *¦<¦¦¦• i ¦ , .disgusthis
apfenety ot innovations, far from being conducive to the soldiers.
Imposes of war, ^nd really inimical to success, because
they disgusted his soldiers. After having profusely
lavished his treasures in equipping mighty armies to fight
the*battles of another, he endeavoured to exert his economy
bf making hard bargains with dealers in corn and cattle,
contrived new modes of supplying his troops with necessa
ries ; and by these reforms reduced his armies, before the
close of the campaign, to the greatest scarcity, distress,
#nd consequently discontent.™
The first considerable battle which took place after
Dujbicza, arose from an attack made by the Turks on the
prince of Saxe Coburg ; and though, after a furious con-
m See Annual Register 1788.

g0e HISTORY OF THB
CHAP, test, they were repulsed by the arrival of an Austrian rein-
xt" forcement, yet they, being joined by fresh troops, renewed
t7gg the engagement : for several successive days they fought
His opera- witri various fortune ; but the Turks astonished the Aus-
tions are trians by their furious Valour : with their spears they did
me ectua . ^^ ^ar ^ meet ^^ ^ namj^ tne enemy w[th their guns
and bayonets, and showed themselves unappalleds by the
formidable artillery to which the Germans so much trust
ed. The Austrians had commenced the campaign with a
thorough contempt of their adversaries, and a confident
expectation, that the only difficulty they had to encounter
would be from the speed of the enemy's flight, but they
now underwent a total change of opinion and sentiment,
and by a natural transition regarded' their foes as the most
terrible of mankind. Dislike to the war against an ene
my who had been so much mistaken, and discontent on
account of the emperor's innovations, was strongly enhan
ced by the resentment which they entertained against the '
Russians for not cooperating with the Austrian efforts :
the emperor himself was irritated at the commencement ofv
the war, so different from his sanguine hopes, and, indeed,
confident declarations, and determined to venture on an
exploit which had been held out as the first object of' the
campaign ; this was the siege of Belgrade ; he according
ly adopted measures for speedily carrying the project into
execution. The vizier, with an army of eighty thousand
men, advanced to the relief of this most important fortress,
and occupied a strong position, covered by the Danube in
front, Belgrade and the Saave on the left, the fortress of
ObKged to Orsova on his right, and garrisons on his rear. The Impe-
defensive, rial army, instead of persevering in their design upon Bel
grade, returned to Semlin ; and the invaders acted avow
edly upon the defensive : various encounters took place,
in which great numbers were slain on both sides ; but the
loss of the Austrians was the greater. Besides war, the
Germans had to contend with a still more dreadful enemy,
in a pestilential fever, very frequent in the Danubian lower
provinces, and most destructive to armies which come
from higher and more healthy countries ; the inactive
indolence, under which the grand army languished at Sem
lin, added to this distemper : 'as the season advanced to the

1788.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. %qX.
sickliness of autumn, the mortality became more dread- CHAP
ful ; and before the close of the campaign, at least the half Xt
of one of -the finest armies that ever marched from the
Austrian dominions, without performing a single exploit
of any note, perished, partly by the sword,- but chiefly
by disease.
¦••¦ On the side of the Buccovine, where the prince of
Coburg, commanded, the war languished in the beginning'
ofthe campaign, from the failure of the Russians in effect
ing a junction. The object of the- confederates on that
side was to invest the fortress of Choczim ; and a body of
Russian forces arriving, at length, in the beginning of
July, preparations were made for the siege : the attempt
was greatly facilitated by the governor of Moldavia, who,
having been before corrupted by the Russians, treacher
ously surrendered the country on the first approach of the
enemy. The combined generals conceived the reduction
of Choczim would immediately follow the investment;
but they were mistaken : the seraskier, who commanded
, the garrison, conducted his defence with such intrepidity
and skill, that after undergoing the severest hardships for
upwards of two -months, he, at last, on the 29th of Sep
tember, obtained a most honourable capitulation. The
capture of Choczim -closed the campaign on the frontiers
of, Poland. The army third in force employed try, the
emperor, was that which acted on the side of Croatia, and:
had-been compelled to raise the siege of Dubicza. Prince" '
Lichtenstein's bad health having compelled him to resign
the command, he was succeeded by marshal Laudohn :
under titis veteran officer the Austrians, dejected by the
disappointment, both of the secondary and principal armies,
began to recover their vigour and confidence. Laudohn
made a second attempt upon Dubicza, which after a very
gallant defence he compelled to surrender : he afterwards-
invested the .fortress :ofj Novi, which in the month of Octo
ber capitulated. He proposed to close the campaign by
the reduction of Gradisco, after Belgrade, the principal
fortress on the northwest frontier of Turkey, but from
the strength of the place, and the autumnal rains, was com
pelled to raise the siege. General Eabre, with the fourth
army, contended with the Turks on the borders of Tran-
Vol. III. C-c

20a HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, sylvania, where, being obliged to act in thedefensive, aftefc
.^-^L, many bloody contests, he was so far successful as to pre-
1788. vent t'le enemy from penetrating into the country. Tha.
grand vizier, instead of imitating the quiescent example of
the emperor's army at Semlin, was active in annoying the
dominions of the invader. One of the most fertile por
tions of lower Hungary is the Bannat of Temiswar, divi,
ded by the Danube, from the Turkish Servia, and the for
tress of Belgrade. The vizier made bridges over the riv
er, and sent great detachments, that he might either, deso
late dnd despoil so rich a tract' of , the enemy's country, or
compel the emperor to leave Semlin for the protection of
the Bannat, and thus expose Iiis enfeebled army to the con-i
tinual attacks of the Turkish cavalry, in a dry, firm, and
open country. The Bannat is a tract, which, from the
strength of its capital, and its vicinity to the strong posts
in the mountains of Transylvania, is extremely difficult to
be conquered ; but having no other fortress of note, besides
Temiswar, it is easy to be overrun by any army that com
mands the field, and is secure on the side of the Danube ;
therefore the vizier wisely resolved not to attempt the con
quest, which would be operose and ultimately unproduc
tive; but to overrun the country, from which the advantage
to; .himself would be immediate, by the extreme fertility
and high cultivation of the province, and the distress to
the enemy wOttld be grievous and ruinous : he accordingly
The Turk* nUt Ins design in execution, invaded the Bannat, and spread
oierrun , , . , ,
the Bannat desolation wherever he went.
Disinay ' Terror and dismay pervaded the Imperial armies
imperial*5 ana provinces^ and even Vienna itself, when they found
armies. that, ¦ instead. of those conquests for which the. war had
been undertaken, the richest dominions of, the aggressor
were now seized by the defender: they conceived that,
instead of. Constantinople, Vienna might again be, the, scene
of attack. The emperor, as the vizier had foreseen, sent;
troops to the relief of his province; and a large dixision
of the grand army was attacked by the Turks on the eighth
of August, with such fury, at Orsova, near the northern
bank of the Danube, that they were defeated, and a dread-;
ful slaughter ensued. The emperor now thought itneces-;
sary to quit his camp at Semlin, and march northward t*

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 203
cover Temiswar, and secure his communication with his CHAP.
forces in Transylvania. The vizier being reinforced with ^_ri^
large bodies of troops, closely followed his enemy-: seve- 1788>
rai engagements took place, in one of which the Austrians
were defeated with the loss of no less than five thousand
men, and were obliged to abandon their camp with terror
and disorder, and the remainder of the forces took refuge
in Temiswar and Transylvania. The autumnal rains
having set in with uncommon violence, the vizier found,
that to keep the field would be ruinous to his troops, as
little inured to the extreme cold and wet, as their enemies
were to the extremes of heat ; and now that he had effect
ed his purpose of doubly annoying the foe, by despoiling
his richest territory and defeating his strongest army, he
recrossed the Danube, and returned to Belgrade. At
Constantinople, great as was their joy for the victories of
the vizier, both the people and court were much displeas
ed with-the evacuation of the Bannat. The sultan, not
withstanding his condition, so very unfavourable to either
intellectual or moral excellence, was really a prince of
sagacity, prudence and moderation. He perfectly com
prehended the policy of his officer, its reasons and motives,
and did justice to both. The emperor in November
returned to Vienna ; having, for such immense expenses^
and losses, of this very bloody and destructive campaign,
ihe ruin' of so valuable a province, acquired three fortress
es of little significance. Such were to Joseph the first
year's consequences of unprovoked aggression.
The preparations of the emperor had been formed Operations
in the reliance that a very strong force from Russia would °t"Kuss,a-
Cooperate with him on the Danube. Such had been the
plan concerted between the Imperial courts, and such, as
we have seen, the failure of the execution. The empress
of Russia, in seeking the alliance of Joseph, had consider
ed her own advantage solely, without any regard to the
interest of her confederate : she deemed him a powerful
tool, whom, by working on his weakness, vanity and am
bition, she could apply to her own use : she had left him to
promote her viefws at his expense, by weakening her ene-
fny on one side, while she should direct her efforts to her
own sole benefit on the other. Joseph' was defeated ; and

205l> HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, lavished the blood and treasure of his subjects, withottit*
^^1^ any advantage to Austria ^nevertheless, he thereby effec--
i788 tually served Russia : he employed the chief Turkish
force, and by his disasters, -incurred with such struggles,
facilitated her acquisitions* Her first object was to en
large and secure her possessions on the Black Sea, and to
form such a body of power as could not hereafter be:
shaken. From the immense extent of her dominions,
much time must necessarily elapse before her armies,
spread through the interior country, could reach the fron-
tiers^ She, meanwhile, equipt a powerful fleet, destined
for the Mediterranean, and another naval armament for
the Black Sea. In the former war she had experienced
no hostile, opposition, from any of the maritime powers,-
to her plan of obtaining a footing in the Mediterranean,
and was by the mistress of the ocean seconded in that
Effeet of scheme. Now, a different plan of policy was adopted ;
'gresuve both the maritime and other powers of Europe regarded
confedera- the confederacy between the two empires, with a jealousy
neighbour- which increased as its objects unfolded themselves^; but
•ng s es, prjDCipaiiy directed against the member most powerful
both in resources and in personal character, and whose
aggrandizement it tended chiefly to promote. The small
er states firmly resolved not to support a combination by,
which they themselves might be eventually crushed ; the'
greater determined, if necessary, to oppose a confederacy
by which their own independence might be endangered^
what part Prussia might take, could not be affirmed from
either the declarations or conduct Of that court, though it
might be easily inferred from its interest. Spain and France
were known both to be friendly to the preservation of the.
Turkish empire ; and internal affairs only pre vented. thM
latter from manifesting her disposition in hostile interfe--
rence. Holland was sounded on the occasion ; her con
duct it was foreseen, would be chiefly governed by the
on Britain, example of England. It became a subject of great po
litical anxiety how England was to act in the present case:.
some supposed, that inspired by resentment for the hos-i
tile conduct of Russia in the armed neutrality, and. her?,
manifest indifference to friendly intercourse, more recently:)
exhibited, she would now oppose her naval schemes :•

REIGN OF GEORGE III. gQ5
others argued, that this was the time for procuring most chap.
beneficial commercial, arrangements from Russia by se- XL"
conding her favourite, object. Those who were most ,7g&
thoroughly acquainted with the present British govern
ment, concluded that it would not be determined by so
contemptible a motive to public conduct as resentment,
but would be guided by policy ; that not confining its po-
Jitical estimates to mere commercial gain, it would include
ultimate sepurity, and that Britain would resume her ap
propriate character of protector of Europe, from whatever
quarter its independence and security might be endanger
ed. England soon manifested a determination not to.se- Britain re.
cond Russia. The empress had employed agents tQ hirelgtiarcurter
British ships for serving as tenders and. transports to her <e' .p,'.?p0'
fleet, and a considerable number was provided for that rope ;
purpose, when a proclamation in the London gazette, pro
hibiting British seamen from entering into,, any foreign "JJe j **.
service, threw a fatal damp on the design. This was at- ,"?ous *-
tended witn a notice to the contractors for the tenders, Catharine:
that the engagement for shipping . must be renounced ;
that ,.the ships would not be permitted to proceed ; and
that ^government was determined to maintain the strictest
nejsteality during the war. In hopes of diminishing this
great ^disappointment, Russia applied to the republic of
Holland for a sufficient number of transports to answer
the purpose ; but that. government refused to comply with
the request, and also declared its resolution to maintain
the strictest neutrality ; and Catharine's expedition to the
Mediterranean was laid aside. On the. Black Sea the
princeof Nassau commanded the Russian, fleet, and the
captain, pacha the armament ^of Turkey. Prince Potem-
]pn, with an army, of a hundred and fifty thousand men,
appfoached the Euxine, on the, banks ofthe Bog. The first
object of this expedition was the reduction of Oczakow, a
ffigljr. strong fortress near the Bog, and on ,the Black Sea,
Which, as the frontier garrison of, Turkey in that quarter,
was of the highest importance in her wars' with Russia,
but more indispensably necessary since her ambitious ad
versary had occupied the adjacent Crimea. The prepa
rations of attack and defence .corresponded, with the value
of the object. On the twelfth of July, Potentkin, invest-

2Q£ HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ed this fortress, aided by his fleet : the Turkish troops
.^-^L. did not exceed twenty thousand men, r.or, indeed, would
W88. ^ garrison have easily contained a greater number of
defenders. During five months this gallant and intrepid
band resisted the whole Russian host. In the" sixth, the
apparent hopelessness of effort, together with the in
clemency of winter, seemed about to force the besiegers
to desist from their attempt ; when Potemkin, ashamed
of making so little progress with so great a power, on the
seventeenth of December, as the last effort^ ordered a
general bombardment and cannonade of the place with
redhot balls to commence. One of these fell upon the
grand powder magazine, which, being stil'l amply provided,
blew up with so terrible an explosion, as to demolish too
great a portion of the wall to admit of the fortress being
sdans cap- an7 longer tenable : the Turks still made a most despe-
ture Ooza- rate resistance, both in the breach, and in the streets ; but
they were at last overpowered, and the place was taken 1>y
storm.
State of While these hostilities were carrying on between the
Sweden. Imperial powers and the Turks in the south, war suddenly
broke out against Catharine in the north. Sweden,
beyond most nations, had reason to regard Russia with
resentment, since by that power she had been driven from
the high place which, during the seventeenth century, she
had held among the pbwersof Europe. Fear, however, of
force so enormous, had restrained the expression of resent
ment, and produced an apparent connexion between' the
two countries; and there was always at the court of Stock
holm a strong and numerous party favourable to Russia'!
It was an uniform policy Of the -court of Peters'btfrglt to
govern by influence and intrigue foreign states, which thet
could not so easily command by power : this means' of
influence was carried to a much greater extent by Catha
rine, than by arty of her predecessors. One of the chief
instruments of her foreign politics, was the seduction of
subjects from allegiance to princes, from whose cWil dis
sensions she expected to derive benefit. It was/indeed,
a part of her plan to weaken the executive authority in the
countries which she wished to direct, that from contest
there might be the more frequent occasions for herinterfer-

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 2Q-
ence." As the Swedish revolution, whatever its other chap.
consequences might be, strengthened the executive govern- XL
ment, it was very disagreeable to Catharine. Although ^^^
perfectly satisfactory to the lower classes, itwas and con
tinued, to be, as she well knew, extremely hateful to the
aristocracy, whose peculiar privileges it had entirely de
stroyed ; thus there was a great faction in Sweden inimical
to the measures of the king ; and this party Russia very ence of
gonstantiy supported. Gustavus was thoroughly acquainted ^""nf
With these intrigues :.the Swedish king was impressed with temai poii-
an.adeu, that the liberties of the north were exposed to den. We
imminent danger from the power and. ambition of Russia,
and the chief object of his, policy was to secure weaker
neighbours against the aspiring Catharine. These senti
ments he endeavoured to communicate to Denmark, and
incite .that country tp vigilance : meanwhile he bestowed
the. closest attention on the internal improvement of his
own-kindom, with such effect, as justified ,the apprehen-
sionSi entertained by Russia from the Swedish change of
1772., A prompt, firm, executive government ; union
ano" . decision in the cabinet, with a tolerable degree of
Apparent harmony between the king and the. deliberative
orders; of the state succeeded to anarchy, weakness and
discor.tjl ; there was a good and arf*ply,§upplied army, with
an excellent fleet, and such a well regulated state of finan
ces, jas would give energy to both in case of emergency.
A situation of affairs so different from the wishes of Cath-
arine, she formed various projects for embroiling, though
at the same time she heaped the strongest expressions of
regard on the i prince, whose government she was ardently
desirous of disturbing. She professed a wish to assist,
yulth her, .experience and counsels, such an illustrious
pupil ; invited him to Petersburgh, and actually gave, him
advice to. introduce among his subjects innovations, which
ifadt .pted, rnust have rendered him unpopular. Gustavus
had. penetration to discern the , motives of the empress ;
and private dislike added to public jealousy. Catharine,
desirous of swaying the counsels pf Sweden by her influ
ence,, was enraged with, Gustavus for successfully opposing
-- ' -i'-n See Memoirs of Catharine II. passim., i

208

HISTORY OF THE

1788.

chap, her artifices ; and ther Swedish monarch detested his neigh-
J^ hour for her endeavours to render him dependent. The
design of subverting and partitioning the Ottoman empire,
with the vast military preparations for carrying the project
into execution, could not but increase in the highest
degree the apprehension and alarm of the_king : he saw by
the last war the inability of the Turks to combat the pow
er of Russia only, how then could they be supposed capa
ble now of resisting the immense combined force of both
empires J If Russia was already too formidable for the
repose and safety of her neighbours, how must she appear
when, clothed and armed in the spoil and force of the Otto
man empire. Distant and heterogeneous as the Swedes
and Turks were, common interest had often before: united
them against Russia. The feebleness of the' Swedish gov
ernment, however, under Gustavus's father, and the revo
lutionary designs of the son had prevented either from
taking a part in the preceding war. Differently circum
stanced now, the king of Sweden in spring armed by
land and sea. The empress pretended, and to many even
appeared, to disregard these- preparation,-and did not deign
to inquire into their object. She, however, replenished-
her magazines and forts in Finland with - ammunition,
troops, and provisions : she was indefatigable in exercising
her usual insidious policy to stimulate and promote dis
sensions between the sovereign and his subjects. She had
two classes in Sweden frpm whom she expected coopera
tion, in her designs against its prince : the first consisted
of the ancient aristocracy, which,, without any attachment
to Russia, submitted to her influence, in the hopes of
recovering, through her, their former constitution : the
second of those who, through bribery or other indace-
ments, had really become partisans of Russia, but pretend-
Sheat- ed to adopt the views of the nobility. On the former she
stirup re- depended as the dupes. of her schemes, which they would
GustavalnSt helieve beneficial to Sweden; the latter, she knew, would
be the willing and ready agents of her designs, without
any regard to. the interest or security of their country.
Through these parlies she constantly relied that she wou!4
be able to subvert the present government of Sweden, and
render thai nation a dependency upon Russia. While her

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 209
emissaries were active in spreading dissatisfaction through CHAP.
Sweden, and Gustavus was persevering in his equipments, .— v-^.
the empress ordered, her ambassador to deliver a memorial ir88
to the Swedish ministry, which, in a very, few pages, pre
sents a sketch of that policy by which Catharine endea
voured to promote discord. Its manifest object was to
stir up the subject to sedition and insurrection against the
sovereign : it was not addressed to the king, to whom
only, by the laws regulating intercourse between nations
in thegreat European republic, it ought to have been ad
dressed : it was directed to all ranks and classes, of his
subjects, with whom, by the law of nations, a foreign sove
reign could have no ground of correspondence. This
document professed the highest regard for the Swedes,
represented- the interest of the people as separate from
those of the king, and the promotion of the former0 as
one of her principal objects. Mentioning the prepara
tions of Gustavus, it called on the people to join the
empress in preserving the public tranquillity. A memo- The king
rial so openly fomenting disobedience and disloyalty, was conduct. S
severely resented by Gustavus, who, in an answer exposed
its intent and tendency, and signified to Razouffsky, the
Russian ambassador, his majesty's wish, that he should
forthwith leave the Swedish dominions. Manifestoes and
counter manifestoes were soon after published, detailing
to other powers the alleged grounds of hostilities. Gus- War.
tavus immediately repaired to Finland, in order to com
mence warlike operations : he himself commanded the Military
army, and his brother, the duke of Suddermania, the fleet. operatTons,
Various engagements took place by sea between the Swedes
and Russians,' in which though the former displayed ex
traordinary valour, and gained several advantages, yet the
Russian squadron (the same that had been* intended for
the Mediterranean) being much greater in force, formed,
"directed, and commanded by admiral Greig, a British
seaman, proved superior in the result of the campaign,
and was mistress of the Baltic. The king headed so gal
lant and strong an army, that he entertained well founded
hopes of proving superior to all the Russian land forces
o State Papers, .lime 18, 1788.
Vol. III. D d

510

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XL.

1788.

Refractdry
spirit of
Gustavus's
officers.

Defensive confederacy between
Britain, Prussia,
and the
states gen
eral.

Principle
of this
treaty.

that could be spared from southern operations : but in
Russian intrigue he found a more formidable enemy.- By
the constitution of Sweden it was ordained that war should
hot be undertaken without the consent of the states ; and
the present hostilities had not received that sanction.
Catharine had directed her policy to the representation!
and exposure of this unconstitutional deficiency, and with
such success, that though the soldiers were eagerly devo
ted to Gustavus's pleasure, yet a great part of the officers,
consisting of the ancient nobility and gentry, declared that
they could not, without violating their consciences and
their ¦ duty to their country, draw their swords in a war
undertaken contrary to their country's laws : this refracto
ry spirit rendered the campaign in Finland' ineffective.^
To counteract the imperial confederacy of aggression,
this year a defensive alliance was concluded between the
kings of Prussia and Britain, and. also these princes re
spectively; and the states general, by which, besides reci
procal defence, and the maintenance of the existing consti- ;
tution of Holland, the contracting parties sought the gen
eral preservation of the balance of power: they guaran
teed each other from any hostile attack, and engaged in
concert to preserve peace and tranquillity : if the one were
menaced with aggression, the other, without delay, should
employ its good offices, and the most efficacious means to
prevent hostilities, to procure satisfaction to the party
threatened, and to settle things in a conciliatory manner :
but if these applications did not produce the desiredieffect,
in the space of two months, and if one of the parties were
hostilely attacked, the others undertook to defend and
maintain him in all the rights and privileges, and territo
ries, which he possessed at the commencement of hostili
ties. The general principle of this treaty was that which
wise policy dictated for British interference in continental
affairs, security, and the maintenance of that order and
balance on which the safety and independence of Europe
rested. Frorruthe general object of the treaty, the con
tracting parties had, no doubt, in view the imperial con
federacy, which, if its progress were not checked, had*so
strong a tendency to endanger the tranquillity and safety
of other states. The interests of England were as esjen-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, 21^
tially concerned; as those of . Prussia, in preventing the CHAP.
ascendancy of Russia and Austria. ..- -^-J-v-w
M.R-. Fox's projeqt of .continental alliance was tp con- l788; "
nect ourselves with Austria as in former times, that, should Different
•it- i r , . i views ot
a war arise wnn trance, such a powerful, enemy might Mr. Fox
divide her attention, and prevent it from being, as ;in the 'pfa. on'this
late war, chiefly directed to maritime affairs. Mr. Pitt's scheme of
plan. i was to form continental alliances according to exist
ing situations : France was at present engaged in no scheme
oL policy, .likely either to affect the general safety of Eu
rope, or to provoke England; to a- war; she was, indeed,
deeply .Occupied in plans for remedying the eyils.of former
ambition : what system of alliance might be wise in cir
cumstances not existing, nor likely to recur, was a ques
tion ofj*- speculation rather than immediate practicable po
licy. The emperor was so involved in the' projects of
Catharine, that an alliance with him would be difficult, ami
indeed impracticable, except at the, expense of, adopting
his partialities, and seconding the attempts of Russia. In
the formidable combination between these two .powers,
that nation became naturally the ally of Britain, which had
a common interest with Britain in watching the . conduct
•and preventing the. aggrandizement pf the parties ; besides,
;Prussia, together with England, was closely connected
tjtijth the constitutional party in Hplland :- however just,
therefore, Mr. Fox's reasoning might be, if it were applied
to situations that very frequently occurred in our history,
vet, in the present circumstances, alliance with' Prussia
was. more yaluable to England, than with any other great
power. .During the recess, that .illustrious, sage, who, had so Internal
long presided over the judicial .decisions of his country, ce^1"1"1
in-the eighty-fourth year of his age, thought that many ^etife'f
years of labour, without reproach, might be followed by a lord Mans-
few years of rest, and retired from the judicative bench. taking™
For ^comprehending the law of this particular country, uench...
William Murray, a man of the most acute and extensive
genius, had prepared himself by a profound study of
history, general ethics, the philosophy of jurisprudence,
investigation of human passions and conduct, and the civil
law, on which the judicial institutions of so great a part

212 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, of modern Europe are founded. On this basis he raised
^_^__^ his superstructure of knowledge of the English code : to-
178i the depths of legal science, the accuracy and extent of
juridical details, he- added the pleasing- and impressive
accomplishments of antengaging, graceful, and persuasive
eloquence. From such an union and extent of qualifica
tions, Mr. Murray very early rose to most distinguished
practice« With such opportunities of observing the cir-
mentB un- eumstances of society, of civil actions and engagements,
dUativVsu- anQ criminal perpetrations, his penetrating and compre-
premacy, hensive mind saw that the progress of social, and especially
in mercan- commercial intercourse, was producing new combinations,
tie awa. wnich had not been specifically foreseen when the laws
applied to such subjects were enacted; therefore- he
inferred, that the essential principles of justice required
such a latitude of interpretation, as would render existing
laws applicable to the new cases. The intelligent reader
must know that there are two great standards of judicial
interpretation; the one the authority of custom, decision,
and statute, according to literal definition ; the other,
according to the general principles of equity, construing
particular law,, unwritten or written, in such a way as best
to answer the great- ends of justice. The learned reader
must recollect, that at Rome two sects of civilians arose
from the abovementioned difference; the Proc ulians and
the Sabinians,1' taking their names from two eminent jurists.
i The first of these, resting entirely on authority and denni-
jtion, merely considered the letter of the law : the second,
interpreting more freely, endeavoured to adapt it to their
Btrictand conceptions of justice in the case. Each of these modes
liberal in- has advantages and disadvantages : by. the former th&
oflaw, parties may know the exact rule by which their dispute
peetiv'Tad- wil1 be trlea' but raav find the literal judge difficulted in
vantages applying his rule to their case ; or entangled by precedents,
and disad. c . , r . . ° J r *
vantages, forms, and definitions, unable to solve the question agree
ably to substantial justice: by the latter the parties mav,
from a just and competent judge, expect an equitable
determination of the question ; but they depend on his
individual understanding and integrity. By deviating
p See account of Justinian's Code, Gibbon, vol. vi.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 213
from literal explanation, in the -progress of construction chap.
*he law may be changed ; and thus the judge may become XL
a legislator.' During the republican periods of the Roman *^8>*-'
law, strict and rigid interpretation of usages and. decrees
prevailed: during its imperial history,, latitude of con
struction was gradually substituted. When Tribonian and
his associate civilians digested the laws into one great
body under Justinian, its constructive character predomi
nated : hence, modern jurists, whose legal doctrines have
owed a great part of their formation to the civil law, have
interpreted freely. The close precision of English rea
soning has diffused itself through municipal institutions,
and combining with the English accurate sense of justice,
has, in the great body of the law, made so specific provi
sions for all cases, when the laws were enacted, likely to
occur, that it may be safely advanced as a general position,
that in every question within the knowledge, foresight, and
intent of our lawgivers, the more nearly the decision
follows the letter of the law, the more fully will the pur
poses of justice be answered: but when combinations of
#igagements and conduct arise, which lawgivers have not
Specifically anticipated, and on which the judge is called to
give decision, he must apply the constructive character of
the civil law. The personage ; before us, partly from his Lord
... ' °. , . r ' . . Mansfield
education, in agreat measure- from having to meet subjects ofthelat-
of judicial inquiry, to which neither decisions nor decrees ter km(1-
could precisely apply ; and, perhaps, also partly from that
powerful 'and comprehensive genius, which in seeking its
ends rhight less regard customary details than adequacy of
means, verged more to a constructive than literal interpre
tation : btit his judgments v/ere just ; they repaired injury,
compensated losses, and punished crimes ; they confirmed
civil rights, repressed vice, supported virtue, promoted the
order and tranquillity of the society. The most fertile Principle
n ' , • i 1 • -i • • i of his deci-
sources of new cases, during the long judicial supremacy sions inun.
of this eminent judge, were commerce with its subordinate definedand
J ° .... . unprece-
arts and instruments. In considering the various and dented
diversified contracts of this kind, which neither precedents cases"
nor statutes Could solve, lord Mansfield recurred to a very
simple principle of ethics ; that, where the terms of cove
nants do not precisely ascertain the extent and obligations,

214

HISTORY OK THE

CHAP, general custom is the most equitable rule of construction.
XL' This principle he applied to delivery of goods, insurances,
17-88; wharfages, bottomry, and an infinite diversity of mercantile
He is the and maritime transactions. In the great department of
Justinian of .... , ,..,, . ., ? ,
English commercial jurisprudence, this illustrious judge formed a
cknavT" coc'eT°f decisions, digested into a complete system^ and
' may well be styled- the Justinian of commi'Rcial law.
Lord Mansfield, with a sagacity almost intuitive, appre
hended the scope, unravelled the intricacies, and under
stood the nature of a case; discerned whether it was com
mon or new; and if new, by what general- principle or
analogy of law its merits were, to be ascertained. In his
charges to juries, he made the evidence and arguments on
both -sides, and: their comparative force, so very clear, and
also the reasons and rules on which he formed his judg
ment, that every hearer of common understanding must
be master of the cause, and of the judge's view of the
cause; and as his principles of judgment, the result- of
combined knowledge and wisdom, were uniform, by hearing
one charge or decision, you were assured of the decision
which he would give in any similar case. The acute pene
tration of this sage was very happily exerted in eliciting
truth from unwilling witnesses; and in the course of his
judicial services he was very successful in repressing, not
only a great variety of individual attempts at perjury, but
in preventing the commission pf thaicrime in certain classes
of subjects, in which it was before universally prevalent.5
This judge, thoroughly comprehending, not only the
general object, but the special compartments of his office,
very carefully distinguished between the duties of a civil
and criminal magistrate. In the former relation he confined
his consideration, at least so far as it dictated his charge to
juries, to the damage sustained by the plaintiff, without

q Especially customhouse questions, and justification ofbail. In the former
ins(a„ce the incredibility of oaths was proverbial ; in the latter it was customary
ior persons to attend in Westminster hall on the first day of term, offering, to "
bail any person who wanted their services, and to swear themselves to have pro
perty to any amount requisite for that purpose. A person who had not five
pounds in the world, frequeutly bailed.to the amount of ten thousand- pounds
in a term. His lordship, having discovered this practice, examined those bonds
men so closely, as to the disposal of their alleged property, that he drove them
from that kind of traffic. From his time the perjury of fictitious bail has
been discontinued, to the great security of proper! v, aud reSn-mation of moralj,

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 21S
adducing the conduct of the defendant as a reason for CHAP.
enhancing damages beyond the actual injury, the reparation XL
of which was, and must he, the sole ground of a civil ,78g
action? -. He did not confound redress for a private wrong
with, punishment for a public wrong; but by keeping the
administration of civil and criminal justice separate, as
intended and prescribed by law, he most effectually
answered the purposes of both. Lord Mansfield was
frequently reproached with attempting to increase the
influence and power of the crown, and was, as we have
seen, exposed to great obloquy from factious demagogues,
who directed and inflamed the populace at the time : but
on investigation it was found, that his opinions on the law
of libels were those that had been received by former law
yers and judges; that if not-precisely correct, they were
Joy no means of his invention, but adopted on very emi
nent authority. With talents, to excel in any department, General
"professional excellence was what lord Mansfield chiefly <*aracter.
sought, and sought with the greatest success. As a politician
.his lordship aspired not to the eminence which his abilities
$ouId have so easily attained; and he neve,r was a leader.
rThe measures which he supported during various periods,
especially the administration of lord North and his prede
cessors, were not those on which his character for wisdom
could be founded. As an orator he shone brightly, but not
unrivalled ; though equalled by few, he was by one sur
passed. The engaging and graceful persuasion of a Murray
yielded to the commanding force of a Pitt. But as a judge
he earned the highest fame, by combining philosophy and
detail, by instantaneously and completely apprehending
the ease; and by accurate" discrimination, which, though"
deviating somewhat from the letter of the laws, bounded
-his constructions by the lines of equity and justice. In
him you coulcT not always find his precedents in the law
reports, or his rules in the statutes at large, when neither
f-r This judge was severely blamed for having stated, in his charge to the
jury on the trial ofthe -duke of Cumberland* at the instance of lord Grosvenor,
that the rank or condition of the defendant did not entitle the plaintiff to any
increase of damages" It was alleged by party writers, that lord Mansfield wished
cscreen a prince ofthe btood: but the real and fair Interpretation is, thatina
civil action the plaintiff applies for the redress of a certain, injury ; that the injury
tlone, ami that only, is tube considered in an award of damages.

216

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, would apply; but you must recognise his principles and.
XL" criteria of determination in the immutable laws of reason
1788 and rectitude. . Lord Mansfield's procedure on the bench*
was, on the whole, the best that could be adopted byhim-i
self, or any other judge of consummate wisdom : how far,
as a general model, it ought to be followed by all judges,
might be a matter of doubtful inquiry. Perhaps, on the
whole, unless a judge be uncommonly sagacious and able,
literal interpretation, keeping as closely as possible to pre
cedent and statute, if in some cases it may be an obstacle^
to what is completely right, yet in a much greater variety
is a preventive of wrong.
His lordship was succeeded by Lloyd Kenyon, who, by
professional ability and industry, had risen to be masterof
the rolls ; and now, being chief justice of the king's bench,
was called to the house of peers by the title of lord Kenyon.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

CHAP. XLI.

Distemper of the king— assumes an alarming appearance-
Peers and commons assemble on the day appointed for
the meeting of parliament. — Adjourn for a fortnight till
the fact be ascertained. — Physicians being examined,
agree that a temporary incapacity exists. — Houses meet
to prepare for a supply. — Mr. Pitt, moves an inquiry
into precedents. — Mr. Fox declares, that in such circum
stances the heir apparent has a right to exercise the
executive power. — Mr. Pitt contends that the right of
supplying the deficiency is in the people, through their
representatives.- — Lord Loughborough, with some dis
tinctions, qgrees with Mr. Foxj — Mr. Fox explains his
doctrine, which Mr. Pitt still controverts. — Question
brought to issue.-— Determined that the supply of the
deficiency rests zoith the . houses of parliament. — Mr.
Pitt proposes that tlhe chancellor shall be' empowered to
put the seal to a commission for opening parliament. —
After a violent debate, carried. — Frederic duke of Tork
opposes administration.^-Mr. Cornwall dying, Mr. Gren
ville is chosen speaker. — Mr. Pitt's plan of regency — is
<&ubmitted to the prince of Wales.- — His highness expres
ses his disapprobation: and reasons, but deems it incum
bent on him to accept the office. — Second examination of
the physicians. — Hopes of his majesty's speedy recovery.
— Mr. Pitt's plan of regency laid before parliament —
Principle ; that the power delegated should answer
zvithout exceeding the purposes of trust. — Details and
restrictions. — Scheme reprobated by opposition  Argu
ments for and against.— -Princes of the blood all vote on
the side of opposition. — Warm praise and severe censure
of, by the respective parties throughout the nation.—
Impartial estimates of its merits. — Irish parliament
addresses the prince to assume the regency of Ireland,.
r— Favourable turn of his majesty's distemper. — Con
valescence.— Complete recovery — Universal joy through'
Voj.. III. E-e

-lg HISTORY OF THE
out the nation. — His majesty goes to St. Pauls to return
thanks  Festive rejoicings.. — Renewed application for
the repeal of the test and corporation acts — Chief sects
and most eminent men ofthe dissenters. — Proposed relief
from the penal laws against nonconformists — opposed by
the bishops  Refused. — Slave trade. — Mr. Wilberforce's
motion for the abolition.— Arguments for, on the grounds
of religion and humanity. — Consideration postponed to
the next session  Mr. Grenville appointed secretary bf
state  -Mr. Addington speaker of the house of commons*
— Financial scheme  A loan required (according to the
minister) from a temporary cause* — Mr. Sheridan dis
putes his calculations. — Bill for subjecting tobacco to an
excise. — Popular clamour against this bill. — Passed into
a lazv — Progressive prosperity of India stated by Mr*
Dundas.— Slow progress of Mr. Hastings's trial. —
Motions respecting it in the commons. — Session rises.
CHAP. -THE close ofthe present year was marked by a
XLI" signal calamity which befel this nation ; but, dreadful as
was its first aspect, terrible and afflicting the. fears of its
continuance, proving only temporary, grief and dismay:for
its existence were speedily overwhelmed in joy for its
removal.
Distemper The vigorous constitution and temperate habits of our
ofthe king. sovereign, now in the prime of his life, appeared to pro
mise to his people the long duration of a reign directed to
their happiness: contemplating his countenance' and form,
with natural health, invigorated by exercise, and secured
• by regularity of living, his people confidently expected,
that the paternal goodness, which for twenty-eightsyears
they had experienced, would, after twenty-eight years
more, be still exerting itself for their benefit, but the
prospect was now overcast.
In the latter end of autumn all ranks were alarmed
by a report that his majesty was seriously indisposed.
On the twenty-fourth of October resolved, notwithstandr
ing illness, to perform the functions of his royal office,
he held a levee ; and though it was obvious to every one
present, that his majesty's health was very materially af
fected, yet no symptoms indicated any definite species of

REIGN OF GEORGE III. als
malady. On the king's return to Windsor, hi8,diste,m- CHAP.
per assumed a very alarming appearance ; it was found XLT-
that it had formed itself into a brain fever, attended wfth ,,,„„
a delirium, so often resulting from that dreadful disorder, assumes an
fThe mental derangement having continued to the begin- appear-8
ning of November, without any intermission, at length ancc
became public ; and the intelligence diffused grief and
consternation among his loyal and affectionate subjects.
The prince of Wales repairing to Windsor to the queen,
these personages were attended by the lord chancellor,
and concerted measures 'for the management of his ma
jesty's domestic affairs in the present emergency. Mean
while, all those who, by their rank and situation in the
state, were required to take a part in so new and unex
pected an exigence, assembled in the capital. Mr. Fox
had spent part of the recess in Switzerland; to him, as
a man from whose extraordinary abilities most beneficial ad
vantage was expected, an express was immediately de
spatched, and he hurried to England. The twentieth of Tn,e PBeas
i it ,'• 1 i c and com-
November was the day on which the prorogation ot par- mons as-
liament was to expire ; and the meeting took place as a th™day°ap.
matter of course. The peers and the commons remained pointed for
in their separate chambers ; the chancellor in the upper, ing of par-
and Mr. Pitt in the lower house, notified the cause of 1""nent
their assembling without the usual notice and summons,
and stated the impropriety of their proceeding, under such
circumstances, to the discussionof any public business ; and They ad-
both housesresolved unanimously to adjourn for fifteen journ for »
days. Mr. Pitt observed that, if his majesty's illness till the f»»
should unhappily continue longer than the period of their ]£¦ "j?*1" '
adjournment, it would be indispensably necessary for the
house to take into immediate consideration the means of
supplying, as far as they were competent, the want of the
royal presence ; it was, therefore, incumbent upon them
to insure a full attendance, in order to give every possible
Weight and solemnity to their proceedings; for this pur
pose it was ordered, that the house should be called over
on Thursday, the fourth of December, and that letters
should be sent, requiring the attendance of every mem
ber : orders to the same effect were issued by the lords.
On the day before the appointed meeting, the physicians
-*

220

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, who had attended his majesty were examined by the privy
^^^1" council, and the three following questions were proposed
1788 and answered: first, is his majesty's state of health such
Physicians as to render him incapable of -meeting parliament, or, at-
being ex- ,. , ,, , , 'cm r.
amined, tending to public business? the answer ot all was,, he
a^mpora- certainly is incapable : the second question respected the
ry incapa- probability of a cure, and the duration of the illness :
coexists, (.jjgy. concurred in -the probability of a cure, though they
could not limit the time : the third question was, whether
the physicians judged from general experience, the par
ticular symptoms of his majesty's case, or both? .the most
frequent answer was, from general experience ; but doc
tor Willis, who entered more minutely on the subject, in
his answers, than, the other physicians, stated the circum-
¦. stances which he deemed favourable to a speedy recovery.
It was afterwards agreed by both houses, that the physi
cians should be examined by committees composed, as
nearly as possible, of an equal number of members from
meettoUSeS both parties. It being. ascertained that a temporary inca*
prepai-efor pacJty existed, Mr. Pitt, in order to pave the way for a
Mr Pitt supply, moved, that a committee should be appointed*to
inqufiViutb examine the journals and report precedents from similar or
precedents, analagous cases. Mr. Fox objected to a committee for
&uch a purpose, as nugatory and productive of unneces
sary delay: Mr. Pitt (he said)- knew there was in the
journals no precedent to be- found- of the suspension of
executive government, where there was at the same, time
an heir apparent of full age and capacity : he himself was
, fully convinced, upon the maturest consideration, of the
principles arid practice of the constitution, and of the
analogy of the common law of the land, that whenever
the sovereign, frpm sickness, infirmity, or other incapacity,
Mr- Pox was unable to exercise the functions of his high office, the
that Much heir apparent, being of full age and capacity, had asindis-
cireum- ' putable a claim, to. the exercise of the executive power,:
stancei- the f . . . ,
heir ;.,,,:<- in the name and on behalf of the sovereign, during the
riffUt'toev continuance. of such incapacit), as in case of his natural
ercise v..-- demise :B the prince himself, from the peculiar delicacy of
pqyrer. his situation, had inot made the claim, but there was no
s See Psrliameqtary Debates, Dec'. 10, 1788.

REIGN OF GEORGE EH. 221
delubt that it was his right to supply the place of his father. CHAP.
Mr. Pitt combated this doctrine, as totally inconsistent
wjth actual history and the spirit of the constitution : ,788
there were he admitted, no precedents applicable to this Mr. Pitt
i ¦/¦ r . . , , ,.- , .,. , , contends
specific cause ot incapacity ; but whatever disability had that the
at any time arisen in the executive branch, as the history ji'jjiyf,,-
of ithe country showed, had been supplied by parliament, thedefici-
When the regular exercise of the powers of government the people,
was from any cause suspended, to whom could the rierht thr0«gh
. .. . r their repre-
of providing a remedy for the existing defect devolve, but sentativse.
to }lthe people, from whom all the powers of government
originated ? To assert an inherent right in the prince of
Wftles to assume the government, was virtually to revive
those exploded ideas of the divine and indefeasible autho
rity of princes, which had justly sunk into contempt, and
almost into oblivion. Kings and princes derive their
powers from the people, and to the people alone, through
the organ of the representatives, did it appertain to de
cide in cases for which the constitution had made no
specific or positive provision. On these grounds Mr.
Pitt insisted that the prince had no more right to be
appointed to supply the existing deficiency, than any other
subject ; though he admitted that, in the present case,
expediency dictated that parliament should offer him the
regency : substitution of another to execute the office of
arming, during a temporary incapacity, was merely a
measure of necessarv policy : it was incumbent on
legislature to intrust the authority to such person or per
sons, as it should deem most likely to answer the pur
pose:- after these observations the question being put, it
was1: carried that a committee should be appointed to
search for precedents.
In the house of peers, lord Loughborough supported Lord
the position which Mr. Fox had advanced, and adduced J^hbo"
great legal ingenuity and acuteness to prove, that the with some
, . n r .1 distinc-
Mght ascribed to the- prince was a corollary from the act tions>
of settlement, the general analogy of English law, the ^e^th
privileges and immunities peculiar to the prince, and
belonging to no other subject. He admitted, however,
that the exercise of this right ought not to commence
until parliament had declared the sovereign's incapacity.

HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. Mr. Fox at the next meeting of the commons, made an
¦ Jl^l^ explanation of his meaning,, agreeable to lord Loughbo-
|7gg, rough's interpretation, and said, that his expression^ on
Mr. Fox a former day had been misrepresented:, his position,
htsdoc- which he was still ready to maintain, Was, that the ho|it|es
MnepTtt°h °^ ParUament had the right to adjudge the fact of incapaci-
stm con- ty , but on such adjudication the heir apparent had the r|ght
of holding the reins of government whilst the incapacity
lasted : as, however, Mr. Pitt agreed with him, that inthe
present circumstances the prince was the person who
ought to hold that office, it would be much more prudent
to abstain from discussing so nice and subtle distincti^isi
Mr. Pitt replied, that he differed as much from Mr. Jox
respecting the question of right, now that he had explained
his meaning, as before such an explanation. Mr. $qx
(he said) now asserted, that the prince of. Wales had a
right- to exercise the royal authority, under the present
circumstances of the country ; but that it was a rightnot'
in -possession, until the prince could exercise it on vfhat
he called the adjudication of parliament. He on his-
part denied that the prince of Wales possessed any right
whatever, and upon that point Mr. Fox and he were* Still
at issue. This was a very important question, and njiusfc
be decided before they could proceed any farther ; there
might be differences of opinion whether any regency |wa&'
necessary as yet, and a difference of opinion might arise,
if necessary, what were the powers requisite to be grajited
to the regent? but nothing could be determined tiljthe
matter of right should be discussed. He not only- chal
lenged Mr. Fox to adduce either precedent or laiif to
support his doctrine, but actually showed from- history
that such a claim of right had been made, and had aeen
resisted by parliament. In the reign of Henry VIJ the
duke of Gloucester, next heir to the crown,1 claimed
the regency during the minority of the king, and applied
to parliament; the answer to this claim was, that hejneU.
ther had by birth, nor by the will of his brother, any rightr
whatever to the exercise of royal authority : they, how
ever, appointed him regent, and intrusted him with) the'
t After the death of prinoe John of Lancaster duke of Bedford.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 22j,
care of the young king. At the revolution, parliament CHAP.
proceeded on the same general principle; the king had xu-
ce?sed to act ; to supply this deficiency, parliament acted 17g8
as (legislators : they did not restrict themselves to a simple
address to the prince of Orange to accept the crown ; they
felt not only that they must have a king, but they must
have a king on certain terms and conditions : they did
what amounted to a legislative act : they came to a reso
lution to settle the crown, not on the prince of Orange
and the heirs of his body, nor on the princess Mary and
the heirs of her body, but on the prince and princess
jointly. Here it was evident that, whatever the necessity
of the' case required at that time, the lords and commons
possessed the power to provide for it^ and consequently,
whatever the necessity of the case demanded at present,
the power belonged to the lords and commons to supply
the deficiency. Parliament could have no possible inter
est in acting in any other way than as duty prompted and -
wisdom directed: and as it was agreeable to history, rea
son, and expediency, that they should provide for a speci
fic object, it became them, in making the provisions, to
extend or contract the trust to be delegated according as
they thought either necessary for its execution. Thus,
adcording to Mr. Pitt, precedent confirmed the analogy of
the constitution, and both concurred with the expediency
vithicrl required 'that the peers and the representatives of
the -people should provide for supplying an unforeseen
deficiency. *- "
Having grounded his doctrine on these arguments The ques-
and facts, concerning the right which Mr. Fox had as- brought
serted to be vested in the heir apparent, Mr. Pitt pro- t° de
posed on the sixteenth of December three resolutions :*
-„ .. u The following are the resolutions : first, That it is the opinion of this
committee, that his majesty is prevented, by his present indisposition, from
coming to parliament, and from attending to public business ; and that the per-?.
sonal exercise of the royal authority is thereby for the present interrupted :
2d'ly, That it is the opinion of "this committee, that it is the right and duty pf
the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great Britain, now assembled,
and lawfully, fully and freely, representing all the estates of the public. of this
realm, to provide the means of supplying the defect ofthe personal exercise of
the royal authority, arising from his majesty's said indisposition, in such man
ner as the exigency of the case may appear to require : Resolved, "That for
the purpose, an.-l for maintaining entire the constitutional authority ofthe king,
it is necessary, that the said lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of
Great Britain, should determine on the means whereby the royal asseutmay be

224 HISTORY OF THE
CH4»p. the first stating his majesty's present unfitness for-pef-
^-^. forming the functions of the kingly office ; secondly^ thk
jjigs the lords and commons had a right to provide for that
case, and were in duty bound to make such provisions;
thirdly, that the lords and commons should determine on
the most effectual means of exercising their- right, by vest
ing the powers and authority of the crown on behalf of
the king during his majesty's illness. Several americfl
ments were proposed ; ' without detailing these, it is* suffi
cient to mention that their object was to address the princl
of Wales, heir apparent, and of mature age, beseeching
him to take upon himself the administration of the civn
and military government of the country, during the indisp
position of his majesty, and no longer. The admission of
this proposition would have precluded every limitation of
the kingly power, thus to be intrusted to a regent. It^
supporters contended, that every part of the royal autho-t
rity and prerogative was necessary for the discharge of
kingly duties ; if the regent were not intrusted with ths
whole power, he could not perform all the duties, B#
its opponents it was answered, that the situation for which?
they were called to provide was, from the concurrent tes-<
timony of the most competent witnesses,'onlytemporaiyJ;
the supply wanted, therefore, was -also temporary. Vari
ous parts ofthe royal establishment belonged to thespleri-'
dor and dignity of the crown, more than to its power or
its executive functions. So much authority as was* ne
cessary to enable the regent to act as executive magistrate
during the illness of the sovereign, should be conferred, but
no more. The bounds and circumscriptions necessary
upon this principle would be matter of cautious' consider
ation to parliament, according to all the circumstances of
the case. Such restrictions would be impossible if the
present amendment were adopted. Parliament was- to re
flect on the present as a general question that would 'he a
guide to future ages : they were to form measures, for in
suring the restitution 'of his power to the principal, whe# ¦ /f
given in parliament to such bill as may be passed by the two houses of parlia
ment, respepting the exercise of the powers and authorities ?f the ci-own,in
the name, and On the behalf of the king, during the continuance of his majesty's
present indisposition." See parliamentary reports, Dec. 1788.

REt&N1 OF GEORGE III. j^25
'&• substitute was no longer necessary ; and in making this CHlP.
provision they were to consider men as men are generally v^-y-w
found. Cases might arise, in which, if an heir obtained mSi
possession, he might be unwilling to return to expectancy ;
or,»though an heir were ever so dutifully disposed himself,
he 'might be misled by evil counsellors. No character
esuldbe more meritorious or more worthy of confidence than "
the 'present prince of ¦Wales'." Constitutional policy, however,
proceeds not upon individualmerits, buton general expedien
cy. Every part of the principal authority was not wanted to
the*efficiency of the-substitute. Why should they confer.
off a delegate any more power than was necessary to an-
swerifehe purposes ofthe delegation ? Our sovereign possess
ed as much power as was consistent with a free govern
ment, arid no more ; the regent was, by. the scheme of
ministers, to -possess as much as was consistent with the
object of his temporary office, and no more; there was no
,ijl|res-pect offered to the regent by a circumscription ap
plying to the particular circumstancesj as there was no, dis
respect to our kings in the circumscriptions affixed to
their authority by the constitution. In both cases the.
principle was the same ; princes are men, and fallible like
other human beings ; let them be invested with all the
authority which is conducive to the public welfare, and,
restrained from that which might be prejudicial. Mr.
Pitt informed the house, that he intended, if the resolu
tions should be adopted by the commons, and also meet
the concurrence of the lords, to propose, that the lord
high chancellor should be empowered to put the great seal
to a commission for opening the parliament in the usual
form ; and that as soon as a bill should be passed by both
houses for providing for the exercise of the royal autho-^
rity, under certain limitations, during his majesty's indis
position, another commission should be sealed for giving
to such act the royal assent. Thjs project was very stre
nuously opposed : first, as unnecessary ; because, all par
ties concurring unanimously in opinion that the prince of
Wales should be invested with the regency, the procedure
by address or declaration was the most simple, and the
most consonant to the practice and constitutional functions
ofthe two houses : the measure was unwarrantable ; in
Vol.. III. F f

226

HISTORY OF THB

CHAP. XLI.

1788.

Determined that the
supply of
the defi
ciency
rests with
the houses
of parlia
ment.

Frederic duke of
York op
poses ad
ministra
tion.

fact it altered an essential part of the state ; it made the
two houses kings. To fix the form of a legal sanction on
their proceedings, they were to give fictitiously a royal
assent, but in reality their own assent to their own acts.
If the houses assumed to themselves powers which- be
longed to the legislature, and proceeded to legislate, they
would act in direct violation of the spirit of the constitution ;
even to a positive act of parliament, the 13th of Charles II.
which expressly declared, that the two houses could, not
make laws without the king : after a long debate the reso
lutions were voted. Having passed the house of com
mons, they were introduced to the lords by the chancellor,
and similar amendments were proposed. In the debate
which ensued on that occasion, the questional right was
"resumed : an active part was taken by their royal high
nesses the princes, and particularly by his majesty's se
cond son, Frederic duke of York. ,, ,,
This illustrious youth received the first part; of) hi9
education in his native country. Destined ;for the mili
tary profession he was afterwards sent to Germany, and
spent several years in his own bishopric at Qsnaburg,
and his royal father's electoral dominions : thence, here-
paired to the court of Berlin, and completed his military ¦
education under the system which the Prussian hero had
established. Eminently distinguished for manly, beauty
and graces, in natural endowments and acquired qualifica
tions, he was one of the most accomplished princes of the
age: having the strongest fraternal affection for his /elder
brother, between whom and him the closest- intimacy from
their childhood, had enhanced the sentiments of, relation,
oncoming back to England he chiefly associated* with the
prince of Wales, and becoming acquainted with the com
panions of that exalted personage, he a considerable de
gree adopted their political opinions. " No claim {said
his highness) has been made by my royal brother ;,l am
confident the prince too well understands the sacred
principles which seated the house of Brunswic on the
throne of Great Britain, ever to assume or exercise any
power not derived from the will of the people, express
ed by their representatives, and your lordships in par
liament. On this ground, I hope, the house will avoid,

REIGN OF GEORGE -IH. 227
*' pressing a decision which certainly was not necessary to CHAP.
" the great object expected from parliament, and which vJlv^,
" must be most painful in the discussion to a family al- m8
'^ ready sufficiently agitated and afflicted : these (continu-"
" ed his highness) are the sentiments of an honest heart,
" equally influenced by duty and affection to my royal fa-
" ther, and by attachment to the constitutional rights
" of his subjects ; and I am confident, that if my royal
"• brother were to address you in his place, as a peer of
" the realm, these are the sentiments which he would dis-
" tinctly avow." Though the peers warmly approvfed.of
the general sentiments expressed by his highness, and of
the dignified manner in which they were delivered, yet the
majority thought it necessary, since the question of right
had once been started, to have it fully discussed ; and the
resolutions were carried by a considerable majority. A
strong protest was entered against agreeing to these reso
lutions, and signed by the dukes of York and Cumber
land, and fortyrsix , Other peers.7' These proceedings of
the house occupied the greater part of December. On Mr._Corh-
the twenty-ninth of the month Mr. Cornwall speaker of Mr. tiren-
the house of commons, was seized with a dreadful illness, yu!e is.aP-
pointed
which, four days after, the second of January 1789, end- speaker.
ed in ^fcis death. The house meeting on the fifth, Mr. ir
•William Grenville was proposed by the friends pf minis
ters as his successor, and sir Gilbert Elliot by opposition;
the election was carried in favour of the former by, a ma
jority of two hundred and fifteen to one hundred and for
ty-four.
-.. ;v The preliminary subjects having been discussed by Mr- P!tt's
feoth houses, Mr. Pitt, before he explained his plan of .regency is
regency to parliament, submitted its outlines to the prince ™^jtt
in a letter, wherein he offered either to attend his highness, prince of
should any farther explanation be required, or to convey
such explanation, in, any other mode which the prince
should signify to be most agreeable. This letter, sent on
the thirtieth of December, stated the plan to be that which,
according to the best judgment which they were able to
form, his majesty's confidential servants had conceived
proper to be proposed in the present circumstances : the
z See their names, State Papers, Dec. 99, 1788'. -'•

?2g * JHISTORY pf THE
CHAP, outlines were, that his. highness should.be empowered t^
1^_^ exercise the royal authority, in the name and on the, behalf
178-9 of his majesty, during his majesty's illness, and to dp.,all
acts which might legally be don? by his majesty, The
care pf his majesty's person, the management of thghouse-
hold, and the direction and appointment of the officers and
servants therein should be in the queen, under, such regu
lations as might be thought necessary. The power tp,^e
exercised by his highness should not extend to the, dispo
sal of either real br personal property of the king (except
in trie renewal of leases, to the bestowal, pf any pensipri,
the reversion of any office, or any appointment whatever,
but during his majesty's pleasure, except those, granted by
law for life ; that his highness should not be. empoweggd,
to confer the dignity ofthe peerage on any person except
his majesty's issue who had attained the. age pf^twenm-
one years. This plan, the letter declared, was. formed on
the supposition, that his majesty's illness was onty tempo
rary, and would be of no long duration. Itvvpuld^he
difficult to fix beforehand the precise period for,, which
these provisions ought to last ; but should his majesty's
recovery be prptracted to a more distant period thap, there
was then reason to expect, the consideration of the plan,
according to the exigency of the case, would be. open {p
the wisdom of parliaments
On the first of January an answer was delivered, by
His high- his royal highness to the lord chancellor to.be. conveyejjto.
presses his Mr. ^lttm Respecting the measures already embraced; by
disappro- parliament, his highness declared he would observe a total-
batioh and .. " '¦¦'•'¦ '
reasons, silence : no act ot the lords and commons could b^a
itinoum-8 ProPer subject of his animadversion : but (he said) when*
bent on previously to any discussion Jn parliament, the outlines of
him to ac- - , .- - c , . •;"'."""¦:
cent the a scheme of government are sent for his cor^lerajapn, %
office. which it is proposed that he shall be personally an4,prin-
cipally concerned, and by which the royal authority, and
the public welfare may be.deeply affepted, dje. prince would,
be unjustifiable were he to withhold an explicit d,echuj$-
tion of his sentiments : his silence might be construed into,
a previous approbation of a plan, the accomplishment;pfj
which, every motive of duty tp his father and sovereign,
>¦ See State Pspi.rs, pec. 30, 1788.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 229
as well as of regard for the public interest, obliges him to CHAP.
consider as injurious to'both. The scheme communica- XU'
ted by Mr. | Pitt is a project for producing weakness, irsfl
disorder, and insecurity, in every branch of the adminis
tration of affairs : a project for dividing the royal family
from each other ; for separating the court from the state ;
and therefore, by disjoining government from its natural
and accustomed support, a scheme for disconnecting, the
authority to command service, from the power of anima
ting it by reward ; and for allotting to. the prince all the
invidious duties of government, without the means of sof
tening them to the public by any one act of grace, favour
or benignity. These positions the prince adduced detail
ed arguments to support : the plan (he , proceeded) was
not founded on any general principle, but was calculated
to infuse groundless jealousies and suspicions in that quar
ter, whose confidence it should ever be the -first pride of
his life to merit and obtain. With regard to theobject.of
the limitations, his majesty's ministers had afforded him
no light ; they had informed him what powers they meant
-to refuse him, But not why they were to be withheld : he
deemed it a fundamental principle of this constitution, that
the powers and prerogatives of the crown are vested there,
as a trust for the benefit of the people ; and that they' are
sacred only as they are necessary to the preservation of
that poise and balance of the constitution, which experi
ence has proved to be the true security of the liberty of
the subjept : but the plea of public utility ought to be
strong, manifest, and urgent, which calls for the extinc
tion or suspension of any one of those essential rights in
the supreme power or its representative. If security were
wanted, that his majesty should repossess his rightful gov
ernment whenever it pleased providence to remove his
present calamity, the prince would be the first fo urge the
adcrptiOn of measures conducive to that purpose, as the
preliminary and paramount consideration of any settle
ment in which he would consent to share : if attention to
what his majesty's' feelings and wishes might be on the
happy day of his recovery were the object, the prince ex
pressed his firm conviction, that no event would be more
repugnant to the feelings of his royal father, than the

23®

HISTORY OF THE

1789.

chap, knowledge, that the government of his son and represen-
JL'i. tative had exhibited the sovereign power of the realm in a •
~ "** state of degradation, curtailed authority and diminished
energy; a state hurtful in practice to the prosperity and
good government of his people, and injurious in its prei
cedent to the security of the monarch, and the right of his
family. The provision respecting the king's property was
totally unnecessary, as that was perfectly secured, during
his majesty's life, by the law of the land. The prince
havingdischarged, as he conceived, his indispensible duty
in giving his free opinion on the plan submitted to his con
sideration, concluded with declaring in the following
terms, his reason for accepting, notwithstanding the objec
tions he had enumerated, the proffered trust : His* con
viction of the evils which may arise to the king's inteir
ests, to the peace and happiness of the royal family, and
to the safety and welfare of the nation, from the govern
ment of the country remaining longer in its present maim
ed and debilitated state, outweighs, in the prince's mino^
every other consideration, and will determine him to un-
dertake the painful trust imposed upon him by the present
melancholy necessity (which of all the kings subjects he
deplores the most), in full confidence, that the affection
and loyalty to the king, the experienced attachment to the
house of Brunswic, and the generosity which has always
distinguished this nation, will carry him through the;many
difficulties inseparable from this critical situation, with
comfort to himself, with honour to the king, * and with
advantage to the public. ,
Such was the substance of the letter written by^the
heir apparent on this momentous subject, and though
great numbers did not assent to his highness's conclusions,
concerning the inexpediency of the proposed restrictions^
yet every judge of composition and argument allowed that
it was a very -masterly performance. ' >*'
Second ex- On the sixth of January, when Mr. Pitt was about to
of the phy- propose his plan of regency to the house of commons, Mr,
sicwns. Loveden, member for Abingdon, moved, that, as the
intended limitations would have a reference to the statfe* df
" "$ Tim- letter is written in the third person See State papers, Jan. 1, \7WS-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

231

his majesty's health, and several weeks had elapsed since CHAP.
that had been ascertained, the physicians should be again "¦
examined. After a very warm debate, including a con- l7s§.
siderable share of personal altercation, it was agreed that
anew committee should be appointed, and that the phy
sicians should be interrogated. The result of the exami
nation was, that his majesty's recovery continued proba
ble. The proceedings of the committee having occupied
about -a week, the report was -brought up on Tuesday the
thirteenth of January, and appointed to be taken into con
sideration the following Friday. On the sixteenth Mr. Mr. Pitt's
-Pitt opened his plan to the house : the subject (he said) J^y"/6"
divided itself into three distinct heads : first, the nature laid before
oi, the king's illness ; secondly, the principles upon which ment.
the two houses were authorized to act on this occasion :
and thirdly, the application of those principles to the mea
sures which he should propose, of remedying the present
defect in the personal exercise of the royal authority.
From the recent examination, they were confirmed in the
conclusions drawn from the former, that his majesty was
by his illness rendered incapable of attending to the busi
ness of his station ; but that it was probable he might
recover, and once more be able to resume the reins of
government. In these two points all the physicians were
agreed, they were not all equally sanguine in their hopes
of his majesty's recovery: it was, however, extremely
Satisfactory, that the expectations of the several physicians
Were respectively favourable, in proportion to their know
ledge of that particular distemper and that individual case :
the- deficiency for which they were called to provide was
temporary, and would probably be short. The principles1 Principle -,
by whicbrthe houses were to proceed, arose from the na-: p'jj£*e
ture and probable duration of the deficiency; they were should an-
to provide for the present necessity only, and to do no 0I1texceeriJ
more than it required ; they were also to guard against P"frp^esof
any embarrassment in the resumption of the royal alvtho- the trust.
rity, and therefore to grant such powers only as were
requisite for the government of the country with energy
and effect. On these principles he had framed his plan,
of which the outlines were exhibited in his letter to the
prince of Wales. The regent was to exercise the whole

232 HISTORY OF 'THE
(8,v;.; . . ,
CHAP, royal authority,' subject to restrictions which were intend*-*'
yJ-v^^, ecf not to interfere with executive efficiency. The limi-
,7Si) tations were reducible to four heads : first, that the power
Details and 0f j,;g hic-hness should not extend to the bestowal of the"
i*cstric- '
tions. peerage, except ' to his majesty's issue that had attained
twenty-one years of age. To prove the propriety of this
limitation, Mr. Pitt adduced three grounds upon which
this prerogative was intrusted by the constitutiori to the
crown : first, it was designed to enable the king to coun
teract the designs of any factious cabal in the house of
lords :'" secondly, to enable the sovereign to reward eminent
merit : thirdly, this power was designed to provide for
the fluctuations of wealth and property in the country ;
by raising men of great" landed interest to the peerage^'
that branch of the legislature would be always placed upon'
its true and proper basis : for none of these objects* was'
this prerogative wanted in the present case ; there was n»?
probability that any such cabal should now be formed to
obstruct the government of his royal highness : on the ^
other hand, if this power were conferred on the' regent,
such a number of peers might be created, as would great
ly embarrass the government of his majesty on his restb'-i
ration to health : as a reward of merit, or a nobilitation
of property, the suspension of this prerogative, during the
temporary incapacity which they were supplying, could be
attended with no material inconvenience : should the un
fitness prove more permanent than they expected, parlia
ment could extend the regent's power as far as might' be"
Argu- then deemed necessary for the public welfare." On the
same principle was founded the second restriction^y*"i
which the regent was not empowered to grant any pension
or place for life, or in reversion, except such offices as
are by law held for life, or during good behaviour : the
powers restrained were not necessary to the executnte
government, temporarily to be held by the regent; and
their exercise might be injurious to the government of his
majesty on his re-dovery. The third restriction, respect
ing the king's personal property, he scarcely thotightne-
cessary ; but as they were acting on parliamentary- prin
ciples, and endeavouring to make their provisions as coxa*
•prehensive as possible, he accounted it his duty to make

nients for

1789.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI- 23
this regulation a part of his plan. The fourth resolution CHAP
was intended to intrust the sovereign's person, during his " '
illness, to the guardianship of the queen : he proposed to
put the whole of his majesty's household under her autho
rity, investing her with all powers to dismiss and appoint
as she- should think proper : unless she held this control,
the queen could not discharge the important trust com
mitted to her care : a council should be named to assist
the queen with advice, but without any power of control :
trustees should be appointed to manage the real and per
sonal estate of the king, but should have no power of dis
posing any part of it, except by lease. The propositions
were very strenuously supported^ both upon the arguments
which the minister himself adduced, and on others. The
law officers maintained, as a fundamental doctrine, that
the king's political character was, in the eye of the law,
inseparable from his personal ; that it remained entire and
perfect, and would continue so to do until his natural
demise ; and ,to this principle frequent reference was made
in the course of the debates. The senator who vindicated
the plan of Mr. Pitt, in the most extensive details, elabo
rate research, and accurate induction, was Mr. Grenville,
the new speaker : in the committee this member took an
opportunity of delivering his opinion ; and for near three
hours both occupied and engaged the attention of the house.
His oration on the subject stated every historical fact,
explained and enforced all the arguments of precedent, law,
and constitutional analogy, by which the proceedings of
the ^ministers were justified ; and also endeavoured to com
bat each and all objections which they encountered. From
the constitutional history of#the country he attempted to
demonstrate, that the principle on which our ancestors
both conferred and bounded the powers of a regent were
the same that were now applied. It was proposed on the
one hand to establish a form of government capable of
conducting the public business ; and on the other, to pro
vide complete and ample security to enable the sovereign
to resume the exercise of his authority, fully, freely, and
Without embarrassment, when the existing deficiency should
terminate. Keeping this principle uniformly in view, he
applied it to the various restrictions, and contended, that
Vol. III. Q g

234 HISTORY OF THE
chap, the extent of the delegation was sufficient for the ener-
XLl , getic useful execution of the trust, and that the bounds
j„ were necessary to the security of resumption. The propo-
and against si tions were opposed On the following grounds : they tend
ed, it was affirmed, to debilitate and humble the executive
government, by stripping it of its legal prerogatives : the
power of bestowing peerages was an integral part of the
royal authority, a shield that, from its earliest days, the
constitution had provided for its own defence and preser
vation and which could not be wrested from the crown
without bringing destruction on our polity. Mr. Fox, with
his wonted energy, impugned the doctrine of the law offi
cers, concerning the inseparability ofthe king's personal and
political character : he wished (he said) to hear this doctrine
explained ; for how that person, whose political faculties
were confessedly suspended bj-" a severe visitation of Provi
dence, could still exist in the full enjoyment of his political
character, was beyond his understanding to comprehend:
the doctrine seemed, indeed, to he founded on those blind
and superstitious notions, by which, as they, all knew from
history, human institutions had been, as it were, deified ;
and which were inculcated for the purpose of impressing
a strong and implicit reverence of authority in the' minds
of the multitude : while the supporters of this doctrine
took up the superstitions of antiquity, they rejected' their
morality ; they enveloped the sacred person of the king with
a political veil, which was calculated to inspire awe and
Secure obedience ; but laboured to enfeeble the arms of
government, to cripple it in all its great and essential parts,
to expose it t6 hostile attack and to contumely; to take
from it the dignity which appertained to itself, and the use
for which it was designed towards the people. ' He repro
bated with peculiar severity the restrictions which were
proposed on the creation of peers : Mr. Pitt had conferred •
that rank upon no less than forty- two persons during the
five years that he had been in office ; and he had not the
pretext of saying that any cabal was formed to thwart his
measures in the house of lords, which made such a pro
motion necessary ; and if such were the means to which
he had been obliged to resort, surrounded with all the
power and influence of the crown, what must be the con-

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 23
dition pf those who should have to contend, in the crippled CHAP.
state to which they would be reduced, against an opposi- ^^^J
tion armed with so large a portion of the usual patronage j789
of government. He expressed his indignation and abhor
rence of a project that placed in a state of competition
persons so nearly connecteid by blood} by duty, and by affec
tion, and thereby excited that mutual jealousy which, in
some degree is inseparable from the human mind: how
much (he said) had they to answer for, who, with a per
fect knowledge of this weakness of human nature, wick
edly and wantonly pursued a measure which might involve
tiie empire in endless distractions. To these objections
ministers replied, that though the prerogatives proposed
to be withheld from the regent were necessary for the
sovereign, they were not indispensably requisite to a tem
porary substitute : the regent was to possess the supreme
direction of the ordnance, army and navy; the power of
making war, peace, and alliances ; the choice of his minis
ters, and ajl subordinate officers ; the appointment of
bishops and judges : such authority was sufficient for a
temporary exercise of the executive functions, though
restrained from promotions and donations; the influence
of which, lasting after the trust had terminated, might
have .disturbed the government of the rightful holder.
These were the grounds on which Mr. Pitt, his coadjutors
and supporters, replied to the objections of the other party,
on the restriction concerning peerages. The resolution,
vesting in the, queen, instead of the regent, the appointment
and direction of the household officers, was opposed upon
more special grounds : it withheld a power from a respon
sible, to confer it on an irresponsible person ; tended to
establish in the empire a fourth estate, against which Mr.
Pitt had exerted himself so successfully a few years
before ; and was calculated to excite discord between the
members of the royal family. If the nomination of attend
ants were. withheld from the regent because it was danger
ous to trust him with such appointments, the remedy, was
inadequate to the disease ; for the army and navy could
not be very harmless engines in the hands of a man, to
whom it would not be safe to trust the nomination of lord*

236 HISTORY OF 'IHE
CHAP, and grooms of the bedchamber/ Ministerial speakers
replied, that it was unanimously agreed the royal person
1789. should be intrusted to her majesty; the disposal of the
household was necessary for "her execution of that trust-:
besides, the officers in question, though a proper and
becoming part of the state and splendor of a monarch
reigning over a great and opulent people, were not neces
sary to the energy of the executive government during its
temporary delegation : on these grounds the resolutions
Were supported and opposed in both houses : they were at
last carried ; and it was voted, that the prince and queen
should be informed of the measures of legislation. On the
thirtieth of January the resolutions were presented to these
illustrious personages, by a committee of peers and com
moners. The answer of his highness was similar in sub
stance to the concluding parts of his letter to Mr. Pitt,
which are already embodied in this narrative. Her
majesty's answer was to the following effect : " My lords
" and gentlemen, my duty and gratitude to the king, and
" the sense I must ever entertain of my great Obligations
" to this country, will certainly engage my most earnest
" attention to the anxious and momentous trust intended
" to be reposed in me by parliament. It will be a great
" consolation to me to receive the aid of a council, of
" which I shall stand so much in need, in the discharge of
" a duty wherein the happiness of my future life is indeed
" deeply interested, but which a higher object, the happi-
" ness of a great, loyal, and affectionate people, > renders
" still more important." The answers being communicated

y Lord North, declining in years, and afflicted with hlindness, took a very
active share in opposing the plan of regency, and fully showed, that the appro
priate excellencies of his eloquence, ingenuity of argument, promptness of reply,
and brilliancy of wit, were still undiminished. Expatiating upon the arguments
stated in the text, the minister (he said) strains at a gnat, but swallo.ws a camel r
he is not afraid to delegate the great functions of the executive power, but he
startles at the small : take the patronage, take the disposal ofthe civil, political,
and military appointments, but keep away from the court : command the navy
and army, but abstain from the household troops : let the hauses of parliament
become executive, as well' as legislative; break down the barrier ofthe constitu
tion, cripple the sovereign power : all this you may do, but touch not Ihe pages,
grooms ofthe stole, gentlemen ushers, or lords of the bedchamber Tliitfj-said
Eis lordship, reminds me of the stories with which my old nurse used to enter
tain me about the achievements of witches; they could ride through the air,
agitate the elements, raise the wind, bring rain, lightning, and thunder ; all Uub
th-3 would do without flinching, but if they came to a strain, there they boggled,
stumbled, and could proceed no farther.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. ^37
to.the houses, it was moved in the house of lords, that CHAP.
letrers patent should be issued under the great seal, em- '
powering certain- commissioners to open and, hold the l7gg
king's parliaments at Westminster/ The arguments
already adduced on this subject, .by both parties, were
frequently repeated ; and the names of the proposed com
missioners were read, and at their head were the prince
of Wales, the duke of York, the dukes of Gloucester
and Cumberland. The" duke of York, rising, said he had Princes of
. . . . . . . , . ° , / the blood
not been informed that it was intended to insert his name all vote on
in the commission ; he, therefore, had not been able to the sld5 „of
- ' ' opposiuon.
take steps to prevent the nomination : not wishing to stand
upon record, and to be handed to posterity as approving
such a measure, -he could not sanction the proceedings
with his name; his opinion of the whole system adopted
was already known : he deemed the proposition, as well as
every other that had been embraced respecting the same
object, to be unconstitutional and illegal : he desired,
therefore, to have no concern with any part of the busi
ness ; and requested that his name, and the name of his
brother, the prince of Wales, might be left out of the
commission : the duke of Cumberland desired his own
name and the duke .of Gloucester's might also be omitted :
accordingly the princes were left out of the nomination.
The resolution being carried, was on the second of Feb
ruary adopted by the. commons; the following day the
houses assembled as a regular parliament, and, the lord
chancellor being indisposed, earl Bathurst, president ofthe
council, opened the causes of the present meeting, and the
objects for which they were to provide. On the sixth of Regency
February Mr. Pitt introduced his regency bill, founded on
the principles already investigated, and the resolutions
already voted. Its various clauses and provisions having
undergone in detail much opposition, it was passed on the
twelfth of February, carried to the house of lords, and
read a second time without opposition.
Her majesty, knowing the anxious concern that his Recover*
subjects felt for their beloved sovereign, with the most °fj*ie
eonsiderate goodness gratified them by sending to St.
z See Parliamentary Reperte,

238

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. James's daily accounts of the state of his health, as ascer-
,^r^^. tajhed by the opinion of his physicians. For some days
178o- these reports announced that his majesty's illness had
begun to take a very favourable turn, and aroused all
ranks of his subjects with the most pleasing and sanguine
expectations. On Thursday the ninth of February the
lord chancellor, as soon as the peers assembled in order
to go into a committee on the regency bill, informed them
that the improvement of the king's health, already stated
in the official reports of the physicians, was still progres
sive; an intelligence which certainly must prove pleasing
to every man in the kingdom : in this situation of things
he. conceived they could not possibly proceed upon the bill
before them ; and therefore moved, that their lordships do,
immediately adjourn to Tuesday next the twenty-fourth.
On the day appointed the chancellor informed the house,
that he had that morning attended his majesty by his own
command, and found him perfectly recovered ; he there
fore moved a farther adjournment, which being again
repeated, his lordship on the fifth of March informedl the
peers, that his majesty would' signify his farther pleasure
to both houses on Tuesday the tenth of March : and thus,
ended the necessity and project of a regency.
praises and The plan of regency received the warmest praises and
censures of severest censures from the supporters of the respective,,
the plan parties throughout the kingdom. By the one Mr. Pitt
throughout was represented as having again saved the country from,
thenation. the domination of an ambitious faction, which, if restored
to power, might not have been easily displaced ; that the '
prince, intelligent and well disposed as he was himself,
was so much guided by these counsellors as to excite ap
prehensions, lest at their instigation he might act differ
ently from what his own mind would prompt and dictate.
By the other it was alleged, that Mr. Pitt's object was to
restrict the regent so much, as to render it necessary fors
him to come to some terms, of accommodation with those.,,
who should oppose his present favourites ; that his pur
pose simply was, by retaining a considerable portion of the
kingly influence in hands favourable to his measures, to.
secure the means of reestablishing in office himself, and-
his friends ; that the restraints designed for the prince

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 339
were inconsistent with the energetic ejcercise of the exe- CHAP.
cutorial functions ; that they were justifiable on no gene- XL1,
rai principle, as every part. of the kingly prerogative was 1789
necessary for its constitutional purposes ; that they impli
ed an injurious doubt and suspicion concerning the cha
racter and probable conduct of the prince ; and were per
sonally and individually insulting as well as unjust to his
highness. Impartial observers, probably, will neither altoge- impaHial
ther agree in the panegyric nor the reproach. From his
tory, as well as the general principles of the constitution,
it appears that it belongs to parliament, as representatives
of the people, to provide for any exigency which was not
foreseen or described by the law of the land ; that parlia
ment has exercised this power, and that its exertions haye
been beneficial. Mr. Fox's first position was a theory
which . neither experience nor analogy supported : his ex
planatory doctrine, declaring the prince's right, on a par
liamentary adjudication of the case, equally wanted the
support of experience or analogy. Concerning the com
petency to provide a remedy in the existing exigency, the
opinion Of Mr. Pitt seems to rest on more logical and
conclusive reasoning than the opinion of Mr1. Fox : but
as it was evidently expedient that the heir 'apparent should
he the regent, the power to be conferred ought to be as
much .aswas necessary for answering the purposes of the
appointment : he was for the time to supply the want of the
kingly office. It is difficult to conceive that the acting
chief magistrate could perform the official functions ne
cessary for the good of the country, without the foil pre
rogative, unless by a supposition totally inconsistent with
the1 constitution, that the crown possessed prerogatives not
necessary for the good of the subject. That any difficul
ty could arise in the resumption of his office by the right
ful holder, when it should please heaven to restore his
health, was an hypothesis containing an union of many
and great improbabilities : ,that the heir apparent should
desire to obstruct the resumption, could only be appre
hended on a supposition that the prince was totally de-
'ficient of filial duty, loyalty, and patriotism ; in short, in
every virtue becoming his station : such a notion had evi-

240 HISTORY OF THE
CHAF. dently nb foundation in his conduct : that, intending well
^^^L, himself, he might by his advisers be misled to so great a
t789 degree, would be impossible, unless on a supposition that
he himself was totally deficient in point of judgment and
common intelligence, which was well known to be quite
contrary to the truth. Reviewers of the conduct of the
party which he countenanced, though they might disap
prove of many of their acts and measures, could find no
thing in the history or character of lord Loughborough,
the duke of Portland, lord North, and Mr. Fox, that
could render it likely that they would counsel such an ob
struction : but if the prince and these illustrious support
ers should propose or attempt such measures, how were
they to be put into execution ? were the legislature and
thenation to join in the scheme ? without their concur
rence, such a disloyal and undutiful attempt would be im
practicable, and would discover infatuated folly as well as
desperate wickedness in its authors. Vigilant caution to
guard against such improbable dangers would be a super
fluous and idle exercise of deliberative policy. In fact,
from Mr. Pitt's scheme it is evident that no such fears
were seriously entertained : the most efficient engine of
power, the command of the national force, was to be put
into the regent's hands. The chief object of restriction
was the bestowal of titles, the distribution of donative,
either in pensions or appointments equivalent to pensions:
the subtraction of these measures of influence from the
intended regent, it was morally certain, in the circumstan
ces of the case, would be an accession of influence to the
proposer of the restrictions : unhiassed examination there
fore, without questioning Mr. Pitt's motives to have been
pure, loyal, and patriotic, in his project of regency, cannot
avoid perceiving, that, the manifest tendency of his restric
tive clauses was to secure considerable influence to his
own party : such an opinion is certainly no imputation on
the character of a statesman ; it merely supposes that he
was a lover of power, and preferred an administration com
posed of his political friends, to an administration com
posed of his political adversaries. But whatever may be
the opinion formed of the restrictions designed to be im
posed on the prince regent, we may safely conclude, that

REIGN OF GEORGE ltt

241

¦«?£ principle^f ministers, respecting the right of supplying CHAP.
a deficiency in the executive government, was the most J^}^.
Agreeable to the history and spirit of the constitution. ' ' B ,--ir^y
The Irish parliament on this occasion exercised thatRT],e.,'-i8l»
independent political power which it had so recently as- ' Sdi'reweT'
certained, and adopted a plan totally opposite to the pro- t^^e
ject of the British senate, and similar to that which had theregen-
been in England proposed, by Mr. Fox. A motion, sup- $n£ ^
ported by Mr. Grattan, and opposed by Mr. Fitzgibbon,
with other eminent speakers, was carried without a divi
sion, for presenting an address to the prince of Wales',
requesting him to take on himself 'the government of
Ireland, during his majesty's incapacity. A similar ad
dress was voted in the house of peers ; and on the nine
teenth of February, both lords and commons waited on
the lord lieutenant with their address, and requested him
to transmit the same, his excellency returned for answer,
that, under the impressions he felt of his official duty,
ahd of the oath he had taken, he did not consider him
self warranted to lay before the prince an address, pur
porting to- invest his royal highness with powers to take
upon him the government of that realm, before he should be
enabled by law sb to do, and therefore was obliged to de
cline transmitting their address to Great Britain. After
tlie answer was discussed in parliament, it was resolved
that, his excellency the lord lieutenant having thought pro
per to decline to transmit to his royal highness George
prince of Wales the address of both houses of parliament,
a conjpetent number of members should be appointed to
present the said address to his royal highness : the reso
lution was carried in both houses : the duke of" Leinster
and earl Charlemoht were appointed commissioners on
the part of the peers ; the right honourable Thomas Co-?
nolly, right honourable J. O'Neil, the right honourable
W. B. Ponsonby, and J. Stuart, esqrs. were appointed
commissioners oh the part of the commons. These gen
tlemen soon after departed, for' England, butthe auspicious
recovery of our king rendered their purpose unnecessary.
On the tenth of March, the commons having attend
ed at the bar of the house of lords, the chancellor inform
ed them that his majesty, not thinking fit to be- then pre-*
Vol. III. H h

242 HISTORY OF THE
chap, sent in his royal person, had caused a commission to be
y-^—. issued, authorizing the commissioners, who had been ap-
u-8j)i pointed by former letters patent, to hold the parliament, to
¦ open and declare certain farther causes for holding the same.
The commission being read, the chancellor addressing the
houses in .the name of the commissioners, acquainted
them that his majesty, being recoyered from his late severe
indisposition, and enabled to attend the public affairs of
his kingdom, had commanded him to convey his warmest
acknowledgments for the additional proofs which they
had given of their affectionate attachment to his. perspir,
and of their zealous concern for the honour and interests
of his crown, and the security and good government of his
dominions. Since the close ofthe last session, the king had
concluded a defensive alliance with Prussia, copies of which
would be laid before the house : his majesty's endeavours
were er* ployed, during the last summer, in conjunction
with his allies, in order to prevent, as much as possible,
the extension of hostilities in the north; and to mani
fest his desire of effecting a general pacification, no oppor
tunity would be neglected ori his part to promote this salu?
tary object; and, in the mean time, he had the satisfac
tion of receiving from all foreign courts continued assu
rances of their friendly disposition towards this country.
Addresses of congratulation and thanks were moved in
both houses, and unanimously voted : an address to the
queen was also proposed, and carried with the- same
unanimity.
fuYedif' S° Sreat was the joy which diffused itself through
through the metropolis and the nation, that for several days scarce-
on'Vhe're- ^ an? thin? was a"ended to, but expressions of delig)it
th°eh-rberofv-for.the rec-overy of their sovereign. Conscious as his
ed mo- ' subjects were of their affection and veneration for their king,
narch. - they had never known how dearly they loved his good
ness, how highly they prized his virtues, until grief for
his calamity, and the dread of its consequences, disclosi
to them the poignancy of their feelings. Confident af
our king was of being beloved and valued by his subjects,
yet occasion had not fully manifested to,him the force,
extent, and intenseness of their affections, until they had
exhibited themselves in universal delight that he was, as

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 243
it were; risen to them from the dead. .Perhaps the an- CHAP
nals of history do not record ti more sincere, tender and ^__.
general concern of subjects in the welfare of a sovereign, l7%a
than displayed themselves in the affliction, glopm,.ajad
despondency of- Britons, when his majesty's illness was
known, and before the probability of recovery was., de
clared, the anxious and eager hopes that sprang frora the
opinions of the physician most conversant in such mala
dies ; and the ardent expectation that arose, from the
reports of beginning convalescence; these sentiments in
creasing with the augmented probability of approaching
recovery, until the completion of the cure turned hope
and expectation into the strongest joy. Nor .^.were exter
nal testimonies wanting to correspond with the gladdened
feelings of the people : all ranks and all individuals vied
with each other in rejoicings ; invention was roused to de
vise emblems, expressive of the general sympathy; and
taste was employed in superadding. grace and decoration
to the efforts of genius which were employed to promote
and heighten the prevalent passion. Illuminations received
a new character, and in, addition to former mechanism,
exhibited fancy, ingenuity, and design. It was not a
mere blaze of light, but in many places light exhibiting a
happy resemblance, of the painter and sculpture's skill, and
in some even of the poet's.art.
His majesty was desirous of publicly testifying his His m»jes-
gratitude to the Supreme Being for the late signal inter* ^^a*,0
position of his benignant providence in removing the ill- to return
ngss with which he had been afflicted: with this view he
appointed a thanksgiving and resolved for the greater
.solemnity tp go to St., Pauls; cathedral, there to return
thanks to Almighty God for his merciful goodness: the
twenty-third of April was the day fixed for the purpose;
arid a more splendid exhibition has rarely met the public
eve. The .procession began with the commons, as repre
sentatives of the people. of Britain; at eight o'clock the
members set off in their carriages, followed by their
speaker in his state coach ; preceded by the masters in
chancery, and judges, next came the peers, the younger
baron first, and the lord chancellor in his state coach clos
ing this part of the procession : afterwards came the

244 HISTORY OF THE '
CHAP, princes, escorted by parties of horse guards. Their ma-;
^V jesties set out from the queen's palace soon after ten
1789 o'clock, in a coach drawn by eight cream coloured horses,1
followed' by their royal highnesses the princesses, and
proceeded along Pall Mall, and through the Strand, amid
the loyal acclamations of a prodigious concourse of peo
ple. At Temple-bar his majesty was met by the lord
mayor in a gown of crimson velvet, by the sheriffs in
their scarlet robes, and a deputation from the aldermen
and common councilmen, (being all on horseback) when
the > lord mayor surrendered the city sword to the king,
who having returned it to him, he carried it bareheaded be
fore the monarch to St. Pauls. His majesty, being come
to St. Pauls, was met at the west door by the peers, the
bishop of London, and the dean of St. Pauls (bisWp'of
Lincoln), and the canons residentiary. The sword of
state was carried before his majesty by the marquis of
Stafford into the choir, when the king and queen placed
themselves under a canopy of state, near the west end,
Opposite the altar. The peers had their seats in the area,
as a house of lords ; and the commons in the stalls.
Divine service* being finished, the procession returned in
the same order : the whole spectacle was extremely mag"^
nifieent, and, viewed in combination with its objects and
cause, was admirably calculated to strike every beholder
of feeling and reflection with mingled joy, gratitude, and
piety.
Festive re- Very splendid galas were given by many individuals
on the auspicious occasion : the most sumptuous and
magnificent was exhibited by the princess royal at Wind
sor; the whole disposition of the entertainment, but espe-'
cially the emblematical figures, did great honour to the
taste and ingenuity of its lovely and accomplished author;
dresses, of which the principal characteristic was uniform
* The prayers and litany were read and chanted by the minor canons:
the Te Deum and anthems composed for the occasion were sung by the choir,
who were placed in the organ loft, and were joined in the chorus, as also in the
psalms, by the charity children, in number about six thousatid, who were assem
bled there, previous to his majesty's arrival ; the communion service was read
by the dean and residenliaik-s, and the sermon preached by the lord bishop of
Loudon, from Psalm xxjii 16-" O, tarry thou the Lords leisure: lie strong,
and he shall comloit thine heart ; and put thou thy trust in the Lord." See
Annual Rcsibter,i?*9. Appendix tp Chronicle, p, 249.

joicings.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. ( 0<t5
MiTY, exhibiting gracefulness and loyalty, with, a beauti* chap
ful variety of finely fancied ornaments; exemplified XLl
Hutchinson's doctrine on the constituents of beauty.
The French and Spanish ambassadors also gave enter
tainments on the same auspicious occasion ; that which
was exhibited by the former, both in magnificence and
splendor, in beauty of decoration11 and ingenuity of device,
approached nearest to the princess's gala.
- Private and public congratulations occupied, with- Parlia-
out interruption, the first week after the reestablishment pToS;.
of our sovereign's health was announced ; and it was the iuSa;
middle' of the second before parliamentary business was
resumed. On the eighteenth of March a plan, formed
by the master general of the ordnance, for. fortifying the
West India islands, was submitted to the house of com
mons ; and after undergoing considerable discussion, on
the same grounds as that of the former year, was adopted.
A tax imposed on shops some years before, at the instance
of Mr. Pitt, and assessing them in proportion to the rent
of the dwellinghouse of which they made a part, had
been found to fall heavily on the metropolis and other
great commercial towns, where the rents of houses are
necessarily high. It had been intended by legislature,
> tfeat the tax should fall ultimately upon the customers ;
but shopkeepers alleged this object to be impracticable :
they represented it as partial and oppressive, and Mr. Fox
had repeatedly on these grounds applied for a repeal.
This year he renewed his motion, and the house, without
admitting the grievance to the alleged extent, yet wishing
to* satisfy so numerous and useful a body, consented to
adopt the motion ; and a bill for the purpose was intro
duced, and passed both houses unanimously.
On the eighth of May Mr. Beaufoy again moved for anepnHC*tion
the repeal of the test and corporation act, which he sup- for the re
ported by the same arguments that he had used two years test and
before; and was also opposed on grounds that had been «on>orat,on
b This entertainment was given in a very large and magnificent house,
which the ahibassador occupied in Portman square Among the devices was
the following : on each side of the grand saloon was a transparent painting ,- that
ongthe right of her majestv representing the genius of If ranee congratulating
the genius of Kngland on the recovery of the kiug, au excellent likeness of
whom the goddess ef health held in her hand.

246

HISTORY OF THE

1789.

CHAP, formerly employed ; and his motion was rejected by a
XLI' majority of one hundred and twenty-two to one hundred
arid two. One of the principal objections to the desired
repeal was, that, certaini classes of dissenters not only
maintained principles contrary to the fundamental tenets
of our faith, but declared intentions inimical to our estab
lishment: there were other bodies of dissenters that- dif
fered from the church of England mer ely.respecting
forms : it was thought by many who belonged to neither,
that if the sectaries of the latter kind had drawn a strong
line between themselves and the sectaries of the former,
they more readily might- have experienced the indulgence
of legislature. The first of these classes might be com
promised under the general name of calvinists or presby-
terians ; they branched in a great measure from the
church of Scotland, were orthodox in all the essential
articles of our religion, and well affected to our constitu
tional establishment: the second maybe comprehended
under the general term of unitarians or socinians, hetero
dox in their opinions concerning the trinity, the divinity
of Christ, the necessity of an atonement, and other im
portant articles of christian belief: they were, besides,
inimical to our ecclesiastical establishment, and many of
them by no means friendly to our political constitution:
here was a very important difference ; but there, were
reasons which prevented the calvinistical dissenters from
exhibiting the distinction between themselves and the uni
tarians. ,If the presbyterians had the constitutional prin
ciples, the unitarians in their number comprehended; the
abler men : the great talents and learning of Drs», Price
and Priestley had diffused their respective sentiments
through man)' ingenious young men, not only, originally
of their own cast, but others bred in the strictness of
presbyterlan orthodoxy. It was, indeed, natural, for
young nonconformists, who were either really able, or
aspired at the reputation of liteniry talents, to follow the
admired genius pf the heresiarchs, rather than associate
with the less splendid, though more useful, teachers of
the orthodox dissenters. The presbyterians possessed
many respectable and some eminent preachers, well fitted
of a clergyman to afford religious

REIGN OF GEORGE III. „ -
and moral instruction to a congregation ;c but they had no chap.
Price or Priestley fitted to form great political plans, Or XLl;
execute great political undertakings : they did not possess K*r^~*~/
the literary activity which,» by circulating arguments in
favour ofthe dissenters, through periodical works, tended
to, render their cause popular. From the general mass of
sectarian literature and exertions, they expected- they, in
common with the rest, would ultimately obtain their
wish : separated from such coadjutors, their efforts,
they knew, must be comparatively feeble, and, therefore,
concluded would be unavailing : they never tried the
experiment. A few days after this motion, lord Stanhope proposed Proposed
a bill" for relieving members of the church of England Eo^jjjf
"from sundry penalties and disabilities, to which by the formisti
" laws now in force they were liable, and for extending naUaws^
"freedom in matters of religion to all persons (papists
" only excepted), and for other purposes therein mention-
" ed." He presented to their lordships a sketch of all
the penal laws enacted upon religion, sorcery, and various
other subjects : he insisted that it was both unjust and
disgraceful to suffer these to remain amongst our statutes :
he proposed, therefore, that they should be repealed ; that
all persons (papists expected on account of their dnnger-
ous and persecuting principles) should possess the free
exercise of their faithy and by speaking, writing, and pub
lishing, be permitted to investigate theological subjects;
by preaching and teaching to instruct persons in the duties
of religion, in such manner as they should judge the most
conducive to promote virtue, the happiness of society, and
the eternal felicity of mankind. The bill was strongly is opposed
opposed by the bishops^ as tending to svveep away all or- ^j,**
der and subordination in religion, and to substitute fana-.
ticism ; to unloose the bonds of society, and, under pretence
of establishing religious liberty, tp open' the door to every
species of licentiousness, neglect, and even contempt of
Christianity. Dr. Horsely admitted the absurdity of some
~c Except Drs. Price and Priestley, I do not at present recollect among the
socinian and republican schismatics any persons of transcendent genius and pro
found erudition, who could with justice be affirmed to surpass Drs Fordyee
and Hunter, and "ther presbyterians wild are still alive.

248

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLI.

1789.

and reject-
ed.Slave
trade.

Mr. Wil-
berforce's
motion for
the aboli
tion.

of the penal laws, and their total inapplicability to the
present circumstances of society: but he objected to the
bill, as he thought it would tear up the church of England
from the root; and as the destruction of an ally must
necessarily affect the interest and existence of the princir
pal, it would tend to destroy the very being of the English
constitution: the bill was rejected at the second reading^
, By a yote ofthe last session, the consideration of the
slave trade having been postponed to the present, the com
mons intended to have resumed it early, but the unforeseen
business which occupied the attention of parliament ¦from
November to March, rendered it impossible to take it into
consideration, until the season was too far advanced for
fully discussing such an extensive and complicated subject.
The privy council had persevered in investigating the facts;
from them a large and elaborate report was presented to
the house, and several petitions, both for and against the
proposed abolition of the slave trade, were submitted to
their consideration. On the twelfth of May, Mr.>#Vilber-
force introduced a set of resolutions, amounting to twelve,
which he deduced from the report of the privy council.
Africa (be said in his prefatory speech) was a country
divided under many kings, governments, and laws: a
great portion of that region was subjected to tyrannical
dominion ; men were considered merely as goods and
property, and articles of sale and plunder like' any other
mercantile wares. The kings and princes had been pur
posely inspired with a fondness for our commodities : they
waged war on each other, and ravaged their own country^
in order to procure thereby the captivity and disposal of
their countrymen ; and in their courts of law many poor
wretches, though innocent, were condemned to servitude."
To obtain a sufficient number of slaves, thousands were
kidnapped and torn from their families and their, country,
and sentenced to misery. ' All these assertions (he said)

d Lord Stanhope, replying to the bishops, said, that if the reverend bench
would not suffer him to load away their rubbish bv cartfnlls, he woulif Endeavour
to carry it off in wheelbarrows ;' and it that mode should, he resisted, he would
take it away with a spade. Having soon ail er some con versatibn respecting the
exaction of tithes from qnakers, in which he differed from the chancellor, lortt
Stanhope snidi I shall teach the noble and learned lord law, as I have tliisd^v
taught the bench of bishops religion. See Parliamentary Debates'.

reign Of George hi. 24S
were vfefified fay every history of Africa, and now con- CHAP*
firmed by the report of the privy council; He considered >J^L.
the subject, first, as a question of humanity ; and secondly, l7$9.
of policy. From the evidence before the council it ap*-
peafed, that the number of slaves carried away frotn Africa,
on an average of four years, amounted to thirty-eight
thousand annually : of these by far the greater part was
brought from the inland country, and at a great distance
from the coasts. According to the information that had
be^en received, the persons purchased for slaves consisted
chiefly of four classes: first, 'prisoners taken in war:
secondly, persons seized for debt, or on account of real or
imputed crimes, particularly adultery and witchcraft, in
which cases the whole families of the captives were fre
quently vended for the profit of those by whom they were
condemned : thirdly, domestic slaves sold for the emolu
ment of their masters, at the will of their owner, and in
sOme places on being condemned by them for real or
imputed crimes : fourthly, persons made slaves by various
acts of oppression, Violence, or fraud, committed either by
the princes add chiefs of those countries on their subjects^
or private individuals on each other; or by Europeans
engaged in this traffic. The trade carried on for the pur
pose of slaves had a necessary tendency to cause frequent
and cruel wars among the nations; to produce unjust
convictions and aggravated punishments for pretended
crimes ; to encourage acts of oppression, violence, and
fraud; and to obstruct the natural course of civilization
and improvement in those countries. He considered the
siibject next on the ground of policy : the continent of
Africa furnished several valuable articles peculiar to that
quarter of the globe, and highly important to the trade
arid manufactures of this kingdom. For the slave trade,
there might be substituted an extensive commerce, which
would equal the profits of that traffic, and would probably
increase With the civilization and improvement that Would
proceed from the abolition bf such a barbarous and depopu
lating merchandise. The infectious distempers arising
from the confinement of the negroes rendered the slave
trade more destructive to British seamen, than other kinds
df commerce on the same coasts, or ia equally torrid
V06. III. I i

250

HISTORY OF THE

1789.,

CHAP, latitudes. The mode of conveying blacks fronr Africa,
^J^_ necessarily exposed them to many grievous sufferings,
~~ which no regulation could prevent : on their passage, and
in the West Indies, before they were sold, great numbers
perished, and proportionably diminished the value of the
cargo : diseases prevailed with peculiar severity among
negroes newly imported, and the number of deaths far
exceeded the usual mortality of natives. The natural
increase of population among negroes in our plantations
was impeded by the inequality of the sexes in the importa
tions from Africa ; the general dissoluteness of manners,
and the want of proper regulations for the encouragement
of marriages, obstructed the nourishment of healthy chil
dren ; hence, he concluded, that if we obviated the causes
which had hitherto obstructed the natural increase of
negroes in the West Jndies, and established regulations
respecting their food, health, and labour, without dimin
ishing the profits of the planter, no inconsiderable or
permanent inconvenience would result from discontinu
ing the farther importation of African slaves. All impar
tial hearers, or readers capable of comprehending and
appreciating Mr. Wilberforce's view of the slave-trade,
whatever their opinions might be concerning the evidence
on which he grounded his reasoning, agreed iri esteeming
the present speech and propositions the ablest, fullest, and
most masterly exhibition of the reasons for abolishing the
traffic, that had been presented on that important subject.
The ques- The defenders of the traffic did not then enter minutely
tion is post- ;nt0 tnje qiuestion, but confining themselves to some general
poned to . , . , ? ., , , ? 11 ,
the follow- animadversions, postponed a detailed answer to the follow
ing session. -m^ sess;on . to which period it was settled that farther
consideration should be deferred : meanwhile^; the bill
brought in by sir William Dolben for regulatings *he
transportation of slaves from Africa to the West.I^^
islands, was by another act continued and amended, -r*^"'
In the beginning of June, lord Sidney resigned! the
office of secretary of state for the home department, and
Mr. Grenville was appointed to supply his place;" The
speakers chair being thus vacant, Mr. Henry Addingtdn,
member for Berkshire, was proposed for that office by$fte
friends of the ministers, and sir Gilbert Elliot by oppo-

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 2jj
sition : the election was carried in favour of Mr. Adding- CHAP.
ton, by a majority of two hundred and fifteen to one ^J^L,
hundred and forty-two. On the eleventh of, June, Mr. 1780.
Pitt opened to the house his financial scheme; for the year : Mr- 9vea'
.1 -1,1 , T1"S 18
tne permanent income declared necessary by the commit- appointed
tee of 1786 to defray the annual demands, was 15,500,0001* ; rf^te?
for the last two years the income had exceeded that sum an(i ^r-
'78,0001., but the expenses ofthe preceding year, the succeeds"
armament, the discharge of the prince of Wales's debts, ^'™ ^
the sums bestowed on the loyalists, and other unforeseen
contingencies, had greatly exceeded the usual peace estab
lishment : from these causes the total amount of the sup- Financial
plies required for'the current year amounted to 5,730,0001., "cheme"
besides the annual renewal of exchequer bills : the minis
ter informed the' house, that to provide this supply, in
addition to the usual resources, a loan for a million, would a lorn is
rbe necessary : this sum he proposed to borrow on a ton- reinirad
, • , 7 , ... (according
tine, by which means the incumbrance would m time, be to the mi-
removed without any permanent augmentation of the pub- f^a
lie debt. As the necessity of the loan arose, not from a temporaty
, defalcation of income, but from temporary increase; of
expenditure, the minister contended, that no fair argument
jjEBuld be adduced from it, tending to discredit accounts
,.*hat our finances were flourishing, or to diminish the
probability of reducing the national incumbrances. To
pay the interest of four and a half per cent, for the sum
now borrowed, and also to supply the deficiency of 56,0001.
incurred by the repeal of the shop tax, Mr. Pitt stated,
that new taxes would be wanted to the amount of 100,0001.;
for thisspUrpose he proposed to add one halfpenny to the
stamp duties on every newspaper, and. six-pence additional
on each advertisement ; fresh duties also upon cards and
- dice, upon probates of wills, and upon horses and carriages.
The mp-enuitv of Mr. Sheridan endeavoured to establish Mr. Shecfc
,„,,.• . . . r i i i dan di«-
the following propositions : that, tor the three last years, pates hu
#.«he expenditure has exceeded the income two millioijs, <": '
arid may be expected to do so for three years to come :
-that no progress has hitherto been made in the reduction
'j»{ the public debt : that there is no ground for rational
expectation that any progress can he made without a conr

tions

232 HlSTqRY OF THE
chap, siderable increase of the annual income, or reductioW of
the expenses. ' , Tlie committee had declared upon a comr

1789, parison between the income and expenditure, that the for
mer , would, be adequate tp the latter without a loan : a
loan, had, how.ever, taken place. The committee had
declared, tbat the annual income would amount tp a spe
cific sum ; h.ut on an average of three years there had been*
a- deficiency; that the expenditure exceeded the" income*
he endeavoured to prove from calculating probabilities^
. instead of detailing items ; and adopted the same hypof
thetical mode pf argument to support his other1 positions;*
In stating both income and expenditure, he took into the'
accpint on, the one hand the year 1786 of diminished pro
ductiveness, from a temporary cause, the reduction- of
duties, in consequence of a commercial treaty, that so soon
compensated this diminution of receipt : on the other the
year of 1788, a period of expenditure beyond the usual
demands in time of peace ; and thus endeavoured to make
subjects specially circumstanced^ the foundation ofagener
rai average. Mr. Grenville, from plain factp and authetiT1
tic documents, detected, and clearly exposed the sophistw
calrreasopin.g of extraordinary genius, exercised' in forming
an hypothesis inimical to political adversaries/
Biliforsub- To increase the revenue by the farther prevention of
leacco6to0a'n fr*uds' Mr" Pitt proposed a bill for transferring the duties
excise. on tobacco from the custotns tp the excise : tobacco, being
a commodity of general consumption, might be rendered
a productive source of revenue, but under the present
regulations and duties was an article of smuggling*, and
indeed the principal subject of contraband trade, since the
late, act concerning tea, wines, and spirits. It appeared 6d
inquiry and investigation, that one half of the tobricMk
consumed in the kingdom was smuggled, and that th?
revenue was defrauded by this means to the amount' of
nearly 3QQ,QQOl^ Tp remedy this evil the most effectull
means wouljL.be to, subject the greater part of the duty on
tobacco to the survey of excise ; the peculiar benefit of

e See Parliamentary Debates, June II, 171J9;
f See Parliamentary Debates, June 11, 1789k'

REIGS; OF GEORGE UI. 253
this change in the mode of collection, as a detail of the chap.
proceeds proved, had been yery clearly exemplified in the ^J^^,
article of wine ; the manufacturers would no doubt make 17g9.
obj^jpns jtQ5 the present proposition, as dealers in wine
had^done resjaecting the change in the duties Upon their
m^^pdise : but though they were to be heard with
candour, assertions affecting their own interests were to be
•criutinjzed with strictness, and to be no farther admitted
than jjhjey were supported with collateral proof. While the
hjll a^ecting their commodity was pending, dealers in wine
had#jsert^d confidently, that, under the restrictions, they
could not carry on their trade: the house at that time
thought their reasoning insufficient, and tried the expert
ment; the result had been, that the trade had increased
to an astonishing degree. The plan was controverted on
general and special ground; by exposing British subjects
to summary inspection and summary trials, the extension.
pjF. the, excise laws was inconsistent with the principles of
the con|titutipn : there was a peculiar hardship in subject
ing this manufacture to the excise, arid the total loss of
tjhe trade itself would probably be the consequence : the
T^iations in. the weight of tobacco, during the process of
its manufacture, were so inconceivably great, and at the
sajne time sp uncertain, that it would be impossible for the
ojfipers of ,tjbe excise to take any account of stock, which
Dojght not subject the retailer, on the one hand, to a
ruinous .excess of duty, or pn the other, to fines and for-
|gi$ures equally pernicious : there were, moreover, valuable
secrets possessed by manufacturers pf tobacco and snuff;8
l^ese ^ypuld be inevitably exposed to the discovery of
l^^men, among whom there might be persons capable PopulaP
jjf profiting by such an opportunity. A loud clamour was clamour
^hoe4 through the country against the extension of the
jgxeise, as an unconstitutional and oppressive measure, and
a,n iuij|action of British liberty; but such trite declamation
did , not influence legislature. The bill, in its passage it is passed
through itjhe. houses, underwent various modifications j int0 a law*
.after which it received the royal assent.
g Some of these, it was affirmed, had ljeen purchased at upwards of 10,0001.

25-4 HISTORY OF THE

chap. On the first of July Mr- Dundas presented to. the
^^-v^^ house a statement of Indian finance : from this accountit
1789. appeared^ that the annual revenues, after defraying the
Progres- expense of the different settlements, amounted to 1 ,848,0QpI.
sive pros- r. ,. ' ;. ' , ' , ,
verity of that the interest of the debt was 480,7001, and the princi-
edtyMr. Pal 7,604,,6o6\. ; the excess of the revenue beyond^ the
Djindae. interest was 1,367,3001. to be applied to the liquidation of
their debt. A petition was soon after presented from^he
company, praying that they might be permitted tq add one
million to their capital stock. This application was sup
ported by Mr. Dundas, who affirmed that, upon a suppoT
sition ofthe final extinction of their charter in 1794, their
effects in Europe would overbalance their debts; by the sum
of 350,0001. ; and that with respect to their debts in India,
they would go along with the territory, and.be very
readily undertaken by those into whosespev/y^ hands ,the
ppssession of that territory might come. A bill tp enable
the company to carry the prayer of their petition, into effect
was brought in, and passed through both houses with little
opposition.
g. . The trial of Mr. Hastings proceeded very slowly; it
eress ot'' was the twentieth of April before the court Was resumed,
ings's trial. anc* a charge was then Opened by Mr. Burke, relative to
the corrupt receipt of money. In the qpurse of this. accu
sation, having occasion to mention Nundcomar, Mr. Burke
said, that Mr. Hastings had murdered Nundcomar by the
hands of sir Elijah Impey. As the proceedings concerning
this rajah made no part of the charges which the managers
Were appointed to conduct against Mr. Hastings, the
defendant petitioned the house eitiier to bring forwardjand
prosecute the allegation in a specific article, or to restrains,
their manager from assertions totally irrelevant to tl%
business intrusted to the prosecutors, A proposition^!
censure was moved against Mr. Burke, as having exceeded
the authority vested in him by the commons, and employed
words which ought not to have been used. The motion
occasioned a warm debate, in which the supporters of Mr.,
Burke contended, that the complaint was made for the-
purpose of disgusting the managers with the office which'
they had undertaken; that if admitted i't would so narroiv

REIGN OF GEORGE IU> 255
their ground of procedure as to defeat the purposes of CHAP.
justice. Those who thought his expressions blamable, XLL
insisted that in no criminal process could the imputation 1789i
of a crime not prosecuted, and consequently by the law
presumed not to exist, tend to the attainment of justice.
The matter ofthe charges Was definite : to them only was
the accuser to speak, and to them only could the defendant
answer : an assertion of extraneous guilt without an oppor
tunity of denial, tended to produce an unfavourable
impression that might affect the opinion pf some judges on
the real matter of the charges. The proposed motion^
introduced by the marquis of Graharri, Was carried by a
rnajority'of one hundred and thirty-five. The proceedings
res|»ecting Mr. Hastings underwent very virulent invec
tives "in periodical journals : one of these had the hardihood
tO%ssert, that " the trial of Mr. Hastings was to be put
" off to another session, unless the- house of ' lords had
"spirit enough to put an end to so shameful a business 1'°
This paragraph being complained of in the house j it was
Unanimously agreed the attorney general should be directed
to prosecute the printer.0 A bill was this year introduced
into parliament to establish a perpetual anniversary thanks
giving to Almighty God, for having' by the glorious revo
lution delivered this nation from arbitrary power, and to
commemorate annually the confirmation of the people's
rights. After passing the house of commons it was
rejected by the lords, on the ground of being unnecessary,
as the service of the fifth of November had beeri altered
for the express purpose of cbrrimemorating that glorious
event. '""On- the eleventh of August ended the longest session
which the history has hitherto recorded, after having con- .
tinued almost nine months without interruption. The
chancellor, by his majesty's command, prorogued the

*¦ h In the course of the conversation to which: this motion ggye rise, Mr.
Burke read from one of the public prints a curious paper, purporting to be a
till of charges made by the editor upon major Ssott, tor sundry articles inserted
inhthe paper on his account. -They chiefly consisted of speeches, letters, and
¦paragraphs composed by him ; and amongst the rest was flits singular article :
For Mucking the veracity of Mr. Bitrhe', 3s. 6dl

g56 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, houses, and delivered a short speech containing his
i^rv_^ majesty's thanks for the attention manifested to public
1789. business, and the supplies which were granted : though
the good offices of his majesty and his allies had not
hitherto been effectual for restoring the general tran-
quillity , yet the farther extension of hostilities had been
prevented, and the situation of affairs abroad promised
to. this country the uninterrupted enjoyment of peace.

REIGN OF GEORGE UI.

CHAP. XLII.

357

CSritinental affairs.— The year 1789 eventful to the civili
zed zvorld. — Change in the relative policy of France ahd
Austria. — Profound policy of Kaunitz in the treaty of
Austria zvith France. — Imperial confederacy — produces
the defensive alliance of Britain, Holland, and Prussia.— —
State of the belligerent powers. — Character of the sul
tan.— His death. — Succeeded by Selim.' — Change of coun
sel, and effects on military operations. — Successes of the
Russians and Austrians. — They respectively capture
Bender and Belgrade. — Ottoman empire in danger. —
•Sweden. — Distresses of Gustavus.— ^Efforts of his geni
us and courage for extrication.-— Miners of Dalecarlia. —
T-he Danes invade Sweden: — British policy induces the
Danes to retreat. — Gustavus suppresses mutiny and fac
tion.— He confirms his popularity. — He directs his whole
energies against Russia. — Military and naval campaign
between Sweden and Russia. — Commotions in the Ne
therlands. — State and constitution of these provinces.— —
Joseph's violent desire of change under the name of re
form. — Innovations in the ecclesiastical establishment.^—
Suppression of religious orders,— and confiscation of their
property.— -Suppression of ancient, venerated, and bene
ficial customs. — -Change of judicial forms and proceed
ings. — Arbitrary system introduced. — Subversion of the
established legislature. — Progress of despotism tramp
ling liberty and franchises. — Joseph considers his Flem
ish subjects merely as sources of revenue. — Remonstran
ces of the Nether landers. — Meeting ofthe States. — Depu
ties are sent to Vienna. — Joseph pretends to grant their
requests. — Sends general Dalton to the Netherlands. —
Despotic conduct of that officer. — Effects of his tyran
ny, — Farther cruelty and robbery by Joseph.— The
Flemmings resolve on forcible resistance. — Declaration
of rights.— -The patriots defeat the Austrian troops.—
They form themselves into a federal republic.
Vei.. III. Kk

258 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. THE summer of 1789 teemed with events of
^^1. greater importance to the civilized world, than any which
,789 are recorded in modern history. Causes that had long
1789 event- secretly operated and gradually increased in force, now
fill to the •<- , , , . , , /r
civilized manifested themselves in the most stupendous effects.
world- Before, however, the history proceeds to the principal
transaction which will render the year 1789 for ever
memorable, it is proper to carry the narrative to other
subjects- that may illustrate the collateral and relative state
of other countries at the time in which a system commen
ced, that changed not only the policy but the opinion, sen
timents, and character of continental Europe. « ,
Changes in During the last thirty years a very important altera
tive policy tion had taken place in the political relations of the conti-
andAus-6 nent# Through a great part of the sixteenth century, and
tria. the whole of the seventeenth, the wars which agitated, the
christian world arose chiefly from the contending ambition
of France and of Austria. At the accession of the house
of Bourbon, both the royal and imperial princes of Aus
tria had begun to decline from that power which the fami
ly had possessed under one head. The infatuated bigotry
pf Philip undid much of what the skilful policy of Charles
had done : nevertheless, the dynasty, in the dominions of
both the sovereigns retained a power very formidable- to
their neighbours. To impair the strength of the house of
Austria was the principal object of Henry IV. in his
foreign politics. His successors, as we have seen* through
out the seventeenth century, pursued this policy, and with
such efficacy as to render the French monarchy far supe
rior to the combined dominions of the two Austrian
branches. In the successive wars of Lewis the XIII. and
XIV. against Spain and Austrian Germany, France made
large acquisitions ; and that war, which was more fatal
to her than any which she had encountered in modern
times, secured to her princes the kingdom and dominions
of Spain. This was the most disastrous blow which 1
France ever gave to the house of Austria, and appeared]
to threaten her rapid humiliation. But, the maritime
ambition of France having driven her to pernicious con-
i See the introduction to this history. ;.;.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 259
tests witii England, arrested the progress of her continen- CHAP.
tal advantages :k she required a long interval of peace after XLl1"
the death of Lewis XIV. to recruit her strength ; and iT8<)
at the demise of the emperor Charles VI. she was recov
ered from her losses, and sufficiently potent to annoy her
neighbours. A new cooperator now arose against the
house of Austria ; the king of. Prussia on the one side
aggrandized himself at the expense of Maria Theresa,
while France pressed her on the other ; and at the peace
of Aix-la-Chapelle the empress queen found her heredi
tary dominions curtailed, and her strength impaired. For
a century and a half Austria had been progressively los
ing ; her maritime ally had been uniformly victorious : but
the naval triumphs of Britain had not averted disaster
from Austria. Such was the general series of policy and Profound
events when Kaunitz came to be the minister of the empress P°ll<Jy of .
queen. The penetrating and comprehensive genius of the (reaty
that -celebrated statesman saw, that in the whole result of wj,h
contention Austria was really not a match for France : *"rance-
and -that if she persisted in enmity to that kingdom, she
not only would be totally unable to recover her losses, but
must incur greater. He conceived a design which, he
trusted, would restore the splendor of Austria, and might
permit France to embark in projects that he knew to be
agreeable to her inclinations, but was convinced would re
duce her resources, and leave to her less strength for con
tinental advancement.1 Hence arose the treaty of 1756
with France, which suffered Austria, instead of acting on
the defensive, to resume her offensive ambition ; and though
her projects were defeated for the time by the genius and
heroism of Frederic, yet her means of influence and ag
grandizement were essentially increased by her amity with
¦France. The want of a continental rival encouraged
France to direct her principal efforts to a favourite object,
that she never could nor can obtain : she hoped to over
power the naval strength of the mistress of the ocean :
failed in the extravagant and impracticable attempts, and
k Tlie impolicy of the French contests with England is placed in a very
striking light by Soulavie, a -writer now at the. court of Bonaparte. See his me
moirs of Lewis XVI. passim.
1 See-Soulayie's Memoirs of Lewis XVI. vol. 111. chap. vm.

269

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLII. 1789.

Imperial confedera cy

wasted at sea that strength which might have made her
irresistible by land; and thus the diminution of the resour
ces and power of Franee was, as Kaunitz foresaw,1" the
consequence of her connexion with her ancient rival, while
Austria by the exhaustion of her neighbour was able to avail
herself of the plundering projects of Russia and Prussia ;
and the dismemberment of Poland was evidently one fruit of
Kaunitz's scheme. By the American war France was so
much enfeebled, as in a great degree to have lost her for
mer efficiency on the continent of Europe. The ancient
opponent «of Austrian ambition having thus discontinued
her efforts, Joseph now hoped by his cooperation with the
other principal potentate of the continent, that he would
share the spoils of the Turkish empire, strip Prussia,; of
her late acquisitions, extend the Austrian influence in
Germany, and raise his family to an extent of dominion
and splendor unparalleled since Charles V. In this expect
tation he had commenced the war, and notwithstanding
the untoward events of the preceding campaign, he still
trusted that he would ultimately succeed in his projects
of lawless spoliation. The principle of British interfer
ence in continental, politics was uniform: to prevent any
other potentate from acquiring such an accession of pow
er as might endanger the independence of Europe,, and
the security of these realms. The application of this
principle led the English cabinet to inspirit measures of
defence against the imperial aggressors; and in such cir
cumstances to combine with Prussia, which was the most
interested, disposed, and able to repel the ambitious con
federacy. Frederic William very readily assented ; thence
arose the defensive alliance whose political counsels and
efforts directed and invigorated the military preparations of
the nations that were at war with Austria and Russia;: but
the ignorance and barbarity of one of the belligerent main-
' tainers of national independence, prevented her from
steadily following the advice of British wisdom.
gtate ofthe We left the emperor returned to Vienna, with disap-
bei'igerti.t pointment and disgust, because a war contrarr to justice
and policy had produced disaster and disgrace ; Russia

producesdefensivealliance of
Britain, Holla ml,
andPrussia.

powers-

m See $<m]&\ie passim.

HEIGN OF GEORGE HI.

26*

profiting by, his efforts, in employing so great a part of CHAP.
the strength of her enemy, and enabled to make a power- XLI1'
ful impression on the Turkish dominions. Notwithstand- 1789
ing the loss of Oczakow, the campaign of 1788 had been
on the whole favourable to the Ottomans : the advantages
on the Danube compensated the loss upon the Niester.
The ability ofthe vizier had invigorated and formed his
tropps, restored the military character of the Ottomans,
and displayed itself in policy as well as in war : but the
talents and virtues of this minister were misrepresented
by envy, and misapprehended by ignorance : conduct, not
only wise but necessary, was imputed to weakness and
pusillanimity. One man, however, at court was able to Character
i_'- i • , , . .r- .. , ¦ ofthe sul-
appreciate his merit ; this was the sultan himself, Abdul- tan.
hamet, a prince of a very different character from those
who usually filled the Turkish throne : far from, the gross
ignorance that commonly marked the Ottoman despots, he
was distinguished for intelligence and information : instead
of ferocity, cruelty, and barbarity, leading features in his
character were humanity and beneficence : he was conver
sant in the languages and sciences of several christian
countries : he spoke the Italian, Spanish, and French
tongues with considerable fluency, and understood them all
perfectly ; he delighted greatly in perusing European
hooks, and conversing with European men ; and his fa
vourite subjects of discourse and study were history and
politics. Such abilities, acquirements, and dispositions,
were not the most favourable to admiration, of either the
gloomy superstition or savage despotism of his empire.
As a prudent sovereign, he scrupulously adhered to the
established forms of his country's religion;, but by per
sons who were well acquainted with his acuteness, he was
conjectured not to be without a perception of its absurdi
ties : he saw and deeply lamented the dreadful vices of
the Turkish government and institutions, but knew -them
to be so intervoven with the sentiments, opinions," and
characters of mussulmen, that any attempt to effect a re
form would, be unavailing, until the people themselves
should undergo a complete revolution ; what he could not
¦i Annual Register, 1789.

262

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, correct in principle, he endeavoured to moderate in prac-
s^^rLJ tice ; to improve his subjects, and to prepare them gradu-
1789. auy f°r beneficial change, he encouraged industry and the
arts, agriculture, commerce, and manufactures. He ab
horred the janizaries, as a body of men insolent and
oppressive to his subjects, and dangerous to himself; and.
had projected the formation of a regular army on the
European model? which might have afforded the means of
internal tranquillity and of defence from foreign attack,
without enslaving the people and endangering the sove
reign.. In his grand vizier he found a very able counsel
lor and coadjutor : when that officer returned from the
army to the capital, a violent faction having sought his
destruction, the sultan ordered him to be arrested, not
with a view to inflict summary punishment, according to
the usual mode of the Turkish emperors, but to make him
stand a fair and impartial trial : the result was an honour
able acquittal ; soon after which he returned to the army
His death, to make dispositions for the approaching campaign. Ott
the seventeenth of April; 1789, the Turkish empire expe
rienced a misfortune, productive in its consequences of
the greatest calamities and humiliation ; Abdulhamet be*
ing suddenly seized with a fit in the street, dropped down,
Succeeded and after languishing a few hours expired. He was sue-
by Selim. ceeded by his nephew Selim, of whom great hopes had
been entertained, as he was educated under the eye and
direction of his excellent uncle : but the first act of his
reign by no means confirmed the expectations in his favour;
the most tyrannical rapacity manifested itself in his con
duct : its first victim was Jussu Pacha, the illustrious
grand vizier ; this minister possessing wealth to the amount
of about a million sterling, was seized at the head of the-
grand.army, conveyed prisoner to Constantinople, senten
ced to banishment and the forfeiture of his treasures : on
his way to his place of exile he was murdered, his head
was brought in triumph to the sultan, and by his orders
hung up to grace the gates of the seraglio. Confiscation
and execution were the daily acts of the young despot;
every wise measure of his uncle was changed, and, except
the grand admiral, every able officer and wise counsellor
- was displaced : the Turkish empire rising to ancient glory

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 2§3
under the wisdom and virtue of one ruler, was, by the CHAP.
vice and folly of another, soon precipitated to a lower ^^-y^.
abyss of disgrace and disaster than it had ever experien- 17gn.
ced. 'The bashaw of Widin was appointed grand vizier, changeof
and soon showed how totally unqualified he was to supply couns<jis
the place of his predecessor. As the preceding campaign on military
had been successful against the emperor, and unsuccessful °Peratlona~
against the Russians, the late vizier had proposed for the
present campaign an offensive war against the Austrians,
to improve the advantages already obtained, and a defen
sive warfare against the Russians, to prevent their farther
progress : the young sultan and his minister to show that
they would be governed entirely by their own counsels,
reversed the plans of their predecessors, and by a most pre
posterous policy, determined to attack the conquerors, and
defend themselves against the vanquished ;° and on this
scheme they concerted their operations. The grand vizier
promised to retrieve Oczakow, and marched northward
for that purpose : the Russians, under general Kamenskoi,
being placed on the borders of Bessarabia, not Only pro
tected Oczakow, but endangered Bender : the grand Rus
sian army, under the princes Potemkin and Repnin, was
stationed between the Bog and the Neister, to cover their
late conquest and make farther advances. A plan of much
better concert was this year contrived and executed be
tween the Austrians and Russians, than in the former : the Successes
emperor prepared as before, four armies ;*his own health °;ansea,idus"
did not admit of his taking the command in person, but Austrians.
he prevailed on old marshal Haddick to head his grand
army, which was destined to act in the neighbourhood of
Belgrade. The troops next in force, the scene of whose
exertions was to be the northwest frontiers of Turkey
near Croatia and the river Save, he placed under marshal
Loudon : the prince of Saxe Coburg took the lead on the
side of Moldavia, and cooperated with the Russian gen
eral Suwarrow ; between him and the grand Austrian
army the prince Hohenloe commanded on the frontiers of
Wallachia to carry on a war of posts and skirmishes, and
to act in concert with either the forces to his right or left,
o See Annual Register,'1789, chap.vii.

1789.

264 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, as occasion might require ; thus, from Oczakow to Dal-
-«XLH- matia, from the northern extremity of the Euxine to the
1 Adriatic, a line of armies extended along the whole fron
tier of Turkey, amounting to three hundred thousand
brave men, well disciplined, commanded by skilful gene
rals, and so stationed as to act with the most perfect con-
cert. Against such a confederacy of force and skill had
the Turks to contend ; by wickedness and infatuation,
deprived of the leaders and counsellors who could have
best directed their efforts. The prince of Saxe Coburjg
first retrieved the honour of the Austrian arms in this
war : a Turkish seraskier, at the head of an army of thir
ty thousand men, being encamped near Focksan, a fortified
town in Wallachia, the prince of Coburg, with a much
inferior force, attacked him in his camp, and gained a
complete victory ; the seraskier himself, with a number of
his principal officers were taken prisoners ; above five
thousand of his men were killed or captured ; the whole
army was dispersed and ruined, while the artillery and
spoils of the camp, with the town of Focksan, fell into
the hands of the conquerors. In Bessarabia the Turks
engaged in a number of small and desultory battles, in
which they were generally defeated. The vizier seeing
no hopes of making good his -boast respecting Oczakow,
in the month of August, with the grand Turkish army,
took a western direction, and came to the heart of Wal
lachia. The prince of Saxe Coburg and marshal Suwar
row, having marched southwards with an army consisting
of near thirty thousand men, attacked the Turkish "host,
that amounted to ninety thousand, near Martineste, and
with little difficulty or loss, gained one of the most signal
victories recorded in modern history ; ten thousand were
killed on the spot, the rout and dispersion was complete
cessation of pursuit from' the conquerors only saved the
slaughter from being general ; and the whole camp, inclu
ding the grand vizier's tent and equipage, an immense
quantity of stores, furniture, provisions, and ammunition,
were among the spoils of the conquerors. The fugitives
hastened across the Danube, execrating their general, ft>
whose folly and misconduct they imputed their disaster;
they reminded him of his boasts, and compared these with

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 265
hjf- actual performance.1' The victors pursuing their ad- chap.
vantage, captured Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, with XU1-
the fortress of Cyernitz^and reduced the greater part of ^^J**"'
the province, Near Bender the Turks displayed great
valour in several encounters under Hassan Bey ; but enga
ging in a pitched battle, after a very obstinate contest, they
were entirely defeated : in consequence of this victory
prince Potemkin laid siege to Bender, which, after having
vigorously defended itself, surrendered in the month of
November. On the western frontiers of the Turkish em
pire, the most important enterprises were undertaken on
the side of Croatia : marshal Laudohn began the campaign
with besieging Gradisca, which in the former year had so
vigorously withstood the Austrian attacks ; on the twen
tieth of June, instead of regularly constructing lines of
circumvallation, he commenced a violent cannonade and
bombardment : the Turks were so much intimidated,
that on the second day they evacuated the place : they had,
indeed, no confidence in the present commander in chief,
the grand vizier, and predestination, mingling with their
dejection, on account of so many disasters, they conceived
that every attempt against the Russians and Austrians
would be totally useless, and that fate had decreed they
were to be vanquished : this superstition had a very pow
erful influence on their conduct, and greatly contributed
to the victories of their enemies. After his success at They re-
Gradisca, Laudohn made preparations for the siege of Bel- jl'jjpture^
grade : the Turks were so dismayed, that an operose Uender
attack was not necessary : the systematic and steady ad- grade. '
herence of the Germans to precedent, however, made them
employ the same time and labour in dispositions for this
enterprise, that would have been wanted in quite different
circumstances, and quite different sentiments of the enemy.
Formerly in besieging Belgrade great numbers of boats
had been employed by the Austrians in order to oppose
j> So blindly and stupidly arrogant was this weak, headstrong, and ignorant
man, that, when he took the command of the army, he caused an immense
quantity of iron chains to be made, in order to manacle the legions of Austrian
an j Russian prisoners, whom he expected to drive before him to Constantinople,
as*iou.uments«f triumph. At the close ofthe campaign he was beheaded, See
Annual Register, 1789.
Vol. III. LI

msxpjty of the

Chap, multitudes of boats employed by the Turks in its defence .:"
XL11' at present the Ottomans had on the Danube no nautical'
lrSg force ofthe kind ; the, Germans, however, prpceeded upoji
their general principle, both in war and politics, authori

ty and precedent j and like other votaries of the same
rules of reasoning, did not very nicely investigate -the
case; prince Eugene', they said, employed boats in besieg
ing Belgrade ; therefore we must' use them also :, in mak
ing preparations upon this principle, so much time elapsed,
that it was the twelfth of September before the Austrians
invested the place: the trenches were speedily opened, and
the' batteries constructed ; and after a defence of about
eighteen days the town was taken'by assault. Thus the
principal fortresses on the Turkish frontiers fell under the
arrns of Austria and of Russia; the Turkish troops were
defeated, and believing themselves victims of all powerful
Ottoman destiny, were filled with consternation and dismay ; they
empire in C0luci no longer bear the sight pf their enemy, and any
small Austrian or Russian detachment was sufficient to
disperse any number of those who attempted to forma
body : winter only seemed to retard the subversion of the
Ottoman empire.
Sweden. While the Russians were making rapid stretchesJs-
the attainment of their grand objects in the south, their
active, enterprising, and intrepid foe in the north afforded
them considerable annoyance. Gustavus, when about, to
commence hostilities with Russia, had employed great
pains to convince the court of Denmark, that it was the
common interest of both kingdoms to oppose the en
croaching politics of Catharine. There were, how,ever,
several obstacles to a confederation between Denmark
and Sweden. The very year in which Gustavus had
accomplished a revolution in his own country, great dis- ..
.contents having arisen in Norway, the king of Sweden
i had studiously fomented therii, and almost succeeded .10
exciting an insurrection. Though the discovery of the
design by the court of Copenhagen, before it was ripe for
execution, prevented it from being accomplished^ yet
Denmark had ever since regarded Sweden with a very
watchful and jealous eye: Catharine, on the other hand,
had cultivated the friendship of the Danish court with the

REIGN 0*F GEORGE 111. %$>•
closest assiduity : she had1 sacrificed to Denmark patrimo- CHAP.
aial rights and inheritances of person in the dutchies of ^^.
Sleswick and Holstein, and thereby enabled the Danes to mg
round their dominions on the side of Germany. In addi
tion ro die general policy by which Catharine established
powerful partisans in the neighbouring courts, this conduct
enhanced the connexion that had long subsisted between
Denmark and Russia. The king of Sweden, by subse
quent attentions, endeavoured to obliterate in Denmark
his measures respecting Norway. On the commencement
of the Turkish war he paid a very unexpected visit at
Copenhagen ; and endeavoured fully to conciliate the
court arid nation, and to impress them with an opinion of
the danger that must accrue to smaller powers from the
ambition of Russia. The court of Denmark could not
perceive any of those dangers, which so deeply affected the
Swedish king ; and accordingly treated, and seemed to
consider them as entirely visionary, and mere creatures
of his imagination. They lamented that he should enter
tain intentions of involving himself in so unequal and
ruinous a contest, and endeavoured strongly to dissuade
him from such an undertaking.* Although the king was
unmoved by their arguments, yet he did not entertain the
most distant idea of any connexion subsisting between
Denmark and Russia. Catharine, however, had been so
successful in her intrigues at the court of Denmark, that
she prevailed On the prince regent to conclude a treaty,
by which he bound himself to assist Russia with a certain
number of forces, shpuld she be involved in a war with
Sweden. Gustavus having no apprehension of hostilities
from Denmark, when preparing to open the campaign in
Finland, had drawn away his forces to that quarter, and
left the vicinity of Norway defenceless; when he was in
volved in all the trouble and danger occasioned by the
refractoriness, or rather the revolt of his army in Finland*
The court of Copenhagen issued a public notice to the
foreign ministers, and among the rest to the Swedish, who
Was most immediately concerned, of the conditions by
which she was bound to Russia, to supply her with a con-
q See Annual Register 1789^

2g*

CHAP. XLII.

1"8«;.
Distresses
of Gusta
vus.

"Effects ot
n|s genius
and cou-
r.nge fov
entries.
tion.

HISTORY OF THE
siderable auxiliary force by sea and land* and of her own
determination to fulfil those, conditions. This denuncia^
tion was soon followed by an invasion of Sweden on the
side of Norway in September 1788. In this distressing
situation, Gustavus, surrounded by enemies, and deserted
by his own troops, appeared overwhelmed with ruin. The
contagion from the army had spread through various parts
of the kingdom, and infected even. the capital; while the
nobility seemed fast approaching to the recovery of their
former power and consequence in the nation. The senate
was eagerly disposed to resume its ancient authority: all
the circumstances of the time, the deplorable state of the
king's affairs, together with the prevalent disposition of
the nobility, rendered them confident of success; they ac-
CQrdingly took measures, without consulting the king, to
assemble in diet the states of the kingdom, -under colour
pf considering the deranged and dangerous state of public-
affairs, the discontents and disorders which prevailed in
the nation. Before this design was: executed, the king.
arrived at Stockholm ; knowing, that though the nobility.
were inimical to his interests, the burghers and people-
were warmly attached to him, he summoned an -assembly
of citizens ; he therein declared, that reposing the most
unbounded confidence in their affection, loyalty, and
valour, and being himself called to oppose an unexpected
enemy, he should intrust the defence and preservation of
the capital, the protection of the queen, and family to
their faithful zeal. Such an important trust, and sacred
deposit, inspired the generous plebeians with an enthu
siastic desire ,of showing. themselves- worthy of the royal
confidence; they immediately .embodied themselves, and*
cheerfully performed all the duties of soldiers, Gustavus,
meanwhile, sent an answer to the; intimation of Denmark :;
he expressed his astonishment that, when peace and friend
ship had subsisted for sixty years between the two powers
without interruption, and he himself had employed his
utmost endeavours to preserve a harmony so beneficial to
both parties, his Danish majesty should have commenced
hostilities: he knew nothing of the engagements subsisting
between Denmark and Russia, but he now desired from
tlie court of Copenhagen a direct explanation of its inten-;

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. og9
tions, whether Denmark meant only to act as an auxiliary, CitAP.
by furnishing a stipulated force, or intended direct aggres- ^^L,
sion, against Sweden ? If the latter was their resolution^ he l78a,
must consider the war as commenced, and act accordingly.
Were so unjustifiable a measure, adopted, other powers:,
he insinuated, would, for their own Security, interfere to
prevent the advances of such ambitious rapacity. The
prince regent of Denmark in reply declared, that he had
no intention of interfering in the war, any farther than he
was bound to Russia by a treaty concluded in 1781, long
before hostilities were in contemplation, and that he would
not exceed the force therein stipulated ; he expressed his
earnest desire for the restoration of peace. Meanwhile;
the new treaty between Great Britain and Prussia began to
unfold its objects, to the great encouragement of all those
states that wished to preserve the balance of Europe from
being overturned by the imperial confederacy. France,
the old ally of Sweden, being unable to afford any assist
ance, he' now looked for support and protection to the wise
and vigorous policy of the defensive alliance, and with
confident expectations of ultimate success.
On the confines of Norway, is the province of Dale- Miners of
carlia, memorable in Swedish history for having afforded aecilv,a-
shelter and concealment to the celebrated Gustavus Vasa,
when flying from the Danish usurpers, and for having
begun the revolution which placed that hero on the throne
of his ancestors. The inhabitants, sunk in their mines
among the rocks and mountains, and secluded from the
rest of the world, are ignorant and rough ; but hardened
by climate, situation, and pursuit,, are strong and valiant,
and ihave the honesty and hospitality of generous barba
rians : from their ancestors they inherit the warmest
loyalty and attachment to their sovereigns ; their native
courage operating upon -this principle induces them with
the promptest heroism to abandon mines and forests when
ever their king requires their assistance. To these gal
lant rustics Gustavus had recourse ; he followed the exam
ple of his illustrious namesake, and descended to desert
njines and caverns to visit the loyal heroes. The second
appearance of a king in these recesses, also a Gustavus,
and come to solicit their assistance, recalled traditionary

27Q HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, glory to the miners of Dalecarlia : they anticipated the
XLU' application' of their sovereign ; eagerly proffered their
jpg0 services to defend their prince, and inflict vengeance on
the Danes, towards whom they cherished an hereditary
hatred ever since the' time that they tyrannized over Swe
den. The king having testified his gratitude for their
loyal and affectioriate offers, limited his request to three
thousand meii. This body was immediately' equipt to
attend their monarch, and though by no means all provi
ded with regular arms,r yet, furnished with such weapons
as they could procure, and inspired with loyalty, with
vigorous bodies and intrepid courage, they were a formi
dable band.
The Hanee The Danes, meanwhile, entered Sweden from the
Sweden. east Part °f Norway, under prince Charles of Hesse, and
marching along the seacoast, captured Stramstead, and
penetrated1 as far as Gottenburgh, the principal port of
Sweden for foreign commerce ; and the governor wafc
about to surrender1 by in inglorious capitulation':* Gusta
vus was aware ofthe danger of this valuable city, and sensi
ble that, before he could bring his troops to its relief, the
capture might be effected, in order to inspire the inhabi
tants by his presence, he hastened to the place alone, and
travelling night and day, arrived a few hours after the,
determination to surrender. The king immediately dis
placed the governor, and having assembled a meeting of
the citizens, by the powers of his persuasive eloquent"!
so inspirited them with courage and confidence; thatthey
resolved to defend the city to the last extremity.' The'
force, however, of the Danish army, and the absem&'of
the Swedish troops, rendered the success of the defenders
British po- very : improbable.' In this critical situation, the wise,'
«eBthe'U protecting policy of Britain, that has uniformly support-
Danes to ed the weak against the strong, interfered for the preser
vation of Gustavus. There being no ambassador from
either Britain or Prussia at the court of Stockholm, Mr.

r The nuthor of the Annual Register for 1788, in, this part of b.is narrative
-•bserves : " They formed a grotesque appearance '; some, whose families had
preserved the rusty uncouth weapons of antiquity, gloried in the possession,
-arid fancied themselves thoroughly equipt for war ; but the greater number had
.mother, resource than those rustic instruments of labour used in the minei^r
in husbandry, which seemed the best calculated for their purpose."

BMcoat.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 271
EJJiot, Jenyqyat Copenhagen, was sent to tije, Swedish CHAP.
jting delegate of the .allied powers, and to mediate be- w.,v_.
tween the belligerent parties. Mr. Eljiot sent a letter in ** 17$$". "
his new character from Gottenburgh to prince Charles,
informing him that the, allied powers had sent a courier
to the.e.mpress to demand a general armistice; meanwhile,
he, desired a particular .truce, until the effect of the
application to Petersburgh should be known.- Prince
Charles, answered, that he should not suspend hostilities
w|thout the express orders of his court; Mr. Elliot,-, in
reply, informed him, that if the , army which he com
manded, proceeded farther in offensive operations against
Sweden, Prussia would attack Denmark by land, and
England would, attack her by sea; but that he hoped the
prince, royal, regent of Denmark, would adopt such mea
sures as would prevent , the farther, effusion of blood.
^his notification was not without effect : the Danish gen
eral, instead of pressing the siege, sent to his court for
instructions. The firm, and determined remonstrances
of the British ambassador, supported by the strongest
and most convincing arguments, manifesting "the wise and
and comprehensive principles of the allied powers, and
the real interests of Denmark, so deeply impressed the -
prince regent, that he agreed to conclude a short armis-s
$iee; after that a longer:; and lastly for six months. • The
Danish army departed from Sweden.; but the proffered
mediation of^he defensive alliance was refused by Russia;
J'reed by the intervention of the protecting confederacy
from the invasion pf the Danes, Gustavus had in Winter
leisure to attend, to the internal affairs of his kingdom,
and to, make, preparations for the campaign. He, had still
very great difficulties to encounter : his army had not only
refused to fight in. his. cause, but actually concluded, an
armistice with Russia without his consent. The party of G|U8taTns.
hjs subjects connected with his mighty enemy was ex- suppresses"
tremely powerful and desirous of exerting their strength r^dfaetioo.
in effecting a revolution which would totally overturn the ,
royal authority. In this state of affairs peace must have
been of all things the most desirable to the king, and the
most suitable to his circumstances ; but his potent enemy;
was too haughty, and too implacable in he,r resentments, to

1789.

372 HISTORY OF THE
Chap, listen now to accommodation on any terms, of? equality,;
Jf^^ she knew his situation, ^nd.-the advantages which she
might derive from his embarrassments; so that personal
animosity and political interest dictated the same conduct.
The. king saw that, desirable as peace, would be on fair,
equitable terms, it could then, be attained only by:3ubmit-
ting to conditions disgraceful, and ruinous : of two great
evils war was the smaller; he had no alternative, but either
to surrender his crown to disaffected nobles, and the -anu
bitious Catharine, or by magnanimous efforts to conquer
both foreign and domestic enemies. In order to. cope
with Russia, Gustavus had two great objects to he previ
ously accomplished, -the subjection ofthe mutinous army,
and the coercion of the rebellious aristocracy. There is
an elasticity in vigorous minds which apportions effort tq
difficulty, and in pressing emergencies., produces exertions
beyond the previous conception of powers. „ In such exi
gencies Gustavus felt that his invention was fertile,, his
courage undaunted, and his magnanimity elevated: he
knew that by a great majority of his subjects he was.be-s
loved and revered : in his own genius and; fortitude, and
in the affection of his people, he sought and. found re
sources. Trusting to his popularity among the plebeia^
classes, on his return to Stockholm from Gottenhurgh, he
called a meeting of, the magistrates and most respectably
citizens of the capital; to these he gave the flatterifig
name of a grand council of state, by whose -advice, he
professed to be governed in all his measures : he, thanke^,
them for the care with. which they had executed^, the; im
portant trust committed to them in his capital and family ;,
he informed them that in the .preceding campaign, instead
of retrieving Swedish glory, the national honour had been,-
blasted by the disaffection of his nobles.: these had: cor
rupted his army, had led it to the disgraceful and, fa^al
excess of a mutiny, in the presence of. their sovereign,
and in the face of a foreign enemy. Expatiating upon
these subjects, he impressed his audience with the fulksj.
conviction, and they unanimously declared for the, contir,
nuance of the war ; with a warm assurance of their lives'
and fortunes being devoted, to his service,. Having/secur-,
ed the support of his capital, he waited with, confidence.-

UEIGN OF GEORGE 111. i 27Q
for the meeting of the states ; determined as to the mea- CHAP.
sures which he would pursue, if they continued refracto- Xl""
ry. On the twenty-sixth of January, the diet having m9
met the order of the nobles, immediately displayed their-
animosity to the king, and their disregard for his autho
rity : they grossly insulted count Lowenhaupt, the presi
dent appointed by his majesty, and even treated the name
of Gustavus himself with great virulence and contempt.
The king having found that the three other orders, the p?a*-
sants, clergy, and burghers, were unanimous in supporting
the war, disregarded the opposition of the nobles, and
determined to repress their insolence. On the seven
teenth of February he repaired in person to the diet to
demand satisfaction for the insult that was offered to the
president, his representative in the assembly: a violent
altercation here arose between the king and nobles, in the
course of which his majesty made a charge of disaffec
tion and treason ; the nobles arose and left the assembly :
the king addressing the three remaining states, most so-
leirinly disclaimed every intention of aspiring at absolute
authority, but declared there was a faction in the king
dom inimical to Sweden, and devoted to her enemy; that
for the good of the country the faction must be crushed.
The states unanimously expressed their concurrence with
his majesty, and their determination to Support any mea
sures which he should think expedient for so desirable a
purpose. On the twentieth of February* the king having
communicated his plan of procedure to the three states,
ordered twenty-five of the principal nobility to be arrest
ed, and the officers who had been most active in exciting:
mutiny, to be seized and brought to Stockholm for
trial. These vigorous measures received the general ap
probation of the three remaining orders. Gustavus pro-
ceeded in his efforts, and formed the bold measure of
abolishing the senate, a council consisting chiefly of no
bles, and that had of late greatly thwarted the king: his
vigorous " resolution entirely suppressed this assemblyY"
without the least commotion or opposition, and in • its
place he instituted a new council, totally dependent on him
self : the nobles Were so much dismayed and intimidated
by these acts, that they suffered Gustavus to extend his
Vol. III. >I m

374 HISTORY OF THE
chap, changes : his majesty to secure and confirm the remain-
^J^li, ing orders in their attachment, granted them respectively
17g9 such new privileges, and paid them such honours, as he
He con- knew they would most highly value. To render these altera-
popuiarity. tions permanent, Gustavus proposed an act of confedera
tion, union, and surety, by which he and all true Swedes
were to be (mutually bound in the most firm and solemn
manner, , not only, to common defence, but to the preser
vation of the present constitution and laws, against all
impugners, whether foreign or domestic. Though the
noblesi so far recovered from the consternation as to op
pose this measure, yet his majesty directed the president
to subscribe it in their name ; and thus Gustavus effected
in a few weeks a revolution, which entirely destroyed the
authority that the nobles had been so long endeavouring
to reestablish, and the influence which the intrigues of
Russia had been so many years employed in acquiring.
The trials of the officers charged with mutiny, commen
ced soon after the arrest ; and though the necessity of
obedience and military subordination required condign
punishment, the executions were not numerous.
He directs BY the reduction of the nobles, the suppression of the
^energies6 mutiny, and his popularity, with the other states, Gustavus
against was now^ master of the whole efficient force of his king
dom, and thereby was enabled to make a vigorous prepa
ration for prosecuting the war with Russia : besides the
supplies afforded him by the estates, he received a very
considerable sum from the Ottoman Porte. Before he
opened the campaign against Russia, the strong argu
ments, and urgent instances of Mr. Elliot, on the part pf
the defensive alliance, prevailed upon Denmark to con
sent to an absolute neutrality, and thus freed the Swedish
king from that source of apprehension. Gustavus was
now enabled to direct his whole attention and force to the
prosecution of the war in Finland, and opened the cam-
Military paigu in the beginning of June. On the twenty-eighth a'
campaign" very herce battle was fought between the Swedes and
between Russians, in which the latter had almost prevailed, when
and Russia, the king springing from his horse, put himself at the head
of his infantry, rallied them, and compelled the enemy to
fly. Various skirmishes were afterwards fought, in which

REIGN OF GEORGE fli. 575
the Swedish monarch displayed the most intrepid and ac- CHAP.
tive valour, bold and fertile genius:8 the successes were .— ^L.
various ; but during the first part of the campaign most lir8q.
frequently on the side of Sweden. Encouraged by his
advantages, the hero penetrated into Russian Finland,
having on the coast a fleet of light galleys to cooperate
with the army as occasion might require. Between this
fleet and another of the same sort from Russia a battle
•Was fought, in which great numbers were destroyed on
both sides : the Swedes were obliged to retire ; and though
they were not totally defeated, the superiority of the Rus
sians was such that it compelled Gustavus to evacuate the
enemy's country.* The season being now too far advanced
to admit military operations in those cold latitudes, both
armies withdrew, into winter quarters, and the king return
ed to Stockholm. The duke of Suddermania, the king's
brother, commanded1 the principal, fleet of Sweden," but no
decisive action took place between his armament and the
fleet of Russia.
While the emperor was by his preparations arid Commo-
. - . . , . , > , tions in the
expense, together with the misconduct ol the enemy, Nether-
obtaining victories and conquests from which he could lands-
derive no permanent advantage, he was endangering his
most productive possessions. The Netherlands, first of
all the states of modern Europe, successfully cultivated
agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, and acquired at
an early period a considerable degree of liberty. They State and
consisted of independent states, resembling one another in tion of
their pursuits, manners, character, and constitution of gov- tJ?ese B110"
, ernment. Their polity, was composed of three orders,
the nobles, clergy, and people under the limited princi
pality of one person denominated count : the contests be
tween the prerogatives and* privileges of the respective
principalities, according to their result, gave different
modifications to the freedom which they all possessed,
arid which they continued to retain under various families
of princes that happened, through intermarriage; to succeed
s Gustavus depended entirely on genius and heroism j being deficient in mili
tary experience and skill, as he himself afterwards acknowledged in conversation
•with the marquis de Bouille. See Memoirs, p, 396.
f Annual Register, 1789, ch^p. yiii.

ȣ& HISTORY OP THE
CHAP. t0 the sovereign authority. The best defined, and most
perfect of their political systems, was the constitution of
^^"^y^ Brabant. The great charter of that country was no less
17m venerated by the inhabitants, than the charter, of Runny-
mede is revered by -Englishmen : from a circumstance
attending its execution, it was known by the name of Joy
ous Entry. The inhabitants of the Austrian Netherlands
were extremely devoted to their ancient religion: this
predilection probably arose, partly from their long inter
course with Spain, and perhaps, still more from the animo
sity between them and their neighbours and coutrytnen the
Dutch, that originated in wars in which they were.uhe
principal sufferers : but, whatever might-be the cause, it is
a certain fact, the Netherlanders were extremely addicted
to the most absurd and extravagant tenets of the. Roman
catholic faith : they manifested a very warm affection te
their princes, both the aboriginal sovereigns of the- counr
try, arid their descendants ofthe house of Austria. Upon,
the accession of the German branch of that house to the
dominion of these provinces, Charles VI. was received by
the people with the greatest cordiality and good will, he
having first sworn at his inauguration, as his successors
have constantly done, to the preservation of their ancient
constitutions and rights. During the distresses of their
family, at the accession of Maria Theresa, they derived:
the most essential benefit from the zeal and fidelitv, the
loyalty, and the resources of money and of men, which
were supplied by their subjects in the Low Countries.*-
The free subsidies were granted with a liberality propor
tioned to the emergency for which they were required:-
they continued during her life to manifest undiminished:
affection, and cherished the same sentiments for -her son
Joseph. Beloved by them before, the emperor had cGn-, <
firmed their attachment by the flattering hopes which. he--
raised in the Low Countries, that he would recover and
open to them the navigation of the Scheldt. Blasted as
their expectations were, imputing the disappointment to
necessity, they had not relaxed in attachment to their sove- :
reign ; and though they did not rise in their estimation of-
his political and military abilities, they were grateful for
the benignity of his intention. The spirit, howeyef*, of

REIGN OP GEORGE HI. ^77
restless innovation, which so much distinguished the ac* CHAP.
tive, but superficial' character of Joseph, soon extended XLlL
to the" Netherlands, and interfered with thejr ancient pri- irgg
vileges and ancient religion, the two objects of which they
were most preculiarly tenacious.
¦ "No position in political philosophy is more obvious,
than that systems of polity, civil or ecclesiastical, must be
adapted fo the sentiments, habits, opinions, and even
prejudices of the people:" such reforms, therefore, as
overlook these, however abstractedly agreeable to reason
arid rectitude, are neither reasonable nor right in their
application to those particular cases, because they do not-
conduce to the happiness of the subject. The clergy Joseph's
were alarmed and enraged; the people grieved and aston- ^e0nftde"
ished by the suppression of religious houses, to which, change un:
however absurd in the enlightened views of an English- name of
man, the Netherlands annexed an importance that a wise reforn1,
ruler would have regarded. It was soon seen that reform
was not his only object; and that he desired change for
the sake of confiscation, that he might procure the means
of gratifying an extravagant and infatuated ambition.
Men of abilities and enlarged minds being totally free Innova-
from bigotry and superstition,, thought that some of the ecciesiastl-
moriasteries and convents might be very easily spared; caiestab-
but by no means relished suppression for the sake of plun
der; the same rapacity which seized that species of pro
perty, would, they apprehended, extend to other kinds of
possessions. The ecclesiastical order formed a very pow
erful, numerous, and Optilent body in the Low Countries;
and "their property, of every sort, was estimated at the
immense sum of twenty- five million's sterling. The states
being composed of the representatives of the clergy, the
nobility, and the commons : the church had likewise pos
sessed, from time immemorial, at least a third part in the
government of the country. It was apprehended, from Suppre*
the emperor's conduct, that he had projected to destroy |?^£ re"
the privileges of this order, as a preliminary step to the orders, ,
seizure of their immense wealth. All ranks were alarm-
edj and began to coalesce, in order to oppose an innova-
r )
« ¦ 1 ->:''
' u See Aristotje's Polities.

2£8 HISTORY OF THE
chap, ting system, the real purpose of which they conceived not
X^IL to be reform but robbery. Those who were themselves
178§!' merely anxious for the preservation of their civil rights^-
and confis- found it expedient to encourage the discontents of the
Aeirpro- clergy, and even to profess sympathy with the superstition
perty. anci bigotry of the lower orders : these various causes
coinciding, formed a compact and powerful opposition
against the dangers which threatened their ancierit estab
lishments. Fortunately for his subjects and neighbours,
as the objects of Joseph were wicked, his policy was
weak: he was totally deficient in that dexterity' arid ad
dress,, which can varnish mischievous schemes, and smooth
the way for their reception ; he neither tried disguise,
insinuation, nor deceit, the usual engines of ability at
tempting injustice, where the effect of force would be
doubtful : his heart dictated usurpation and injury, but
his head was not well fitted for insuring success : a harsh
arbitrary and imperious display of authority appeared' in
all his measures : he was particularly desirous of suppres
sing ancient customs, and changing ancient institutions.
Suppres. There was a festival of great antiquity in the Low Coun-
cient.vene- tries, called the Kermesse, and highly venerated by the
ratedand inhabitants : it was a season of mutual visiting, and of
customs, reconciling differences, not only between individuals,
but villages ; it was equally a season for contracting
marriages, forming new friendships, and renewing and
cementing the old. This innocent source of festive
recreation, this laudable occasion of social virtue, was
in the emperor's innovating zeal suppressed. The+dis-'
posal of land and revenue, belonging to the abolished
convents, produced great dissatisfaction and complaint:
they were rendered part of the royal domains, and
merely filled the coffers of the emperor. His next
attempt was upon the abbacies, the most opulent and
splendid of the religious establishments. Several of
these conferred a right on the possessors, of being direct
ly inherent members of the states. In Brabant this
high distinction and privilege in favour of the abbots, was
carried to a greater extent than elsewhere ; for the whole
of the clergy, being the first order of the state, were re
presented by abbots only. Joseph did not at first subvert

REIGN OF GEORGE 1U.
ft*, ahhacies, but as the incumbents died, placed them to CH4.P.
be hejd in commen.dam, which was directly contrary to, an XLl1"
express article of the Joyous Entry. In the beginning of "^^
1787 , he published two edicts, which entirely absorbed
the consideration of every smaller change ; by these all
the tribunals,* all the forms and course of civil justice,
which for so many centuries had been established and
pursued in the Low Countries, which the people had so
lpng considered as their glory, and regarded with enthu
siastic admiration, were to be abolished*in one day. The
forms of process in the old courts were fair and open :
they publicly exhibited the series of evidence, rules of
interpretation, the principles applied and grounds of de
cision. New tribunals were appointed, in which the Changeof
secresy of despotism marked the proceedings; witnesses lormslU
were privately examined, the parties were often ignorant Proeeed-
of the evidence on which they were tried, and the deci- '"^
riOn was left to a single judge, who was to determine
according to his discretion without any existing law. The Arbitrary
persons appointed to this office were foreigners/ totally troduce<L
unacquainted with the, ancient laws of the Netherlands,
or at least altogether regardless of their spirit and tenor.
Such modes of judicial procedure, combined with the other
parts of the emperor's conduct, were considered as the
forerunners of proscription and tyranny : they excited great
alarm among the people, not without a determination to
jresist acts so contrary to the compact by which Joseph
held the sovereignty of the Netherlands. But the second
edict advancing in lawless usurpation, confirmed their
resolution not quietly to submit to the destruction of'their,
rights.

x The principal tribunals were in the villages ; a court held by the lord of
the manor, who in smaller cases delegated his authority to a set of reputable men
within his district ; but in greater judged himself, being assisted by two eminent
counsellors to expound the laws. In the cities the jurisdiction was in the hands bf
their Respective magistrates :; there was a supreme tribunal composed of sixteen
judges and a "president, in which, causes either civil or criminal might originate;
and. in civil cases an appeal lay from the inferior courts. See Annual Register.
1789, p. 207.
y The baron cfe Martini, an Italian, was sent into the Low Countries, with
the title of Imperial Commissary, to establish and regulate the new tribunals, and
to prescribe to a nation, which had for many ages gloried in the freedom, as well
as the equity of its civH institutions, in what manner justice should he dispetiseltin
future* f

HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The states of the Netherlands were justly deemed by
*LIL the people the guardians of their laws, liberty, and pro- "
""^^r*^ perty ; and in them was rested the power of imposing
taxes on the subjects, and granting subsidies to the prince.
In the exercise of this power they had uniformly satisfied
both parties, by liberal grant without burdensome impost.
The assembly of the states met annually at Brussels,
and having performed the most material part of their
business, intrusted. the rest to a select committee, whose
Subversion proceedings they reviewed at the following meeting. This
bfished63'* legislative branch of the constitution was no less valued
legislature, than the judicative, but the emperor in his second edict
proclaimed its subversion; he abolished the old institu
tions and forms, and substituted an engine of state under
the name of a council-of general government, which, while'
it drew all public affairs within the sphere of its own ac
tion, was to be ruled by the court minister who was placed
at its head. Without nominally annihilating the assem-
' bly of the states, the new form of government really de*
• ' stroyed its powers : it ordained, that the states: might
nominate a deputy, who, if approved of by the minister
and his council, might be a member of that council, and
when required by the minister was to sign all the acts
formerly exercised by the states, but now to be proposed
by the council. Thus, the states were really to have no
other power but to subscribe imperial mandates ; and
their authority was to be exercised hj a nominal represen
tative, under the control of the minister and his council:
the jurisdiction of this new council' was farther to extend
to all cases of police and revenue : all persons even suspected,
or pretended to be suspected, were the objects of inquisitorial
procedure, by order of the council and minister, from whose
decrees there lay no appeal. When the nature and extent of
this despotic usurpation was understood and comprehend?*1*
ed, the people very loudly expressed indignant resentment
against so daring a violation of that convention, by which
only the archduke of Austria, held the limited sovereign
ty of the Netherlands. In language less mindful of his
rank than descriptive of his conduct, they plainly and
unequivocally charged Joseph with having violated the
inaugural compact and oath, and not obscurely intimated^

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 281
that a breach of a conditional contract by one of the chap.
- ' XLII
parties absolved the other from its obligations. Those ^-v~^,
who were most * favourable to the emperor, alleged, that 1789.
the obnoxious edicts proceeded from mistaken views of
the public good, and not from a design upon their liberties :
according to such advocates he had suppressed the ancient
tribunals, that the people might be able to obtain justice
in a less expensive and more compendious way, and his
alteration of the government was designed to give it more
simplicity and energy : the small military force in the
Low Countries was totally inadequate to the establishment
of an absolute sovereignty; he had been deceived by
partial and false representations, and misled by evil coun
sellors. The reply to this species of vindication was ob
vious ; whether violation of their dearest rights proceed
ed from the despotic intentions, or the defective judgment
of the sovereign, it was equally incumbent on subjects to
defend their constitutional liberties : though the conduct
ofthe emperor v^as, in all his dominions, such as to evince
a narrow understanding, yet in the Netherlands, and
eVery other part, it was so uniformly directed to one ob
ject, the invasion of property to increase his own revenue
that 'misinformation and erroneous reasoning did not ac
count for its general tenor ; no person could be a system
atic robber by mistake. ..
The emperor's chief counsellor was the count Bel-
giojoso his minister, a Milanese, a great favourite with
his master; and who possessing all the' subtlety, artifice,
and .crooked policy of an Italian statesman, was extremely
disagreeable to the open, frank, and honest Flemings.
The governor general, the duke of Saxe Teschen and his
wife, the archdutchess, sister to the emperor, were ex
tremely popular, and never suspected of promoting any
unconstitutional designs; but the minister possessed the
real power of government. Belgiojoso proceeded to a
violent exercise of the powers so lawlessly usurped;
indeed, if he had conceived a design of extending and
consolidating a revolt, he could not have formed a more
efficacious plan for the purpose: having excited the
resentment' of the civil orders, by the overthrow of the
established judicature and legislature, he next attacked
Vol.. III. N n

282

IHSTORY OF THE

1789.

CHAP, the clerical order, not as before, by suppressing certain
J^v fraternities, the least essential to the church, but those
institutions which nourished its appropriate learning, pre
served its most important rights, and that literature and
Progress science from which it chiefly derived its influence. The
tfsm SP°"' principal university of Brabant was the Louvain, one of
trampling tn mo^t ceiebrated schools of Roman catholic theology;
liberty and • i , • ,
franchises, distinguished for the extraordinary reverence with which
it regarded the supreme pontiff, by its profound respect
for the priesthood, and consequently highly prized by
zealous votaries of the Romish church : all its colleges'
were abolished, and a general seminary was established,
in which, by an edict, all youth designed for the church
were required to pursue their theological studies. For
this new school a German rector and professors were
appointed, to the exclusion of native teachers. Such a
change, violating the ecclesiastical constitution, arid tend
ing to introduce new doctrines of theology, was warmly
opposed by the bishops, the university, ,and the people.
The Low Countries, so long famous for the purity of its
catholic faith ; the Louvain, the nurse of holy religion,
was to be contaminated with the heresies in which Ger-
- many abounded. The minister enjoined father Godefrby,
visitor of the capuchins at Brussels, to send the young
students of his order to be educated in the general semi
nary : this clergyman refused to comply ; Belgiojoso
commanded him to depart from Brussels in twenty-four
hours, and the emperor's dominions in three daysv Such
a violent act afforded a new subject of complaint' to those
who were zealous in religion, and strengthened the abhor
rence of the new seminary ; but it increased the appre
hensions of the progress of arbitrary power, which were
Joseph already so generally entertained. The emperor and his
his"Fiem- counsellors appeared to have adopted, respecting his
ish sub- richest and most productive dominions, one of the most
jects mere- l * _
ly as sour- dangerous principles that can actuate the conduct or a
- enue. ' government, that subjects are merely to be considered'fis a
source of revenue, and the expediency of political plans
'" and acts to be estimated by their tendency to supply the
coffers of the prince. The discontents and commotions
in the Netherlands very greatly diminished its financial

REIGN OF GEORGE IB.

283

1789.

efficiency, and consequently defeated the purpose which CHAP.
the authors of the innovations meant chiefly to .promote. ,, jS^jj'
The minister pretending to impute the defalcation to con
traband traffic, proceeded in a summary and arbitrary way
against persons whom he professed to suspect to be enga
ged in such a commerce. One respectable and eminent
merchant, who held a contract with government, was,
after his accounts had been closed and pasSed, charged
with a fraud : he challenged his accusers to make good
their, assertions by a fair and open trial, agreeably to the
laws of his country ; but, instead of a legal inquiry, he
was seized by armed soldiers, and hurried away to Vienna.
So jagrant a tyranny, joined to the general system, im
pressed the people with a belief, that their only alternative
was subjection to foreign despotism, or vigorous and
immediate resistance.
In Brabant the constitution had been the most precise, Remon-
and its violations the most manifest ; and there the re- the Neth-
sistance was the most prompt. In Brussels the compa- erianders,
nies of arts and trades, nine in number, chose represen
tatives, each known by the name of syndic : these dele
gates constituted a corporation, entitled the syndics ofthe
nine nations : they possessed not only municipal power,
but also very considerable political direction in the choice v, '
ofnvernbers for the assembly of the states; and being
composed of the chief citizens, they added extensive in
fluence to their strength. This was the first public body
which expressed its sentiments concerning the usurpa
tions : they drew up a plain, bold memorial, that stated
actual facts arid obvious consequences; and enumerated
the|pjciditions on which the prince of the Low Countries
held his sovereignty, as set forth in the Joyous Entry : the
representation quoted Joseph's inaugural oath to observe
the prescribed stipulations, and his actual conduct, which
was a systematic violation of his engagements ; and con
cluded, that " if the sovereign shall infringe upon the
." articles of the Joyous Entry, his subjects shall be dis-
l" charged from all duty and service to him, until such time
¦" as due reparation shall be made for such infringements."
'This .animated remonstrance inspirited and guided the
other cities, and also the other provinces ; and the peo-

-284

HISTORY OF THB

CHAP, pie in general were determined to assert their rights ; but
¦ ^^ before they should commence any active exertions, they
1789. waited the meeting of the states, that they might know
how far they could trust to their counsel and cooperation.
Meeting of f/HE assembly met, and the very first step demonstrat-
ed the firm and resolute part which they intended to act.
An application having been made for subsidies, they to.
tally refused to grant supplies until grievances were re
dressed ; they sent immediate orders to the collectors of
the revenues to pay no regard to the financial officers-ap
pointed by the new council, since they exercised an au
thority which was not admitted by the Flemish constitu
tion : they then drew up a declaration of rights, a state
ment of grievances, and an exhibition of consequences,
both more detailed and comprehensive than that of the
syndics, and which avowed their determination to perse
vere in maintaining the constitution of their ancestors;
this manifesto they addressed to the governor general.
At the same time Mr. Vandernoot, a courisellor of Brus
sels, and an eminent advocate in the cause of liberty,
published a treatise addressed to the states, in which, from
ancient documents, he traced out and elucidated the con
stitution of Brabant. The states not only ordered this
treatise to be read in their presence, but decreed public
thanks to the author, for having so ably and justly vindi
cated the rights of the people. The states of Flanders
and Hainault concurred in the determination to resist all
the unconstitutional changes. The governors general en
deavoured to break the force of the opposition by small
concessions, and liberal promises : the Italian, to his
great surprise, found that the Flemings were not to be
intimidated ; and, until he could be supplied with an ade
quate force, he had recourse to the more appropriate in
struments of his country, duplicity and deception : the
attempt, however, was now too late ; the patriots perse
vered in their efforts, and held out to the minister the
terrors of an ancient statute of Brabant, that declared it
lawful to apprehend and to punish any person who should
obstinately persist in obstructing the public good : they
abolished the new seminaries and other unconstitutional j
innovations ; urged the governors general speedily to re-.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 285
dress their grievances,; and added, that the people were CHAP.
in such a ferment, that they could not answer for the con- XLI1-
sequences of, longer dejlay. The minister had hitherto 17s9
obstructed concessions on the. side °f the governors gene-
neral, but, now pretended no longer to oppose conciliatory
measures : alarmed at the revolution in the temper and
dispositions of a people from whom they had before ex
perienced the most affectionate attachment, the governors
resolved, as far as their power extended, to restore the
tranquillity and happiness of the provinces. They issued
a decree on the thirtieth of May, declaririg that all
, arrangements contrary to the Joyous Entry should be en
tirely set aside, and that due reparation should be made
for all infringements on that great charter which the peo
ple held so sacred: they hoped the emperor would ratify
this declaration, and promised to exert their utmost influ
ence with him to accomplish such a desirable purpose.
This proclamation at first diffused general joy through the
Netherlands ; but these sentiments were interrupted by
doubts concerning the emperor's ratification. Joseph in
stead, of sanctioning the decree, despatched a mandate to
the states of the Low Countries, strongly expressing his
astonishment, indignation, and displeasure, at those in
temperate and violent measures which the states had
adopted, and that bold, defiance which they had given to
his authority : his edicts had not been intended to subvert
, tiie constitution, but to correct ancient abuses, and to
make salutary reforms. As a proof of their obedience
he required the states of each province to send deputies
to Vienna, to lay their subjects of complaint at the foot
of the throne. As a father he would pardon the errors
and temerity of his, subjects, but would severely punish
them, if they continued refractory.
Disappointed by so imperious an order, and so
unfounded reprehension, they did not sink under the in
solent claims of usurped authority, but took vigorous
measures for their own security. To prevent, however, Deputies
matters from coming to extremities, they thought it pru- yfenna.
dent to comply ,to a certain extent with his requisition:
they appointed deputies, intrusted with very limited pow
ers, merely to express the loyalty of the nation, and to

1789.

286 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, state their grievaflces, but to come to no conclusion re- ,
XUf" specting public affairs, without the special and immediate
"* order of the states. While the deputies were on their
journey, they were informed that great bodies of im
perial troops were marching towards the Low Countries.
Though this intelligence greatly agitated, yet it did not
depress the minds of the Flemings ; resolved to main
tain their liberties at every hazard of their lives and, for-
tunes, they calculated their strength and resources, and
found them much superior to those with which the Dutch
had formerly resisted Spanish despotism : they hoped for
the interference of the powers that were already inimical to
Joseph's ambition; and that France in particular would
willingly accept of the sovereignty of the Netherland
provinces, so beneficial and commodious, upon the con
stitutional conditions which they would most gladly, offer.
The governors general having been called to Vienna, to
be present when the deputies should appear before the
emperor ; count Murray, a nobleman of Scottish extrac
tion commander of the Austrian troops in the Nether- ?
lands,, was appointed governor during their absence.
This officer, a man of prudence and temper, endeavoured
to accommodate matters by moderating the fervour of the (
people, and the imperiousness of the sovereign. The
Flemings, meanwhile, were turned with the most anxious
expectation to the reception of their deputies at Vienna;
and the first accounts were very far from being satisfac
tory. When presented to the emperor they were receive
ed with all that angry haughtiness which narrow under-,
standings and illiberal sentiments in power produce to real,
or supposed inferiors, when they are the objects of dis
pleasure. Undismayed by imperious insolence, the de-.
puties stated their grievances ; but Joseph informed them,
that before he would vouchsafe to explain himself- upon
that subject, there were certain preliminary articles that
count Murray, would communicate to his states: the ar
ticles were, that things should be restored to theT same,
footing in which they had stood at the meeting of the,
states ; that the new tribunal council and seminaries abol
ished by the Flemings should be restored, the subsidies
paid, and the volunteers dismissed t if these articles were

REIGN. DP GEORGE m. 28Jr
not executed, the Austrian army should proceed in its chap.
march to the Netherlands. XLIt-
The Flemings with great indignation refused to com- 17g0
ply, and between volunteer corps, and parties of soldiers,
quarrels and skirmishes arose, not without the effusion of
blood ; everything, notwithstanding the conciliatory efforts
of count Murray, seemea tending to hostilities, wheti
despatches arriving from the deputies totally changed the
public sentiments ; by these it appeared, that harsh as the
first reception of the deputies had beepy at succeeding
interviews the emperor had declared, that though he had Joseph
thought it consistent with the dignity of his throne to to grant
testify his displeasure at the violent proceedings of his their re-
Flemish subjects, he was really favourable to their
requests ; and though he Would not consent to the reestab
lishment of convents, nOr1 to restore the nomination of
abbots, he would grant all the other principal articles : he
never proposed* to enforce his edicts by arms, and was
willing to restore the Joyoils Entry to its primitive vigour;
he intended to visit the ' Netherlands, and to concert
measures with the states for the welfare of his people.
These agreeable declarations were accompanied with an
unassuming and engaging politeness, which manifested, if
not the ability of a statesman, the versatility of a courtier.
The deputies were so captivated with the manners and
address of the emperor, that1 they received every assurance
and profession with unbounded faith : their constituents,
though not so implicit in their confidence, yet were greatly
pleased, and at last agreed to pay the subsidies into the
royal treasury, as a mark of their reliance on the emperor's
protestations. The count Murray in return published a
declaration from the emperor, by which the Joyous Entry
gf Brabant was to be preserved entire, as well with respect
to the ecclesiastical as the civil orders ; the new tribunals
were to be suppressed, artd the ancient courts of judicature
to resume their function. The sovereign promised, that
whatever infraction had been made upon the Joyous
Entry, he would employ measures for granting redress.
This accomodation between the emperor and his' subjects
t See declaration of (he emperor to the states of the Belgi© Provinces ;
State Papers, July S, 1787.

1789.

' _ HISTORY OF THE
chap, diffused a general joy through the LoW Countries. But
XUL the nioderate system now adopted by Joseph, by discern-
"ing politicians, was imputed to particular circumstances,
apd not to any deviation from his general principles of i
action. In his innovating plan he had proceeded on the
supposition, that the Netherlanders would make no mate
rial opposition, and that his wishes might be accomplished
without distracting his attention, or withdrawing his force
from the execution of his other schemes. From the
spirit and vigorous conduct of the Flemings he saw that
they could not be brought to submission withouta con
siderable army, the employment of which in that service
would weaken his efforts against the Turks; he therefore
abandoned one unjustifiable project of aggression, that he
might the more effectually promote another; andit was
inferred, that really he had only postponed his design res
pecting the Low Countries to a more favourable opportu
nity. The great object* of Joseph appears to have been
to establish one simple uniform military system of govern
ment through all the parts of his vast dominions.1" This
purpose was obstructed in the Netherlands by the present
concession ,: there were, besides, important articles left ;
unsettled, which might be the ground of future dispute.
His expressions, upon being more closely examined than
during the first ebullitions of joy, were found to be general
and vague. On reflection, the Flemings perceived that
they held no pledge from the sovereign but his promises,-
while in disbanding the militia they had given the most
solid and substantial security on their part.b The emperor'
after he had expressed his approbation of the lenient and
conciliatory conduct of count Murray, appointed another
commander in chief, who had no local connexions in the
Sends gen- Netherlands; this was general Dalton, a soldier of fortune
t'otheNe- from Ireland, brave and enterprising, but whose' principle'
theriands. 0f COnduct was simply obedience to his master's orders*,-'
whatever they might be, or whatever rights they might*
violate. He had been employed against the rebellious
mountaineers of Transylvania, and acquired considerable'
reputation by his military efforts; but hadbeen noted for
« Annual Register, 1787, chap viii. b Annual Register, 1789, p. 88,. .

REIGN OF GEORGE III. ggg
the cruelty with which, he treated his prisoners. Count CHAP-
Ttautmansdorff was appointed to the civil government, to XUL
the 'great satisfaction of the Low Countries, as he was a ^^*^
man of very amiable dispositions, and extremely popular;
but it soon was found, that in power he was totally subor*
dinate to Dalton. The governors general were by the
emperor's new plan to be mere pageants of state and
splendor, without any share of the government.
The first manifestation of the emperor's perseverance Despotic
in - the plan which he pretended to relinquish, was an c°nduct of
attack upon the university of Louvain. While the Flem
ings were cherishing the hopes of preserving their revered
constitution, and indulging the convivial festivity of the
Christmas season, exhilarated by the flattering prospect, a
peremptory order arrived in the emperor's name to the
members of Louvain university, commanding them, with
out deliberation, delay, or remonstrance, immediately , to
enregister in their archives, and submit to, the system of
reform prescribed by the sovereign. These mandates the
university peremptorily refused to obey ; they pleaded
their constitutional rights, and appealed to the laws and
justice of their country for protection. The minister, in
his repjy to this appeal,, propounded a very simple and
comprehensive principle, that subjects must not plead rights,
laws, justice, or their constitution, against the will of. the
sovereign. ^Declarations were issued, commanding them
to conform to the mandates of the emperor, and threaten
ing the severest vengeance against all persons who should
dare to assert a right contrary to the will of his imperial
majesty. These dictatorial menaces were totally disre
garded by the university, which was determined to assert
its freedom. Count Trautmansdorff was now become
entirely subservient to Dalton, and in his conduct showed,
that the amiable dispositions and pleasing manners which
had rendered him so popular, were not fortified by vigour,
or secured by virtuous principles. This minister, by the
direction of Dalton, sent a letter to the. grand council of
Brabant, requiring their efforts to reduce to obedience the
refractory university, and specifying the time before which
the mandate was to be executed : the council, with a dig
nified indignation replied, that the letter was founded in
VcH. III. O o

2'9©

HISTORY OF THE

1789.

CHAP, ignorance of their laws, tended to despotism and must be
^jl^ revoked. The minister replied, that it was his majesty's
absolute determination, that on whatever subject he signi
fied his will, obedience must follow; and he gave them
twenty-four hours for publishing the decree. His com-
rtfination being still disregarded, the following day he sent
a notice, that if the decrees were not published within two
hours, he should have recourse to the dire expedient of
cannon and bayonets, which his majesty had most expressly
prescribed; The council still paid not the smallest atten
tion to those insolent threats ; Dalton drew up a regiment
of infantry near the council house, and ordered an ensign
with a- party of troops to patrole the streets. This officer,
young, inexperienced, anddesirous of showing power, on
some triflingdisturbance, ordered his men to fire a platoon
among the multitude, killed six of the people, and
wounded many more : the juvenile instrument of military
despotism and murder, dreading the just vengeance ofthe
people, hastily fled with his party to the main body of
soldiers. The emperOr informed of this achievement,
highly applauded the ensign's conduct, and desired Dalton
to inform him he might expect promotion on the first
vacancy : he also expressed his warmest gratitude to
Dalton for supporting the dignity of the military character,
and impressing the people with a due dread ofthe soldiers. '
This massacre, unimportant (the emperor said) as it
was in itself, might produce a salutary effect; but to
insure obedience it was necessary for Dalton to persevere
in the same meritorious conduct.<:^ The army being once
employed against the people, constant insolence and fre
quent bloodshed were the result. The people expressed
their indignation in riots and tumults : one of these being
quelled without firing a shot, the emperor, in a letter to his
ministers, testified his disapprobation of such forbearance,
and desired it might not be repeated. Trautmansdorff
declared, that if the troops serving in the Netherlands
were not sufficient, forty thousand men would immediately
enter the Low Countries : this assertion his hearers well
knew to be a boasting bravado, as the emperor's troops
c Annual Register, 1789.

REIGN QF GEORGE OH.

301

Tyere elsewhere fully employed. It is frequently difficult CHAT-.
to discover the precise motive for conduct which is die- XU1'
tated by unprincipled wickedness, and guided by extreme 17Sg
folly. As Joseph's armies were engaged in the Turkish <
war, policy obviously dictated, forbearance of injustice and
tyranny in the west, that he, might effectually promote
aggression and spoliation in -the east. His force in the
Low Countries -was very inadequate to his despotic pur
poses, or to the cruel intentions of his deputy. , At the
very time that the emperor was enjoining perseverance in
military despotism to his, willing and prompt underling, he,
through, the governors general, issued a declaration, setting
forth his ^tender affection to his subjects, his desire of
satisfying their wishes, the complete return of his favour,
and his determination to. give the Low Countries most
convincing proofs of his benevolence and confidence.
Flagrant as the duplicity of these professions were, their
mselessness was no, less obvious : , force, not deception Was
his instrument of government ; the soldiers could' not the
more easily massacre one man by proclaiming to him the
tender feelings of their employers : it was a mere waste of
falsehood, which could answer none of the assertor's pur
poses.; more resembling the capricious versatility of a
froward child, than the steady policy of a firm man ,
•resolute in wicked designs.
The interpreter of the emperor's tenderness was Dal
ton : among the sources of Dalton's fame acquired in
Transylvania was a galfswsd of an extraordinary height
for hanging insurgents, and he, declared his determination
to erect an edifice of alike construction in the great square
at Brussels. He now Went .to establish at Louvain the
•new professors of divinity ; and to reform the errors of the
ological schools, the argument employed, was the bayonet ;
the rector and professors were ejected by a file of mus
keteers, and the new teachers were established by the
same .authority. To celebrate the admission of the impe- Effects, oi
rial instructors in theology, the soldiers murdered a; great ^n**;
number of the inhabitants,6 who could not refrain from
.assembling to pay the last tribute of grief at the oyerthrpw
>dAnnual Register, 1789, chap. ii. e Annual Register, 1789, ohaj.it.

29.2

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, of an institution, which had for so many ages been the
^^1^ pride and support of their city. But although soldiers
1789 could inaugurate persons (appointed to teach the christian
system according to the imperial canons of orthodoxy,
they could not compel students to learn : the pupils had
universally abandoned the colleges, and the masters were
left to deliver their lessons, either in empty halls, or with
out any hearers, but their military coadjutors. At Malines
and Antwerp the massacre was much more extensive than
even at Louvain; and personal security was deemed so
precarious in the Netherlands, that some of the nobility,
and a great number of other inhabitants of distinction and
property sought refuge in exile. The cruel executions
committed upon a defenceless people by their rulers, in" a
season of peace and most profoimd tranquillity, excitedf
the abhorrence of the neighbouring nations, and procured
asylums for the unfortunate sufferers. Confiscation, des
potism, and military execution being once established, pro
perty, liberty and life being insecure, those that still re
mained in the country withdrew their capitals from manu
factures and commerce, and. vested them in foreign funds,
as a provision for their own flights, and repositories which
Dalton's bayonets could not reach. In a country- so re*-
cently eminent for industry and the arts, trade was entire
ly stagnant, and every occupation ceased, except those
which minister to the necessity of life : revenue propor-
tionably delined : fiscal productiveness, the great object
of the emperor's tyranny, experienced a most important
diminution : the states of Brabant announced a determi
nation, under the present outrageous tyranny, to withhold
the supplies. Such Was the state of affairs at the close
of 1788.
Farther The emperor published an edict, annulling all his for-
wbbe'ry'by mer concessions, even recalling his inaugural oath to main-
Joseph, tain the -Joyous Entry ; and all the obnoxious establish
ments of 1787" were to be speedily restored. The grand
council of Brabant having refused to sanction so despotic
an edict, that constitutional tribunal was suppressed ; the
management of the revenue, which had formed one of its-
delegated departments, was vested in a commission nomi*
nated by the emperor : no abbots were thenceforth to be

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 293
appointed in Brabant, and thus the clerical order was CHAP.
about to be suppressed; the commons were to be new XLlL
modelled according the emperor's pleasure i the right of V-^W
granting subsidies was to be no longer vested' in the states,
but in a council appointed by the emperor ; the Joyous
Entry was to be abolished ;the Whole government and all
its parts were to be modelled according to the imperial
will. A considerable part of the year 1789 was employ
ed in executing these nefarious projects of infatuated am
bition. The enmity to the clergy, and rapacity for
money, two predominant features in the emperor's charac-
ter^ combined in dictating his most extensive and syste
matic schemes of robbery. By one decree he sequester
ed all the abbeys of Brabant, and appointed civil officers
to manage their revenues for his use.f
Such a seizure of property, in a country which had
so long enjoyed the blessings of a free constitution, and
of ecclesiastical possessions among a people so devoutly
attached to the priesthood, excited very general 'resent
ment, and open remonstrances from men, who already
indignantly brooded, over their fallen constitution, and
meditated the reassertion of their rights : they resolved TheFiem-
no longer to yield even the appearance of submission, ,n?s re~ ¦
either to subordinate tyranny, or the imperial despot him- forcible re-
self. Stimulated to resistance by the strongest motives .
which can inspirit generous breasts ; considering death as
preferable to slavery ; and recalling to their minds those
gallant exertions by which a kindred people had emanci
pated 'themselves from an Austrian despot in the sixteenth
century, they trusted that with much greater resources,
against a foe less povVerful, they would be no less success
ful in resisting an Austrian despot of the eighteenth ;8
'v, f?',^ ¦ - - , i: ¦,'',¦-"¦.-' '
f ,The author of Dodsley's Annual Register 1799, having attentively consi
dered the detail of the spoliations, says, that he suppressed no less than a hun-
djjjl and sixty monastic establishments, and, that the only precaution he ap
pears to have used was, that in this great suppression the men were more fa
voured than the women r of (he -male convents, only forty were sequestered j
of the nunneries, one hundred and twenty. . .
g There was a considerableresemblanee between the conduct of Joseph II.
and his ancestor Philip 11. of Spain ; though, the former was the professed
champion of toleration, (he latter of intolerance, the principle of both was
much more nearly allied than would appear from a superficial view of their re
spective objects. Each sought to model the opinions of mankind according to
His will ; each endeavoured to effect his purpose by violence ; each was eruel in

«94

HISTORY OF THE

1789.

CHAP, besides their own resources, so valuable and efficacious,
^^ in the riches, population, and spirit of the people, and
nature of the country, they might reasPnably expect" sup
port from the arms of Prussia, and even of her maritime
confedei t-tes. The emperor was engaged in the Turkish
war, and his force greatly impaired by the disastrous events
which it had produced : though emigration was very pre
valent, fet the refugees chiefly sought shelter in the most
adjacent states, and had greatly promoted the cause of
their countrymen by describing the dreadful oppressions
from which they had fled. With the emigrants the Flem
ish patriots maintained a very close correspondence, and
concerted with them the plan and commencement of open
resistance. Dalton, meanwhile, despatched part of his
troops to seize every person suspected of disaffection, and
Carried the system of proscription and murder to a more
enormous extent than at any former period of his tyranny,
while Trautmansdorff acted as the civil instrument of op
pression. A conspiracy was formed to blow up the houses
of these tyrants with gunpowder ; during the confusion to
seize the gates of Brussels and the arsenal, and admit
bodies of emigrants, who were prepared, and to be ready at
.hand for that purpose : the execution of this plot was fixed
for August 1789; but being discovered, a great number
of suspected persons were apprehended. While the min
isters were inflicting summary punishments, the vigorous
proceedings of the patriots called their attention to more
formidable objects. About the middle of September
1789, the duke of Ursel, and the prince of Aremburg,
count of la Marck, his son, with the other nobles who had
retired to Breda, were joined by the archbishop of Ma-
lines or Mechlin, primate of the catholic provinces of the
* Netherlands, and by most if not all the states of Brabant,
both civil* and ecclesiastical, were constituted and declared

persecuting all those who opposed his system ; each was imperious and ilespoti-
cal : both Were ambitious without ability.-restless without enterprise, aggressive
and usurping in intention, mighty in project, but futile in execution, and unsuc
cessful in event. Philip, the creature of imitation, was the implicit votary' of
priestcraft: Joseph, the creature of imitation, was the implicit votary of ian-
delity : neither of them were guided by sound reasoning and original reflection :
¦both, in supporting their favoui ite tenets, and gratifying malignant passions, il'nl
much mischief; but attempted much morethan their incapacity suffered tlieia
ie perpetrate.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH.. 29S
to be the, regular and legal assembly of the states of that CHAP.
province :h they framed and unanimously passed a remon- XL11'
strance to the emperor, declaring their rights and their -1789
resolutions to maintain them against every violator : they Deciara?
were prepared tp sacrifice .their lives and fortunes for a rights.
sovereign who should govern them constitutionally, but
they would not surrender those privileges which they held
jn trust for their fellow citizens, and for posterity : they
adjured him to spare them the cruel necessity of appealing
to God and their swords.
The declaration of the states, so contrary to his des
potic sentiments and views, highly enraged the emperor,
and he gave orders for increased severity and violence of
military execution. The Belgians saw no hopes of redress,
but by their swords, and in October 1789 they hoisted
the »s$andard of revolt : a body of insurgents took the
two small forts of Lillo and Liefenshock on the Scheldt :
in fort Lillo, Resides, the military stores, they found a con-
.splerable sum of money. Dalton sent general Schroeder
against the invaders, at the head of four thousand troops,
pell disciplined. On the advance of this force the insur
gents abandoned the two forts, ahd retreated towards
tFturnhout, a small, town about eight miles from the forts :
the imperialists pursued them to the gates, and forcing
these open entered the town : the Brabanters retreating
from thei main street, drew the Austrians after them until
they were inclosed in the market place ; there the patriots
firing frpm the adjoining houses, windows, and lanes, did
great execution ; the regulars being thus ensnared, and
unable to extricate themselves, were broken and defeated,
and compelled to retreat with the loss of seven hundred
men. Hope, encouraged by success, roused all the pat
riotic and martiaj^ardour of the Belgians : assuming the
name of the patriotic army, they penetrated into the heart
of the country ; in the other provinces, as well as Bra
bant, the votaries of freedom flocked to the standard
\ , ...
erected for its preservation, and burned with impatience
to join their brethren in the field, that they might contri
bute their efforts to deliver their country from foreign

h See Annual Register for 179 1, p* 32:

2g6 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, tyrants. In the beginning of November a battle was
XLH fought at Tirlemont : a body of patriots having been pur-
s-^>^>^ sued by Bender an Austrian general, had taken refuge in
this place, and were warmly supported by its patriotic in
habitants. Bender having eritered the. town, was very
vigorously received by the Flemings, and after an obsti
nate contest compelled to retreat. The Netherlander? now
ventured to meet their adversaries in the open field, and
having gained a complete victory, took possession of
The patri- Ostend, Bruges, and Louvain. Animated by these suc-
the^ustri- cesses, they had the boldness to attack the strong city of
an troops. Ghent : having entered the town, they assailed and defeat
ed the enemy in the streets ; arid compelled one part of
them to fly for refuge to the barracks, while another sought
shelter in the citadel. The third day of the siege the
barracks surrendered ; the defendants of the citadel find
ing they could no longer retain the place, committed the
most infamous enormities in the streets, but soon evacua
ted the garrison : the defence of Ghent was by no means
adequate in either vigour or skill to the force by which" it
was guarded. Joseph, desirous of winning his soldiers;
had given directions for allowing them great laxity ; the
troops who were in the Netherlands, besides being recent
ly freebooters, and accustomed to trample on the defence
less inhabitants, conceived a most thorough contempt for
the Flemings ; but when they came to battle, and were
compelled to face the enemy on equal terms, they showed
themselves to have totally deviated from the character of
• Austrian soldiers, and to be as dastardly as they were profli
gate. The reduction of Ghent was of the greatest conse-
Theyftu-m quence to the Flemish patriots ; and the more especially
intoTfed- as 'it enabled the states of Flanders to assemble in that
erai re- capital of the province, for the purpose of legalising their
public proceedings, giving a form to their intended-new
constitution, and concluding a league and federal union
with the other provinces. The emperor informed ofthe
great successes of the Flemish patriots, descended from his
despotic haughtiness, and endeavoured by amicable pro
mises to conciliate his late subjects ; he exhorted the mal
contents to lay down their arms, and to trust for the redress
of real grievances to his clemency and paternal affection :

1789.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 2g,
dreadful consequences (he said) would ensue if they com- chap
pelled him to relinquish the conquests which he was now x^"-
prosecuting, and pourrinto the Netherlands armies that ' "
were now gathering laurels from a foreign enemy. En
deavouring partly to justify, and partly to explain his
most obnoxious acts, he offered to revoke the offensive
edicts, to comply with all their former demands, and to
grant a general, full, and perpetual amnesty to all who
should return to their duty within a specified but distant
time, the leaders of the revolt alone excepted : but the
Flemings had been too often deceived by Joseph to repose
any confidence in his professions ; and they now paid the
less attention to his overtures, that frOm their successes
they began to deem themselves no longer dependent on
his power. On the twentieth of November the states of
Flanders seized on the sovereign authority in their pro
vince, and, in imitation of their Dutch neighbours, assumed
the title of high and mighty states : they passed resolu
tions, declaring the emperor to have forfeited all title to the
sovereignty of the Netherlands ; for raising, organising,
and disciplining an army, and uniting themselves with the
states of Brabant. The ardour and success of their
countrymen inspired the inhabitants of Brussels with the
desire and hope of rescuing their capital from the de»
epotic ministers of Joseph. Intimidated, by the victories
ofthe Flemings, Dalton confined himself within the walls,
and ordered the gates to be strictly guarded : his force
consisted of about six thousand men, whereas the patri
otic band did not exceed one thousand : the soldiers were,
however, dispersed through different parts of the city;
their adversaries were at a fixed rendezvous to form a
compact body, which assailing the scattered enemy, by
throwing them into partial confusion might cause general
¦disorder, and animate the other citizens to join in the
conflict. This gallant design was executed : the Flemish
band defeated an Austrian detachment in one of the
streets ; the battle became general, and the insurgents got
possession of the barracks, with two thousand muskets,
and plenty of ammunition. Dalton retreated to the great
square, where, attempting to defend himself, he wasobli-
ged to capitulate, and to give up Brussels, on being allow-
VOL. HI- P i»

1789.

29a HISTORY OF THE
chap, ed to escape with his garrison : he accordingly retired to
J[^^ Luxemburg : Trautmansdorff, with the other chief mem
bers of the government, withdrew to Liege. The gov
ernors general, from their popularity were not afraid of
any violence, yet, as the emperor's sovereignty was no long
er acknowledged, they betook themselves into Germany.
The Flemings, in their victories, far from imitating the
brutal cruelty of the imperial despot's soldiers, killed no
one but in battle. Having thus made themselves masters
of the chief towns, after celebrating the most solemn in
stitution of religion, they restored the ancient courts of
justice, rescinded all the emperor's innovating edicts, set
tled the exercise of the sovereign power, and completely
reestablished tranquillity. The states of Brabant being
assembled at Brussels, on the last day of the year 1789,
bound themselves by oath, in the presence of the citizens,
to preserve the rights, privileges, and constitution of their
country, and then proceeded to administer the same oath
to the members of the sovereign council of Brabant amidst
the general acclamations of the people. The other provin
ces, except Limburgh, having concluded similar engage
ments concerning their respective internal constitutions, all
the Austrian Netherlands, Limburgh excepted, formed
themselves into a federal republic, to be distinguished by
the title of the United Belgic States. Such was the result
of the restless changes, rapacity, and usurpations of the
emperor Joseph.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

CHAP. XLIII.

Retrospective view of France.— Old government.— Charac
ter and spirit of France under Lewis XIV. — Sources of
submission to arbitrary power^cqmmencing qnd progres
sive change under Lewis XV.— Beginning of infidelity.
¦r-rVoltaire and his disciples.— Beginning of 'anti-monarch-
ism. — Rousseau supposes man a perfectible being. — Pro
gress of his doctrines through the efforts of literature.—
Cooperating political causes. — General impolicy and bur
densome expense of the French wars against Great
Britain.— Enormous expenditure and distressful conse
quences . of the war to support our revolted colonies.—
Pecuniary embarrassments.— Various schemes of allevia
tion.— Convention of the notables — Calonne unfolds the
dreqdful state of the finances. --Calonne proposes an equali
sation of public burdens— -incenses the privileged orders. —
Outcry against the minister — disgraced — retires into ban
ishment.' — Brienne minister, — Trifling and inefficient re
forms, — Contests with parliaments. — Attempts ofthecrown
to overawe the refractory — unsuccessful. — Arbitrary sus
pension of parliaments. — National ferment. — Distressed-
situation of th& king — abandoned by many of his courtiers
—resolves to recal Mr. Neckar— -who consults the convoca
tion ofthe stales general.- — Question concerning the consol
idation ofthe orders,— Meeting ofthe stales. — Commons-
propose to meet in one chamber — -opposed by the crown. —
Commons constitute themselves a national assembly, with
out regard to the other orders.— Violence of demagogues.
— Soldiers infected with the popular enthusiasm — insub
ordination and licentiousness. — King orders troops to
approach to Paris. — -Popular leaders prepare lo defend
the capital. — An army of volunteers immediately raised
• — attack the royal magazines, to procure arms — assail
the Baslile. — Subversion ofthe old government. — Decla
ration of rights— fundamental principle the rights of
3iak» — First afits of the- revolutionists — power— great

300 HISTORY OF THE
and general object to' subvert establishment— to that object
all the whole energies ofthe French genius and character
exerted. — Licentiousness of the press. — Twenty thou
sand literary men employ themselves in stimulating the
¦ mob to outrage. — An engine of government nezv in the
history of political establishments — CLUBS — influence* of
—extended by association — doctrines— influence and ope
ration. — Lawless violence in the country. — Peasants turn
upon the proprietors. — Some of the nobility propose to
sacrifice a large portion of their privileges and property
— their example imitated and emulated.'— Sacrifices qf
the nobles and clergy. — Admiration of the commons. —
Proposition for the seizure of church property — remon
strances of the clergy — disregarded,— Parliaments anni-
Imlated. — Immunities sacrificed. — The law and policy
ofthe kingdom overturned.^-Scheme fer voluntary con
tributions. — Gold and silver sent to the mint.— Prepara
tions for the new constitution — the authority to' be
possessed by the king. — Suspensive veto. — Question, if
the assembly was to be composed of one or tzvo chambers
— carried, that there should be only one. — English con
stitution proposed as a model — rejected*— ^French.' com
mons inimical to mixed government — settlement of the
succession. — Ferocity ofthe people — infiamedby scarcity.
— Additional troops arrive al Versailles — entertainment
given by ihe officers in the palace to the new comers.—
The royal' family visit the banqueting room. — Music
describes the sufferings of a captive prince. — The queen
having in her arms th,e infant dauphin presents hint to
the officers — the ladies of the court accompany her. —
Effects of beauty, music, and wine, combined. — Unguard
ed enthusiasm of the loyal soldiers — trample on the -
national cockade. — Report of this entertainment at Paris.
—Rage and indignation ofthe revolutionists. — Activity
and influence ofthe fishwomen and courtezans. — The mob
determines to bring the king to Paris — expedition of the
women for that purpose — hang priests and aristocrats-
march to Versailles — overawe the legislature — break into
the assembly and take possession of the speaker's chair.
— Mob assault the palace — attempt to murder the queen
— presented by tne heroism of her defenders. — King and-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 301
queen agree to depart for Paris  Mournful procession pf
a degraded monarch.. — Farther proceedings at Paris. —
The existing government endeavouring to quell the mob
— severe^ prosecutions for -that purpose. — Effects of the
. French revolution in Britain.-— Detesting the old French
^government and not acquainted with the new, Britons
'..approve of the. revolution as friendly to liberty. — Senti
ments of various classes — respectively differing, concur in
^favouring the French revolution.
THE event which rendered the year 1789 most CHAP.
important to Britpns. and all the civilized world, was the ,^—^1.
French revolution, the causes and means of which extra- 1789_
ordinary change it requires a retrospective view of the
scene-^pf operation to investigate, and comprehend. The Old gov-
government of France was, in the earlier ages, one of p^ce.10
these feudal aristocracies, which the northern conquerors
established over Europe. The degree of civil and po
litical liberty that extended to the commons was very in
considerable in France, as in most other countries, except
England and the Netherlands. The power of the king
in. the middle ages was extremely limited; the country
consisted of a collection of principalities, in each of
which the lord superior enjoyed an arbitrary sway, and
heldthe. people in a condition of abject vassalage. This
state of relative power in the vicissitudes of human af
fairs ^underwent material changes. The kings had one"
general object, diminution of baronial authority ; pru
dence required the barons to unite for their common ad
vantage, yet they had respectively separate interests whieh
much more constantly occupied their attention. By
sowing discord between these turbulent chieftains* the
sovereigns rendered their aggregate force less formidable.
Conquests, escheats, or treaties, united several fiefs to the
crown : Lewis XL considerably reduced the power of the
nobility, the feudal aristocracy was entirely destroyed by
cardinal Richelieu, and the, separate sovereignties were
consolidated into one entire mass.1 As the people had
been without liberty under feudal lords, they continnerl to
i See introduction, to this history

302

HISTORY OF THE

1789.

CHAP, be in servitude under the, monarch : before the total re-
J^I[_ duction of the aristocracy, they had indeed possessed an
assembly of states, but so modelled, that the commons
had little real share of the power : the nobles and clergy
were closely connected by immunities and other privileges,
and could easily overpower the third estate. From the
administration of Richelieu, France had been without
even the appearance of a legislative voice ; every privi
lege of the subject was under the control of a government
habitually corrupt and tyrannical. The men- of wealth
and distinction were purchase^ either by courtly honours,
¦presents, pensions, or a lavish waste of the public revenue,
which was endeavoured to be exclusively wrung from the
grasp of the poor, the weak and the laborious. Liberty
and even life were insecure, if either interfered with, the
will of the prince. Instead of making a part subservient
to the whole; estimating either permanent regulations, or
temporary measures, by the aggregate of happiness which
they were calculated to produce ; the old government pf
France administered the whole according to the pleasure
and caprice of a very small part ; the comfort and welfare
of twenty-four millions was of little account when compar
ed with the freak or fancy of the prince, the interest or
inclination of his favourites. The suggestion of a priest
or a prostitute would desolate a whole province^ and
drive from that country its most industrious inhabitants.
The nobility and clergy, and also the magistrates, were,
exempted from their share of the public burdens ; the
taxes instead of being paid by the rich and the great,, fell
upon the poor. These tyrannical exactions were render
ed more cruelly oppressive by the established mode of
extortion ; the revenue was farmed, and farther leased by
the principal undertakers to others, and by these to sub
ordinate collectors with advance of rent ; in the various
steps of intermediation between the payer of the impost
and the government, much greater sums were squeezed
from the commons than ever found their way to the pub
lic treasury. The farmers of the revenue principally con-
it See in'Render's Tour through Gcrmanv, an account ofthe devastation of
the palatinate. /

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 303
I
stituted the moneyed class, or at least, were the greatest chap.
capitalists;1 in them government had its chief resource XLlli-
for loans to carry on the projects of extravagant ambition, ^m
and infatuated aggression. Many of the nobility from.
their prodigality were poor notwithstanding their immu
nities and donatives, and from these men had the means ,
of supply ; the court, therefore, very readily connived at
most flagrant extortions in the administration of the reve
nue, as the commons only were to suffer by the spoliation.
The old government of France, was, no doubt, liable Character
to these and other objections, both in its principles and *f Vrance
practice ; and in the reigns of Lewis XIV. and XV. it und<?'
was a very arbitrary and oppressive system. Its vices ap- XIV. and
peared the more glaring to political observers, by being
contrasted with the constitution of the neighbour and
rival of France. Perhaps, indeed, this circumstance pro
duced to that system, still less estimation than it really
deserved. To Britons it would have been an intolerable
scheme of policy, and must have crushed the energy of
the British character, which in a great measure results
from civil and political liberty ; but a greater or less, de-
¦gree of restraint is necessary according, to the knowledge
and dispositions of a nation as well as an individual.
The French minds, sentiments, and habits, appeared to
require a stronger curb than the British ; but on the
other hand the authorities which were to control the vio
lence, regulate the vivacity, and guide the versatile insta
bility of the Gallic character, were by no means well
placed. The power was not exerted for rendering the
greatest benefit to the subjects which even their tempers
would admit ; it was much more arbitrary than was expe
dient for a civilized people to tolerate. The great mass
of the commons were in a state of slavery to the priests,
the nobles, and the officers ef the crown ;m such a condi
tion only profound ignorance, fear, or infatuation could
suffer. It was natural for intelligent and ingenious men
to see the imperfections of the arbitrary government, and
to wish for a reform of various abuses. The splendid,
actions of Lewis XIV. notwithstanding their real impolr-
" " l Annual Register, 1787 and 1780. m New Annual Register, 1789.

304 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, cy, dazzled his subjects | , his ostentatious displays to
t^r^rJ. other nations of his superiority, so flattering to the pre-:
¦m% dominant vanity of. the French character, rendered thenj
eager partisans of their great monarch. , Instrumental to
the glory of the sovereign, they thought they were pro,-
moting their own ! Vanity assumed the disguise of hon
our ; and . in gratifying the prince, and courting his
approbation, they overlooked their own condition ; they
forgot they were bearing slavery, encountering war, pover
ty, and starvation, merely as puppets in the hands' of a
vainglorious tyrant." Under Lewis XIV. their subser
viency was very abject, but it arose from causes that
could not be permanent, and, indeed, from a certain oper
ation of passions and energies, which, in another,- direction^
might readily attempt, and powerfully affect the dissolu-
Sources of tjon 0f their fetters. Submission to arbitrary power
submission . ' i-«r .1
to arbifra- arises from various causes, and operates differently ae
ry power. corti;ng_ to tne diversities of national characters ; often it
may proceed from barbarous ignorance and intellectual
debasement, which mindful of only animal wants thinks
riot of any higher enjoyments than the supply of these ;°
a phlegmatic temper, that does not feel injustice- and op
pression ; or from relaxation, indolence and timidity,
which, notwithstanding a knowledge of right, and a feel?
ing of wrong, prevents strenuous efforts for vindication
and redress ; servitude in these cases is a passive princi
ple. The French were very far from being void of know-
Ledge, sensibility, eourage, or active exertion : on the,
contrary, they were intelligent, ardent, bold, and enterpri
sing, but their passions engaged their ingenuity and their
force in supporting and aggrandizing their absolute, mo
narch. Submission to arbitrary power was, in them, love
for the sovereign, a strongly active principle ; theirs
was implicit obedience yieldcl by strength, not despotism
forced upon weakness. The French animation was ex
tremely eager in the pursuit of pleasure as its levity was
very fond of pageantry and show. The magnificent profusion
of Lewis and his court was well adapted for increasing the
popularity acquired by political and military achievements;
11 Smollett's Continuation of Hume, vol. i. o As in the case of the ne
groes, see Park's Travels, passim.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 3Q5
the high admiration, or rather the adoration with which CHAP.
his subjects regarded this monarch, soon excited "in their ^J^J".
warm and enthusiastic minds an ardent affection for the i7g(J
whole royal family, and indeed all the princes of the
blood ; they associated the ideas of estimation for royalty
with military prowess. These effects were, as long as
they lasted, very favourable to the continuance and exten
sion of absolute sway, but the causes were perfectly com
patible with totally different sentiments. Under Lewis
XV. the French long continued ardent in loyalty, and
manifested their affection and reverence for the kingly
name in implicit obedience to the mandates of his most
christian majesty ; but while energy was exerting itself in
the boldest enterprise for promoting the great monarch's
glory, props of his power were beginning to be impaired. Commen-
From the middle of his reign the Roman catholic faith ""J**"!^
commenced its decline, and towards the close, the politi- change un-
cal power of the sovereign received a considerable shake. Xy.
¦ The abandoned debauchery of the court under the Be.g'"™ns9
duke of Orleans's regency had prepared the higher ranks ity.
for the infusion of infidelity Which was afterwards so exten
sively received. The first movers of this scheme of irreli-
gion were certain votaries of literature, who employed
men of high rank as their instruments. Learning became
daily more prevalent in Europe, and having been fostered
in France by the ostentatious vanity of Lewis XIV. though
limited daring his reign to subjects of taste, sentiment, and
natural philosophy, afterwards extended to theology, ethks%
and politics. Voltaire was admirably fitted for impressing Voltaire.
tike susceptibility, gratifying the taste, amusing the fancy,
inflaming the passions, and so misleading the judgment of
lively, refined, ingenious, ardent, and volatile readers and
hearers : he, therefore, was thoroughly skilled in the most
effectual means of- attacking the faith of Frenchmen.
Vanity materially assisted the infidel's operations : the
nobility having imbibed under Lewis XIV. a relish for
literature and still more for literary patronage, were
desirous of cultivating, or appearing to cultivate, intimacy
with a man of so high rank in letters, repeated his doc
trines and witticisms, and abandoned their religion to
pass for philosophers. Besides, the debauchery of Lewis
Vol. III. Qq

3q5 1HSTQRY OF THE
CHAP. XIV., carried by his pupil the duke of Orleans to a much
U"' more profligate excess, and not much corrected under the

l5-gfl. mature age of Lewijs XV., established in the morals of
courtiers a powerful auxiliary for spreading infidelity.
The ridiculous absurdity of many of the popish doctrines
was easily discernible to French sagacity when turnedto
such animadversions : and their various mummeries; afford*
ed scope to the French wit and satire, when permitted to
take such a range. Gallic ingenuity could easily find
arguments to expose ^the frivolity, and folly of many of
their priestly doctrines, rites, and observances ; but, as
ardent as versatile, leaving their superstitions, they took
the opposite and much more dangerous extreme.. Some of
the king's ministers, pleased with the theories of the
Voltaire school, and converted by his jokes, became deists,
made the king inimical to various parts of the ecclesiasti
cal establishment, and inspired him with, a desire of
reforming the church. This reform both in France and
other countries arose partly from a diminished regard for
: the established church, but principally from the love of
plunder : its consequences were a degradation of the cleri
cal character to a much lower state than was requisite for
the purposes of spiritual and moral instruction. The
suppression of the religious orders, and the general system
pf, policy towards the , church, from the peace of Paris to
the end of the duke de Choiseui's administration, tended
very powerfully to second the efforts of deistical writers
against the phurch, Indeed the acts of Lewis XV. at the
instigation of his favourites, were powerfully efficient
causes, . though not the proximate, of the downfal of
religion in the reign of his successor. It is by no means
a difficult undertaking for a man of genius to establish a
new sect in religion or politics ; if he mean to mislead the'
judgment, he has only by animated description to impress
the imagination, or by impassioned eloquence to impel the
affections. p Voltaire was very successful in the use of
these instruments : other literary adventurers readily pur
sued a tract leading so directly to esteem and patronage.
p Whitfield, Wesley, and other adventurers of a more recent date clearly.
and strongly illustrate the facility with which ingenuity fashioning itself to thej
fjiieies and passions of men, may impress a new hypothesis of religion. ' '"'

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 30jr
Under such influence, projects and institutions were CHAP.
formed for circulating their doctrines. By such influence, - J^J^,
projects, and institutions,11 infidelity made very rapid 17gg
sSivances : except in the lower classes of people, in the
latter period of the reign of Lewis XV. the majority of
laity in France were deists. Opinions and sentiments sO
•inimical not only to absolute monarchy, but to every form.
of regular government, are indebted for their dissemina
tions to the imbecility of Lewis XV., and the riarrow views
of his ministers. The same spirit of free inquiry not
being properly understood or wisely modified by the court
of France, from exp&s'mg the absurdities of many popish
observances proceeded to attack Christianity itself, and
soon extended to politics. In their efforts against super- Com-
. TflCllCC*
stition, the philosophists, in the violent ardour of the ment of an-
French character, rushing to the opposite extreme, pulled'^'™"™^'
tip the wheat as well as the tares ;¦ the same operators, trines.
ernployed on the same. materials, using a similar process
in politics, produced similar effects; and in both, seeking
'to avoid one evil, without discriminating it from the good
"in which it was mixed, they incurred a greater. Specu
lating upon the rights and happiness of man, they easily
saw that the government of France was very far from being
well adapted to the security of rights or the diffusion of
¦happiness. The ingenuity of Frenchmen has, in most
subjects of study, exhibited itself much more frequently
in framing hypotheses than in collecting facts, investigating
'principles, and deducing consequences from actually estab
lished" prerhises. - This mode of procedure, well adapted
to 'the poet's invention, was employed in cases which
required the reasoning of the philosopher, and the wisdom
of the -sage. ' A position was assumed by Helvetius and
many others, but above all by Rousseau, that man was a
perfectible being, and that every change of system was to
'¦be adapted to the perfection which he might attain.
While Voltaire and his sect' were labouring to undermine 'Roassdau
t r, ii- supposes
existing establishments, Helvetius, Rousseau, and their man a per-
sects, besides rendering a helping hand to the scheme of '^'J?6
7 demolition, were very active in proposing new models
q See Barruel on jacobinism, vol. i. passim.

^03 ' HISTORY OP THE
CHAP, totally impracticable, because to consist of perfect men, ma-
v^_v>|, terials were no where found to exist. The French statesmen
J789. were equally blind to the probable consequences of the-
political as of the theological theories so prevalent towards
the close of Lewis XV.'s reign. Then was the time1 to
have prevented their destructive effects' by gradual and
progressive melioration of church and state, which both
Coopera- demanded correction. The systematic impolicy of France*
cal causes! ln seeking commercial and maritime aggrandizement by
provoking that nation that can always ruin her trade and
crush her navy, tended very powerfully to give a practical
General operation to the spirit of liberty. The immense expense
impolicy . , • , r- i i
and bur- incurred in the seven years war, causing fiscal derange--
densome , ments was the chief source of those contentions with the
expense ot ' \
theFrench, provincial parliaments that principally distinguished the
agsi«st hist years of Lewis XV. The actual opposition of these
Britain. political bodies was perfectly justifiable, but called into
action the prevailing theories, and paved the way for much
more unrestrained efforts against the prince's power.
Lewis XVI., kind and liberal by nature, was disposed to
moderate in its exercise the rigour of his absolute power,
and to accommodate his government to the sentiments
which, without comprehending their precise nature or
extent, he in general saw become prevalent among his
subjects. The first years of- his reign promised popularity
to the prince with increasing happiness to his people.
Repetition, however, of the same preposterous policy
which had cost France so much blood and treasure, not'
only drove him to an unprovoked war with England, but
to a war in which he was to support revolting subjects-
againit their sovereign in which every argument that he
could adduce in favour of the ¦ Americans might be
employed with much greater force to vindicate a revolt of
his own subjects. The intercourse of the French with
the defenders of a republican constitution very rapidly
increased an anti- monarchical spirit in a country predisposed:
r So early as the year 1772, Edmund Burke, in the theological scepticism
and political hypotheses of the French writers, saw the probable overthrow of
religion and government ; and even in the house of commons mentioned bis
apprehension of the danger, and proposed to form an alliance among believers "¦"'
against (he said) those ministers of rebellious darkness who are endeavouring to
.'shake all the works of God established in beauty and order.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

3<3d

for its reception. The enorrhous expenses incurred in CHAP.
nourishing America, and endeavouring to injure Britain, XLI11-
plunged France into unexampled distress, and the aggres- l7S§
sion recoiled on the aggressor. An immense new debt Enormous
was added to the old, the accumulation became intolerable. audTis-3
The multitude of the distinct loans which alt6;rether com- tresstul
... ° , consequen-
posed this vast mass of debt, and the diversity ofthe con- ces ofthe
di'tions upon which, according to the genius of the respec- p^Vine^"
tive projectors, they had been raised, the numberless Americans.
appropriations of specific revenues to particular funds,
and the frequent infractions of these to supply the imme
diate necessities of the state, occasioned such voluminous Pecuniary'
detailed accounts, such endless references,8 explanations,' ™u!"u
arid deficiencies, with such eternal crowds of figures, that
the whole presented a chaos of confusion, in which the
financiers themselves seemed scarcely less bewildered than
the ^public. The taxes, numerous as they were, and
ruinous in the last degree to the people, were totally
unequal to the supply of the current expenses of the state
and to the discharge of the interest or annuities arising ori
the various funds ; new funds could not be raised, but the
exigencies of the state must be supplied. No effectual
means were devised but by withholding the annuities due
to the public creditors to the amount of the deficiency1.'
This hieasure involved numbers in distress and calamity,
and caused loud clamours: in a situation so disastrous, Schemes
projects and projectors of relief multiplied. The wealth ti0„~.
of France was certainly very great, but the principal was
in the private repositories of ministers, contractors, cotn-
ihlsssioners, stockjobbers, farmers general, and the minions
of the court.
Vergennes died in 1786 and was succeeded by Mon
sieur de Calonne, who having in vain tried the experi
ment of new loans, the king proposed to assemble the
states, but Was dissuaded by the court and ministry. If
the states' were assembled, they might, instead of granting
supplies, begin their deliberations with demanding a re
dress of grievances. Monsieur de Calonne wished to Conven-
cohvene the notables, an assembly deriving its name from n"^^^.'16
t See Annual Register, 178", Chap. vii.

31q HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the members being men of, rank and respectability. The
^J^Ly- ministers had endeavoured to prevail on the nobility
,7g9 and clergy to contribute a share spontaneously of those"
immense sums which through their exemptions they wefe
presumed to have accumulated. The same influence,' it
was also hoped, would, be successfully used in prevailing
oil the great moneyed capitalists to bring forward part of
their' stores for the relief of the nation. A proclama
tion was accordingly issued the 16th of December for
holding this assembly.1
Calonne. jN an introductory speech Calonne contended that the
public embarrassment arose from causes which were high
ly honourable to France, and the present reigri, and, not
withstanding the immediate exigency, ultimately benefi
cial as well as gloriotis. A marine had been formed infi
nitely more powerful than any ever known in France';
his majesty's fleets had sailed triumphant' over the ocean,
he had humbled the rival, and terminated an honourable
war by a solid and permanent peace : devoting his atten
tion to the public welfare, he hsd, since peace was estab
lished, invariably pursued exter.sive commerce abroad,
He unfolds aiui good administration at home. The minister had
f»T state of found the finances, when he was intrusted with their. ma-
the finan- nJ,gement, in a deplorable state ; a vast unfunded debt,.
all annuities and interest greatly in arrear; all the coffers
empty, the public stocks fallen to the lowest point, circu
lation interrupted, and all credit and confidence destroyed.
He then showed the measures which he had pursued, and
the happy effects it had produced (so far as his measures
could reach) in remedying these complicated evils. He
had, he said, reestablished public credit upon a sound
basis, had undertaken great and expensive work's of the
highest national importance ; but notwithstanding all those
favourable appearances of prosperity, there was an evil
every year increasing- in magnitude, this was the* great,
annual deficiency of the public revenue, and its inade-
t Tt c&nsisW of seven princes of the blood, nine dukes and peers bf
France, e^ght field marshals, twenty-two nobles, eight counsellors of state,
fiwir masters of requests, eleven archbishops and bishops, thirty-Kevin judges
of parliament, twelve, deputies of Ihe pays d'el^it, the lieutenant civil, and
twenty-five magistrates of different towns; in all, one hundred and forty-four-,
See iUacfarlanc's history of tieorgc III: vol. iii. p. 345.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 3 1 1
quacy to the national expense ; to eradicate this evil was CHAP-
beyond, the reach of ministers ; additional taxes would ^l^J.
oppress the people, whom the king wished of all things j-jg,
td relieve; anticipation on the revenue of subsequent
years had already been practised to a ruinous extent ; and
the reduction of expense had been carried as far as was
possible without weakening the state and government.
In .J.he reform of abuses, the king and his minister
chiefly trusted to find a remedy for the. evil. One ofthe
most intolerable grievances which then prevailed, was the
immunity of the most opulent classes from taxation ;
Calonne therefore proposed to equalise public burdens by He propp-
reridering the taxes general; to accomplish this purpose,'-^^-!

. ses an
disa-
the nobilitv, clerp-y and magistracies should be.no longer tion of pub-.
*• ' , - . -, ,-i 1 • • r lie burdens.
exempted, but contribute their share to the exigencies ot
the state ; the , officers .under the crown, were to be assess

ed;, .and there should be a, general impost on land, with
out excepting the possessions of any order .or individual.
Such a project, .in whatsoever motives it. originated, was
certainly just, in its principle, and efficient in its object,
as a scheme pf finance: as„a measure of policy it was
wise and equitable, since it proposed to , restore to the
"commons so great a, part of their usurped rights : but the
minister did not show much judgment and prudence in
the means which he .chose for carrying his plan into exe
cution. Itwas very improbable that the aristocratical cor
porations, to influence whom ,he had, called the council
of fetables, would willingly repede from such lucrative
immunities; indeed, the notables themselves consisted of
members of. tlie privileged orders, and might as a body be
presumed unfavourable to a project tending so much to
diminish, their corporate advantages. They actually He incenr
proved very inimical , to the plan, which they represented privileged
as merely a new expedient for getting immense sums of orders.
money intotiie hands of government, to supply its extra-,
vaganee and corruption ; they refused, to concur in the
territorial impost, unless they were suffered to investigate
the past expenses and accounts, and future estimates, as
thereby only they could know how far public money had
been, or was likely tp be, applied for the national good.
The privilegedprders raised a general outcry against the

312 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, man who had proposed to abolish their immunities :r they
xuu* even persuaded the other classes, tha^the sole object of
US9 the minister was rapacity, for the purposes of embezzle^
Outcry ment and peculation ; that, so far from intending to light-
nSter!16 en their burdens by his 'new system of impost, he design
ed to load them w^th fresh taxes, and thus the; aristocrats
excited the hatred of the people against the minister,
whose, plan, if adopted and fairly executed, would have
rendered to the people themselves so essential a service.
Moreover, the queen was a great enemy to the minister, be
cause he attacked one of her favourites. The mild and com
pliant Lewis , readily imbibed the prevailing sentiment,
and withdrew his confidence and regard, from a* man
whom he saw distrusted and hated by so many others.
Blsgraccd: Calonne, fearing a judicial prosecution while the minds of
into ban- all ranks were so biassed against him, retired into Eng-
»!!;m™l' land." Meanwhile monsieur de, Brienne," archbishoppf
i> I if Iil.it i * 1*fir
minister. Thoulouse, a leading member of the notables, was' ap
pointed prime minister, and, without attempting the radi
cal reform which the exigency required, he proposed, and
executed various partial improvements in the collection of
Trifling taxes, and the management of the public money. It was
cient re- ^-manifest that a change so confined in principle *andj opera-
torm. tJQn could ,not extricate the country from its present evils.
By the new minister the assembly of notables was dis
solved,5, and he thought himself obliged toj haye recourse
to. the usual mode of raising money by .edicts. 'j Among
the measures was a double poll tax, and a heavy stamp
Contests duty. The parliament of Paris remonstrated against the
parliament first subsidy, in terms very unlike the former language of
of Paris. tn<ejr assemblies, even when they opposed the will of the
king. Before they should concur in raising money,, they
required to be informed of , the real state of the finances,
and the. purposes to which the new imposts were to ,be
applied; and they particularly .objected to the stamp
duty; their requisition not having been admitted, they
u This minister, has been charged with having amassed immense riches
by plundering the pWblic. He certainly li'vel in London," for several years,! in
nii-gnifieent splendor; but what his funds were, or how actiuired, was never
ascertained.

'x Honille on the French ifevolutibn, p. SO. '
y In the opinion of Rouille, very unwisely, p. 51.

REtGN OF GEORGE III. 3^3

*"

refusfed to enregister the edict. The king finding them chap.
inflexible to persuasion, held' a bed of justice, Jo compel J^^.
||iem to registration. This procedure, hateful in the ,r89.
feign of Lewis XV. was infinitely more odious at present. Attempts
of, ,, . . ¦>,.,• - , 'ofthe
jvtien the spirit ot liberty was so much stronger and crown to
more generally diffused. The edict having been forcibly thfrefrW
Registered, thje parliament protested, that not having tory, unv
been obtained by their approbation and consent, it should
not be valid ; and that whoever attempted to put it in
execution should be, doomed to the galleys as a traitor.
This resolute opposition was imitated by all the other par-
^anSEUts. Matters now appeared to draw to a crisis ;
the alternative of the crown seemed to be, either to pro
ceed to- coercion, or to relinquish for ever the long
Usurped power of raising money by its own authority.
On the other hand, the judicative bodies were deter-
riiined to show that they would not, without resistance,
any longer permit an arbitrary invasion of property, how
ever supported by precedent. On the 24th of July the Remeft-
parliament of Paris published a remonstrance;1 highly cele- ^"paruL
forated for a forcible reasoning, a bold and animated mentof
eloquence, which clearly demonstrated and strongly im-
Wessed awful truths. After a happy peace that had
lasted five years, they, from the revenue before possessed
by the erpwn, had trusted that no fresh imposts would
have beeri proposed ; great, then was their surprise at the
requisition pf.an additional tax so extensive, and gene
rally odious. •" Ministers had' never approached the throne
With a voice of truth, but had disguised from the king
the actual state of his dominions, and the sentiments of
his subjects. The council of the notables had been the
occasion of discovering to the public the dreadful situation
of affairs, and the progressive steps of error, corruption,
and vice, by which courtiers had reduced France to such
a condition. Taxes were the contributions of citizens for
their own private security and the public safety ; if they
exceeded those purposes, they were inconsistent with
justice and the good of the people, the sole objects of
z See remonstrance, State Papers, July 24th, 1787.
Vol. III. \ R r

31*

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, legitimate government. Neither parliaments, nor any
J^^L. other authority but the whole nation assemhled^ could
1789 sanction a new impost. The nation only, being convened
and instructed in the true state of the finances, could
extirpate the abuses that actually existed, and offer re
sources to obviate such evils in future. If this remon
strance be considered in relation to the rights of a free
people, and to the actual abuses under the French govern
ment ; it was firm, yet perfectly temperate and respectful.-
Addressed, however, to a monarch who had inherited
arbitrary power, it appeared a presumptuous encroach
ment. It was extremely natural for Lewis to think him^
self rightfully entitled to the sway of his ancestors; fo,
overlook the injustice in which that dominion was found-^
ed, and the great change of popular sentiment from the
time even of his last predecessor. Like Charles I. he
presumed a divine right tp what his ancestors and, he had
possessed only by human sufferance ; and, like Charles I.
he did not discern that the opinions and sentiments which;
had permitted thraldom, no longer existed among his
subjects. Lewis, however, had a much more formidable;
force than Charles, in which he conceived he might repose
secure confidence. He therefore determined on coercion!;
collected great bodies of trOops round the metropolis; and
sent parties of soldiers to the house of every individual
member of the parliament of Paris, to carry him in banish
ment to Troyes, about severity miles from the capital, and
not to suffer him to write or speak to any person of his
own family before his departure. These orders were
executed at the same instant, on the 18th of August, and
' by force the judicial body was prevented from proceeding
in its official business. In the following month the presi
dent was despatched by the exiles to Versailles, to repre
sent to his majesty the pernicidus effects of the compulsory
measures which he was then pursuing. After several,
audiences, instead of adhering to the hereditary maxims
of arbitrary power, the king yielded to the dictates of his
individual benignity and patriotism ; he consented to *
abandon the obnoxious attacks, and to suffer parliament!
to resume its functions. Meanwhile the flame of libertv

REIGN OF GEORGE III. «{,
was bursting forth in various parts of the kingdom.9 CHAP.
Other 'parliaments not only emulated, but surpassed! the X1'Ul-
generdus boldness of Paris, and with the right of property ^r^*-
asserted the claims of personal security. The parliament of
Grenoble declared leitres de cachet, or arbitrary imprison
ment, to be totally unconstitutional; and pronounced a
decree,, rendering it capital for any person, under a4*ty au
thority, to attempt such an act within that province. In all
the populous towns, where there was the most ready and
extensive interchange of opinion and sentiment ; the con
duct of government, once so sacred in France, was openly
discussed, and most severely reprobated, both in discourse
and publications.], The king, in November, appeared to
have changed his disposition and intentions : meeting the
parliament of Paris, he said he had come to hear their
opinions ;' but before they delivered them, to signify his
own.c They ought to confine themselves to the functions
intrusted by the Tkingto their predecessors : the expediency
of calling public assemblies was a measure of which he
was the sole judge. He was about tp issue an edict,
creating for five successive years a loan that would require
no new impost. Permission being given for every mem
ber to speak without restraint, a warm debate on the
registration ofthe edict ensued in the presence of the king;
but at last his majesty, suddenly rising, commanded the
decree to be registered without delay. The duke of Or
leans, first prince of the blood after the king's brothers,
warmly opposed this order, as a direct infringement of
parliamentary right ; and protested against all the acts of
the day, as thereby rendered void. His majesty, aston
ished at a proceeding so new tp an absolute prince, repeated
his order, and quitted the assembly. The next day he Banisfc-
bariished the duke and two of his most active supporters. thTactive
The parliament, farHfrom tamely submitting to this act of opposition.
power, published a very strong address, which justified the
exiled members, avowed the highest approbation of their
conduct, and represented the dangerous consequences of
such a restriction on the necessary freedom pf speech.
-". a Annual Register, 1787, chap. vii. passim. b Bertrand de Mole',
vJUe, introduction. o State Papers, Nov. 19, 1787.

316

HISTORY OF THE

chap. The king answered,, that he .had strong reasons for the
,5^. banishment of those members; with this assurance parlia-
m9, ment ought to rest satisfied; the more goodness he was
disposed to show to his parliaments, the more firmly lie
would approve himself if he saw his goodness abused.
Bold tone Parliament replied in the bold tone of men determined to
me'ntan'd assert their freedom; " your parliament does not solicit
d°ressblead'i " favom% It demands justice. No man ought to be con-
' " demned without a fair trial: arbitrary banishments,
" arrests, or imprisonments, constitute no-part of the legal
" prerogative of the French crown. It is in the name of
" those laws which preserve the empirer in the name of
" that liberty of which we are the respectful interpreters
" and lawful mediators, in the name of your authority, of
" Which we are the first and most confidential ministers,
" that we dare demand either the trial or the release of
" the duke of Orleans «nd the exiled magistrates." This
attack on a prerogative so long exercised 'tjy the court, and
essential to the rnaintenance of arbitrary monarchy, was
resisted by the king; and he told them, that what they
demanded of his justice depended on his Will. This prin
ciple that would subject the freedom and happiness, of
'millions to the will of an individual* though the foundation
of French absolute monarchy, the enlightened parliament
totally condemned ; they refused to purchase justice by con
cession ; declared parliament would never cease to demand
the inhpeachmerit or liberty of the persons in question, and
would employ the same zeal and perseverance to ensure
to every Frenchman the personal security promise.^ by
the laws, and due by the principles of the constitution.
liament'of This patriotic assembly supported the claim in question,
Paris as- and urged new assertions, riot for their own body; alone,
rights of a but for the'whole nation. They published a remonstrance,
freepeopie declaring that no taxes could be granted but by the con
sent of the people j, they extended the same doctrine to the
whole body of legislative power, insisting that no man
ought to be. imprisoned, dispossessed of his property or
liberty, outlawed or banished, or in any way hurt or
, injured, unless through his own act, his representatives^ or
d. State Papers, Nov. 23d, 1781-

REIGN OF GEORGE jn> 317
^be law of the land.? Tbe.parliamentfof Paris vindicated CHAP.
*' "VT I IT
those fundamental- rights, which no time, nor precedent, ^^^-J.
nor statute, nor positive; institution can abolish," which 1759;
men always may reclaim when they will. They endea
voured from history and authority to prove this popular
tjionsent to have been the foundation of laws in former
times, before the subversion of the constitution under the
house of ^Bourbon. The ^precedents which they quoted
Mid not apply to the present situation, and indeed obscured
instead of illustratmg their claims. But as neither the
justice or expediency of the doctrine; rested upon former
usage or authority, the irrelevancy of their citations affected
neither the truth of their positions, nor the wisdom of their
conduct. ->_
Thk spirit of liberty and reform, operating on the in- j^*,0^
vgenious and volatile character of Frenchmen, and tine- innovation
ftured by the peculiar doctrines of late political philoso^
phers, produced a disposition to innovation. Even at
this period many reformers assumed a position, that, every
existing establishment was bad, and therefore that melio-
"'ration consisted in a total change. The court imputed to
^parliaments the prevailing spirit, which these bodies
'.rather expressed than incited ; and, confounding the or
gans with the cause, formed a project for annulling the
.authority which was recently assumed by these . bodies.
Professing to gratify the popular passion for reform, min
isters proposed a, general amendment in the codes both
e Se6 this doctrine stated by H,ume in his remarks on the great char
ter of ^"?'an(V 'ineil? parliaments of France were originally courts of justice,
' -~ * X«m in thp JpE-islatidn. either as an order or as representatives ot
XTeopfe From L^meXSnal Richelieu, the legislatives well as the
exeSi authority was vested entirely in'the crown. The practice of employ-
' iW 'the oaXments t0 enregister the king s edicts, wasnever mmided «o convey
ing the par nai mu ni i & ^ were consldered mel-ery as
Srie*fo record a?id aSfticate their existence, and thereby as well to^ro,
:^£T^^a^Cl ***» pretendei-that being contrary to the
laws. See Annual Regreteiv If**- - ,

318

HISTORY OF THE

1789.

CHAP, of civil and criminal justice. For this purpose, a tribu*
XLUI. ngi was to ke instituted,, endowed with such powers as
would carry back the, parliaments to' the original princi-:
pies of their institution,, and reduce them to the condition
of mere courts of justice.6 The. members -pf this body
were all to be chosen by the king :b their number and every
circumstance relative to their meeting, was to depend on the
royal will. Profound secresy was observed in conducting
this project : the edicts were privately printed at the royal
press,t and intended to be presented,, on the same day to
all the parliaments in France, and the registration was to
be enforced by soldiers. The scheme, however, being
discovered, before xt was ripe for execution, by M.
d'Epresmenil, was by him communicated to tile parlla-i1
ment of Paris, of which he was a member. This body
meeting on the 3d of May 1788, issued a declaration,
stating a report of a conspiracy, by the court, against the
authority of parliaments, the interests and liberties of the
nation. Detailing the alleged rights of parliaments, and:*?
the purposes bptit of their general bestowal and recent -
exersise, they declared their resolution..- of surrendering!':*
their privileges, not to ministers, or any, new courts estab-- '
lished by their influence, but to the king himself, and the
states general. Though Lewis had, as, an act of grace,-'-
liberated Orleans and the magistrates, he still determin- •
ed to support the principle of' arbitrary imprisonment.
Agreeably to this resolution, he ordered >M. d'Epresme- '
nil, and M. D,e Monsambert, two of the, most active
members of the parliament to be arrested in. their houses*-
Though these patriots evaded. immediate caption, by con-,
cealing themselves from the soldiers, they disdained to
abstain from their duty in parliament. That body,, in*',,
formed of the attempt, sent a deputation to remonstrate ,
with the king; but the delegates were npt admitted. A
regiment of guards surrounded the court of parliament;
its cornmander entering the assembly, demanded the two
magistrates whom tthe king had ordered to be arrested :¦
'. ' -r - '.'-*--,. . . ' '
g Bouille, p. 54. h They were to have consisted of princes ofthe ^
blood j of peers of the realm ; of great officers of state ; of marshals ofFrance '-, of
governors of provinces ; ©f knights of different orders ; of members of council ; "' -.'
and of a deputation of one member from each parliament of the kirigdom, and
two from the chamber of ajCoounXs anil supply. Annual Register, 1789, c. i: ¦

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. gjg
a profound silence for some time ensued ; at last, the pre- CHAP.
sident rising, with the acclamations of the whole body, XLuX
replied, every member here, is a d'Epresmenil, and a Mon- 1789>
sambert.1 These magistrates, however, surrendered them
selves, and were led off to prison amid the loud execra
tions of the people. The king, on the 8th bf May, held
a, bed of justice to introduce the intended, reforms : he
inveighed against the undutiful behaviour of parliamerit,
and declared his determination to suppress such excesses,
in a few of the magistrates; yet in general he preferred
prevention to penal animadversion; he then announced
the heads of the new constitution which his chancellor
fully detailed.fc Parliament the following day ; entered
against these proceedings a protest, repeating the sub
stance of their forrner remonstrances, and declaring indi
vidually and aggregately that they would accept of no
employment under the projected establishment. This pro
testation vyajs seconded by a great body of the members;
and so generally was the new spirit now disseminated,
? that even many of the' clergy declared concurrence in
their sentiments and resolution. Thus encouraged, par
liament published a still stronger memorial, than ariy which
they had before issued; peremptorily declaring their in
flexible .determination to persevere in their past measures.
Through all the kingdom, both bodies, spontaneous asso
ciations, and private individuals, appeared to be agitated
by the same spirit. The court, on the other hand, pro
ceeded to coercive measures;, the governor of Paris en
tering the parliament house, took possession of all the papers
and archives; having locked the doors, and stamped them
with -the king's seal, he carried aWay the keys. All the Arbitrary
other parliaments in the" kingdom were suspended from 0f tne par.
their functibns, and forbidden under the severest penalties 'laments.
to hold any meetings. In this crisis, the question now
evidently lay between the establishment of liberty, or offerment.-
complete despotism.1 Brienne was by no means capable
of conducting affairs in so difficult a situation ; he possess
ed nefther the sagacity which could have discovered the
force of a general spirit diffused through a people of such
i Annual Register," 1789, chap. i. Mackintosh's Vindicise Gallicias.
k State Papers, May Sfh. J BouiUe, />as.«'m.

320 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, boldness and energy, nor the wisdom which, to a certain
XLin- extent, would have gratified the national desire, in order
irg9 to prevent the national violence ; and moderated the regal
Unfitness power to preserve its essential and useful prerogative. He
lor^Tis6"116 was no less deficient in that boldness of design, and vi-
ome<5, gour of execution, which only could have overborne the de
termination ofthe people, and crushed their rights. The
ready and willing tool of arbitrary power in its usual and
established exercise,, he possessed neither invention nor
courage to be its counsellor and champion in untried dan
gers. The cottduct of government was a motley mixture
of outrage and irresolution, violence, and feebleness : for
a short time the court persisted in coercive efforts, both
in Paris and other provinces; and in Dauphiny, Langue
doc, and Brittany, the parliaments were exiled,:* but the
rage of the .people broke out in riots which produced dis-,
order and bloodshed. In some instances it appear
ed, that the soldiers commanded to quell the disturb
ances, manifested an extreme unwillingness to act against 5
Distressed their countrymen. The king was at this time in, the
situation of greatest pecuniary distress, which he saw the people
Would not voluntarily relieve: nothing* he perceived,
short of military execution would enforce the obnoxious
edicts. Destitute of money, he lost « great part of the in
fluence which through donative he had possessed; many of
the nobility, from the extravagance of their ancestors, their,
own, or both, were mere dependents on the bounty of the
eTown; and in the poverty- of the king they saw them
selves precluded from the usual resource of titled insigr
nificance and beggary ; accustomed to luxury and splendor,
and the eleemosynary fountain of their prodigality and ostent
tation no longer flowing, they from a special cause became
infected with the general discontent; poor, lords, who had
subsisted by the royal dole, forsook the king when he
had no dole to bestow. m The household of the monarch,
extremely magnificent and expensive, had supported vast
numbers of officers and attendants; in the king's dis
tresses four hundred bf these were necessarily dismissed;-'
many of them, no longer maintained in idleness and pomp,
turned against the hand which had given them food while
m Annual Register, 178$.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. 2g]
it had food to give, and from the most despicable and CHAP:
unworthy motives added fo the number of those who op- <J2^J\
posed the king's government -from generous and patriotic'5 im. .
principles. The discontents rising from political causes*
were enhanced by a physical calamity ; a dreadful hurri
cane of wind, rain, hail, thunder and lightning, on the
13th of July, assailing the land, destroyed the fruits and'
corn. Want and misery were soon felt through the king-'
dom; and the capital itself was apprehensive of a famine/
The dearness of provisions induced or cortipelled many*
fatriiiies to dismiss their servants, and thus increased the
number ofthe idle, distressed, and dissatisfied. To aggr'a-(
vate the danger Which menaced the court from so many
C$ijfeurriiig causes, the wild theories ' of sophistical pro
jectors, equally inimical to religion as to regular govern
ment, to beneficial liberty as ^ absolute monarchy, were
fast gaining "ground. In the latter end of 1788, the oppo-'
¦fte'ri'ts ofthe king consisted of two great classes: — first,
the champions of rational liberty, determined not only to
prevent future encroachments, 'buVto correct past usurpa
tions ; to change the government from an absolute to a
limited monarchy ; to render its object the general happi
ness, "instead of the pleasure Of individuals, its rule the
national voice, instead" of the monarch's will.' The other
tlass consisted of those1 who, not conterited with an altera
tion of measures, SOiignt an utter Subversion of the estab-
lishrhent, and promoted doctrines and schemes, which
Would destroy all government: between these- two ex
tremes there were various gradations, froth' the supp6rterS
6T .limited monarchy to the levellers bf all' ranks^ and
orders. The principal actors were at this time chiefly of
the former division, or at least more nearly allied to it than
to the latter ; but subordinate agents, especially many of
the literary meri employed as efficacious instruments by
the lealders, were closely 'connected with the votaries of
bourfdless revolution. Many of the writers, in cornb'atting
absolute power to assist" parliaments and vindicate the
rights of the people, attacked all existing forms and estab
lishments, and loosened the great eentents of society." +
JV nBertrand de Moleville On tho French Revelution, r. i. c.i.:
Vol. III. Ss •

923

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLIH.

1789.

He re
solves to
recal Mr.
JJepkar,

The minister seeing his sovereign in such cajamitojjs
f circumstances, was more "mindful of his own safety, than
gratitude to his master ; heresigned his office, and sought
refuge in Italy.: Lewis finding his own distresses, and
those of his kingdom, multiplying, and that the arbitrary
measures which were suggested by his ministers were
producing effects so different from their predictions, : and
his wishes, resolved to adopt a new plan, more consistent
with his own benignant character. To gratify the nation,
and procure a counsellor likely to relieve the country and*
himself, he determined to recal the celebrated Mr. Neckar.
From this gentleman, so universally popular, and, indeed,
the idol of their adoration, the warm fancies of French
men expected impossibilities. They seemed to have
conceived that he possessed a kind of magical" power,
which could pay off an/*nmense public debt without
money, and supply twenty-five millions of people; with
corn and bread. But Neckar by no means possessed those
extraordinary talents which were once imputed to him by
the grateful subjects of Lewis, and by that monarch him
self. Strict morals and integrity even his adversaries0
ascribed to this celebrated economist; .but. the impartial
philosopherp readily discovered that he was a mere! man
of detail; a skilful and upright steward, but not a pro
found statesman, " Neckar (says Bouille) viewed France
" with 'the eyes of a citizen of Geneva." Native of a
republic, he was warmly attached to the rights' and inter
ests of the people ; of plebeian extraction, he too little
regarded the distinctions of rank and of birth, and estima
ted them by the abstract principles' of equality, instead of
the actual institutions of an established government in a
great and powerful nation : his sentiments and habits of
hinking were inimical to the privileged orders, Neckar
was, -individually, a man of" immense riches, during a con*
siderable part of his life, he had been chiefly conversant
with- moneyed capitalists, and naturally- attributed, more
than its due share of importance to' the distinction 'of
Wealth ; hence, in every regulation which he should desire
to frame, farmers of the revenue, contractors, bankers,

o Bouille", page 76.

p Adam Smith.

REIGN OF GEORGE UI.

,3483

and merchants, - were' likely to be more considered" than , CHAP.
the clergy or nobility: and from these various causes ^^J,
Neckar was chiefly attached to the< third estate. With 17m
such notions and predilections he came to the administra
tion of France; at a season which required a statesman
arid lawgiver that could survey the whole circumstances
arid interests of the empire without leaning either to
"* Clergy or laity, nobility or plebeians, to riches or to birth;
and would provide impartially and effectually for the wel
fare of the whole.
~ 'On-Mt. Neckar's appointment, the chief persons, of
Brienne's party were dismissed from office. The parlia-r
rhent of Paris was restored to its functions, met in tiie
fijflfeldle of September, and caused all the king's late de
crees, which they represented as unconstitutional, to be
publicly brirnt. Mr. Neckar found the finances in so .who corny.,
disordered a condition, that he advised a convocation of ^'tooii-
the states general as the only effectual measure for relief. Aion oftne
tr ° , , ,- • states s«n-
He propose-d* however, as a preliminary, to summon a erai.
new convocation of notables, who should deliver their
-opinion concerning the composition of the states general,
the qualifications of the electors, and of the elected; the
'mode of election, the proportion of delegates to the wealth
and populousness of the several districts ; also, the amount
'arid delation of members to be sent by the different orders,
and the instructions which they were to receive from
their constituents; and the 1st of May 1789, was. the
day appointed for the meeting of the states general. ,
;,<"'-Two great questions existed between the three orders, Jbestidn*
the nobles, the clergy, and the commons; first, whether -^eaasSE
all the deputies should meet in one assembly,- wherein {j1"^0*
the concentrated power of the states general should reside,
or whether they should be divided as they had been at
the last rneeting in 1614, into three chambers, through
which a resolution must be carried (at least .two of them)
before it became the acknowledged act of the states.*1
^Secondly, whether the number of deputies from each of )
the orders should be three hundred, as in 1614,. or^the
clergy and nobles should retain their former numbers, and
q Voting by heads was the term applied tp the first of tleee alterMtives,
and voting by wdevs W the second.

334

HlSTOm Of THE

CHAP.
1-789.

and the
doublerepresentation,.

the commons send six hundred, so as to equal the amount
of the other two estates-, this was called, the double repre
sentation of the people. These two questions agitated
the public with great violence: if they voted by orders, a
double representation would be of no effect, as th© two
estates could outvote the three ; therefore, the double
represeritation was proposed on the supposition thatthey
were to vote by numbers. The arguments for three
assemblies were founded on ancient usage-; for one, upon
justice and expediency., By the supporters of thelast
it was contended, that unless there was but one assembly
the power of the commons would really be : nugatory..
The clergy- and, nobles would coalesce together to defend
their immunities against the commons, who, in their own,
maintained the general interests of the people. If their
numbers were not equal to those ofthe other, two orders^
they could effect no purpose of important improvement.
The aristocratical estates prevailing among: the notables,
that council voted for separate chambers. - In their opin
ion concurred the parliament of Paris, which, though
desirous of repressing the power of the crown, was inim
ical to the- exaltation of the commons. . Mr. Neckar
inclined to the third estate, hut at the same time pro
fessed a desire to preserve the necessary and useful pre
rogatives of the crown ; but the means were not wisely,
adapted to the end. Neckar reasoned like an accountant.
rather than a statesman, and treated a question for con
stituting the legislation of a mighty nation, as if he had
been summing up the items of a daybook in order* to
make an entry into a ledger : he thought that by equali
sing the numbers of the commons and the two privileged
orders, the one would balance the other; the states general,
like the parliament of England, would consist of two great
branches of lawgivers, which, together with the king,
might, produce mutual support and reciprocal control;
therefore he promoted the double representation. But
though there: would be thus an arithmetical equality be
tween the twov first orders and the, third, perfectly satis
factory to an auditor of accounts, there was by no means
.that political equality which would have satisfied a
wise lawgiver, who proposed to establish an effectual

RRIGN OF GEORGE tfL 335
balance, in a constitution. »If Neckar haid discerned the CHAP.
actual state and party, he would have found that the par- ^T^Jv
tisansyof the, privileged orders among the commons were 17g9v
very few, that the partisans of the commons among the
privileged orders were very many,r and therefore, that if
-.tijey were equal in number, the commons would engross
the power which he proposed to be separated. Intending
that the aristocracy and democracy should be a mu
tual equipoise, Mr. Neckar,. Nto whose opinion the king
implicitly resigned himself, in no small degree' contributed
^othe destruction of the one and predominancy of the
other, i The- minister entirely neglected the question con
cerning the consolidation of theorders; an omission which
prevented a corrective of the power which the commons
%Jfe$Ee to obtain by the double representation. The parlia
ment of -Paris found they had lost their popularity by
*,t#kin;g the side of the other privileged orders*, and that
they might: regain the favour of the commons, published
a decree which vindicated as the rights of a Frenchman,'
all the leading objects that have been attained, or indeed
sought, by the best and most admired constitutions. The
rights claimed, nearly the same as those secured to Eng
lishmen, were such as must have contented all who
.ripidprstood both the extent and bounds of useful liberty.
The chief heads of the decree were, that no assembly
could be considered as national, unless it ascertained the
-following points in favour of the people: the periodical
returns of the states general ; no subsidy to be allowed,
unless granted by the states ; no law to be executed by
ti},e courts of justice, unless ratified by the states; the
suppression of all taxes which marked the exemption of
certain orders ; equalisation of imposts ; the responsibility
. ©f ministers ; the right of the states general to bring accu
sations ;befor©- the courts of justice for crimes ; the aboli
tion of arbitrary imprisonment, by bringing before the
pepper judges every man who Was detained; and con
firming the lawful freedom of the press. These claims
were far from answering the ideas of liberty now spread
r See An»«*l Rejister, 1789.

326

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. xcm.

1789.

The com
mons of
France
aireadyde- sire a li
cense too
great for
useful lib
erty.

Instruc
tions from
constitu ents to
delegates.

through France. The "decree was regarded with indifj
ference, and the parliariient henceforward ' dwindled into
insignificance. The year 1789 began with very great5
dissensions between the orders* The nobility and clergy,
which, in 1787, had refused to part with their immunities,
now expressed their willingness to take an equal share of
the public burdens. The commons, far from being satisA
fied with this submission, proposed to overthrow alhprivi-
leges whatsoever; to reject every claim founded "on
ancient usage, or on compact; to make general equality
the standard of private or public right. The writers -of
the time employed their separate - and joint ingenuity in
attacking- the rank and titles of the nobles, and the tenure
by which many of them held their estates ; and French
liberty,' in the beginning of 1789, was mingled with prin
ciples subversive of rank and of property. Until the
meeting of the states, the question concerning the amalg&t-
mation of the orders agitated the nobles and commons,
while the clergy appeared undecided, and ready to join
the party which should prevail. It had been customary
in France, in- former times, when the states general, met,
for the orders in each district' to deliver instructions to
their respective delegates. This practice being now re- ,
vived, the directions given to the deputies of the nobles,
and to the deputies of the commons, by their respective
constituents, vety fully manifested the diversity of the
spirit which actuated the three bodies. The instructions
of the nobility enjoined "their representatives to urge^a
reform of the constitution ; to strengthen the securities for
property, liberty, and life; and to surrender' their pecu
niary -exemptions, but not resign their feudal rights, nor
to consent to a consolidation of the orders. The 'com-
monsj in their mandates to their commissioners, instructed
them to insist on the abolition of all distinctions, the
abandonment of feudal rights, and the resolution of the
different states into one mass. The injunctions of the
nobility tended, if followed, to establish a moderate and
limited government, securing civil rights to all classes of
subjects, but preserving. a distinction of orders and a^sub-
ordination of ranks. Ihe injunctions of the commons,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. a2>
previous to their , first assembly, tepded, to overturn the chap.
pother states, under, the weight of a democracy.8.. ,( XL,IL
t On the -first of May 1 789, after a cessation of ,17.5 >-^V
years,, the states general of France met. for. the first time. Meeting
/The parties which, had prevailed, throughout the kingdom ^tes.
appeared in the states general, and ranged themselves
into three great divisions.. The first was the aristocratic
party determined ,to support the ancient farm and mode
of procedure, by: a separation ofthe states into three cham
bers. This class was considerable, from the ranks, taints,
and situation pf its members. The second division was
that: of, the moderate party ^its., members were, on the one
hand, averse to assemblies ,-qf three separate orders, as
tending to throw the legislative power too much into the
hands, of the privileged states, and, instead, of an unlimited
monarchy, to establish an uncontroled aristocracy; on
.the other, they were inimical to the confusion of the or
ders, as tending instead of reforming, to. subvert the gov
ernment. These were desirous of forming thp, nobles and
-clergy into one house, uppn a principle pf reciprocal con
trol, analogous to the British constitution. The third
.division was the great^and formidable democratic party,
^seeking and tending to overbear all rank and distinctions.
In -this class were to be numbered some pf. the most con
spicuous men of the other orders,. The, extraordinary
^abilities of Mirabeau were employed against that estate
to which he himself belonged. The first prince.of the
,-blood was active in promoting factions tending to subvert
the monarchy from, which he derived his elevated rank
and immense possessions.1 Against the clergy appea-red
<^e bishop of Autun, carrying vifith him a great body, of
his brethren, and prepared to join the most violent com-

s Mr. Lally Tolenda!, in exhibiting the different views of the partie's' of
this time, observes, the commons wished to conquer, the .nobles wished to pre
serve what they already possessed ; the clergy waited to see which side
would be victorious, in order to join the conquerors; ¦ -.-¦*-> n-
t The yearly income of the Duke of Orleans was estimated at halt' a million
sterling. A considerable part of this revenue was employed in acquiring popu-
Hai-ity, and forming, from the idle and prdlligate' rabble through the provinces,
jrat especially in the city of, F^ris, a numerous bod/ of retainers, ready to un-
"aer'takc any service, however desperate at Iiis instance:' If his views', : as has
Asen, often asserted, \vere directed to the highest pinnacle of ambition, by a fa
tality which often accompanies wickedness, the measures which he pursued
fbr the destruction of another, destroyed himBelf.

3W,

HISTORY OF TIU5

CHAP, tngns in their democratic excesses. ,. The Abbe Sieyes,
tJ11 an eminent disciple of the new philosophy, penetrating,

I788t crafty, and versatile, brought all his ability and address.
to , support the faction which his discernment, easily per*
ceived about to be paramount. The literary men, a great.
and powerful class in circumstances that so much depend
ed, on public, opinion, ranged, themselves under the stan
dard of the commons, pursuing measures so inimical to
that* tranquillity and prosperity which hest nourish the,
pursuits of literature. The moneyed capitalists, proud of
their wealth, and envious of the rank which their opulence
could , not attain, were foremost in instigating measures
tending to the destruction of that property, which only
could prevent/ them from insignificance. Besides these
classes, the third division included numbers of prorogate
Spendthrifts, .abounding in France, asrin all luxurious
countries, who wished for a change by w.hich they hoped
to be better, and knew they could not be worse.
Speech of > - The. States being met, his majesty, in a speech from
e lns- the throne mentioned his reasons for convoking the assem
bly : he noticed the restless spirit of innovation, and. the,
general discontent which prevailed, among his people. A
great object of the states he trusted, would be to remove
those evils ; and they would manifest in their proceedings
that loyalty and attachment to the monarchy from which
France derived such glory and benefit.; The chancellor
spoke of the advantages which accompanied a limited,
government, equally distant from despotism and, anarchy*
Of Neckar. Mr. Neckar then rising, excited in the audience the high
est expectation. From him all parties trusted, for the most
full and accurate information concerning, every important
department of public affairs ; strong practical reasoning,
which would demonstrate what was wise and, right to .be
done at such a crisis ; with manly eloquence tp inculcate
the necessity of correspondent conduct ; but all were total
ly disappointed : his speech was loose and declamatory,
abounding in general maxims of morality and politics,
which were obviously true, but in no waj* illustrated the
momentous subjects of deliberation ; arid sentimental
effusions, that asserted the wishes ofthe speaker for the
happiness of Frapce, without explaining any* means for its

REIGN OF GEORGE III. ^2g
attainment. On the greaj subject of consolidation he said CHAP.
nothing decisive, he merely expressed a desire that the ^J^j^
matter might be accommodated. Appointed by his sove- 17g0
reigri to address the national representatives, who were
assembled to deliberate on great public difficulties, he nei
ther stated facts, nor proposed means leading to extrica
tion '; his harangue was totally inadequate to the office
which he was chosen to discharge. The ministry were
no less feeble and indecisive in their conduct than their
language. The king at this time possessed all the legal
authority of the kingdom ; and though' the states were met,
they were not yet constituted, as the writs of election had
nOt been examined. He, by his established authority
might have instituted concerning their sessions, any regu
lations which should be conformable to ancient precedent
and usage; and to have refused' compliance with his -di
rections Would have, been rebellion. Notwithstanding his
possession of this power, his ministers, most impolitically
neglected the exercise of it to prevent the confusion1 of the
orders, and thereby suffered the states to become a demo
cratical assembly. The Verification of their powers"
afforded the first occasion to the commons of insisting that
they should meet in one chamber. Encouraged by their
oWn strength, and the backwardness of the ministers, they
very boldly asserted, that unless the writs were verified in
their presence, they could not admit their holders to a seat
in the assembly, and that both nobles and clergy would he •
illegal meetings. The clergy wavered ; many of the no-. Disunion
bility were firm in maintaining the rights- of a separate cisio'not'
verification^ but there were great dissensions in that body. -.*e gobies
The Commons, on the other hand were • united. Mr.
Neckar proposed conciliatory measures, which, from their
iridecisiveness, satisfied neither party. The nobles remain--
ing inflexible, the 'commons, by a still bolder stretch of
their power and influence, declared that they would con-
- u Each member was obliged, before the commencement of public business,
to' present his writ of election upon the table of the chamber to which he be
longed. Commissaries were then appointed by each order to examine the au
thenticity of all the writs immediately belonging to itself; and until this business
was' finished, which usually took up several days,' the states general were desti
tute of all legal authority whatsoever. The sanction oi these commissaries to
the authenticity of tlie writs, aftbrd'ed what was called the -Verification of powers.
Vol. III. - T t

33Q HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, stitute themselves into an active assembly, and proceed tp
XL II. f^gisiative business. Many of the clergy, seeing the' com
ing, mons prevalent, flocked to their halt, and were most
The com- joyfully received. The commons executed the bold design
dare ? which: they had formed, and constituted themselves into a
^MfonaT5 meeting which they denominated the National Assem-
assembiy. Bly. This body so formed by its own act, rapidly advan^
ced in the assumption of power. On the 17th of June,
they published a decree, intimating that they possessed
the sovereign authority, and exercised the- same by a very
popular act,declaring all existing taxes to be illegal.1 The
king was alarmed at proceedings which changed the con
stitution, and tended speedily to< draw the supreme autho
rity into the democratic vortex : and began to be dissatis
fied with his ministers, to whose irresolution and inaction,
he now imputed the progress of ambitious violence. The
princes and other votaries-of the old government, exhort
ed him to vigorous measures ;y they advised him to hold
a royal session in the hall of the states general,' which by
assembling would suspend the meeting of that body. The
king agreed to follow the. advice, and on the 20th df June
he issued a proclamation appointing the 22d for that' pur
pose; The majority of the clergy having now agreed to
join the commons, the members of the third estate repaired
to the- hall. The king having appointed the same day for
the royal session, the guards were ordered- to- keep that
apartment clear until the arrival of his majesty. As the.
members of the assembly came to the door, they were
refused admittance by the soldiers ; the commons, from so
violent an act, apprehending an immediate dissolution, reti
red to an old tennis court, where they bound themselves by a
solemn oath never to part until the constitution was com
pleted. The majority of the clergy now joined the com
mons, and met them in St; Louis's church, on the 23d.
The royal session being opened, his majesty proposed
the outlines of a new constitution : he engaged to establish
aoifresh tax, nor to prolong an ohMrripdst beyond the term
assigned by the laws, Without the consent of the represen
tatives ofthe nation; he renounced the right of borrowing
x Bertram!, vol. i. 69, ' y Bcrtrand, cliap, ii.

1789.

REIiGN OP GEORGE III. , 331
money, unless with* , thp approbation of the states ; there chap.
should be an end of pecuniary exemptions ; and lettres xult-
de cachet should cease, with some modifications. He con
demned the late decree of the commons, which assumed
by their own sole act, the whole legislative power of the
kingdom ; and concluded that none of the laws established
in the present states general could ever be altered, but by
the free consent of future states general, and that they
should be considered as equally sacred with all other na-.
tional properties. On the other hand he declared that all
tithes apd feudal rents should be accounted property, and
therefore sacred ; and that the states should be assembled
inrthree chambers instead of one. The manner of the
address by no means suited the conciliatory professions,
nor indeed the substance of the proposition. - It frequent
ly introduced the king's Vvill as the foundation of grants
which in a government, intended to be free, were rights,
not favours. > In themselves, however, the propositions
were such as a few years before, political sagacity could
have not conceived that a king of France would offer to his
subjects. His majesty commanded them to separate, and to
meet the next day in the halls of their respective- orders.
Equitable as the plan was in itself, it required little pene
tration to perceive, that it would by no means meet the
ideas of- the commons ; that the magisterial expressions
Would render it still more unpalatable, and were therefore
extremely unwise. The commons listened in haughty
silence,: while the plan was reading ; and as soon as the
king departed, absolutely refused to break up their session.
The king'* attendants having reminded them of his majes
ty's order, the president answered, THE NATION
ASSEMBLED HAS NO ORDERS TO RECEIVE."
They passed- a resolution declaring the adherence of the
assembly to its former decree : and another pronouncing
the persons of the deputies sacred and inviolable. The
populace at Versailles became violent in behalf of the com
mons. 7 At Paris the ferment was still more outrage-
"- ¦ • '¦' z Mirabeau, who through some acts and some suspicions had nearly tost his
oonularitT.liad the fortune upon this occasion to recover it w.ith increase, by the
•impetuosity with which he told the king's attendants, that nothing but the:
points <>f-bayonets should force them out of their chamber.

3;j2 HISTORY OF THE
chap. ousa, and increased in proportion to the attempts of either the
XLm" nobles or the court, to oppose or control the pretensions-
ir89 of the third estate. The commons now found themselves.
Popular So strong in the public support, that they affected to treat
violence. fhe j^g^ SyStem and declaration as too insignificant to
merit consideration or answer. On the 24th of June, the
count de Clermont moved, that the nobles should unite
with the commons, : and was ably Joined by. monsieur de
Firmiicss Lally Tollendal ; but the majority of nobles, would not
jn the no- t,eH(i to a pr0p0sai which the natural prepossession Of birth,
rank, and custom, taught them to deem humiliating. Ma
ny of that body, however, were either connected with the
popular party, or conyincedthat inflexibility would answer
no purpose ; and therefore joined the assembly. The
people became hourly more violent against the majority of
the nobles, whom they deemed refractory : outrage and
bloodshed were expected. The members of this self cre
ated assembly had far exceeded the instructions of- their
constituents ; in assuming the legislative power, they were
not the representatives of the people ; they were a strong
and numerous faction,, that usurped the office of lawgivers
by force ; by -force only could usurpation have been op
posed. Concession never did nor can avert the encroach
ments of determined ambition, This was the language
which the princes of t£e blood,b and all the firmest friends
of the monarchy held ; it was indeed not the language of
choice, but necessity. From the attempt of the popular
faction to seize the direction of the- empire,- the simple
question with the votaries of monarchy was, shall we de-,
fend ourselves or be overwhelmed ? There was no alter
native. The king was uniformly impelled by humanity,
and in the mildness of his disposition, seeking the good
a No class of rioters was more active in the French capital than the (poir-
sardes) fish women ; who, in additjon to the violence of their sisters in oue
own ^metropolis, possessed all the Gallic vivacity. Far exceeding the Billings
gate fair, instead of confining themselves lo volubility of invective, from time
immemorial they had acted a distinguished part in Parisian mobs, and were no
ted for their ferocious actions. On so gi-eit an occasion tliey were not slow in
displaying their zeal and their talents. The sex likewise afforded another class
of auxiliaries, more insinuating, less savage in appearance, but not less effective.
these were the courtezans, whose numbers were immense iii that profligate
city. One of the chief scenes of disorder and jenormity was the garden of the
duke of Orleans, whither the mob daily resorted," where, hired orators iaflameiJ
them to even act of atroeibus violence b See Bertranil.

REIGN. OF GEORGE HI. 3*3
of Ws people, he .deviated from that firmness by which chap.
only their welfare could have been effectually secured. To XLuT-
avert the dangers which he conceived to impend over the nm
unyielding nobles, he entreated that Order to give up their The king
judgment and determination to the wishes of the govern- the'mto
ing faction. On the 27th of June he sent the following J;i*W-
message to the noblesy by their president the duke of
Luxemburgh : "From the fidelity and affection of the or-
''' der- of which you are president, I expect its union with
" the other two. I have reflected upon it, and am deter-
", mined to make every sacrifice rather than that a single
uman should perish on my account. Tell the order ofthe
¦f inability, -therefore, that I entreat them to join the other At his ma-
''•two estates ; and if this be not enough, I command them stance they
" to do it as their king — it is my will. If there be one of its ™ite with
";taembers who believes himself bound by his instructions, mons.
'f ,his oath, or, his honour, to remain in the chamber, let me
f( know : I will go and sit by him, and die with him if it be
" necessary !'.''¦ A long and violent debate1 took place, in
which the duke, of Luxemburgh read a letter from the
co«.nt d?Artois, intimating that the king's person might be
exposed to immediate danger, if the popular fury was rou
sed by their refusal. The question of union' was at last
carried in the affirmative, arid the nobles repaired to the
hall of the commons that evening. The proposed meet
ing of the, orders became a popular convention ; and, from
this moment, the constitution of France may be consider
ed as actually, changed, although the commencement of
the revolution he dated from a subsequent period. The
popular leaders now saw that imperious demand would
extort concession; and on this discovery they formed their
judgment, and regulated their conduct.
'The people, seeing the orders united, believed the
happiness of France on the eve ef completion. All par
ties agreed on the necessity of correcting the ancient gov
ernment ; the only difference appeared to be respecting
the extent to which the reform shorjd be cai?rie'd,,and the
means that should be employed. It was hoped that 'the
presence, of the nobility and clergy, containing, besides
rank, so much of talents and of learning, might restrain
the intemperate heat of republicans, while the ardent zeal

334-

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLIH.

1788.

The sol
diers are
infected with the
popular en-
-thusiasm.

Insuhordi--: nation and
licentious ness.

and bold freedom of the commons might inspire and in
vigorate the other states; and that thus they should estab
lish liberty without licentiousness ; but these expectations
were entirely disappointed. The conduct of the*court,
having before exhibited such a mixture of rashness-: and
timidity, violence and irresolution, consistent in weakness
and fluctuation only, soon presented appearances that exci
ted considerable alarm, but much greater suspicion. The
states -general, since their consolidation, had been mote
moderate than at any other period of their session. Th«^'
had already appointed a committee to prepare materials
for tii e new constitution: monsieurs Lally Tollendal, and
Mounier, two of the most able and temperate leaders,
were of this committee; and entertained 'flattering hopes
that the moderation would prove .general. The dema
gogues very early endeavoured to cultivate a close- con
nexion between their votaries and the soldiers, and suc
cessfully instilled the popular doctrines into these troops.
In seducing the army from obedience to their king, the
democrats very liberally employed wine, gold, and women,
of which last article they had an abundant supply by their
alliance, with the harlots of Paris. The soldiers now hav
ing their professional daringness and debauchery, without
the professional restraints of s-ubordination and military
discipline, totally disregarded their officers ; left their bar
racks without leave, repaired to the Palais Royal, joined
and even headed the mob in their most enormous excesses,;
while hand bills and ballads were composed and dispersed,
to spread the flames. The soldiers vied with the populace-'
in their democratic exclamations and other excesses : the
most daring and refractory being committed to prison, the
people flew in crowds to the jail, forced the gates, libera
ted the captives, and- demanded for them a free pardon.
The national assembly endeavoured to accommodate the
matter, by exhorting the Parisians to tranquillity, and the
king to clemency. His majesty having no efficient: force
at hand was obliged ti comply, and thus ended military dis
cipline arid civil government at Paris.
The disorderly state of the metropolis, and the un
fitness of the guards for reestablishing tranquillity were
ostensible reasons for bringing a' great1 armed force from

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 3g5
the different provinces.* In the beginning of July about chap.
thirty-five thousand men drew near Paris and Versailles. xuu-
On the tenth of the month- the national assembly present- S-]7^^'
ed very strong remonstrances to the king on the approach The king
of the forces. He answered that he had no other motive "roip^to
for his conduct, than the necessity of establishing and approacji
maintaining good order Vi the capital. He was so far
from intending to interrupt the proceedings ofthe assem
bly, that if the presence of the soldiery gave them um
brage, he was ready to transfer the states general to Noy-
dnyor Soissons, and- repair ¦himself to some place in its
' vicinity^ where he could maintain a ready communication
with the legislative body. The moderate members Were
willing to accede to this proposal ; but the popular lead
ers were aware of" the strength which they derived from
the 'capital, and would not leave its vicinity. They either
reposed, or professed to repose, no confidence inthe king's
assurances, and gave out that a plot was formed by the
court to crush the nascent liberties of -Frenchmen. The
king now appeared evidently to listen to the supporters of
the old government, and withdrew his confidence from
those counsellors who had been favourable to popular
measures. -The partisans of the ancient monarchy se
verely reprobated the conduct of Neckar, to whose re- ,
publican sentiments '¦ arid counsels they imputed' the de
graded state of • royal authority ; and strongly urged
the king to discharge a servant who from either design or
imprudence1 had endangered the monarchy. ' According
ly "on the 1 Ith of July, Mr. Neckar was dismissed*1 from 'M. Neck-
administration, and ordered to- quit the kingdom, and e(i. •
with him the other members of the cabinet Were also dis
charged from their employments. Mr. de ' Breteuil, a
zealous friend 'of the old "government, was "appointed
prime minister, and" marshal Broglio, who maintained the
'.'-..'. : >
e Bertram! , vol. i. p. 191.
d AJr. JVeckur kept his disgrace a" profound secret, even from his wife, and
received company that day at dinner, sp usu.alj^Thpse.who dmed with him did
not perceive the least alteration in his countenance. After dinner .his wife and
daughter-iuvitcd him to lake a, ride to the V si, a country house situated in the
forest of St. Germain, belonging to madarae de Beauvais, an intimate friend
of Mrs. Neckar's. He consented, and went into the carriage with his wife, but
instead of going to the Val, he topk the road., to Brussels*, in order to be the
sboner out of the fcingd»ni.' ,

336 HISTORY OF THB
CHAP, same sentiments, commander in chief. On Sunday the
XI IH .
y^-v^j 12tn °f Julyi these changes being reported at Paris, cau-
i/§9. sed the greatest despair and- fury, and riots prevailed in
every quarter. The rashness of the prince de Lambese,
who, endeavouring to disperse a riotous body of populace,
wounded with his own hand, one who was said to he on
ly a spectator, not only increased the tumult, but hasten
ed the general insurrection for which the people were so
ripe. The mob, with clubs, spits, and such weapons as
they could procure, rushed upon Lambese's troops, and
put them to flight, not without killing some Of the num
ber.' The following night Paris was filled with a dread
of slaughter from the army, and of general plunder from
the multitudes of miscreants with which that vast me
tropolis abounded ; but prompt in expedient, they next
An army jiay generally armed, formed themselves into one great
ofvolun- „,,.,, . , . . r . . ,
teersisim- body with the professed intention ot securing internal or-
raised.tely der, and defending themselves against external enemies.
The na- They adopted a peculiar cockade for the purpose ; and
,-ide. thirty thousand citizens totally unaccustoriied to arms,
were soon seen completely accoutred, and in a few hours
assumed the appearance of order and discipline. The na
tional volunteers came in a body to proffer to the people
their service, which was most joyfully accepted. Direct
ed by the popular leaders', and' instructed by their military
auxiliaries, the armed citizens prepared to defend the cap
ital against the approaching troops. They threw up in
trenchments, and formed baricadoes in different parts of
the suburbs. A permanent council was appointed to sit
night and day at the 'Hotel de Vill-e ; and a communica-

e "This transaction of Lambese's appears to have beou without any orders
.from the ministers, or any concert with the other military commanders.
Though there were several regiments ol foot stationed close to Paris, none . of i
them stirred to assist and protect Lambese's corps. The total inaction, ofthe'
t,i oops, both on the succeeding day and night, during all which time, critical as
the season was, and notwithstanding the preparations they knew to be making
in Pans, they never attempted to enter the city, seems to exculpate the court
and ministers from the bloody designs imputed to them by the popular party.
If such a scheme bad been proposed, .this would have been the season for its
execution, when prevalent confusion and terror would have prevented any .ef
fectual plan of resistance. Weakness and folly, indeed, chiefly characterised
the ministerial councils of the time, knowing that in former periods the very
appearance of troops bad intimidated the Parisian populace,, they without ad
verting to the total change of sentiments »ud circumstances, seem -vainly t*>
have expected the same eRcc-t at present.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 3 3 j.
tion was established between this body .and the national chap.
assembly. In the course of this day, various robberies XUIL
being committed, the multitude seizing some of the '^^^
thieves in the fact, dragged them instantly to the Greve,
the common place of execution, and hanged them by the
ropes which were used, to fasten the lantherns. Hence
originated that most horrid practice of the French mob,
making themselves judges and executioners in the same
instant, without the smallest regard to law or justice, rank,
age, or sex. , .
The next day was the celebrated 14th of July. The They at-
i-i • ,,,„"., tack the
new army, early in the morning, attacked the Hotel des royal mag-
Invalids, and taking it; by surprise, seized a large magazine *„ct^
of arms and ammunition ; thence they proceeded to the arms.
Garde Meuble, or ancient armoury, forced it open, and
distributing the contents among their own body, completed
their means for defensive and offensive operations. They
now conceived a much bolder design, which was to seize
the Bastile; but aware that this fortress, was very strong,
and amply supplied with provisions for standing a siege,
they bethought themselves of attempting stratagem; they
accordingly negotiated with the, marquis de Launay, and
coming to the gates, demanded arms and ammunition.
The governor appearing to comply with this requisition,
the gates were opened; a great number being admitted
over- the first bridge, the bridges were drawn up; in a
short time a. discharge of musketry was heard; but whe-
therfrom a preconcerted scheme of De Launay, or pro
voked by the intemperate violence of the citizens, has
never been ascertained/ But whoever might be the
f The testimonies on this subject are so extremely contradictory, that an
impartial judge would find very great difficulty in developing truth, amidst the
exaggerations of infuriated passions. Where we can place no reliance on the
declarations of witnesses, our opinions must be formed from probability. De
Launay could expect no advantage to the royal cause from this partial massacre.
Instead of intimidating, he must have seen that it wouldjnflame the Parisians to
-still more violent outrages: The cruelty imputed by the popular hypotheses was
not found in any one authenticated instance to be a part of the royal policy.
What purpose could it serve, from what motive could it spiing! On the part of
De Launay, this hypoihesis implies, that from mere wanton barbarity he perpe
trated mischief tending most powerfully to ruin himself, and injure his master's
cause. Such a supposition is, no doubt, within the verge of possibility, but ano-
•ther view appears much more probable. The Parisians were in a state ofthe
most violent rage and -indignation against every supporter of government, and
gave full vent to their passions both in words and actions. The Bastile they
-considered as a great bulwark of despotism, and the receptacle ot its most miser-
Vol. III. Uu

33g HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, aggressors, When the firing was heard, the passions of the
^^V. populace were inflamed to such enthusiasm and fury, that
1789 the Bastile, the citadel of Paris, with its seemingly impas
sable ditches, and its inaccessible towers and ramparts,
covered with a powerful artillery, was, after an attack of
two hours, carried by storm. De Launay was immediately
dragged to the Place de Greve, and miserably murdered.
M. de Losme, the major ofthe Bastile, met with a similar
fate, arid equal cruelty. When the place was captured,
the Parisians loudly exclaimed, let us hang the whole
garrison; but the prisoners were saved by the intercession
of the national troops. The popular rage now manifested
itself in a species of savageness long unknown in civilized
Europe. They insulted and mutilated the remains of the
dead, and exhibited their heads upon pikes to applauding
multitudes ; so dreadful were the ingredients already
mingled with Gallic liberty. The victorious Parisians-,
exploring the gloomy dungeons of oppression, in expecta
tion of delivering numbers of unfortunate victims, to theil*
great surprise and disappointment, found only seven cap
tives, four of whom were confined on charges of forgery,
and three only were state criminals. So little was this
engine of tyranny employed under the mild and humane
Lewis XVI- When the capture of the Bastile was reported
at Versailles, the ministers at first treated it as an extrava
gant fiction of the democratic party, , but they were soon
too well assured of the fatal truth. In this situation they
formed the absurd resolution of keeping the king in igno
rance of what had passed, and urged Broglio to proceed
immediately to the reduction of Paris ; but he answered,
that his troops were infected with the popular spirit, and
that he could not rely on their efforts. The ministers and
the princes were soon convinced that opposition would be
ineffectual, and began to provide for their own safety.
The count de Artois had hitherto used every effort to
inspirit the king, and to prevent the downfal of the whole
able viptims : entered into that gloomy mansion, whose horrors had so much
occupied their imaginations, and stimulated their passions : and'viewing its guards,
whom they considered as the minions of atrocious tyranny, nothing could be
more likely than that their conduct to the soldiers would be abusive, insulting,
and furiously intemperate, nnd that. thence quarrels might arise leading to a
bloody catastrophe. '

1789.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. Q$g
fabric ; but he now saw that the attempt was hopeless." CHAp.
At midnight, the duke de Liencourt, who was master of ^^ a
the wardrobe, forced his way into his majesty's apartment,
and informed him of the whole. The king resolved on
the most unconditional submission to the national assem
bly ; and repairing thither without guards, early in the
morning, he declared he resigned himself into their hands;
and thus, deserted by its most efficacious supporters,
attacked by the combined efforts of the people, and relin
quished by its possessor, fell the absolute monarchy of
France ; and here the historical reader may date the com
mencement ofthe French revolution.g
Lewis arrived in the national assembly, and having
declared that his sole reliance was on their wisdom and
patriotism, entreated them to use their power for the sal
vation of the state. He informed them, that he had
ordered all the troops to quit the neighbourhood of Paris
and Versailles : the Parisians however being still afraid
of sieges and. blockades, proceeded with preparations for
defence. They appointed M. La Fayette commander of
their armed corps, to which they gave the name of National
Guards. The capital was now a great republic, and- it soon
was so/sensible of its power, as to give the law, not only
to the unfortunate sovereign, but to the national assembly
and the whole kingdom. The national assembly sent a
deputation, consisting of eighty-four members, with a view
of restoring tranquillity.' The Parisians received the
deputies with every mark of respect, and applause, but
expressed a desire that the king himself should visit the
city of Paris. This humiliating measure Lewis carried
into execution on Friday the 17th of July, under a full
conviction that he thereby encountered the peril of instant
assassination. He was received by a body of twenty-five
thousand national guards ; and thus led in a melancholy

'¦' gThe susceptibility ofthe French character renders that people very easily
impressed by any address to their senses, imagination, or passions. A song that
was composed about this time had a still stronger effect than even that which ig
ascribed by Our historian to the celebrated air Lillibullero :* this was the famous
Ca Ira, both iu the words and music skilfully adapted to the impetuous ardour
ot impassioned Frenchmen : in rapid strains and expressions, it announced the
jmmcdiate downfal of existing establishments.
* See Hume, vol. viL p. 251.

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLIII. 17&9.

Declara
tion of
rights :

procession, amidst the loud and continued acclamations of
Vive la nation, while the ancient favourite cry of Vivede
roi was not once heard. Being conducted to the hotel, he
was obliged to accept the new .cockade, and to hear an
harangue from the popular leaders, charging the court
with all the cruel designs that were reported to have been
formed against the city of Paris. Having so clearly and
positively denied this imputation, as to impress conviction
on- the most democratical of his hearers, he returned safely
to Versailles, to the great joy of his friends, many of
whom never expected to see him again. Meanwhile the
princes, and some of the chief nobility, with many of the
inferior courtiers, perceiving the popular party paramount,
sought safety in flight. The national assembly having
signified a wish that Mr. Neckar1 should be recalled,- that
minister was invited to return to Paris, and other popular
ministers were appointed. Some - degree of tranquillity
having been reestablished at Paris, the national assembly
proceeded to the formation of a new constitution. As the
groundwork on which they were to build a fabric, they
began with forming a declaration of rights. This manifesto
was introduced by a remark tending to show, that the
ignorance, neglect, or contempt of human rights, are the
sole. causes of public misfortunes, and to avoid these evils,
that- it was necessary to define and explain those rights.
The declaration contains the outlines of the doctrines
afterwards held out by the various revolutionists,, and,
indeed, is the text that has given rise to the principal class
of the comments so long the subject of literary and politi
cal discussion. Here was the noted principle brought
forward which founded legitimate government upon the
natural rights of man. This theory, however, sup
posing mankind susceptible of perfection, deduces its
inferences from an assumption which it neither did nor
could prove, and which daily experience disproved. Many
of the remarks are, no doubt, abstractly true ; but they
are useless, because they do not apply to circumstances

i Mr Neckar was welcomed both at Versailles and Paris, with such demon
strations of general and excessive joy, thatrdcmocratic writers compared Uta
the transports of the Romans pa the return of Cicero from banishment.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

341

either existing or likely to exist :k on this basis they pro- chap.
ceeded to raise the new constitution. XElll. 1789.
; " k The following is a copy of the declaration of rights, consisting of seven- its funda-
teen articles : mental
" _' ¦ •> ¦.'«».*-' principle
.- . C. . ?n were bom, and always continue, equal in respect of, their right? J the Rights
eivil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility. of Man.
¦ It. The., end of all political associations is the preservation of , the natural
and imprescriptible rights of man ; and these rights are liberty, property, secu
rity, and resistance of oppression. ¦ " * •'•}¦—',
111. The nation is essentially the source of all sovereignty ;.rior can any indi
vidual, or any body of men, be entitled to any authority which is not expressly
derived from it. .-• , ~ ....
IV. Political Liberty , consists in the power of doing whatever, does not
injure another. The exercise of the natural rights of every roan has no other
Kmits than those which are necessary to secure to every other man the free ex
ercise of the same rights ; and these limits are determinable only by the law.
V. The law ought to prohibit only actions hurtful to society. What is not
prohibited by the law should not be hindered ; nor should any one be compelled
to that which (he law does not require.
.%-. VI. The law is an expression of the will of the community. All citizens
aave a right to concur, either personally, or by their, representatives, in its for
mation. It should be the same to all, whether it protects or punishes ; and all
being equal in- its sight, are equally eligible to all honours, places, and employ
ments, according to their different abilities, without any other distinction thaa
that created, by their virtues and talents.
, VI I. No man should be accused, arrested, or held in confinement, except
in cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which it' has pre- '
scribed. All who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary
orders, ought to be punished: and every citizen called upon or apprehended by
virtue ofthe law, ought immediately to obey, and renders himself culpable by
resistance. VIII. The law ought to impose no otber penalties than such as are absb-
^tely and evidently necessary; and no one ought to be punished, but in virtue
of .a law promulgated before the offence, and legally applied.
- IX. Every man being presumed innocent till he 'has been"convicted, when
ever his detentiou becomes indispensable, all rigour to him, more than is neces
sary to secure his person, ought to be provided against by the law.
i> j -X-' No, man ought to be molested on account of his opinions, not even on
account of his religious opinions, provided his avowal of the iu does not disturb
the public order established by the law.
XI. The unrestrained communication of thoughts and opinions, being one
ofthe most precious rights of man, every citizen may speak, write, or publish
freely, provided he is responsible for the use of his liberty in cases determined
by law. XII. A public force being necessary to give security to the rights of mew
and of citizens, .that force is instituted for the benefit ofthe community, and not
for the particular benefit of the persons to whom it is intrusted.
X1H. A common contribution being necessary for the support ofthe publie
force, and, for defraying the other expenses of government, it ought to be
divided equally among the members ofthe community, according" to their
abilities. " '
XIV. Every citizen has a right, either by himself or his representatives, to
a -free voice in determining the necessity of public contributions, the appropria-
tion^of them, and of their amount, modes of assessment, and duration.
XV. Every community has a right to demand of all its agents, an account
Sf their conduct. , .
XVI- Every community in which a separation of powers and a security of
rights is not provided for, wants a constitution.
XVII. The right to property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought to
be deprived of it, except in cases of evident public necessity, legally ascertained,
and on tlie condition of a previOHsjust indemnity.

S42 HISTORY OF THE
chap. The practical operation of the principles immediately
manifested itself in the acts and proceedings of the national
assembly, and the various classes of the French revolu
tionists. Manifold were the subjects of consideration;
French re- but the great and general object was subversion of estabt
ists11'0" lishment. In prosecuting this purpose, the energy, sus-
Greatob- ceptibility, and violence of the French character, were
iert estab- "clearly displayed. Freed from all the restraints which
hshments. not only superstition and despotism, but religious and
salutary control, had formerly imposed,' they now gave
full vent to their dispositions. Their natural ardour was,
Licentious, farther goaded to fury by demao-ojrues. The licentiousness
ness of the r , , , xl_ ,- , ... r , " ,' '
press. of the press even exceeded the licentiousness ot the, mob,
Twenty anc^ ra0St powerfully prompted its atrocity. Twenty thou-
thousand sand literary men were daily and hourly employed, not as
menstimu- became superior ability and knowledge, in restraining
mob'to vicious passions, and in teaching the ignorant the way to
outrage, virtue and happiness, but in exhorting and stimulating
them to outrageous actions. Never was intellectual supe
riority more disgracefully debased by the venal panegyrist
of corrupted courts, or the hired encomiast of titled stu- ,
pidity and insignificance, than by these adulators of an in
furiate populace^ But even in .^scheming and promoting'
anarchy and disorder, the inventive, bold, and . ready
genius of Frenchmen appeared. A confederacy, was
framed which in its institution and effects, exhibited a
new phenomenon in the history of political organs. A> .
combination was first formed of literary men, to associate,^-
under the name of a club, at their meetings to concert
measures which might give the tone to the mob, and,,
through their overbearing influence direct the decrees of i
the national asseinbly, and the acts of all municipal, judicial,
arid executive bodies, and thus make the whole power of
France ultimately depend upon their resolves. These
demagogues invited into their society such of the populace
as they conceived likely to become useful instruments,, and
exhorted them to construct other clubs, both in Paris, and ,
through all the provinces ; and that such meetings shouklbe
connected, or to use a new revolutionary metaphor, affiliated,
together. These conventicles consisted first of literary
votaries of the new philosophy, who promulgated and

REIGN OF GEORGE HI, 343
¦ „ , -.,- -,< * .-.- ¦ V'M '
inculcated suitable doctrines, sentiments, and conduct. CHAP.
One of the clubs meeting in a convent formerly belonging v,^-^!.
to the jacobins, assumed the name of Jaoobin Club,' which lrg9.
afterwards extending to appendant societies, gained.a, super A» engine
riority over the rest, and became so noted throughout the ment new
world, In the first deliberations ofthe national assembly, SJistoLnf
these societies,'guided by literary demagogues, and direct- political
irig the populace,, had a powerful influence. Many of the ments. '"
lawgivers were irideed members of the new institutions; ™!'D.B!-
,.,9 . 1 .. 1 heir.in-
and those who were most inimical to the existing establishi- fluence ex-
irients, and tq rank and property, were held in the highest affiliation/
estimation, and were really the directors of the revolution
ists. Various in detail as were the precepts of these
innovators, in principle and object they were simple
and uniform. Their lessons of instruction, or exhortations
tO"practise, may be compressed in a few words, Religion
is all folly : disregard religion and its ministers. Every
establishment is contrary to natural right; pull down
establishments. Order is an incroachment upon natural
freedom; overturn all order. Property is an infringe
ment iipbn natural equality; confiscate all property.™ Such
was the systeVn generally received in the enthusiasm of
reform, through a most extensive, and populous nation,
distinguished for promptness and fertility of genius, for
boldhess and activity of character, arid by its very virtues
renderirig its errors more extensively pernicious. To-
follow through the various and manifold details, the doc
trines and objects which guided the national assembly^
would be foreign to our history ; but assuredly it belongs
to our subject to sketch the spirit and principal operations
of a revolutionary system by which Britain was so essen- •
tially affected.
The licentiousness of Paris spreads through the pro- Lawless
vinces; and the peasants, having been; long severely: [h°IecnJcuen.,n
oppressed by seignorial tenures and .privileges, conceived try-
themselves now emancipated, and turned upon the proprie
tors with the most outrageous violence." . Reports ofThepe*-/
robberies, rapes,. and murders daily reached the assembly. o^thiTp™.
Landed proprietors apprehended the plunder of their pro- prietors.
i l Annual Register, 1790, ehap, i. m See revolutionary puMica-
' tiens at Paris, 1789, passim. n. Bertrand, vol. i. c. xi.

344

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLIH.

1789.
Some of
the nobill-
tj' propose
to sacrifice
a large por
tion of
their privi
leges and
property. Admira
tion ofthe
commons.

Proposition far the
seizure of
church
property. Remon
strances of
the clergy
disregard ed.

Parlia ments are
annihila ted. ,,
Immuni
ties are sa
crificed.

perty ; and some of the nobility, whose possessions were
very great, were seized with a sudden impulse of sacrifi
cing a large portion to secure the rest. On the 4th of
August, the viscount de Noailles, and the duke d'Agiiilon,
proposed an equalisation of taxes, and an abolition of
feudal services. This offer striking the assembly and
galleries with the warmest admiration, exciteti in the other
proprietors a wish to emulate conduct which was so highly
applauded. The nobles and clergy vied with each other
in surrendering privileges of their orders, and both these
estates concluded with sacrificing their manerial jurisdic*
tions. So far there was nothing but voluntary cession,
directed by prevepjive policy, and stimulated by praise, or
flowing from enthusiasm. The next day it was proposed
that tythes should be abolished, and church property should
beseized by the state. This proposition the clergy eagerly
corhbatted, but their remonstrances were ineffectual; and
at one blow all the immense property of such a numerous
body was confiscated, without the least allegation of delin
quency. The Abbe Sieyes, though a friend to the' revo
lution, strongly remonstrated against this forfeiture, as
commencing freedom with iniquity." But the sound
reasoning, even of a partisan, was unavailing against
determined rapacity. Equality being the professed object
of the revolutionists, it was proposed that all the provin
cial distinctions, the peculiar rights and privileges of each
district should be abolished, and that, without iay' local
diversity and immunity, or any regard to particular cus
toms, usages, and prescriptions, the whole nation should
be consolidated into one compact body. The deputies of
privileged towns and districts surrendered the immunities
of their constituents, all exclusive claims in every part of
France were resigned ; and the provinces which had pos
sessed the right of taxing themselves, renounced the power
of taxation. The parliaments which had so long held the
judicial authority of France, and had been considered as
the able, upright, and intrepid guardians of the public wel
fare, were annihilated. All the canon, ecclesiastical, and
political codes of law, all the claims of the court of Rome,

« Bertram!, vol. i. chap. xii. and xiii.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 345
all the fees or taxes which it heretofore received, were CHAP.
abolished. Even the very systems of theology and rneta- J^!^.
physics, which had prevailed for so many ages, fell, not 1789
under the regular and well conducted force of reason, but Th- law
the furious rage of innovation. In a few days the whole ofthe°1Cy
law and policy of the nation were changed, a great part of J^^™
itsproperty was disarranged ; and every thing had altered turned. ,
its ancient form and aspect. A revolution more com
prehensive and complete in its objects, as well as more
minute and particular in its details, than any which is
recorded in the annals of mankind, was carried into effect
by an assembly of men professing to deliberate, with little
more reflection or discussion, than in a senate of prudent
lawgivers and statesmen, would have been bestowed on
the most ordinary municipal or local regulation. The
nobility and clergy in the provinces, not having been im
pressed with the impassioned enthusiasm from which their
delegates in the national assembly had so lavishly surren
dered their rights of tythe, without their concurrence,
,yery generally condemned a bounty that bestowed what
adid not belong to the donors. They were greatly enraged.
and grieved at the confiscation of their property, and could
not think highly of a new system of government, the first
specimens of whose character were irreligion and robbery.
Resistance, however, they saw would be vain ; and they
were therefore compelled to acquiesce in the humiliating
and plundering decrees. But the pecuniary pressure, the
proximate cause of the present crisis, still continued. The
peasants considered taxes as an infringement upon liberty,
and refused payment ; others followed their example,' and
there was no mOney to support government, or carry on,
the public business. After stating the national wants,
Mr. Neckar asked for a loan of thirty millions of livres,
but the subscription was not filled. A seheme for volun- ScheIne ^
tary contributions was adopted, ' and from its novelty voluntary
eagerly embraced by this volatile people. All ranks vied Sons? "'
in bringing their silver and gold to the public treasury,
nor was coin only produced, but also plate, and the
minutest articles of dress. The members ofthe assembly
themselves, in their bountiful patriotism, agreed to sacri
fice their shoe buckles to the exigencies of the community.
Vol. in. x x

Preparations for
the new
constitu
tion. ¦

Authority to lie pos
sessed by
the king.

HISTORY -OF THE
The king and queen sent their gold and silyer plate tp the
mint for coinage. These offerings, however, were very
inadequate to the supply ofthe public wants. A scheme
was proposed by Mr. Neckar, and after many strong
objections and* remonstrances, embraced by the national
assembly, for applying one fourth of every man's annual
income to the wants ofthe state.p ,*, ,
Having made these very momentous changes respect
ing corporate and private property, they proceeded now to
new model their constitution, according to the declaration
of rights. The assembly was divided into sections and
committees ;q to each of which was assigned a -specific
part of the new polity, to be prepared, and grooved with
the rest. The first question considered respecting the
constitution was of the very highest importance; what
share of authority the king should possess in the new legis
lature ? On the solution of this problem it was to depend
whether the royal power should be strong enough to
restrain the violence of democracy. On the one hand,- it
was proposed that the king should possess a veto, or
negative, in the passing of a -law; on the other, that he
should be merely the chief executorial magistrate, without
any voice in the legislation. For the negative voice were
ranged, not only all the friends of the ancient monarchy,
but the majority of the nobility and clergy ; now sensible
that they had conceded too much ; apprehensive that- their
total ruin was intended, and desirous in the kingly prero-r
gative to preserve a bulwark which might afford some
defence to the remaining rights, to resist the torrent of
democracy. Against it was opposed the whole, body of
the commons, who containing many subordinate divisions,
agreed in the general desire of reducing the monarchy.
The question was agitated with great force and violence
on both sides. The opposition of the privileged orders
was represented by demagogues to a rise from an intention
of attempting a counter revolution; and the people were
transported into fury and alarm. Lewis himself, ever
desirous of accommodating differences, satisfying all par
ties, and maintaining tranquillity, made a proposal of a

"p Annual Register, 1790, chap. ii. q Bcrtrand, vol. i, chap, xiii."

R-EIGN OF GEORGE IH. 347
compromise, by which he should have a power of suspend- chap.
ing a law during two legislatures ; but that if the third XLIU-
assembly persisted in its support, he should be obliged to lm
give it his sanction. This proposal proving satisfactory
to both parties, a decree passed, conferring these preroga*
lives on the king, under the ^denomination of a suspensive Suspensive
veto/ Another question- was now discussed, also of **'"•
very great importance. Whether the riational assembly Question if
should be composed of one or of two chambers. Lally % wasTo
jTollepdal, Clermont, Mounier, and other leaders of the be °°m-
moderate reformers, were equally zealous with the repub- one or two
licans for the establishment of a free government ; but> charabel>
considering a limited monarchy as affording the fairest
prospect of beneficial and permanent liberty, they ardently
recommended a senate, and a house of representatives,
which should control the proceedings of each other,
agreeably to the principle, arid -nearly after the model of
the British constitution. From the narrow and interested
impolicy of many of the nobles and clergy, who vainly
.hoped for the reestablishment of the three chambers,
together with the predominance of the republicans, this
proposal was eritirely overruled. The comrrions reprobat- Carried
ed every species of mixed government, and steadily *0„idbe
abstaining from imitatiPn of England, proposed, and car- only one.
ried, that the duration of the French legislative assembly raons re,
should be only two years. Notwithstanding the rage for P™bate
innovation*, they confirmed the hereditary succession ofthe pie ofBri-
proWn according to the -Salic law. The friends of the tiement'of
fluke of Orleans eagerly contended that the assembly, by the .su»-
confirmint; the renunciation of the first Bourbon king of
Spain,s should render their patron next heir after the king,
his son, and brothers. But the assembly, however violent
and precipitate in what concerned France only, cautiously
refrained from giving umbrage to other powers; and
avoided the discussion. Meanwhile the furious rep'ublU
cans, both in the clubs and the national assembly, resolved
that the residence of the royal family, and the legislature,
should be changed from Versailles to the Capital, where
they would be still more completely under the control of
r Bcrtrand, vol. ii; chap. xiv. s l^ertrand, vol . i'r, eha,p. xiv.

348

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, democratic direction. The'court, and especially the queen,
XUI1' conceived the greatest horror at the idea of a compulsory
17gu abode, among so tumultuous, bloody, and ferocious a peo-
Ferocity pie. A transaction which took place in the beginning of
pie, eP,e° October, accelerated the removal of the king and his
family to a scene which they had so much reason to dread.
inflamed Among other causes of popular violence, famine still
city!0"1* raged throughout France, but particularly in Paris and
Additional Versailles. To repress the tumults additional troops
troopsai- were ordered to march to the royal habitation. The
rive at V er- J
saiiies. king himself was still allowed to have about his person
a regiment of his own lifeguards; and the newly arrived
Entertain- corps was the regiment of Flanders. ' The gentlemen of
byethelVeU *^e stationary forces, on the arrival of the strangers, ac-
officers in cording to the established custom of military hospitality,
tothenew gave their- brother officers an entertainment. In 'the
comers. COurse of their festivity, when both hosts and guests
family visit were heated by wine, the king and queen, with the infant
quetUng dauphin, visited the banquetting room. The royal mo-
room tner carried the infant prince completely round the table.
presents Meanwhile the music, played an air1 which the ladies of
dauphhTto the court accompained with the appropriate stanzas pathe-
the offi- tically describing the feelings and sufferings of a captive
Music de-, king.u The power of music and the charms of beauty ^
suffering!*6 combining with inherent loyalty, inspired the company
of a captive with an enthusiasm which wine drove beyond all bounds
Effects of, of caution. Drawing their swords, they drank copious
"beauty, bumpers to the august health of their illustrious visitors
wine. and their family, successively f while the chief personages',
having expressed their warmest gratitude^ retired. In
such a disposition of mind, no moderation could be expect-
t Bertram!, vol. ii. chap. xiv. . u Taken from a dramatic work founded
on the story of Richard Cccur de Lion's captivity when returning from the Holy
Land, and beginning, " O Richard, O hion lioi."
x Bertraud, who gives a very particular account of this entertainment, nien-
tionsthe following circumstance, which I do not recollect to have seen in any other
publication. " 1 have (he says} been assured by two persons who were present
at this entertainment, that the words to the health of t/ie nation were also .pro
nounced feebly by one of the guests, or 6ne of the Spectators, and that the not
repeating or seconding this toast, was attended with no consequences. The cus
tom of drinking to the health of the nation had not been then established, and one
juay be allowed, without a crime, to think tliat was not the moment for introduc
ing such an innovation"; yet one ofthe greatest crimes imputed to the q-ardes-du-
corps, was their not being willing to drink to the health bf the nation, that is Ifl'
M>y> fo thejr own health, for they were indisputably a pgrt of the natiQ»."

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 349
ed- yA scene of complete intoxication ensued, and exhi- CHAP.
bited without, disguise, and with augmented fervour,,.the >— ^-J,.
sentiments, with which it commenced. All the extrava- j789.
gance,. followed which wine could produce on romantic
fahcies ,and impassioped hearts. /The national cockades, The ofli-
were by the officers of Flanders torn from the,ir hats, and ^"the'na-
trampled under foot;^ and in their place were substituted tional
old royal cockades, supplied by the ladies ofthe court, who'
took white ribbands from their own head dresses, to deco
rate the loyal officers, while the three coloured cockade was
treated with contempt and scorn. This banquet Was really Report of
no more than, an excess of conviviality, at a season when [ainment"
prudence would have, dictated reserve; but being exagge-. " 'V'3-
rated, by , all the, circumstances which malicious invention indignation
could devise, filled Paris, with the most violent rage. The "o^^j^
innovating leaders pretended that the conduct of the offi
cers and courtiers arose from counter revolutionary pro
jects, with exulting joy from: the, confident expectations
of success : a conspiracy j they affirmed, was matured for
the restoration of despotism, and that the queen was at
its ,h,ead. The carousal. pf the royalists, at the time that
the people wanted bread, was a, flagrant insult to the
nation. These sentiments were disseminated, by the va
rious classes and factions, that were friendly to innova
tion ; but were spread with peculiar activity by the adhe
rents of the duke of Orleans-. .
,Lew,is Phjlip Bourbon, du,ke of Orleans, was the Character
descendant, and, t representative of the , only brother of jects ofthe
Lewis XIV., and after the posterity of that monarch, J"}^,
next hpir to the throne pf, France. In such an elevated
jank, with riches far beyond the . measure of any other
European subject, he had devoted his youth to the most
profligate debapchery : , his vices, by their coarseness,
excited the indignant contempt of a gentleman almost as
much as the enormity of his crimes called on him the
detestation of every virtuous man. His wealth affording
him the means of very extensive depravity, enabled,, him
to corrupt great numbers of the youth, and even to make^
considerable advances in vitiating the metropolis ; and his jr
, * , AnntlSl Register, 1 789.

1789.

350 HISTORY OF THE.
chap, habitation at ^ the, Palais Royal, far exceeded any other.
^^' part of the French, capital in variety, extent, and flagraney
of wickedness. Such- was the mode of life by which- this;
prince was distinguished by the time he had reached his
fortieth year. His reputation, however, did not rest solely
on uniform and habitual debauchery ; other species of tur
pitude concurred in rendering him at once flagitious and
execrable. Opulent as Orleans was, he was boundless in
avarice. The due de Penthievre, high admirahof France,
was one ofthe wealthiest noblemen of his country. Orleans
cast his eyes on the daughter of this minister, but the son
Lamballe intervened : with thisyouth he cultivated a close
intimacy, and according to the concurrent accounts of va
rious writers,2 was the means of shortening the brother's
life, after which he married the sister, now heir of her
fa'ther's possessions. Pie moreover proposed to secure
the reversion of Penthievre's very lucrative post. With
this view he entered the navy, and the first time he saw
an enemy, a descendant of Henry IV. betrayed the despi-;
cable degeneracy of personal cowardice." Such- an exhi-*
hition. effectually destroyed all his pretensions to naval
promotion ; and he conceived the blackest vengeance
against the royal family,- because the king would not
intrust the supreme direction of his navy to a person who
was afraid to fight : various circumstances also rendered
the queen the peculiar object of his hatred,' The com
mencing discontents in France opened to him prospects
not only of revenge, but ambition : he hoped by fomenting
disaffection to pave the way for the overthrow of the
royal family, and his own advancement to the regency, if
no$ to the throne. Weak as well as wicked, in seeking
the downfal of the reigning sovereign, he promoted and
headed attacks upon, the monarchical authority- j- and what
he sought by villany,, by folly laboured to impair. He
did not reflect that the doctrines which he promoted tend*
ed to overturn the crown which he pursued. He was so
infatuated as to suppose that the bold and, able leaders of
a revolution which annihilated all adventitious distinctions)

'¦>'!

t z See Playfair on -jacobinism — Adolphus's Memoirs, — Picture ^if Paris, &o.
a In D'Orvillier's' running light with admiral Rcppel. See this History,
•"•!>• -315. .. ,. ;.-. ... ...

REIGN OP GEORGE 11 f.

351

1789.

would labour to exalt ri person, who, "destitute of genius CHAP.
and of courage, had none but adventitious distinctions to ^ ^^"
boast. Since the subversion of the old government,' he
had abetted the most violent and licentious proceedings of
the revolutionary mobs. Sagacious agitators at once saw
his designs, and their futility, and professing to be his
agents, used him as their dupe. The most eminent of his
declared partisans at this time Was Mirabeau, who at certain
periods appears to have desired the promotion of Orleans
to be regent "of the kingdorn, in the expectation of being
the -supreme director himself. Mirabeau very actively
promoted the rage ofthe Parisians: he and his agents pre-
tended to impute the scarcity to the machinations of the
aristocrats, and the absence ofthe royal family, and encou
raged the popular cry for the removal of the king to Paris.
He promoted the belief of a conspiracy by the queen,
and even -intimated an intention of impeaching her majes
ty,1' as a conspirator for destroying the freedom of the
people, and keeping bread frorri the Parisians. These The mob
topics being repeated in the capital, the malignity of the to^i™'"3
Orleans faction, revolutionary' enthusiasm, and popular tiiokingto
. i • • Pi! MS.
licentiousness, concurred with the scarcity in producing a
determination to hasten to Versailles to demand of the
king bread, punishment of the aristocrats^ and especially
the guards. A multitude of the lowest woman undertook vnven.-nt,
this expedition ; these amazons broke open the town '^^'for'0"
house, seized the arms there deposited, and meeting on that pur-
the stairs a priest, required no farther proofs of "his guilt They hang
than his dress ; and 'commenced their orgies by hanging P'".,ests »"*
• r - aristocrats.
him to a lamp post. With the yell of infuriate savages
they set out for Versailles* joined by Maillard, a creature
Pf Orleans, and a. favourite spokesman in the Palais
Roval, with a few of his associates. They proceeded Expedi-
on their march : and meeting two travellers in the dress Versailles.
of < gentlemen, they concluded them to be aristocrats,
and hanged them without further inquiry. Arriving at
Versailles, they sent Maillard to the riational assembly,
tordemand the immediate punishment of the aristocrats
and the lifeguards. The assembly sent their own presi-
b BertrSnll, vol. ii. ehap. xvii:

352 HISTORY OF f&&
CHAP, dent with a deputation of trie women to wait -upon the
XLIII.., kJng. • The' deputies being thus employed, their constitu-
kJt' ents.set about drinking — an operation for which their hasty
departure in the morning had not allowed1 them time, and
the road had not' afforded materials. In half 'ark hour the
greater number' of them were completely intoxicated.
Tlie wo- Thus prepared they" 'broke into the national assembly,
a*" tile'" nb't only filled the ' galleries, but took their seats among
legislature, tne lawgivers, overwhelmed them with the grossest and
break ml o " . .,,.,. . . , - ¦
theassem- loudest obscenity and imprecations.' At last two ot them,
t'i'Te observing the president's chair to be empty, took posses-
president's slon of it themselves, and dictated the subjects of discuS-
' " sion. Such, even then, was French liberty; such "were the
assessors who controled the deliberations of men assembled ,
ori the most momentous business that cduld occupy legis
lators. While the female army was thus employed at
Versailles, the fermentation at Paris rbse to an extraordi
nary pitch and all classes of the populace burned with
anxiety to know the result ofthe expedition. The natiifal
guards became so impatient, that they compelled their
officers to lead them to Versailles, and declared their reso
lution to join in obliging the king to repair to Paris.' La
Fayette, the commander, though ri friend to the new con
stitution, Was favourably disposed to the person of Lewis,*
as "well as to the authority'1 which the new system had
conferred on the sovereign, and was' the' adversary of vio
lent republicans oh the one hand, and of the Orleans faction
bri the other. He endeavoured to dissuade Iiis soldiers
from this expedition but found' that the attempt'woulcl be
impracticable; he therefore tried to moderate its operation.
As the guards made no scruple of publicly proclaiming
their opinions aud sentiments on national affairs^ La
Fayette and his officers easily discovered whence their
present thoughts and intentions originated.0 The grena
diers informed the general, without reserve, they under
stood the king to be an ideot, therefore they (the grena
diers) would riot hesitate to declare, that matters must go
on much better by the appointment of a regent. As this
was the peculiar language and doctrine of Mirabeau and
ii Rerfrand, chap. xvi. d Bonillti's Memoirs.

REHMn" OF GEOB.GE 01. 3^3
pther directors of the Orleans faction, there could, be little chap-
doubt where either the politics or the march of the guards XUH"
originated:6 Many of the .soldiers also.declared an inten- S*^**
tion of massacring the queen. The Parisian guards arrived
at Versailles late in the evening, and were most cordially
received by the national guards at Versailles, the mob bf
the same place, and the . amazons of Maillard/ ' The
most ferocious of the guards and other mobs in the morn
ing surrounded the palace, and, with dreadful howlings,
denounced the murder of the queen; and the palace was
filled with consternation. But Marie Antoniette was
not frightened. Amid crimes, (says Bertrand), alarms,
confusion, and general stupor, the queen majestically dis
played the sublimest and most heroic character. Her con
stant serenity, her countenance firm, and ever full of dig
nity, transfused her own courage into the soul of alf who
approached her. On that day she received a great deal
of company. To some who expressed uneasiness she
replied, " I know they are come from Paris to demand my
i<! head ; but I learned of my mother not to fear death, and
r" I will wait for it with firmness." Her answer to the
advice given to her, to fly from the dangers that threat
ened her, does not less deserve to be recorded — "No,
r{* no," said she ; "never, will I desert the king and my chil-
" dren: I will share whatever fate awaits them." Some
-hours of sleep happily came to repair her exhausted
strength, and to enable her to encounter on the next day,
with equal magnanimity, dangers still more horrid. About
<ttetlf past five in the morning, the repose of the princess
•received a frightful disturbance. An immense crowd en
deavoured to break down the palace gate, and after mur
dering two ofthe life guards, effected their purpose.
Dreadful howlings announced their entrance into»*thfis
palace : they soon arrived at the foot of the great stair
case, and ran up in crowds, uttering imprecations and the
most sanguinary threats against the queen.g Before six J^*^,
they forced their way to the apartments of the royal con- paiaee;
c Annual Register 1795, page 48. f Bertrand informs us, that this
man was rather turbulent than malignant, and even tried t« preserve some tie-
gree of moderation among his troop ; which was certainly, m their present con
dition, no easy task. g Bertrand, vol. ii. 11«.
Vol. III. Yy

3#

HISTORY Ot THE

CHAP, sort. The: sentinel monsieur ide Miomandre, perceiving
(J^Jn_ the ruffians, called out," Save the queen ; her life is sought :
17Sg " I stand-alone against two thousand tigers." Her majes
ty escaped by a private passage into the king's- apartment.
attemptto Lewis, flying to her relief, was met by his own guards,
thequeen ; who escorted him back to his apartments, where he found
b^the'he- n^s <lueen and children arrived. The ruffians now endea-
roism of voured to force tlie jantichamber, which a body of loyal
<lers.deen guards defended with heroic courage; but their number
was decreasing under the murdering hands of the banditth
The assassins had almost entered the apartment when the
persuasions and supplications of Fayette and his officers
induced them to desist. Meanwhile, the furious mob in
the outer court demanded, the appearance of the king and
queen : the royal pair was persuaded to presentthemselves
on the balcony. An universal cry arose, To Paris, to Paris.
Theking Refusal or remonstrance would have been instant death:
^elTaf" tne king's assent was immediately notified, and the furious
depart for rage converted into the most tumultuous joy. Within an
hour began the procession, more melancholy and humilia
ting to the king and queen than any which history records
of captive princes exhibited: as spectacles to triumphant
enemies. The sovereign of a mighty and splendid mon
archy .; so long and so recently famed for learning, arts,
sciences, and civilization : renowned for the generosity,
honour, and valour of hs. nobility ; the courage and disci
pline of its numerous and formidable armies; their zeal*
Mournful ous and enthusiastic affection for their king and his
of tTdegra. famu7 » trte ardent loyalty of the whole, people ; was now,'
ded mo- yrithopt foreign invasion, or war ; without any avowed
competitor for his throne ; even without any acknowledg
ed rebellion of his. subjects, with his queen and family,-
dragged from his palace, and led in triumph by the off--
scourings of his metropolis, the.lowest and most despic
able of ruffians, the meanest and most abandoned trulls-
Fnrther From: thet 6ti> of October 1789, the king is to be con-
!»gsCat " sidered as a prisoner at Paris. Mounier, equally the
Fans. friend of liberty and of monarchy, from these horrid
transactions augured the downfal of both. He and other
penetrating observers saw that the outrages were not the
mere accidental ebullitions of a temporary and local fren-

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. -35$
say, but the ; effects of a general cause. He, Lally Tollen- CHAP.
(dal,i and others of, the moderate party, who had been the XLIU"
fliiffilQus and ardent advocates of a limited monarchy, ,7g9,
ijow seeing their efforts unavailing, seceded from the as
sembly. .But the just and virtuous Mounier, before his
retirement, established an inquiry into the recent massa
cres* The national assembly followed the king to Paris.
The- republican party now began to express suspicions of
the duke of Orleans, which they had before entertained ;
though finding him and his creatures instrumental to their
designs, they had made use of his agency as long as it
W58s wanted. Become rtow so powerful, they ; thought
proper; to drop the mask, and intimated to him through
Ea^fetjte, that his presence in France was incompatiblfc
jjath the public good : he was accordingly compelled to
retire into England. At this time the Parisian mob pro
mulgated its resolution to take the administration of jus
tice into its own hands ; and accordingly hangedh several
.aristocrats (especially bakers) at the lamppost. The as- The exist-
sembly, from regard to its own safety, resolved to prevent "n mJnt
so summary proceedings. They passed a very effective endeavours
decree, by which the municipal magistrates were obliged the mob.
to proclaim martial law whenever the mob proceeded to ®™™u.
outrage. They instituted a criminal inquiry into the late t'°ns for
, . • , , , , , 'hat pur-
murders ; several ringleaders were hanged, and terror p09e.
;thus was struck into the rest. Some degree of tranquil
lity was established, in the metropolis ; and the assembly
proceeded with less interruption and greater security in its
schemes of legislation.
.„» Such were the leading features and principal acts of Effeetaof. .
tlie French revolution in 1780. Britons rejoiced at the'^eneh
overthrow of the old French government because so con-devolution
,,..,.,,,, j a in Britain.
trary to the liberty which they themselves enjoyed. A
change from such a system they concluded must certainly
hp an improvement. They trusted that the alterations in
France would generate a government similar to the Bri
tish constitution. Presuming beneficial effects frotn the
French revolution, the greatest part of the people rejoiced
at this event. ' The generous feelings of Englishmen sym-
b. Annual Register, 1799.

356

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, pathised with the assertors of liberty, before they had time '
XLIU arid opportunity to ascertainits effects on the situation and
m9 characters of its new votaries. Men whose classical erudition
Detesting had a greater influence, in forming their opinionsthan experi-
govem- ence and reason ; who judged of political! wisdom more
ment, and from the practice of the ancient republics thanfrom his-
uot ac- r r _
quainted tory, investigation of character, and, circumstances, admi-
new.Bri- recl wnat tney conceived to be approaches to the democra-
tons ap- tic institutions of Greece and Rome. Scholars, chiefly
prove the . ,.,.,, ¦ i c : • •!
change as eminent for philology, were, with very lew exceptions, ad -
Mb'erty^ t0 m'rers °f a system1 that they supposed similar to those
Sentiments which they found delineated and praised in their favourite
classes. languages. Literary men of a higher class ¦ than: mere
linguists ; persons of profound metaphysical and moral
philosophy, but of more genius and* speculative, learning
than conversancy with practical affairs, commended- the
lawgivers of France for taking fox their guide-the" ii'pft-
" larity of reason, instead of following the narrow and
'' dastardly11 coastings of usage, precedent, and authori-
" ty." There were many who, forming their ideas' of
civil and political liberty from their "own abstractions more
than from experience, admired the French for: declaring the
equality of mankind, and making that principle the basis
of government, instead of modifying it according to ex
pediency. This latter class comprehended the greater
number of eminent projectors of civil and ecclesiastical
reform, who long had considered even Britain herself
deficient in the liberty which their fancies represented as
deducible from the rights of man. Various. political so
cieties had been constituted for different purposes of re
form, but of late years the most active of them had mani
fested principles too abstract and- visionary1 to be prac
ticably consistent with the British constitution,- or indeed
any form of government founded upon an opinion that
human nature is imperfect, and requires controls propor
tioned to the prevalence of passion. These societies™
i The instances are numerous, as the observing reader can easily recollect
without particularization. ,a
k.See VincliciaVOalliciac.
1 See Price's Discourse of the love of our country, November,, i, '¦ 1789, lo
Ppcstley, passim ; also, Writings of their votaries, passim.
m Revolution Club and Society 'fp* Constitutional Informatiop.

REKSN OP GEORGE til.

SS7

praised the French revolutionists, and recommended their CHAP.
example as a glorious pattern for the human race; They J^^
sent congratulations to the French leaders. A reg- im
ular official correspondence was carried on between
the members of private clubs in England, and the
leaders of the republican revolution iri France. States
men of high rank, and of the highest talents," venerating
(liberty in general, presumed French liberty would render
its votaries happy; and imputing the aggressions of Frarice
on this and other nations to the corrupt ambition of her
court, anticipated tranquillity from her renovated state,
and rejoiced at a change that appeared to them to fore
bode peace to Britain and to Europe. These admirers of
«the French revolution were stimulated by British patriot
ism as well as love of freedom. The excesses they saw
and lamented, but tracing them to their source, they im
puted them to enthusiasm ; which, reasoning from expe
rience, they trusted, though furiously violent in its opera
tion on such characters, would gradually subside, and
leave only the ardour of useful reform and improvemerit.
*The ablest men on the side of administration, abstained
from delivering any opinion concerning the internal pro
ceedings of a foreign state which had not then interfered
with ours. At the end of 1 789, by far the greater num-
*ber of all classes and parties in Britain was friendly to
the French revolution ; and its favourers included a very
-great portion of genius and learning, while none was
hitherto exerted by our countrymen on the opposite side.
¦Such was the impression which this extraordinary change
• of Gallic polity produced in the most liberal and enlight
ened of neighbouring nations.
_, ¦ r n See Speeches ef messrs. F05, and Sheridan in session 1790.

358

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLIV.

Meeting of parliament. — At the beginning of the session
little debate or discussion. — Mr. Fox takes, an oppor
tunity of praising the French revolution — commends, the
conduct of the French army in supporting the cause of
the people against , an .arbitrary court — likens -them to
the English army supporting the prince of Orange —
deems, the French revolution in many respects, similar
to the deliverance of England. — His friend and political
associate Mr. Burke, manifests a different, opinions-un
folds, his view of the French revolution— consider^ its
principles, and the characters on which they* are opera
ting — points out its first effects, and deduces the outra
geous excesses from its nature and doctrines- — deprecates
the French system as a, model for England — denie$ithe
allegations of similarity between the French',ond,.Briti$pk
revolution — praises the excellence of the Britisk consti;
tution, as contrasted with. the. French system. — Mr.
Sheridan concurs in Mr. Fox's praises of the French
revolution — Mr.. Pitt, praising the British constitu^
tion, delivers no opinion on the- French system.' — Dis-
. senters again propose to seek. the,, repeal of the, test act.
— Circumstances apparently favourable to the hopes, of
the dissenters — they are strenuously opposed by, the
members qf the church.— Work, entitled, Review, of"tkfj.-.
case of the Protestant .dissenters. — Dissenters, trust
their cause to the transcendent talents of Mn. Fpx — his
view of the subject, and , answers to objections.— rMr.
Pitt continues to treat admissibility to , offices as a mere
question of expediency— deems the leaders, ofthe, dissen
ters inimical to our establishment — adduces from the..
cqnduct of the dissenters, and the situation of political
affairs, arguments against the repeal. — Mr. Burke.
speaks on the same side. — Majority against the propo
sed repeal.— Mr, Flood prpposes apian for a parliament
ary reform — his, subtle theory is controverted by Mr.

REIGN OF GEORGE MI.v ^
Windham— withdraws his motion.— Petitions from man
ufacturers of tobacco, praying to repeal the law subject
ing them to excise. — A motion tp that effect by Mr.
Sheridan — is negatived.-^-Financial statements  Pros
perous situation of the country.— Mr. Dundas presents
an account of our East India possessions. — Libels against
the commons on account of the management of Hastings's
trial — censured. — Dispute with' Spain.— Nbolka Sound.
—Insult offered by Spain — satisfaction demanded. — Con-
- duct 'of Spain.- — King's message to parliament.' — Parlia-
•i-ment unanimously pledge their support "of the king in
vindicating the rights qf Britain. — Dissolution qf par
liament.— Warlike preparations. — Diplomatic discussion
between Britain and Spain. — Spain attempts to interest
France. — The French nation is inimical to war with
' England. — Spain, hopeless of aid, yields to the demands
of Britain. — The disputes are adjusted in a convention,
THE British parliament had sitten so late in CHAP.
the preceding year, that it did not meet till the 21st of xuv-
January 1790. Jn the opening speech, his majesty men- l7SQ
tioned the continuance of the war in the North and East Meeting of
of Europe, and informed the house that the internal situa- mens,
tion of different parts of the continent engaged his majes
ty's most serious attention. Concerned as he was at the
interruption of tranquillity, he was persuaded his parlia
ment would join him in entertaining a deep and grateful
sense of the favour of providence, which continued to
his subjects the increasing advantages of peace, and the
uninterrupted enjoyment of those invaluable blessings
which they had so long derived from our excellent con
stitution. His majesty iriformed them, that during the
recess of parliament he had been under the necessity of"
adopting measures for preventing the exportation, and
facilitating the importation, of corn. The addresses were
voted without opposition or debate ; an act of indemnity
was -proposed, and unanimously carried, respecting the
order of council about grain. < ;
During the first weeks of the session, there was
Scarcely any parliamentary discussion, but afterwards
some of the most striking efforts of eloquence arose from

36q HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, a subject which was not properly before the house. Such
XL,V a momentous event as the French revolution, interesting
17g0 all enlightened men, had very early engaged the ardent
At the be- mind of Mr. Fox. This illustrious senator venerated
thenSe|ion ana admired liberty ; and contemplating the Gallic change,
there is estimated its nature and value by the happiness whidi, he
little de- . . . ¦ ' . . .
bate or dis- conceived, from overturning an arbitrary government-, -it
MrJFox would hestow upori many millions. He spoke with
takes an transport and exultation of a great people breaking their
tyofprai- chains on the heads of their oppressors, and celebrated
French™- tne Particular acts, both civil and military, that had been
volution; most instrumental in effecting the change. As a man he
rejoiced in the subversion of despotism, and as a -Briton,
in a state from which he foreboded tranquillity to this
country. When the army estimates were under conside
ration," this distinguished orator first promulgated to par
liament his opinions concerning the ¦ French revolution.
The military establishments proposed were nearly the
same as in the former year. Messrs. Pitt and Grenville
contended, that though there Was no reason to apprehend
hostilities froiri ariy foreign power, yet the unsettled statf
of Europe, and the internal situation of several parts of
it made it necessary for us to keep ourselves in suej} a
condition as might enable us to act with vigour,and effect
if occasion should require our exertions. Tt was (they
argued) a preposterous economy- to tempt an attack by
our weakness, and for a miserable present saving to haz*
- ard a great future expense. Our foreign alliances had
been approved by all parties, as necessary for the preser
vation of that balance of power in Europe upori which the
permanence of its tranquillity depended ; but they could
only be rendered effectual for their purpose by our ability
to support them with an adequate force. Mr. Fox ar
gued that our ancient rival and enemy, by her 'internal
disturbances, probably would be disabled from offering us
any molestation for a long course of years ; and the. netv
form that the government of France was likely to assume
would make her a better neighbour, "and less prepense to
hostility, than when she was subject to the cabal and in-
o February 9th, 1 T99. * See parliamentary reports. ' '

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

361

trigues pf ambitious and interested statesmen,.*, , He ap- chap.
plauded the conduct of the French soldiers during the XUV'
late commotions : by refusing to pbey the dictates of the mo
court, that army had set a glorious example to all the mill- commend*
tary bodies of .Europe, and had shown, that men,.by be- duetofthe
coming soldiers, did not cease to be citizens. Their con- French ar"
duct (he said) resembled the behaviour of the patriotic porting the
soldiers. of, England, when the prince of Orange landed to ^°m'8et an
assist in preserving our civil and religious liberties : the arbitl'ary
¦c , , . . - court.
iTencn revolution, indeed, in many respects was like to Likens
the glorious event which established, and secured the lib- t^Eng-
erties of England. lish army
-V T° these doctrines Mr. Fox found an opponent in a the prince*
very eminent senator, with whom he had coincided du- Hiffriend
ring the greater part of his parliamentary life. Habitua- and poiiti.
ted to profound meditation on important questions in po- ciate, Mr.
litical philosophy, and thoroughly conversant with history, ^J^ ma'
Mr. Burke had applied himself, with the most watchful different
attention, to observe the details, and to study the princi- °Vimon'
pies, of this extraordinary change. He had reprobated
|«|he old government of France ; and although he thought
; it, in the reign of Lewis XVl. softened in its exercise by
the progress of civilization, and the personal character of
tne monarch, still he deemed the welfare of the people to
rest on an unstable basis, and to require very considerable
^reform before, it could be a beneficial system. But es
teeming arbitrary, power a great evil, he knew that unwise
, efforts to shake it off might produce more terrible calami
ties. He venerated the spirit of liberty as, when well
.directed and regulated, a means of human happiness ; his
respect for it in every individual case, was proportionate
to bis opinion of its probable tendency to produce that end,
where he had not actual experience to ascertain its effects.
It was not merely the possession of it that constituted it
"p Mr. Fox's expectation of tranquillity to other states from the prevalence
of freedom in Franee. even had there been nothing peculiar in the nature of
,, that freedom, and the habits and dispositions of itsjvotaries, seems to have arisen
more from theory than from the actual review ofthe history of free countries.
Had the comprehensive and full mind of this philosophical politician called be
fore him his own extensive knowledge of the actions of mankind, he would have
immediately perceived that free nations have been as propense to hostility as
the subjects of an arbitrary pri nee. See the several histories of the ancient re
publics in the Greek, Latin, or modern languages : in our ewn tongue, Fer.
guson, Gillies, and Mitford.
Vol. III. Z z

362 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, a blessing, but the enjoyment of it to such an extent, and with
v^_^>. such regulations as could make it subsidiary to virtue and
j798, happiness. Its operation as a blessing or a curse, depend
ed, he thought, on its intrinsic nature, compounded with
the character of its subjects, and, in a certain degree, extrin
sic causes ; and he uniformly controverted9 those doctrines
of the rights of man which would allow the same freedom
to all persons, and in all circumstances. Neither did he
conceive, that every one state, though refined, was equally
fit for the beneficial exercise of liberty as every other state,
which was not more refined. The control, he thought,
must be strong in the direct ratio of passion, as well as
the inverse ratio of knowledge and reason. Having long
viewed, with anxiety, the new philosophy become fash
ionable in France, he bestowed the most accurate atten
tion on the designs of its votaries, as they gradually:un-
unfoids his folded themselves. A sagacity, as penetrating as his views
view ofthe . ° , \ . , r ,
French were comprehensive, discovered to him the nature of those
considers11 principles which guided the revolutionists, as well as the
its princi- characters on which they were operating. The notions
thecharac- of liberty that were cherished by the French philosophy
whichthev ne accounted speculative and visionary^ and in no country
were ope- reducible to salutary practice : he thought they proposed
much less restraint than was necessary togovern any com
munity, however small, consisting of men as they are
known from experience ; he conceived also that the vola
tile, impetuous, and violent character of the French, de
manded in so great a nation much closer restraints than
were requisite in many other states. From the same phi
losophy which generated their extravagant notions of
freedom proceeded also infidelity, He had many tyears
before1, predicted that the joint operation of these causes,
unless watchfully and steadily opposed, would overturn
civil and religious establishments, and destroy all social
order. The composition of the national assembly, the
q See life of Burke, passim. r This was the opinion- which he
had maintained pf infidelity and speculative politics in general, in hisvundieatgjn
of natural society, and in iiis letter to the sheriffs of Bristol, and of French in
fidelity and speculative politics in particular, in his speech after returning from
France in 1773 ;* and in all his speeches and writings, whenever the occasion,
required his admonition. * Life of Burke, p. 161.

rating,

REIGN OF GEORGE; IU. - 353
degradation of the pobility, the abolition of the orders, chap.
the confiscation of the prpperty of the church, and many ^^^
other acts, .tended tp, confirm the opinion which he had ,790-
formed. Much as he detested the outrages, he reproba
ted the principles more, and foresaw tiiatin their unavoid
able operation, they would lead to far greater enormities: anddedu-
in the spirit and details of the new constitution, he did ^geous"''
not expect either happiness, or even permanent existence, excesses
The vicinity of France to England made him apprehen- nature and
sive least the speculations of that country should make QOCtrlnes-
their way into this,, and produce attempts against ^con
stitution founded on pbseryatipn and experience, and not
on visionary theories. The approbation manifested by
many Britons, both of the doctrines and proceedings of
the French -revolutionists, increased his apprehension.
When he found that his friend, of whose wisdom and ge- Herepro.
nius he entertained so very exalted an opinion was among ^''^.,
the admirers of the recent changes in France ;t he was pietoEng-
anxious lest a statesman to whose authority so much
weight was due, should be misunderstood to hold up the
transactions in that country as _ a fit object of our imita
tion. Our patriotic ancestors had with cautious wisdom
guarded against the contagion of French despotism, which
had not only infected our sovereigns, Charles and James,
but also made some impression on many of their subjects.
The, danger in the last ages, he observed, was from an
example of (tyranny in government, and intolerance in reli
gion. The disease was now altered, but far more likely
to be infectious. Our present danger arose from atheism
instead of bigotry, anarchy instead of arbitrary power.
/Through an admiration of men professing to be the vota
ries of liberty, those who did not thoroughly examine, the
real features of the French revolution, might be led to
imitate the excesses of an irrational, unprincipled, pro
scribing, confiscating, plundering, .ferocious, bloody, and
tyrannical democracy.1 He severely reprobated the con
duct of the army : the abstract proposition that soldiers
ought not to forget they were citizens, he did not com
bat ; but applied to any particular case, it depended en-
t See Parliamentary Debates, Feb, 9, 1799.

364

HISTORY OF the

tirely on the circumstances : in the recent conduct of the'
French guards, it was not an army embodied under the
respectable patriot citizens of the state in resisting tyran
ny ; it was the case of common soldiers deserting front
their officers, to join a furious and licentious populace.
The conduct of the British soldiery in 1688, was totally
different from the conduct of the French soldiery in 1789.
William of Orange, a prince of the blood royal of Eng
land, was called in by the flower of the English aristo
cracy to defend its ancient constitution, and not to level
all distinctions. To this prince, so warmly invited, the
aristocratic leaders who commanded the troops, went
over with their several corps, as to the deliverer of their
country : military obedience changed its object ; but mili
tary, discipline was not for a moment interrupted in rits
He contro- principle. After enumerating the constituents and acts
allegation of the French revolution, he contended that in almost
t ^'"'tween every particular, and in the whole spirit of the transact
fheFrench tion, that change differed from the alteration effected by
revohi^Sh Britain. " We," said Mr. Burke, " took solid securi-
tions, and u t;es . settled doubtful questions ; and corrected anoma-
Tiriis&s the
British " lies in our law. In the stable fundamental parts of our1
tjonas'con- " constitution, we made no revolution ; no, not any altera-
trasted « tion at all; we did not weaken the monarchy ; perhaps
French " it might be shown that we strengthened it very consi-
eystem. u fera,b\y. The church was not impaired ; the nation kept
" the same ranks, the same privileges, the same franchi-
" ses, the same rules for property. The church and state
" Were the same after the revolution that they were before,
" but better secured in every part."
Mr. Sheri- Mk. Sheridan declared that he entirely disagreedfrom
cursinM ^r* Burke concerning the French revolution, and express-
Fox's ed his surprise that a senator whose general principles had
fheFrench heen uniformly so frieridly to liberty, and to the British
revolution, constitution, could declare or feel an indignant and unqual
ified detestation of all the acts of the patriotic party in
France. He conceived theirs to be as just a revolution as
ours ; proceeding upon as sound a principle, and a great
er provocation. Abhorring their excesses, he imputed'
them to the depravity of the old government, the sentir,'r
ments and characters which despotism formed. He hinv

REIGftt OF GEORGE HI. 3 qs
•self regarded the French revolution as a glorious struggle CH^P.
for liberty ^ and wished its supporters the fullest success. ^^.-J.
Concerningthe British revolution, he no less differed from 179j,#
Mr. Burke. That event was founded on the same prin
ciple With the French change ; regard for the rights of
man. It overturned tyranny j gave real efficient freedom
to this country, which he would wish to see diffused
throughout the world.1^ Mr. Pitt testified his high appro
bation of the principles laid down concerning our excel-,
lent constitution : for these he declared this country to the
latest posterity ought gratefully to revere the name of
Mr. Burke. With that caution which, advancing all that Mr. Pitt,
was necessary, abstained from declarations not required P,™™1?^
by the occasion, Mr. Pitt confined his applause to that part constifu-
of'Mr. Burke's speech which referred to the constitution *'°snn0 ,v"
of IBritain. That was a subject of discussion that could opimonon
- . „ . . ,. . theFreiel*
never be foreign to a British parliament : concerning the system.
French revolution, as affecting, or likely to affect France
itself, he delivered no opinion.
Colonel Phi'pps and sir GeOfge Howard, as military
-men, strongly objected to the panegyric pronounced by
Mr. Fox, on the French guards, as a model of military
conduct, and contrasted their desertion of their master,
and junction with rioters, with the behaviour of the British
troops, driring the disturbances of 1780. Our soldiers
did not, in violation of their oaths, and of their allegiance,
join anarchy and rebellion, but feelirig as citizens and sol
diers, patiently submitted to the insults of the populace ;
in spite of provocation, maintained the laws, and acted
under the constituted authorities of the realm.
'The dissenters, encouraged by the smallness of the
majority which had rejected Mr. Beaufby's motion of the
w Mr. Sheridan's admiration ofthe French revolution appears toliave ari
sen first from considering it as a triumph of liberty over despotism, in which esti
mated had not paid an adequate attention to its peculiar nature and princi
ples ,» and secondly, from an idea that in principle it resembled our revolution,
though dissimilarity had been very clearly and strongly stated by Mr.^Burke,
andlhat statement, though not admitted, had not been overturned by Mr.>he.,
ridan, or any of his supporters* His ardent wish for the general diffusion of «
liberty producing tlie greatest blessings toBritain, overlooked the diversities of
national characters in different countries. From a partial consideration ot the
ease'instead of an accurate and complete view of every circumstance, and its
whole character, appeared to arise the prepossessions of many men of genius
and patriotism in favour ofthe French revolution.
' * See Parliamentary Debates, February, 1790.-

CirJsum-

3g5 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, former year, persevered in their application to parliament,
3-Liv. ancj Spar ecl no efforts, either by general appeals to the pul>
J ri lie, or by canvassing particular members of the legislature ;
Disinters nor were grounds wanting to excite their sanguine hopes
po"! to™' °f success- TheFrench revolution was favoured bya con-
set-i'c the siderable number of Britons, who venerating the- princi-
the itest pies of liberty that were enjoyed by themselves, regarded
aoti with pleasure the supposed diffusion of freedom to their
neighbours. This approbation of the Gallic system, in
many was not without a tinge of their peculiar doctrines;
and they began fo think that the highest perfection of a free
government, consisted in exemption from restraint. Hence
stances ap- great numbers totally unconnected with the dissenters, and
favourable before quite indifferent about their peculiar views and
interests, became zealous advocates for the repeal ofthe
test and corporation acts, as inimical to the rights of-man,
lately promulgated in the neighbouring nation. On these
visionary theories the claims ofthe dissenters were main
tained in periodical publicatioris,y which were employed in
promoting their cause, and in other occasional: works pro
duced for their service. The leaders of the non confon»
ists having declared their enmity to the national religion^
found ready and willing auxiliaries among those who: had
no religion at all; The deists, encouraged by the: aspect
of affairs in France to hope for the speedy diffusion of
infidelity, or as they phrased it, light, eagerly joined in a
measure tending to weaken the great bulwark of national
faith. From the time of the French revolution, we may
date a coalition between the deists and the Socinian dis
senters, which, in its political or religious effects," after
wards extended to many others. Republicans aware of
the close connexion between the church and monarchy,
most readily joined a classof men who were alleged- to seek
the doWnfal of our ecclesiastical establishment ; a change,
which they well knew, Would tend to the overthrow of the
rhonarch. Besides this new accession of strength, the
circumstance of an approaching election appeared also
favourable to the attempt of the dissenters, on account of
their great weight and influence in many counties and
y See Analytical Review,passim

REIGN OF GEORGE 111,

367'

corporations, and their avowed determination to exert CHAP.
them on the ensuing occasion, in the support of such candi- ^!^.
dates only as were known, or should promise to be their ir8o
supporters.2 Farther to strengthen their cause, they pro
posed to consolidate with their own, the interests of the
Roman catholic dissenters, and from the various constitu
ents of their force, they had sanguine expectations of
success. On -the other hand, the friends of the church, though They are
not so early in their preparations, were fully as /vigorous strenuous-
when they did commence. Less numerous, but more for- by mem-
cible, literary efforts were made in defence of our ecclesi- eh'inh.
astical establishments. The case was arc-ued from the V,m't^n"
,, ,. , f ,. r . b . c , tuied ./im
probable tendency of dissent, from actual experience ol the view of
general conduct of dissenters, and from the present state ifotcJ^aht-
of political affairs. On the first head it was observed, dissenters.
that ill will to the establishment1 must in all governments
belong to the character of the dissenter, if he be an honest
man, however it may.be softened by his natural good dis
position, or restrained by political sagacity. A dissenter
may occasionally support an establishment which he hates,
if he foresee that its ruin would raise -another from which
his; party would meet with less indulgence. h But a pre
ference to his own sect is in itself a virtuous principle;
everydissenter must be inclined to use any influence or
authority with which an imprudent government may intrust
him, to advance his sect in the popular esteem, and to
^urease its numbers* He will employ all means that ap
pear to hiihself fair and justifiable, to undermine the
church, if he hope that its fall may facilitate the establish
ment of his own party, or some other more congenial to
his own. In all this, the crime is not in the man, but in
the government intrusting him with a power, which he
eannot but misuse. ¦ The man himself, all the while, sup
poses he is doing good, and his country service; and the
z This mode of proceeding is much blamed by eminent, but moderate mem
bers of their own body, whose opinion I have heard very lately in personal
eonversation. ' ¦ ¦
a: See JSevieto ofthe case of protestant dissenters ,- a celebrated pamphlet
imputed to *Dr Horseley.
b The dissenters often cited their fidelity to the house of Hanover, and en-
-mity to the Stuarts. Tbis remark was probably intended to account for then'
zeal.

368 HISTORY OF THE
chap, harm which he may effect under the notion of doing good,
y~^L, will be the greater in ' proportion tp his abilities and vir-
jj-90 tues ; on these undeniable principles ^ the. policy of a test;
is founded. To confirm „ arguments from probable ten
dency, appeals were made to facts ; and the history of
dissenters was traced from the first germs of puritanism to
the present time. Under certain restrictions, they had
been beneficial to the community, but without these re
strictions they had been hurtful. This position was illus
trated by views of their proceedings during the last cen
tury ; from the attainment of partial advantage, to the
Overthrow of the church and monarchy, the destruction of
rank, confiscation of property, cruel persecutions and
massacres.' The principles which had produced such
enormities were now cherished and, supported, and wanted
only predominant power to give them effect. Dr. Priest
ley, followed by a numerous tribe of votaries, had pub
lished his enmity to the church ; while Dr. Price had no
less publicly proclaimed his enmity to monarchy. They
and their disciples had, from the downfal of, the orders in
France, become more eager in their expectations, more
confident in their boasts, and more incessant in their
efforts. For these and other reasons founded on the same
principles, the most eminent of the prelates, the body of
the clergy, and the friends of the church, called to the
people to assist them in defending the ecclesiastical estab-
Dissenters lishment. The dissenters, to have an advocate of abili-
cntrust ties proportioned to their conception of the importance of
tticir cyusc
to the the question, intrusted the discussion of their cause to the
enTta^cnts brilliant and powerful talents of Mr. Fox ; and on the 2d
ofMr.Fox. 0f March the orator brought the subject before the house
of commons. Acquainted with the arguments employed
by Dr. Horseley, and other champions of the church, he
directed his reasoning chiefly to impugn their allegations,
and pursued nearly the order of those whom he wished to
confute. It was, he contended, unwarrantable to infer a
priori, and. contrary to the professions and declarations of
the persons holding such opinions, that their doctrines
would produce acts injurious to the common weal. Men
ought not to be judged by their opinions, but by their
actions. Speculative notions ought never to disqualify a

REIGN OF GEORGE IH. ggg
man for executing an office, the performance of whose du- CHAP.
ties depends upon practical anilities, dispositions and habits. XLlV-
The object of the test laws at first had been to exclude 17go
anti-monarchical men from civil offices ; but such conduct H's view
proceeded upon false pretences, it tended to hypocrisy, ject,
and served as a restraint on the good and conscientious
only. Instead of a formal and direct oath of allegiance,
they resorted by means of a religious test, to an indirect
political standard. The danger of the church arose only
from the supine negligence of the clergy, and the superior
activity and zeal of the dissenters, in discharging the du
ties of their sacred functions. History exhibited the dis
senters supporting the principles of the British constitu
tion, while the high church promoted arbitrary power.
When this country had been distracted with internal
troubles and insurrections, the dissenters had with their
lives and properties stood forward in its defence. Their
exertions had powerfully contributed to defeat the rebel
lions in 1715 and 1745, to maintain the constitution, and
establish the Brunswic family on the throne : in those
times every high churchman was a jacobite, and as inimi
cal to the family of Hanover, as the dissenters were ear
nest in their support. An attempt had recently been
ra.ade, with too great success, to raise a high church party :
the discipline of the church, and the abstract duties which
she prescribed, he admired and revered, as she avoided
all that was superstitious, and retained all that was essen
tial : he therefore declared himself her warm friend. Indi
vidual members of the body he esteemed for their talents,
learning and conduct;, but as a political party, the church
never acted but for mischief. Objections had been raised andanswlr
for the repeal, from the French revolution ; but this great J?^66"
event was totally irrelevant, as an argument against the
claims of the dissenters : it had, indeed, a contrary ten
dency ; the French church was now paying the penalty
of former intolerance. Though far from approving of
the summary and indiscriminate forfeiture of church pro
perty, in that country, he could not but see that its cause
was, ecclesiastical oppression. This should Operate as a
warning to the church of England ; persecution may pre
vail for a time ; but ultimately terminates in the punishr
Vol. III. ' A aa

570

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, ment of its abettors. He was aware that the cause which
XLIV' he had undertaken, was not at present popular ; some of
mo those whom he most highly valued differed from him upon
this subject. So far was he individually from having any
connexion with the dissenters, that in them he had expe
rienced the most violent political adversaries ; but regard
ing their cause as the cause of truth and liberty, he should
give it his warmest support-both on the present and every
future occasion. He concluded with proposing a more
specific motion for the revision of the test act, than any
which was formerly made.
Mr. Pitt Mr. Pitt, after arguing that eligibility to" offices in
continues . . c . , ,
to treat ad- any community, was a question not ot right out expe-
imssibiiity ,diency, considered the test act upon that ground. Pre-
a mere suming the utility of the ecclesiastical establishment to be
expedien" generally granted, he inquired whether the principles of
cy> the dissenters did not aspire at. the subversion of the church,
and whether their conduct did not manifest an intention
of carrying these principles intp practice. Mr. Fox had
proposed to judge men, not by their opinions, but by their
actions. This was certainly the ground for procedure in
judicial cases ; but in deliberative, the policy of prevention
was often not only wise but necessary ; opinions produceu
actions, therefore provident lawgivers and statesmen must
often investigate opinions, in order to infer probable con
duct. Leading dissenters, frpm their principles inimical
to the church, had indicated intentions immediately hos-
a"d deems tile ; and favourite , arguments in their works were the
of the-dis- usejessness of an establishment,, and the probability that
irnicaUo1' Dv vigour and unanimity it might be overthrown. Against
om- estab- such avowed designs, it became all those who desired the
preservation of the church, firmly to guard. Admissibility
into offices of great trust would obviously increase the
power of the dissenters ; the assertions of their advocates,
that their theological opinions had no influence on their
political conduct, were most effectually confuted by their
own declarations. At a general meeting they had sub
scribed resolutions recommending to voters to support, at
the election, such, members only as favoured the repeal-
Thus while they themselves reprobated a religious test
established by the constituted authorities of the kingdom,

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

371

they wished to enforce a political test by their own sole CHAP.
authority. Perceiving their general principles practically Jj^iy'
operating in conduct hostile to the church, he should vote irgo
against a repeal, which in the present circumstances he
deemed injurious to our establishment.
Mr. Burke, from various details and documents,
endeavoured to prove, that the dissenters anxiously de
sired, and confidently expected, the abolition of tithes and
the liturgy ; and that they were bent on the subversion of
the church.0 The arguments recently and now employed The argu-
in the writings and speeches of the friends of the church, ments
°- r . » " against the
the conduct of the, dissenters, and the* downfal of the appiica-
French hierarchy, placed in the most striking light by
Mr. Burke, added powerfully to the effect of Mr. Pitt's
reasoning, and made a deep impression on members of
parliament. In a meeting Consisting of about four hun- Great ma-
dred, there was a majority of near three to one against the against the
projected repeal. repeal.
The spirit of change extended itself to our political
constitution; two days after the rejection of Mr. Fox's
motion', Mr. Flood proposed a reform in the representa- Mr. Flood
. tion of the people in parliament. This proposition, like reformen
the reasoning for the eligibility of dissenters, was Ps",|'a-
grounded upon abstract theories concerning the rights of
men. In a speech replete with metaphysical subtlety, he
endeavoured to prove, that in the popular branch of our
government, the constituent body was inadequate to the
purpose of elections. Electoral franchises ought to be
formed on principles both of property and number. Elec- his subtle
tors should be numerous, because numbers are necessary lueory
to the spirit of liberty ; possessed of property, because
" property is copducive to the spirit of order. Pursuing
these principles through various theoretical niceties, and
applying them to the actual state of representation, he
endeavoured to evince the necessity of a reform, which
should extend electoral franchise to every householder.
In answer to this theory, Mr. Windham argued from
plain fact and experience, Mr. Flood had proved by an
e To establish these positions, he quoted passages from the resolutions at
the public meetings'; their catechisms; the writings of doctors Price and
Priestley, and other supporters of the cause.

S72

HISTORY OF THE

He with
draws his
motion.

Petitions
from deal
ers in to
bacco,praying to
repeal the
law sub
jecting them to
the excise.
A motion
to that ef
fect by
Mr. Sheri
dan

arithmetical statement, what no one denied, that the repre
sentation was unequal, but he h?d not proved frpm, politi-
cal.history and reasoning, that it was inadequate. States
men and lawgivers should argue from experience, and
not from visionary theories ; we had no data to ascertain"
the operation of such fanciful projects. Our representation
as it stpod, answeredits purpose, as appeared in the wel
fare of the people, and the prosperity of the country.
According to the present system,, it was evident that, the
influence of the people was very extensive and, powerful.
It was their voice that sanctioning, permitted the most
important acts of the executorial government -r the .com
mencement and continuance of war ; the conclusion of
peace, and the appointment of ministers were most fre
quently dictated by the people. Their weight was fully
as great as expediency, their own security, and happiness
admitted. Besides, were parliamentary reform generally
desirable, the present era of speculation, change, and feiv
ment, was totally unfit for the purpose. Messrs; Burke,
Pitt, and, others maintaining the same ground, and a great
majority appearing inimical to Mr. Flood's plan, he withr
drew his motion. These were the only great political
questions which engaged the house of commons that sea
son; and there they rested without extending to the
peers. Subjects of revenue occupied the chief attention of
parliament, during the remainder of the session. Dealers
in tobacco presented a great,>number of petitions, praying
for the repeal of the act, which subjected that commodity
to the. excise, Mr. Sheridan took the lead in this sub
ject, and, having in a splendid speech directed his.elp-r
quence against the whole system of excise laws, by the
fertility of his genius, in his illustrations, he gave an
appearance of novelty to so very trite a subject. He
came at last to the peculiar hardships of the tobacco bill,
enforced the objections made the preceding year, and pro
posed a resolution, that the survey of the excise is inap
plicable to the manufactory of tobacco. It was contended
by ministers, that the arguments against this application
of excise, rested on the testimony of dealers, who had
derived a great profit frpm fraudulent traffic, of which

REIGN OP GEORGE III.

373

Jthey were now deprived by the new mode of collection. CHAP.
It could be no just argument against a, plan for the pre- J^^",
vention'pf illicit trade, that it was not sanctioned by the mo_
approbation of contraband dealers. Was it unfair or
illiberal to doubt the veracity and honour of a smuggler,
when he gives testimony concerning his forbidden articles.
The extent of former frauds was obvious in the produc
tiveness of the late preventive means. Since its subjec
tion to the excise, the revenue from tobacco had increased
upwards of three hundred' thousand pounds a year.d For '?..n<:3r*
these reasons, Mr. Sheridan's motion was negatived by a
majority of a hundred and ninety-one to a hundred and
forty-seven. ... In the month of April, Mr. Pitt opened his scheme Financial
• of finance for the year; having in general stated the pros- statements-
perous situation of the country, to prove and illustrate his
position, he recapitulated the extraordinary expenses, de
frayed in 1789, in "addition to the regular establishment.
Notwithstanding these unforeseen demands, though we
had borrowed only one million, we had paid six millions
of debt. ¦' ' The increase of revenue, which had thus liqui
dated so many and great charges, originated in two per
manent causes, the suppression of smuggling, and the
increase of commerce.6 Qur navigation* had increased Prosperity.
in proportion to our commerce. This prosperity arose country.
' d From the statement of the tobacconists, it appeared, that the manufac
turers were about four hundred in number ; eight millions of pounds were annu
ally smuggled. The revenue which amounted to four hundred thousand pounds
sterling; this sum purloining from the public they divided among themselves,
so that each manufacturer on an average gained a thousand a year, by cheating
the public.
e The exports for the year 1789, as valued by the customhouse entries,
amounted to no less a sum than 18,5l3,00OZ. of which the British manufactured
goods exported, amounted to 13,490,000/. Upon an average of the exports six
years prior to the American war, which average he took on account of those
years being the period in which 6ur commerce flourished most, it appeared,
that the British manufactured goods exported, amounted to no more than
10,343,000/. The imports for that year, amounted to a higher sum than was
eter before known, being valued at 17,828,1)00/. This increase of import,
which might at first appear disadvantageous, as it might seem to lessen the
balance bf trade in favour of the country, Mr. Pitt having traced to its real
source, showed to arise from circumstances demonstrating the wealth and pros
perity of the nation. It issued in remitted property from the East and West
Indies, from the increased products of Ireland, showing the growing prosperity
of the sister kingdom, from the Greenland and South Wales fisheries, being
wealth poured in Irom the ocean. •
f In the year 1 773, there belonged to British ports, 9,224 vessels, and 63,QO0
seamen; and in the year 1785, 11,085 vessels, and 1 83,000 seamen showing an
increase of seamen in 1788, above the number in 17/3, of no less than one-third.

sessions.

374 _ HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, from the industry and enterprise, and capital, which are form-v
y^-v^. ed and protected under the British constitution. A system
1790. productive of so momentous benefits, it was our most sacred
duty to defend against all innovations. Mr. Sheridan en
deavoured, as in the preceding year, to controvert the
minister's calculations, and through the same means, by
including in a general average, the year 1786, that had
been unproductive from 'causes peculiar to itself. The
supplies for the army, navy, and ordnance, were nearly
the same as in the former year : no new taxes were im
posed ; but there was a lottery as usual.
Mr. Dun- Ma. Dundas about the same time, presented an ac-
dsis Rrc~
sentsan count of the financial state of India. The'result of his
our°Ea3t° statement was,, that the revenue considerably exceeded the
India pos- product of the former year;8 and that the increase though.
in some particulars, owing to temporary circumstances,
was chiefly the effect of permanent causes. The system
of justice and moderation adopted froth the time that the
territorial possessions were subjected to the control of
the British government, had produced the most beneficial
consequences both to the natives and to this country.
The landed revenues being much more willingly paid,
were much more easily collected. The friendly inter
course between the Hindoos and the British, had suggest
ed various improvements in the collection. Fostered by
a humane and equitable administration, the internal com
merce of our India settlements had greatly increased.
Observing rigid faith with the Indian natives, we had to
encounter no forrriidable confederacies, which should at
once diminish territorial improvement, and cause enor
mous expenses. Prosperity arising from a general scheme
g The revenries of Bengal amounted to - . 5,"619,999Z.
of Madras - . 1,213,229
of Bombay ... 138,228

Charges of Bengal 3,183,250/. 6,971,456/.
of Madras 1,302,037 *
of Bombay 568,710 5,053,997
5,053,997/. 1,917,459/.
To this amount ofthe net revenue was to be added 630,361/. for exports; and the
sura of 65,000/. charges for Bencoolen and the prince of Wales's Island ; leaving
on the whole, a net sum of 2,147,815/. applicable to the discharge of debts, and
the purchase of investments.

1790.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. ,-,
of policy at once wise and liberal, must increase with ac- CHAP
celerated rapidity. In a few years the company would XL1^
be enabled to pay off their arrears :h British India would ^
be more flourishing in wealth, in commerce, manufactures,
and in every enjoyment, than any other part of the whole
continent of Hindostan. In the present state of our
power, we certainly had no danger to apprehend from
any European nation. Holland was in alliance with us,
and the French were not in a situation to disturb British
India. We had still one enemy in the country, but
without European auxiliaries, unsupported by the other
native powers, Tippoo Saib could not be formidable to
the British force. Mr. Francis endeavoured to contro
vert Mr. Dundas's allegations respecting both the territo
rial and commercial situation of affairs, and rested his
objections chiefly upon extracts from letters. These Mr.
Dundas insisted, being garbled, were partial and incom
plete evidence ; and resolutions formed on Mr. Dundas's
statement, were proposed and adopted. The house voted
several sums as a recompense for service, and an indem
nification for losses sustained in the cause of the public.
On a message from his majesty, parliament bestowed an
annuity of a thousand pounds for twenty years, on Dr.
Willis, who, under providence, had been so instrumental in
restoring to the country so valuable a blessing.1 The salary
of the speaker was augmented from three thousand to six
¦thousand a year. In a committee upon American claims,
Mr. Pitt represented to the house the losses sustained by
' the family of Penn ; their case was different from that of
any of the other American loyalists, and therefore could not
be governed by the rules which the house had established
respecting the generality of cases. He proposed to grant to
them and their heirs four thousand per annum out of the
consolidated fund. Mr. Wilberforce moved for the con
sideration of the slave trade ; most of the time allotted
to that subject was occupied in hearing evidence, and no
bill was introduced during this session.

h The debts of the company for the last year were 7,694,-734!. those of the
present year 6,501,385/. giving a decrease of 1,103,369/.
i See vol. iii. chap. xli.

376 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The trial of Mr. Hastings made btit little progress
^iv^/ during the present session. The court sat but thirteen
17q() days, in which the managers of the house of commons
libels went through the charge relative to the receipt of presents,
?amnions which was opened by Mr. Anstruther, and summed up
of Hast°-Unt by Mr- Foxl in a sPeech which lasted two days- Mr-
ings' trial. Burke detailed the circumstances which retarded the trial :
the appointed mode of procedure had increased the diffi
culties and delays; the managers had proposed in the
written evidence, to confine recital of letters and papers
to such extracts as related to the charges ; but the counsel
for Mr. Hastings insisted on reading the whole of such
documents, though many of them were extremely long;
and the lords had agreed that no partial quotation from
any paper could be received as evidence ; that either the
whole coritents, or no part should be adduced ; and the
resolution evidently tending to promote impartial and
complete inquiry, "Mr. Burke complained of as an obstacle
to the prosecution. It was however, he contended, the,
duty, of the -house of commons, and their managers, to
persevere in the trial, without regarding any hindrances
which might occur. He moved two resolutions to that
effect, and the motions were both carried. Mr. Hastings
continued to have a most zealous and ardent advocate in
major Scott, who very frequently employed not only his
tongue but his pen in the cause. Scott had indeed a great
propensity to literary exhibitions ; and sundry letters to
editors of newspapers, and several pamphlets, manifested
his zeal as a pleader, and his fruitfulriess as an author.
Among his other effusions was a letter subscribed with
his own name, in a newspaper called the Diary ; this
essay contained many injurious assertions against the
managers, and also blamed the house of commons for.
supporting the impeachment. On the 17th of May, gen
eral Burgoyne complained of the letter as a gross libel.
Major Scott avowed himself the author ; but declared
that, he meant no offence to the house. If he had been
guilty of an error, he had been misled by great examples ;'
Messrs. Burke and Sheridan had published stronger^ libels
k If either of these gentlemen published libels, few will controvert th£
major's opinion, that they must be stronger than any which he wrote.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

377

than ever he had written. After offering this defence, chap,
Scott withdrew from the house; several motions of een- -^J".
sure were made,, and various modifications were offered. 179o.
Mr. Burke was very urgent that an exemplary punish
ment should be inflicted ; the conduct of Mr. Scott, he
averred, had been extremely reprehensible: from the
commencement of the prosecution he promoted libels
against the managers, and their constituents.1 After a
long cpnsideration it was agreed, that the letter should be
voted a gross libel, and that the author should be cen
sured in his place.
While the nation flourished ip the enjoyment of Dispute
peace, an alarm arose that so beneficial a tranquillity wJ'0^tSpa"
would be speedily interrupted. On ihe 5th of May, Mr. Nootka
Pitt delivered a message from his majesty to the com
mons, and the duke of Leeds to the peers; intimating an
apprehension that the peace, during which Britain had so
greatly prospered, might be broken. The following were
the circumstances in which the message originated.
During the last voyage of the celebrated Cook, the Reso
lution and Discovery having touched at Nootka (or Pririce
William's) Sound, the crews purchased a considerable
number of valuable furs, which they afterwards disposed
of to very great advantage in China; and captain King,
who published the last volume of Cook's voyages, recom
mended the traffic with, those northern coasts, as very
lucrative. In consequence of this advice, some mercantile
adventurers settled in the East Indies,™ and having con
sulted sir John Macpherson the governor general, with
his consent they undertook to supply the Chinese with
furs from those regions, and also ginseng, an article that
was likewise plentiful : for this purpose they fitted out
two small vessels. The trade proved so advantageous,
that in the year 1788 the adventurers determined to form
a permanent settlement. With this view Mr. Mears, the
gentleman principally concerned, purchased ground from
'1 Mr. Burke said, he was wellassured, that'not less than twenty thousand
pounds had been expended in Jibels supporting Mr. Hastings; that major Scott
was his agent in all these eases, and the common libeller of the house,
m The statement of the grounds ef tlie dispute is compressed from the
memorial ef lieutenant Mears, presented to Mr. Secretary SrenviHe, which
see in State Papers, 1790.
Vol. III. Bbb

378

HISTORY 0¥ THE

CHAP. XLIV.

179ft
Insult of
fered by
Spain.

Satisfaction de
manded.

Conduct of
Spain.

the natives, and built a house which he Secured and forti
fied, as a repository for his merchandise. The following
year theVsettlesnetit was enlarged ; more land was bongfet
from the country proprietors, and about seventy Chinese,
with several artificers, constituted the establishment. In
the month of May,* two Spanish ships of war arrived in
the Sound; for some days they made no hostile attempt,
but on the fourteenth, one of the captains seized an Eng
lish vessel, conveyed the officers and men on board the
Spanish ships, and afterwards sent them prisoners to a
Spanish port. He also took possession of the lands and
buildings belonging to the new factory, removed the British
flag, and declared that all the lands between cape Horn,
and the sixtieth degree of north latitude, on the western
coast of America, were the undoubted property of the
Spanish king. Another vessel was captured afterwards
under the same pretence ; the crews of both were thrown
into prison, and the cargoes were sold for the captors,
without the form either of condemnation or judicature.
The Spanish ambassador first informed the court of Lon
don that the ships had been seized ; and at the same time
expressed his master's desire, that means might be taken
for preventing his Britannic majesty's subjects from fre
quenting those coasts, which he alleged to have been
previously occupied by the subjects of the catholic king.
He also complained of the fisheries carried on by the
British subjects in the seas adjoining to the. Spanish' cen-
tinent, as being contrary to the rights of the crown of
Spain. His Britannic majesty immediately demanded
adequate satisfaction to the individuals injured, and to the
British nation for the insult which had been offered.
The viceroy of Mexico had restored one of the vessels,41
brit bad not thereby satisfied the nation ; on the contrary,
the court of Spain professed to give up the ships as a
favour, not as a right, and asserted a direct claim to ex
clusive sovereignty^ navigation, and commerce, in the
territories, coasts, and seas in that part of the world. His

n The ship and. crew (they said) ( had "been released by the .viceroy of
Mekico, on the supposition, as he declared, that tuJthing but ignorance of the
rights oi'Spaiu could have induced the merchants in question to attempt any
establishment on that coast.

REIGN OP GEORGE IH. 3yS
majesty, far from admitting this allegation, made a fresh chap.
demand for satisfaction, and having also received intelli- J^O^
gence that considerable armaments were equipping in the lTg0
ports of Spain, he judged it necessary to prepare on his
side for acting with vigour and effect, in supporting the-
rights and interests of Britain. The message from the The king's
king stated the injury and insult, the satisfaction de-> JSP t0
manded, the reply, the second demand, the subsequent ment.
conduct of Spain, and the measures of Britain arising
from that conduct : it farther recommended to his faithful
cammons, to enable him to make such augmentations to
his forces as might be eventually necessary. His majesty
earnestly wished that the wisdom and equity of the catholic
king might render the satisfaction which was unquestion
ably due, and that this affair might so terminate as to
prevent future misunderstanding, continue and confirm
harmony -and friendship between the two nations, which
his majesty would ever endeavour to maintain and im
prove by all means consistent with the dignity ©f the
crown, and essential interests of his subjects."
The message being taken into consideration, Mr. Pitt
declared, whatever the house must feel on the subject of
his majesty's communication, he was too well assured of
the public spirit of every member, to conceive that any
difference of opinion could arise as to the measures which
such circumstances would make- it necessary to adopt.
From -the facts stated in the message, it appeared that
British subjects had been forcibly interrupted in a traffic
which they had carried on for years without molestation^
in parts of America where they had an incontrovertible
right of trading,: and in places to which no country could
claim an exclusive right of commerce and navigation.
Ships had been seized* restitution and satisfaction demand
ed, but without effect: the court of Madrid had ad
vanced a claim tp the exclusive rights of navigation in.
those seas, that was unfounded, exorbitant, and indefi
nite : in its consequences aiming destruction at our valu
able fisheries in the southern ocean, and tending to the
annihilation of a commerce, which we were just beginning
o See State Papers, May 25, 47-98.

v

380

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, to carry, on to the profit of the country, in hitherto unfre-
vJ^j^' quented parts of the globe; it was therefore necessary
j7o0 and incumbent upon the nation to adopt measures which
might in future prevent any such disputes. Much as we
wished for peace, we must be prepared for war, if Spain
continued to refuse satisfaction for the aggression, and to
assert claims totally inconsistent with the rights of inde
pendent navigators, to lands which being before unappro
priated, they should make their own by occupancy and
labour. He therefore moved an address conformable to
the message. On a subject which involved both the interest and
honour of the Country, there was but one sentiment in
both houses of parliament. No British senator could
bear without indignant resentment, such an imperious as"
sumption by any foreign power ; and in the commons,- the
first to declare his cordial support was Mr Fox ;' he how
ever blamed the minister for having so very lately afforded
such a flattering prospect of the continuance of peace,
when before that time he had known from the Spanish
ambassador, the principal grounds of his majesty's mes
sage. It was replied that this animadversion was founded
on a misapprehension of fact : at the period mentioned,
government did not know the extent of the Spanish claims,
nor the preparations that were carried on in the Spanish
Pariia- ports. An unanimous address was presented by parlia-
jmousi"* " ment, assuring his majesty of their determination to afford
tiiMr^u n*m tne most zealous and effectual support for maintaining
portofthe'the dignity of his crown, and the essential interests of his
vindicating dominions.'' This address was soon followed by a vote
therights 0f credit of a million for.' the purpose of carrying into
¦•' effect the warlike preparations that might be- necessary.
Motions were afterwards made in both houses, for papers
that might illustrate the grounds of the dispute, but they
were resisted upon an established rule, founded in wise
policy, and sanctioned by uniform precedent,, that no pa
pers relating to a negotiation with a foreign power should
be produced while such negotiation is pending.
„ ¦: ',¦•¦' • I
p See State Papers, May 26, 1799-

REIGN OF GEORGE m. 28 1
Qu the l©th of June, his majesty closed the session CHAP.
with a speech, in which he acquainted the two houses that XLlv-
he had yet received no satisfactory answer from Madrid, mo
and was therefore under the necessity of continuing to
proceed with expedition and vigour in preparations for
war, in the prosecution of which he had received the
strongest assurances from his allies, of their determination
to fulfil the engagements of the existing treaties. His
majesty announced his intention of immediately dissolving
the present parliament ; and in signifying this determina
tion, he thanked them for the proofs they had given of
affectionate and unshaken loyalty to his person, their uni
form and zealous regard for the true principles of our
invaluable constitution, and their unremitting attention to
the happiness and prosperity of the country. In a very
concise, but comprehensive and strong summary, his ma
jesty exhibited the effects of their exertions. " The rapid
" increase (he said) of our manufactures, commerce, and
" navigation, the additional protection and security afford-
" edto the distant possessions ofthe empire, the provisions
"for the good government of India, the improvement of
" the public revenue, and the establishment of a permanent -
" system for the gradual reduction of the national debt,
W have furnished the best proofs of your resolution in
" encountering the difficulties with which you had to con-
" tend, and of your steadiness and perseverance in those
" measures which were best adapted to promote the essen-
" tial and lasting interests of my dominions." His majesty
farther emphatically added, " The loyalty and public
" spirit, the industry and enterprise of my subjects, have
"seconded your exertions. On their sense of the advan-
" tages which they at present experience, as well as on
M-l their uniform and affectionate attachment to my person
•^ and government, I rely for the continuance of that har-
" mony and confidence, the happy effects of which have so
*:' manifestly appeared during the present parliament, and
*': which must at all times afford the surest means of meet-
" ing the exigencies of war, or of cultivating with: increas-
" ing benefit the blessings of peace." The parliament was Dissolution
dissolved the following day by proclamation. men"1'""

2g3 HISTORY OF THE
chap. ;- The preparations for maintaining our rights against
XLlv- aggression were carried on with vigour and expedition,
proportioned to the resources of so potent a nation. But
it being the intention of the British government to
avoid hostilities, unless absolutely necessary for the na
tional honour and security, Mr. Fitzherbert was sent to
Madrid with full powers to settle the disputes between
the Spanish and British nations, in a decisive manner.
Biptoma- The grounds of the Spanish claims were set forth in a
sirabe"5" declaration to all the European courts, dated the 4th of
twecnSri- June, 17 90,q and more specifically detailed ita a memorial
Spain, delivered the 13th of June, to Mr. Fitzherbert, the Bri
tish ambassador/ According to these statements, Spain
had a prescriptive right to the exclusive navigation, com
merce and property of Spanish America and the Spanish
West Indies. The various treaties- With England had
recognised that right : in the treaty of Utrecht, which
was still in force, Spain and England had agreed, that the
navigation and commerce of the West Indies, under the
dominion of Spain, should remain in the precise situa
tion in which they stood in the reign of his catholic ma
jesty Charles II. It was stipulated that Spain should
never grant to any nation permission to trade with her
American dominions, nor cede to any other power any
part of these territories." These rights extended to
Nootka Sound ; and though Spain had not planted colO*-
nies in every part of'these dominions, still they were with
in theiineof demarkation that had been always admitted.
On the part of England it was answered,' that though
the treaty of Utrecht, and subsequent convention's recog
nised the rights of Spain to her dominions in America,
and in the West Indies, to be on the same footing as in
the reign of Charles II. and we were still willing to ad
here to that recognition, the admission by no means pro
ved that Nootka Sound made part of those territories.
By the plainest maxims of jurisprudence, whatever is

q State Papers, 1790. r State Papers, 1790.
s The object of this stipulation was, to exclude Franee which was become
so closely connected with Spain, from any share in her American trade or pos
sessions. t State Papers, 1790; Mr. Fitzherben's answer to the Spanish memorial.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. ^
common belongs to the first occupier ; but the right co- CHAP.
extensive with occupancy is by occppancy determined : X ¦ '
every nation, like every individual, has a right to appro- im
priate whatever they can acquire without trespassing on
the previous appropriations of others. The English had
a right to possess as much of the desert coast of Ameri
ca as they could occupy or .cultivate. The Spaniards not
having established their claims by either occupancy or
labour, proved no right to the exclusive property of
Nootka Sound. The seizure, therefore, of the British
Vessels and British effects, was an injury and an insult for
Which Britain demanded restitution and satisfaction. The
language of British justice, demanding what British pow
er could so easily enforce from any aggressor that dared
to provoke its vengeance, was represented by Spain as
haughty and menacing ; and various difficulties occurred
before matters were brought to a decision. The Span- Spain at-
iards professed a desire of conciliation, but were really ;n:m.p,Jlte
endeavouring to interest the French government in their France.
behalf; and the royal family of France was sufficiently
disposed to support the Bourbon compact ; but the king
bad now lost the power of giving effect to this agreement.
9The national assembly decreed an armament of fourteen
ships of the line, but avowedly to protect their own com
merce and colonies, and to embrace no measures that - *.
were not purely defensive ; and this resolution highly fl
gratified the people, who were not then disposed to go to £ne
war with England. Though the preparations of Spain nation u
were vigorous as far as her power and resources admitted, ^."^h*
yet her fleets consisting of seventy ships of the line, man- England.
ned by such sailors as she could collect, was little able to
cope with the navy of England, amounting to one hun
dred and fifty-eight ships of the line, manned by British
seamen. Finding no prospect of effectual assistance Spain,
from France, and conscious of her own inability to con- ^yJSdJ'
tend with England, Spain-began to mingle proffers of con- tothede-
0 J ,,• c -e - - mantis ot
cession with her former declarations or pacific intention. Britain.
Mr. Fitzherbert having persisted in his demands, without ^fj^
relaxing the claims, the Spanish court, on the 24th of Ju- adjusted in
ly, issued a declaration testifying their willingness to com- tion.
ply fully with the demands of his Britannic majesty, by

384

HISTORY OF THE

chap, rendering satisfaction and compensation. In order to
XLIV- mitigate to the people of Spain the bitterness of a just
17oq concession, extorted by fear, the declaration" set forth
that his catholic majesty was fully persuaded the king of
Britain would act to him in the same manner, under sim
ilar circumstances. Mr. Fitzherbert having accepted the
declaration, all differences between the courts of Madrid
and Lopdon were terminated with proper formality and
precision, by a convention" between his Britannic majesty
and the king of Spain, signed at the Escurial, on the 28th
of October, 1790. The settlement at Nootka Sound was
restored, a foil liberty of trade to all the northwest coasts
of America, and navigation and fishery in the southern
pacific were confirmed to England. Both nations were
equally restricted from . attempting any settlement nearer
to Cape Horn than the most southerly plantations already
established by Spain. It was agreed, that should any
ground of complaint thereafter arise, no violence should
be committed, but the case should be reported to the re
spective courts, , who would bring it to an amicable
termination. The declaration of the 24th of July having been re
ceived in England, and the result communicated by the
duke of Leeds, secretary of state, to the lord mayor, and
published in the . Gazette extraordinary, afforded great
pleasure to the nation; but the convention completed the
satisfaction ofthe people, who deemed it equally honour
able and advantageous to Britain ; as the minister with
out involving the country in a war, had obtained every
compensation which justice could demand ; and had
shown to other powers, that British subjects were
NOT TO BE MOLESTED WITH IMPUNITY.
u State Papers, July, 24th, 1790. x State Papers, October 28, 1790.' '

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

CHAP. XLV.

Continental affairs — Measures of Britain and her allies
for counteracting the ambition of Joseph and Catharine.
—Pcdand friendly to the defensive alliance. — Death of
Joseph II. emperor of Germany; and character.—
Leopold , his successor moderate and pacific. — He agrees
to open, a congress at Reichenbach  Military operations
between the Austrians and Turks ; bloody but indecisive.
—^Habitual prepossessions of Kaunitz and Hertsberg. —
Liberal and xvise policy of Britain, and ability of Ewart.
-t— Peace between Austria- and Turkey, under the guar
antee of the ^defensive alliance.— Operations between
Russia and Turkey. — Siege of Ismail. — Desperately
valiant -defence.- — Stormed. — Cruel and dreadful slaugh
ter. — Campaign between Sweden and Prussia. — -Peace
i between Russia and Sweden. — Stale of affairs in the
Netherlands.— Rise of a- democratical spirit. — Its vota
ries propose -to., subvert the constituted author ities.-*-
Conpests between the aristocratical and- democratical
revolutionists. — Leopold proposes to avail himself of their
dissensions. — He, offers to redress their real grievances,
but vindicates his right to the sovereignty .^-Britain and
her allies mediate between the Flemings and Leopold. —
Under their guarantee the Netherlands are restored to
their ancient privileges. — They obtain further conces
sions from Leopold. — They find their security in their
ancient mixed government. — Proceedings of the French
revolutionists informing the new constitution. — §>ualifi-
-, cation of active citizens, -^preclude universal suffrage.
— Division into departments. — New -and comprehensive-
principle of financial legislation. — Confiscation of clerical
property. — Civic oath. — Scheme for converting the spoils
ef the clergy into ready money. — Boundless power of
the mob  The multitude, civil and military, destitute of
religion. — Mixture of ridiculous levity and serious ini
quity. — Anacharsis Glpqtz ambassador from the mhole
Vol. III. C c c

386

HISTORY OF THE

human race. — Abolition of titles and hereditary noli
i — Summary of. changes within the 'year.— Anniversary
celebration of the 14th qf July in the field of MarSf—
Federal oath. — Violent proceedings against those zoho
refused it.— Britain  The French revolution is. better
understood' — Mr. Pitt and his friends-, forbear discus
sion of its merits. — Majority of literary men favour the
new system though they censure its excesses — Senti
ments of * Mr. Fox. — The clergy are alarmed by tthe
infidelity and confiscation of the .revolutionary systems-
Burke' s work on the subject — effects. — General election.

CHAP. XLV.

Measuresof Britain
and her al
lies for
counter
acting the
ambition ^
of Joseph
and Catha
rine.

WHILE Britain was thus successfully employed
in securing the blessings of peace to herself, , she, was de
sirous of also- extending them to others. The.- grand
scheme of confederacy which was formed by Kauni|^,fpr
uniting the great continental powers, had heep. discomfited
by the cooperating talents of William Pitt, the,, English
minister, and Frederic the Prussian king. The, alliance
having since been renewed between the two empires, and
endangering the balance of power, had stimulated th^son
of Pitt, and Frederic's counsellors, to form a new plan^ of
defensive confederation, to counteract the ambitious de
signs of Russia and Austria. y Their project was so ex
tended as to, embrace all those states which were likely to '
be affected by the imperial aggressors. Poland, Sweden,
and Turkey, were equally interested in forming a part pf
this confederacy. Mr. Ewart, British ambassador- at
Berlin, a man of great abilities, and extensive political
knowledge, having attained very considerable, influence
with the Prussian court, employed it in promoting the
purposes of the defensive alliance. This minister, viewing
the situation and productiveness of Poland, saw that it
might be rendered the source of immense political benefit
to the confederacy, and might ultimately produce important
commercial advantages to Oreat Britain. PolaniLmight
be rendered a formidable barrier to the designs qf^Russia;
and the acquisitions which Prussia might obtain by another
dismemberment of Poland, would not contribute so essen-

y Segur's History of Frederic William, vol. ii. p. 136.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 337
tiwlly to her security as the independence of the Polish CHAP.
monarchy ; it was^ therefore, the interest, of Prussia to ^^^^
support and strengthen that neighbour/ The Poles them- i790.
selves were made sensible that it would be mutually ben^
eficial to Prussia and that country to be closely connected.
Having long nourished the most indignant resentmerit
against the Russians, their rage was recently inflamed by
the insolence of the imperial confederates, who, without
asking their consent, had stationed large bodies of troops
in their territories, and even urged them to, enter into an
alliance against Turkey, a power which had been always
friendly to Poland; induced by these considerations, they p0iand
readily acceded to the defensive union, and made vigorous f[ieiddlJ t0
preparations. This confederacy, when joined to the sive aili-
belligerent opposers of the two empires, constituted a Bnc0'
sextuple3 alliance, comprehending Great Britain, Prussia,
Holland, Sweden, Poland, and Turkey. Its first and
' principal object vvas to save the Ottoman empire from
' the grasp of the imperial confederates 5 and to afford to
'the contracting parties reciprocal protection from the
fbbundless ambition of the combined aggressors. Not
only to liberate. Poland from its subjection to Catharine,
but to draw to the English ports the numerous productions,
naval and commercial, of that extensive and fertile coun
try, formed a secondary, but essential object of British
policy. As negotiation was the first purpose of the pow
ers which were not actually engaged, they made overtures
for a congress, which, though rejected by Russia, they,
from a recent change in the sovereignty of Austria, ex
pected to meet with a more favourable reception from
that power.
Joseph II. emperor of Germany, whose life had been Death of '
chiefly distinguished for extent and variety of project emperor of
terminating in disappointment, had long laboured under Germany,
bodily distemper; if not caused in its origin, increased
in its operation, and accelerated in its effects, by the
distresses of a mind impatient of crosses encountered from
its own injustice, precipitancy, arid folly. The gleam of
success from Turkey was soon forgotten in the gloomy
• j, Otridge's Annual Register, 1791— Segur, vol. ii. passim,,
>Otridge'3 Annual Register, 1791, ehap. i.

388

HISTORY OF THE

1790.

chap, prospect which opened from the Netherlands. The un-
J^Xi^. bounded spirit of reform had produced subversion ; the
attempt to govern without control had, -in the most valu
able part of his dominions, left him no subjects to com
mand* In Hungary also, his innovations generated dis
content, discontent demands of redress ; demands of re
dress were first haughtily refused; but at length extorted
concession. Indeed, his imperious severity appeared
softened, and his ambition weakened as he approached
that period when earthly power and glory could no longer
avail. In his last illness, he sought consolation in that
religion which for so great a part of, his life he had disre
garded, and learned on his deathbed, how absurd and per
nicious the attempt was to suppress in his subjects that
principle which only could restrain turbulent passion, and
heal a wounded breast. In the langour of illness, and the
awful hour of dissolution, he saw that his policy had been
as, unwise as unjust ; and that disgrace and disaster awaits
the prince who attempts to enslave a free and gallant peo
ple. Being now wei'.ned from the ambition which had so
much agitated his life, he acquired tranquillity, and pre
served it to the last. On the 20th of FehmaryJip expired,
in the forty-ninth year of his age, the twenty-fifth of his
imperial reign as the successor of his father, and the ninth
of his sovereignty over the Austrian dominions as the heir
of. his mother.
Joseph II. was by nature ardent in spirit, active in
disposition, and fond of distinction. His situation cher
ished in such a mind the love of power which he had "so
much the means of gratifying. With lively feeling, but
without strength of understanding and originality of genius,
in his objects and undertakings he was the creature of
imitation, Frpm the splendor of Frederic's character,
his illustrious exploits, and his immense improvement -of
his dominions, as well as the vicinity of their situation,
and personal and political intercourse, he chose for a
model the Prussian king, without discrimination to under
stand the peculiar features of his supposed archetype ;
acuteness to discern the principles and rules of that
monarch's conduct, or compass of mind to comprehend
the general system of his measures and actions. He also

and char
acter.

REIGN OF GEORGE IH, 389
was an admiring imitator of Catharine, and supposed CHAP.
himself the confident of her counsels when he was only . _^-/
the tool of her schemes. From both he copied infidelity,11 - ,790
but did not copy from them that prudent policy which
•cherished religion in their' subjects, adapted themselves
in 'appearance' to the popular prepossessions, and made
their respective churches engines of state. He imitated
their ambitious projects without possessing the wisdom of
plan, or the consistent and well directed vigour of execu
tion, which ac'compli'shed their designs. Springing from
a variety of causes, and encouraged to a certain extent by
these "soVereigns,there prevailed in Europe a great dispo
sition to reform.' Frederic clearly apprehending what
was right or wrong, innovated wherever change was
improvement. Joseph Was a reformist because innovation
was the favourite pursuit of the times; and on the' same
principles, by which private votaries of some favourite
•jfashion are often actuated, sought distinction by being
a leader of the reigning mode, without considering how
far itwas wise, prudent, or suited" to the circumstances in
which he was placed. His pursuit of reform being neither
accommodated to the habits nor to the sentiments of its
objects, was the primary end Of his conduct; and from the
violence of his temper, and the total want of moderation,
the' principal source of his manifold disasters. In his
wars, as well as in his internal politics, Joseph was a
factitious and imitative character. Without military talents
ot* inclinations, without well founded prospects of advan
tage, 'he appears to have sought hostilities from the desire
of rivalling his warlike neighbours. Joseph's misfortunes
arose entirely from his incapacity ' of directing himself,
and from not being counselled ' by able and upright
men. Without sound judgment himself, he wanted
wise and faithful advisers0 to Pppose' projects which were
evidently hurtful to the projector. Qualities apparently
-contrary, "indecision with precipitation, obstinacy with
fickleness and inconstancy, openness, and benignity of
-.-"«, b See Abbe Barruel, vol. i., ' '" _ '' , ".
cThe ruling principle of Kaunitz being the elevation of the house of Aus-
triiu successful is he had been as the counsellor of the prudent Maria Theresa,
yet he soothed and abetted the impetuous Joseph, m projects tliat eventually
tended to its depression.

-1790.

390 HISTORY OF THE
¦CHAP, manner and countenance, with duplicity and faithlessness,
XL,T- arose from the same' source; an understanding which
judged without examination; and a will directed by- tem
porary impulse, without any fixed principles of conduct.
The character of Joseph, from his condition, was very-
conspicuous in its operation, and very pernicious in its
effects ; but instead of being, as has been often repre
sented, singular, is, in its springs and Constituents, ex
tremely common. Whoever observes, in private life,
vivacity of fancy without soundness of judgment; ardour
ef disposition and eagerness of pursuit, without just appre
ciation of end, or skilful selection of means ; emulation
in mere fashion ; multiplicity of project formed without
wisdom, and carried on without constancy, beholds, in' a
confined scene, the same character exhibited which the
wOrld contemplated on the great European theatre,' per-
Leopoid, formed by Joseph II. emperor of Germany.
Joseph was succeeded by his brother Leopold, grand

sor, moae-

rate and duke of Tuscany, a prince of a very different character.
Accustomed to the pleasurable regions of Italy, and the
enervating refinement of Italian manners, Leopold, pre
siding at Florence, was chiefly distinguished for luxurious
softness ; and having no incentives to war, pr opportunities'
of ambition, was- habitually pacific, and actually indolent.
Both from nature and circumstances, and perhaps also
from Contemplating the effects of his brother's violence,
he was remarkable for moderation. When, instead "of
being- an Italian prince, he became head of the house of
Austria, be' dernOnstrated that his apparent indolence arose
from the want of motives to action," and not from an inhe-1
rent inertness of character; he showed himself firm and
efficient, but retained his moderation and pacific disposi
tion ; and though he did not possess superior talents, was,
by his mixed steadiness and prudence/ well qualified to
remedy the evils which had proceeded from the capricious
and violent Joseph. Averse himself from war as an ad
venture of ambition, he saw, in the circumstances of his
affairs, and his relations to foreign powers, strong reasons
.for promoting his disposition to peace. He was irivolved

d See Otridge's Annual Registers for 1791 and 1792i Passim; alsotSegur,
vol. H.

REIGN OF G^0J|PE 111. 39!
ip hostilities with his own subjects : at variance with the CHAP.
principal electors, he was in danger on being excluded from XLV
the imperial throne : the conquests on the desolated borders . 17g0
of Turkey, obtained at an immense expense, were of little
value. The supplies for carrying on the war had lost,'' in
the Netherlands, their most productive source. ' A hun
dred thousand disciplined Prussians hovered over the
frontiers of Bohemia, while three other armies were pre
pared to act in different quarters.. England would pour
her wealth, and Prussia her troops, to support the, revolted
Netherlands. From war Austria,' had little to gain arid He agrees
.much to lose. For these reasons Leopold was disposed t00pen a ,-.
- 'Vr' * " > . - i 1. 1 congress at
to pacification, and acceded to a proposal for opening a Reichen-
congress at Reichenbach in Silesia. Meanwhile the cam- b*ch"
.paign was opened on the frontiers of Turkey. Selim, to
compensate the impolicy, and consequent losses of the
former year, chose for his vizier Hassan Aly, a man of
great ability. The Turks, who imputed the adverse events Military
of the last campaign, to the misconduct of the late vizier, operations
* ' ' ¦ ' between
,w,ere ready and eager to renew the contest^ and a great the Austri-
Jfimy was prepared. The sultan spared no aid, which x„rk"c!
- superstition could afford, to inspirit his troops. He clad
theni injblack, to denote their readiness to meet death in
defence of their cause ; and, in concurrence with his chief
priests, proclaimed a remission of their sins to all who
should die in battle: these incentives, cooperating with
the native yalour of the, Turks, early in the season he had
fo;ur hundred thousand men ready to take the field. The
campaign on the Danube was opened by the capture of
.Orsova, which haying been blockaded during the whole
.winter by the Austrians, was suddenly reduced through
„the ,misapprehension pf the garrison. The Turks, con
ceiving a shock of an earthquake to be the explosion of
amine, were struck vyith a panic, and supposing themselves
about to be blown up, immediately surrendered. A detach
ment of the Austrians besieged Guirgewo, but the Otto
mans, resuming their wonted courage, marched to its
#relief. Encountering the Austrians, they fought with the
niost desperate valour, threw those brave and disciplined
troops into confusion, and defeated them with the loss of
three thousand men. Among the killed was countThom

392.

Liberal and
wise policy
.of Britain,
and ability
of Ewart.

Peace be
tween Aus
tria and
Turkey, under
the guar
antee of
the defen
sive alli
ance.

HISTORY OF THE
the general, whose head the Tur^s, agreeably-to the cus-.
torn of those ferocious barbarians? displayed iti triumph
through the army. This/ was jthe last act of hostilities
carried on between the Turks and the Austrians. ,<iif
At Reichenbach the ambition of Kaunitz, which, for .
forty years, had been chiefly directed to, aggrandize the
house of Austria," still entertained hopes of acquiring^
advantages from the Russian confederacy,, and the prose
cution ofthe Turkish war, arid, was averse to the peace.
Count" Hertsberff, the Prussian minister, formed under
Frederic, and considering every maxim of that illuscrious
monarch's policy as the rule of conduct, without adverting
to the change of circumstances, desired to attack Austria
when weak and exhausted; dispossess her of the rest pf
Silesia, abet the revolt in the Netherlands, and- prevent the
elevation of Leopold to the imperial _ throne., , . A_ more^
comprehensive and liberal policy, however, originating in.
the wise councils of Britain, and urged by Mr. E'.vart,,
inculcated the necessity of sacrificing hereditary enmity tp -,,.
solid interest, and influenced the Prussian king. Leopold
being no less disposed to conciliation, tranquillity was,
without difficulty, established ; and on the 27th of July a
convention was concluded. The king of Hungary agreed,
to open a negotiation for peace, on the basis of reciprocal^,
restitution under the umpirage of the defensive alliance.6
The empress of Russia was to be invited to accede to these*
conditions; but if she should refuse, Leopold was to
observe a perfect neutrality between the contending poten?,,
tates. The king of Prussia would cooperate with the
maritime powers to allay the troubles in the low countries,
and restore them to the Austrian dominions, on condition
".''.. '''',"' .' "'. '
that their ancient privileges and, constitution were reestab
lished. The English and Dutch ministers, engaged in,v
behalf of the respective courts, , to guarantee those stipu-,
lations ; and an armistice for nine months was, not long
after, concluded ! between Leopold and .the Turks, which,
notwithstanding various obstacles, arising from the artifices (
of Catharine, terminated in a peace. The war between

e Segur, Tvho.shows himself well acquainted with continental politics, betrays
gross ignorance of the views of Britain, when he deems this league -to spring
frottt.Bffensive ambition. See vol. ii. chap, j.

REIGN OF GEORGE in. 393
Russia and Turkey was this year languid in its operations, CHAP.
as Catharine's attention was chiefly directed to the congress XLV"
in Silesia, and also to schemes of policy in various quar- >"^^S"'
ters :,some desultory engagements took place, both by land
and on the Black Sea, but without any important event.
To facilitate her favourite objects of driving the Turks-
from Europe, and raising her grandson to the "Byzantine
throne, the ernpress persevered in a plan of detaching the
Greek subjects of Turkey from their obedience. By her
encouragement, and pecuniary assistance, a rebellion was
fomented in Albania : the leader of the insurgents defeated
a Turkish governor 5 and acquired such power and confi
dence as to form a regular and extensive plan for emanci
pating themselves from the Turkish yoke, and offering the
sovereignty of Greece to the Russian prince. A memorial/ Operations
not unworthy of the descendants of ancient Greeks, stating Russia and
both the object and plan, was presented to Catharine, and Turkey-
very graciously received ; but before it could be matured^
Russia had been induced, if not to relinquish, to postpone
her plan of subjugating Turkey. It was the latter end of
autumn before prince Potemkin was in motion : his tardy
commencement of the campaign was not without policy
and design. The Russian troops, inured to the colds of
the north, were much less adapted to the summer heats
even of their own southern frontiers. The Asiatic Turks,
on the contrary, could easily bear the solstitial season in
countries so much colder than their own as the banks of (
the Danube and the confines of Tartary: but even the
autumnal cold of those countries they could not endure;
and on the approach of winter it was their uniform prac
tice to leave the army, and return to warmer latitudes.
Potemkin, knowing the number and valour of those troops,
deferred his military operations until they had taken their
departure. His plan was, first to reduce Ismail, then
Braicklow, which would complete the Russian conquest
to the Danube ; passing that river, to place himself be
tween the Turkish army and Constantinople, and thus ,
compel the vizier either to risk an engagement, or to

ance

f The reader will find a translation of this ingenious
- in Otridge's Annual Register for 1791, page 278.
Vor. Ill- D d d

and eloquent perfortn>

g94 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, accept of a peace: on terms prescribed by Russia. Aban-
XMr- doned by the Asiatics, the Turkish army did not exceed
,w^?*/ forty thousand men. Dissensions and conspiracies pre
vailed in Constantinople, apd the affairs of the Turks were
in the most critical and dangerous state; but the divan,
unbroken by these distressing circumstances, had resolved
to maintain the Ottoman independence to the last extremity;
and for the accomplishment of his purpose, Selim trusting
not only to the resources which still remained, but to the
vigorous mediation of the defensive alliance, cherished
Siege of and supported the firmness of his council. The town of
Ismad. j_s-taaji had always been deemed the key of the lower
Danube : it was surrounded by two walls, covered by their
respective ditches, of considerable depth and breadth, and
capable of being filled with the waters ofthe Danube.- A
select and numerous garrison had been early appointed,
with an artillery amounting to .more than three hundred
pieces, and lately reinforced by thirty thousand men.
The Russian forces on the Danube were formed into three
divisions ; one commanded by prince Potemkin, a second
by prince Repnin, the third by general Suwaroff. To this
last body, covered and supported by the two others,, the
siege of Ismail was intrusted. Suwaroff surrounded, the
place with batteries constructed on every spot of ground
which would answer the purpose : and these were loaded
with forges for heating the balls, with the heaviest batter
ing artillery and mortars and every other engine of destruc
tion hitherto invented. On *he 22d of December the
besiegers made a general assault in eight columns : the
Desperate- Turks received them with intrepid valour. 'Five times
defence! were the Russians repulsed : five times they renewed the
attack; and at the last onset were discomfited, with a
slaughter which seemed to render all farther effort hope
less. The besiegers now began to think of nothing but to
sell their lives as dearly as possible, when Suwaroff, having
dismounted his cavalry to supply the slain infantry, snatch
ed a standard, and running up a scaling ladder, planted it
Stormed. w'tn nls own hand on a Turkish battery. Reanimated
to enthusiasm by the personal prowess of their general,
the Russians not Only withstood the attack of the pursuing
enemy, but repulsed them, and again became the assailants.

reign of George hi. 30.5
The Turks disputed every inch of ground ; but the Rus- CHAP.
sums being reinforced by fresh troops from the covering J^L,
armies, by numbers overpowered the valiant defenders of 1790.
Iijmail ; carried post after post till they reduced the whole.
With the fury of enraged barbarians, they effected a mer- 9™e!,and
biless, horrid, and undistinguishing slaughter, which spared slaughter.
neither age nor sex. The annals of Attila or of Gesneric,
in' the benighted ages of Northerri Europe, furnish no
"record of savage butchery which surpasses the carnage, at
Ismail, by- troops employed, according to their mistress's
professions, to expel barbarism from this quarter of the
gjobe, and instead of the bloody superstition of Mahomed,
TO establish the mild and peaceful religion of the meek
and benevolent Jesus: such Was the Russian mode of
mriking converts to the Greek church, and extending
.Christianity. The inflexible endurance* of the vanquished
wris as great as the inflicting cruelty of the conquerors ;
as the Russians would give, the Turks would receive no
quarter : they either rushed on the bayonet, plunged injto
*lhe Danube, or sought death by some means equally effica
cious. Twenty-four thousand of the Turkish, soldiers
? jterished in this bloody contest : the governor of .Ismail
vras found covered with wounds ! the whole number of
Massacred Turks, including inhabitants of all ages, sexes,
arid conditions, amounted nearly to thirty-one thousand^1"
The slain on the side of the Russians exceeded ten thou
sand men, among whom were many of their officers.
The king of' Sweden, having entirely conciliated the Campaign
affections of his people, and excited their admiration, by &}%££
his conduct in the preceding year, was, through their andRussia.
unanimous efforts, enabled to open the campaign of 1790
early in the season. ' In the beginning of April, putting
himself at the head of three thousand forces in Finland, he
penetrated into the Savalax, a district of Russia not far
e The suffering fortitude of Ute Turks illustrates the very ingenious reason
ing- of Or. Smith, in his Theory of Moral Sentiments, wherein he accounts for
the Unconquerable firmness of savages. ........ „ ... J. . .
h About three hundred Circassian women, consisting partly of those belong
ing to the governor's: haram, and partly of others who had. fled thither for
refuge from other harams, were preserved and protected by an English gentle-
man? in the Russian service, colonel Cobley, who 'commanded the dismounted
cavalry, when they were on the point of throwing themselves into the Danube
to escape violation from the Cossack and Russian, soldiers. See Otndge's Annual
Register for 1791, page 101.

396 HISTORY OF THE
chap, from Wiborg. ... Alarmed- by the approach of the enemy
^^^^ within a hundred miles of Petersburgh, Catharine sent,
1700, J ten thousand troopsito obstruct his progress. They found
their enemy intrenched, in a very strong position. Trust
ing to their superior numbers, the Russians attacked thq
Swedish lines ; but the .cool intrepid courage of the Swed«|S^
headed by the personal valour and genius of their sove-:
reign, repelled the attack : it was soon, however, renewed
by the impulse of national pride, rivalry, indignation,' and
shame of being defeated by such a handful of men. Th^«.
engagement, for abou.|;; two hours, was most desperalej
obstinate, and bloody; but rage, fury, and superior num
bers,, gave way at last, to calm and determined valour^
The Russians left about two thousand dead upon the spotj
and Gustavus, encouraged by this success, advanced farj;
ther into Russia. Meanwhile, the fleet under the duke of
Suddermania sailed up the gulf of Finland. The prince
projected the destruction ofthe Russian squadron lying in
the port of- Revel, the great naval arsenal, along with its
docks and magazines. The ships .were, eleven of the
line, three of which carried a hundred guns each, and five
frigates; and they were protected by numerous batterie^.---
The Swedish fleet, notwithstanding all these obstacles, oh -
the 13th of May penetrated into the harbour, and in the
midst of the hostile, fire, maintained for four hours a dpubf-i
foil conflict; but towards the evening a violent storm arose, '
which obliged the Swedes to retreat. They afterwards
fell in with a Russian fleet from Cronstadt, and an engage
ment ensued,, in which the Swedes at first appeared supe
rior, when night intervening interrupted the contest. Thei
next day battle being renewed, while the Swedish fleet was
engaged with the enemy in front, the squadron from Revel
appearing in the rear, the duke was in extreme danger of
being, surrounded, but, by judicious manoeuvres and bold.
exertions, assisted by a favourable wind, he extricated
himself from the danger, and joined his royal brother not
far from "Wiborg. Against, this city the land and naval
force of Sweden directed their efforts; but while they
were making dispositions for the purpose, the Russian fleet
came in sight. The Swedes were now hemmed in between-
the united squadrons of Russia and the garrison of Wiborg.

REIGN OF GEORGE 111.

397

His majesty and his army were accompanied by a fleet of CHAP.
galleys, which were likewise enclosed ; the only alternative, VJ^ZS,
therefore, was, to force their way through the enemy or to m£
surrender : the former was of course chosen s they effected
their escape, but not without incurring very great loss of
ships and troops, that were either taken or sunk : the whole
number of men either killed or captured, amounted to
seven-thousand. The genius of Gustavus, stimulated by
difficulty, soon refitted his shattered fleet, and recruited
his diminished army. On the 9th of July, with his arma
ment, he encountered a largeJ Russian fleet, commanding
his own squadron in person, he immediately offered them
batttle, and conducted his operations with so masterly
skill, that, after a very obstinate conflict, he gained a
decisive victory. The loss of the Russians amounted to
four thousand five hundred prisoners, and nearly as many
killed and wounded. This defeat astonished arid alarmed
Catharine : in the great talents of Gustavus, she was at
last convinced % she had to encounter a formidable foe;
which she had not apprehended in a contest with Sweden.
Such an antagonist was not to be subdued either by over
whelming numbers, or the adversity of fortune. Being
now abandoned by the Austrians, and threatened by the
English and Prussians, she saw her projects respecting
Turkey had little chance of being accomplished, if she con
tinued at war with Sweden: she therefore directed the
chief efforts of her policy to the attainment of a peace ; she
accordingly signified to Gustavus a pacific disposition.
The Swedish king, finding his country greatly exhausted
by her extrordinary efforts, and not doubting that the
defensive alliance would repress the ambitious projects of
Russia as far as general security required, was not averse
to these overtures of amity. Neither Catharine nor Gus- ^JJ*^
tavus communicated to their allies their pacific intentions, and Swed.
but concluded between themselves an armistice, which in en-
the middle of August, terminated in a peace.
.Freed from a Turkish war, Leopold had leisure to 'Stateof
turn his chief attention to the affairs of the Netherlands. theNeOV
The Flemings had begun their opposition to Joseph from clWs-
a desire of preserving existing establishments. They
limited their wishes and designs to the maintenance of

398

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, that constitutional liberty, which they inherited from their
V' ancestors. Their principle of conduct was totally different
i780 from that of the French. Dislike of innovation, ecclesias
tical, civil, and political, was the leading feature of the
Flemish character at the time they renounced th,eir allegi
ance to Joseph of Austria. But the vicinity of the Ne
therlands to France produced a close intercourse between
the two countries, and opened the way to the French
doctrines, which various causes now cooperated to dis
seminate. Since the revolt the states general had exer
cised the supreme authority : the composition of that body
was^ in a considerable degree^ aristocratical, as the states
ofthe nobility and clergy had a greater share in the repre
sentation than the commons : this inequality was very
soon remarked by the members of the third estate, and
strongly reprobated by those who either had imbibed
democratical notions ; or from ambition; by raising the
Riseofa commons proposed to aggrandize themselves. So early
caUpirit. " ^s January 1790, a number of individuals, professing <uich
* sentiments, formed themselves into, an association, which
they called a patriotic assembly. After passing various
resolutions of partial and subordinate reform, they framed
a general and comprehensive system -of revolution, which,
s'uhscribed by two thousand persons, they published as an
address to the states, in the name of the people. They
therein decreed the permanent exercise of sovereign autho
rity, an aristocratical despotism, equally contrary to the
rights of the people as the1 imperial tyranny of Joseph.
The states general they allowed with propriety, exercised
the sovereign power on the dismission of the emperor,
and the declared independence of the Belgic provinces.
But this authority, arising from a temporary cause,
could only endure until a legitimate constitution, formed
and ratified by the people, could be established. The
ancient constitution of the Austrian Netherlands was no
Its votaries more. It fell by the stroke that cut off its head, Joseph
Subvert aU n> of Austria, representative of the dukes of Burgundy,
the consti- in whom the functions ofthe other branches of the legis*
thorities" lature centered : they were not original and absolute, but
relative and -conditional, The states general were there
fore responsible to the people for all which they had done

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

399

since the deposition of the emperor : a national assembly CHAP,
only could insure tranquillity and, security to the common- yJ-v^
wealth. These principles-and claims were very offensive 17g0#*
to the two higher orders, as they were totally inimical to
the power which they, wished to retain without controulj,
Knowing the influence of the parish priests among the
people, they attempted to employ these in persuading their
respective parishioners to sign a counter address, request
ing the states to seize and' punish all those disturbers
who wished to introduce innovations in their religion and
constitution. Those clergymen,, however, connected by
the closest intimacy and friendship with their flocks, were
by no means zealous and, active in recommending a mea*
sure sq very unpopular. The states farther endeavoured
to prevent the sentiments which they wished, to inculcate
from being counteracted through the press. They issued
a decree, that this great engine of public opinion should
be limited to the same restrictions as under the sove
reignty of the emperor; that all literary works should be
subject to the scrutiny of censors, heforethey were repub
lished ; and that all publishers should be responsible for
the contents of the books which they presented to the
world. These attempts to restrain the actions, and even Contests
control the thoughts, ofthe people, gave great dissatisfac- ^tween
tion to those who wished for a larger portion of democracy cratical
in the constitution. The two higher orders, joined by a cratical re-
common opposition to the democratical schemes, formed yolu-tion-
one party, while the third, and all those who were inimi
cal to privileged orders, formed another, party. The no
bility, on their side, , possessed great inheritances, and
were reverenced on account of their ancient families, and
many of them highly esteemed for their personal charac
ters : but the clergy, in a country distinguished for ex
treme bigotry, possessed peculiar influence : these circum
stances prevented democratic turbulence from rising to
the pitch which it would have otherwise attained. But
the discontented restlessness of innovation soon triumphed
in the minds of the populace over the submissive acquies
cence of superstition. The higher orders attempted to
awe the multitude by force, but soon found that here, as
in France, the army had embraced the popular side.

4Q0 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP. The commander of the Flemish troops was general Van-
XLV- dermersch, who, after having long served under the em-
l7ig peror, on the first dawnkigs of the revolution had re
turned to his native country. This gentleman was distin
guished for his military talents and recent successes : he
embraced the popular side, and spread his sentiments
through the army. In March an attempt was made by
the aristocratical party to remove the commander from- his
office, and deputies were sent by the states for this pur
pose. In this situation the general adopted very bold
measures : being nominated by the army commander in
chief of the Belgic forces, in defiance of the states, he or
dered the deputies to be committed to prison. He issued
a proclamation, declaring that he was placed at the head
of an army for the purpose of defending the civil and re
ligious rights of the people, which he was determined to
protect from all invasion. Officers of similar sentiments
were placed at the head of the war departments; and next
to Vanderrriesch in the command of the army were the
duke of Ursel and the prince of Arenberg, The states
ordered the troops which were stationed at Brussels to
march against the general. A civil war appeared on the
eve of commencement between the aristocratic and demo-:
cratic parties; but the army, by some sudden impulse of
passion, the causes of which have never been , ascertained,
abandoned that general whom they had so highly valued
and recently exalted, and gave him up to the rage of his
enemies. The, congress of the states at this time was
chiefly directed by Vandernoot and Van Eupen ; the
former a lay nobleman, the latter, an ecclesiastic. Under
their -direction, charges were drawn up against the gene*
rai; and also against the duke of Ursel, hereditary chief
of the nobles in Brabant, a man of large fortune and pOpur
lar character. Vandermersch ,was doomed to a dungeon
at Antwerp : Ursel was arrested and confined for five
weeks, without any form of justice : but being tried and
acquitted, he was still retained in confinement until a
strong body of volunteers forcibly rescued him from this-
tyranny. These unjust and violent proceedings ofthe aris
tocratic party excited the severest reprobation of their
adversaries. Priests and feudal tyrants (they said) had

ftEKiN OF GEORGE III. 40*1
seized the 'sceptre and sword, and used them as instru- CHAP.
ments of injustice and cruelty against the most patriotic J^^,
and exalted characters. 17gj5
A governmekt which had, in a few months from its
formation, manifested such discoid, was not likely to be*
permanent. The army' having lost its honour as well as
its general, became disheartened, and was now not unfre-
quently defeated. Great supplies were wanted for main
taining and paying the troops ; but the congress had so
disgusted the principal cities, that their applications for a
loan were totally unsuccessful. Attempts were made in Leopold
Holland and in England, but to no purpose; and it Was waraif
evident that the Belgic states were every day, from their Jn'^6]fg?"'
internal dissensions, becoming weakerrin power, and less sensiotts1. '
important in the estimation of foreign countries.
4 Leopold, aware of these circumstances, sent a memo- H? ofl/eM
rial to the people of the Netherlands, which professed theirreal
sincere regret for the despotic proceedings ofthe Aus- |"te™°di-B'
trian government; and declared the disposition of the cateshis
prince to redress all their real grievances, but vindicated the sove-
his undoubted right to the sovereignty of the Netherlands, re'S"4?-
and annouhcedhis resolution to maintain his claim. This
address, together with the situation of affairs, revived the
loyalists, or friends of the house of Austria ; who, before
overawed by the prevailing power, had made no efforts to
resist. As the folly and violence of the present govern
ment became more evident and more hateful, this party
increased : many moderate men, whb had at first favoured
the revolution, compared the present miserable situation
with the tranquillity and contentment enjoyed under Maria
Theresa, A coalition of priests and nobles (they observed)
was formed, obviously for the purposes of self interest and
ambition. If the states general sho'uld continue to govern,
the. Belgic nation must groan under a twofold aristocracy.
If a republic were attempted on democratical principles',
the first probable consequence would be anarchy; which,
after producing all its horrible evils, would terminate in a
single despotism. An hereditary monarchy, properly
limited and modified, appeared most suitable to the cha
racter and habits of the Flemings. These considerations
induced many considerate men to favour a reconciliation.
Vol. III. E e e

4oe

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, with Leopold,. The populace, without examining matter*
XLV' so deeply, but actuated by the impulse of resentment and
17g0 indignation, against the usurpers of sovereignty, very
readily joined the loyalists. , That party now displayed a
force which, even without the assistance of Austrian
Britain and troops, was formidable and rapidly increasing. The king
medfate"' of Prussia, intimating that he had acknowledged Leopold
theWtTem- as ^u^e °^ Brabant, the aristocratical party saw their hopes
ings and of foreign assistance totally vanished, whilst their internal
Leopoi . p0wer was fast declining: Leopold, now emperor of
Germany, immediately after his coronation, issued a ma
under nifesto, engaging himself, under an inaugural oath, and
ran'tef the *ne guarantee pf Britain, Prussia, and the United Pro-
Nether- vinces, to govern the Belgic Netherlands according to the
lfln(ici*s fire * ' * »•
restored to constitution, charters, and privileges, which were in force
Sent prf, during the reign of Maria Theresa. He offered a general
filejes, amnesty to all who, before the 1st of November, should
return to their duty. The mediating powers notified to
the Belgic states their approval of these terms ; but that
body still refused to acquiesce, and published' a counter
manifesto, denying Leopold's right to the sovereignty of
that country, derived from his ancestors; and asserted,
that though many of them had enjoyed the sovereignty of
the Netherlands, they owed it entirely to the free choice
of the people, who had a right to choose for their gov
ernors whomsoever they pleased. This doctrine, inimical
to hereditary right, and favourable to popular election of
sovereigns, combined with their enmity to monarchical
power, to bring back the democratical party to some con
cert with the other revolutionists. The congress used
various endeavours to animate the people to a general
Combination, but without effect. Willing to catch at every
twig to save their sinking power, they proposed to confer
the sovereignty on the archduke Charles of Austria, arid
his heirs of that family, but with the perpetual exclusion
of its head: these terms were rejected. Various engage
ments, uniformly unsuccessful, intimated that resistance
was hopeless. The allied powers represented to them the
futility of their efforts, and in its uselessness the cruelty
of their warfare. The Austrian troops pressed on all
sides, the Flemish people without exception acknowledged

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 40fi
the authority of the Austrian prince, heir and representa- chap.
tive of their ancient rulers. The members of the con- XLV"
gress, and other leading partisans of the revolt apprehend- V-r^S"'
ing severe resentment from the emperor, especially after
the refusal of his recent offers, sought safety in flight.
The Austrians used their success with wise moderation;
the general, by observing the strictest discipline among
his victorious troops, proteeted the persons and property
of all men. In a convention guaranteed by the defensive They <A-
alliance, and executed at the Hague, the 10th of Decern- !?'" far"
~ i_ t» 1 • ¦ o» ther con-
ber 1790, the Belgic provinces were not only restored to cessions
the rights and privileges which they enjoyed at the death poid\Le0*
of Maria Theresa, but obtained several advantages tending
to render them more secure in the enjoyment of their an
cient constitution. Thus the catholic Netherlands having They find
with reason and justice, to preserve their constitutional the"! sem"
rights, resisted Joseph's tyranny, after they had experi- theiran-
enced within two years despotical oppression, aristocratic edetgovetB>
usurpation, and democratic violence, at last found refuge ment-
and tranquillity in the mixed government that had de
scended to them from their ancestors.
We left the national assembly on the establishment of Proceed-
some degree of tranquillity, proceeding in the forrfiation of pSrich
the new constitution. Operose as this subject must have revolution-
l-ii r ' - ri 1StS ln
appeared to persons who intended to frame a system of legis- forming
Ration on principles justified by experience, a knowledge COna'titu>
bf human nature, and an accurate acquaintance with the tion-
character of the people for Whom the constitution was in
tended, these revolutionists found the attainment of their
purpose neither tedious nor difficult. Their systern was
l.free from complexity; equality was to be the basis of the
polity to be formed j the means were simple and expedi
tious, perseverance in the course which they had so effec
tually begun,.by reducing every inequality. In the applir
cation of this simple maxim they struck a very effectual
Wow, by a decree, announcing that there was no longer
any distinction of orders in France, and thus crushed the
nobility and clergy. Having equalised rank, the next
business was ,to model elections agreeably to this new sys
tem. The choice of representatives was ultimately vested
in primary assemblies, composed of men to be distinguish-

404

H13TORY OF THE

CHAP, ed by the appellation af active citizens. The activity was
iXLV. tQ cons;st in contributing to the public exigencies, an
l7gg annual sum not less than half a crown. By requiring this
Quaiifica- qualification in electors, they contravened their own prin-
tive citi- " ciples of equality, and precluded universal suffrage ;- they
zens, excluded frpm legislation, beggars and many other citi
zens, not only effectually active in their respective voca
tions, but active by their tumults in the streets and galleries,
pwseiiides in controling the national assembly itself. It farther de-
safese? harred from the legislation, the deliberative wisdom of
fish women and prostitutes, whose executorial efforts, had
so powerfully promoted the revolutionary schemes. The
primary assemblies, constituted with these exceptions to
equality, were to choose electoral assemblies ; the elector
rai assemblies delegates to the legislative, judges, and exe
cutive administrators. That no vestige of antiquity might
remain, they proceeded in the abolition of provincial dis
tinctions ; and dividing the whole kingdom into eighty-
three departments, consolidated the diversities into one
Division mass : as a.geographical arrangement, this change was exe-
jartments. cuted with great skill and ability, the departments chiefly-
: took their names from mountains, rivers, and seas, which
shape and bound countries ; a^d as a political alteration, it
certainly tended to render the government more uniform*
A plan was established of municipal jurisdictions, to con
stitute a, fourth assembly, to be chosen by the same electo.
rai assembly which, constituted by the primary, appointed
.the members ofthe legislature. Financial legislation next
occupying their attention, they began this branch of poli
tics as they had begun others, by establishing a simple and
comprehensive principle, which would apply to every pos
sible case. They enunciated a theorem, totally new ia
New and jurisprudence, that all property belongs to the nation. Hav-
hensrre" *nS declared their sovereign power over property, the next
principle question was, how private and corporate wealth was to be
of financial .r , . r™ . ... ,
legislation, forth coming, lhey saw it would be prudent to augment
the pay of the army which was so very serviceable to the
revolutionists, and which would become more and more
attached to systems of confiscation, by sharing in the pro
ceeds. There were many and numerous demands upon
the public, arid it was farther expedient to have a govern-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 405
THental bank, which would be able to accofnmodate the CHAP;
nation by advances, but a capital was wanting. What

ever their* lawgivers were in wisdom and virtue they cer- i7qq,
tainly manifested the national ingenuity, in fertile invention
and prompt expedient. They soon discovered a very
efficient fund for the exigency, in the landed estates ofthe
clergy ; some politicians opposed the seizure of clerical
property, not as unjust, because they knew its justice had
been already established in the new code of ethics ; but
as impolitic. The appropriation would enrage the clergy,
who still retained great influence among the less enlight
ened people; and would also displease and alarm foreign
powers, who might not only reprobate a confiscation, but
dread the principle : these admonitions, however, were
of little avail. A decree was passed declaring the eccle- Confisca-
siastical estates to be at the disposal of the nation. The ^aip^s-"*
clergy expostulated on the robbery, and excited great dis- perty.
contents among their votaries, which were farther increas
ed by the nobility indignant at their own degradation.
To counteract the growing , disaffection, the assembly
spread reports of plots and conspiracies, and thus by
'alarming their fears, diverted the attention ef the people
from the iniquities of government. Rumours were spread,
that the princes were now in exile at Turin, and the aris
tocrats both in and out of the kingdom were confedera
ting with foreign princes to effect a counter revolution.
Aware that the king was considered by their adversaries
as a prisoner, and that his acts could in that supposition
be no longer binding, than the compulsion lasted, they
endeavoured to procure from him an approbation of their
proceedings which should appear voluntary ; they attempt
ed to prevail on his mild and compliant disposition, to
eome to the assembly and explicitly declare himself the
head of the revolution, and satisfied with all their pro
ceedings ; but this application his majesty resolutely refu
sed. ^Finding the king inflexible, the republicans dissem
inated reports of new plots and conspiracies, for rescuing
Lewis from his present situation. To deter aristocrats
attd loyalists from such an attempt, it was very frequently
declared in common conversation, and in the clubs, that
an endeavour to extricate the king would certainly produce

406 HISTORY QF THE
chap, his^death. The queen was very openly and loudly threat.
XLV- ened as the instigator of his majesty's refusal ; the benig-
17go' nant Lewis from tenderness for his wife and children^ was
induced to make a concession, which no apprehensions for
his personal safety could have extorted; and he repairel
to the national assembly, and spoke tokhe purport desired
Civic oath, by the republicans, The democratic party seeing the
anti-republicans overwhelmed with dismay by the acqui
escence of the king? resolved to take advantage of the
consternation, and issued a decree obliging every member
to take a newly devised civic oath, under the penalty of
exclusion from voting in the assembly. They now pub
lished a general address to the nation, stating their acts
and measures for the sake of public liberty, and their far
ther intentions in order to complete the great work of
regenerating France. Various tumults having arisen, and
murders and other outrages haying been committed both
at Paris and Versailles, the ringleaders were seized^ and
punished by the assembly, which with considerable vigour
chastised such riots and disorders, as did not promote its
own purposes. Haying again reestablished nearly as mucfr
quietness as. they wanted, and attained their object from
the king, they resumed the affairs of the clergy. In
February, they suppressed all monastic establishments, and
Spheroe for ever confiscated the lands. By another decree/ in
TOrtlne the -A-Pru> they forfeited all the territorial possessions of the
spoiisof church, for the payment of' the public debts, but generous-
intoready ty allowed the plundered proprietors a small annual pit-
money, tance from the booty. As the spoils were not immediate
ly convertible into ready money, they employed them as
pledges. They issued out a species of notes under the
name of assignats, being assignments to the public credi
tor of confiscated property; and payable to bearer, that
they might serve the purpose of a bank paper curren
cy. About this time they began to affect an imitation of
the Roman republic, and adopting its phraseology with
one of its customs, decreed that mural crowns should be
Boundless PUblicly Pre8et»ted to the conquerors of the Bastile.
powers'of The legislature were not without experiencing incon-
themob. fences from the diffusion of their own doctrines. They
Had round it necessary to idolise the mob ; to talk of the

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

4,07

majesty of the people ; their supreme authority ; their CHAP.
uncontrolable sway to which all things must bend. These ^LV
ideas with the experience of their own force, operating on mQ
theardent fancies and combustible passions of the French
populace, meetings, clubs, parties, and individuals consid
ered themselves as collectively and separately, rulers of the
empire. They indeed regarded the national assembly as
a necessary legislative, and executive organ, but subject to
their own "general and supreme control. As force was the
great spring of government, the soldiers with reason
claimed an important share in the direction of affairs ; and
by the laws of equality deemed themselves exempted from -
every degree of subordination and obedience, excepting,
so far as suited their wishes or convenience. Both the Themui-.
populace and soldiers conceived, that by their political JJnd^mitoJ
regeneration, they were entitled without restraint to gratify ry desti-
every passion. The most active of the revolutionary ijgion.
leaders had spared no pains to banish from the people, that
salutary moderator of passion, the christian religion.1 In
extent of . despotic power, theFrench mob equalled the
Turkish sultan ; the army the janissaries ; and the national
assembly the divan, despotic under the despot and his sol
diers, but totally dependant upon these for its own sway.
But the horrible tyranny of Turkish rule was mitigated
by the Alcoran, whereas the despotic license of France was
devoid of any such corrective. A great portion of the
vulgar both civil and military were ranked infidels. Thus
destitute of moral restraint, all the energy of a most inge
nious people, all the French force and versatility of intellect
and teihperament, were the instruments of moral depravi
ty. A great object of the republicans in the assembly had
uniformly been to identify in the opinion of the civil and
military vulgar, their interests and views with their own ; "
and like Other demagogues, while they professed to admit
the rabble as their associates, really to employ them as
their tools, and they in a great measure accomplished their
purpose. . There was under the direction of the national
i Mirabeau laid it down as an axiom in the science of politics, that if they
would have an effectual reform, they must begin by expelling Christianity from
%e kingdom. This maxim "was loudly praised, and generally followed by the
republican partisans.

4,03 1HST0RY OF THE
CHAP, assembly, an army much more numerous than ever had
.— v-^/, been commanded by the French monarchs.
jpog. Many of the nobility, as we have seen, had been the
zealous votaries of reform, while they conceived it tending
to limited freedom and limited monarchy. But they had
always been deficient • in point of concert, by suffering
separate and subordinate views to occupy their- attention,
they had facilitated the progress of republicanism. They
had already felt the fatal effects of disunion, among the
opponents of jacobinism militant, they were destined to
N feel them more severely from jacobinism triumphant.
Mixture of There was in the proceedings of the French democrats, a
levity and strange mixture of ridiculous levity with the most serious
in»iuity. iniquity. Paris at this time overflowed with adventurers
from all countries. Among these was a Prussian' of the
name of Clootz,k who having left his own country for rea
sons recorded in the journals ofthe police, had resorted
to Paris, and assuming the name of the ancient Scythian
sa'ge, Anacharsis, set up as a philosopher, and by his lec->
tures instructed the Parisians. But not having hitherto
attained notoriety equal to his ambition, he bethought him
self of the following expedient to become conspicuous :
collecting a great number of his companions and other
vagabonds who swarmed about the streets, and hiring all
the foreign and grotesque dresses from the opera, and
Anacharsis playhouses, he bedecked his retinue; and proceeding- to
,Cloota,am- tke national assembly, he introduced his followers;* as
mssador , J . ' -
from the strangers arrived from all countries of the globe, being the
Z,»°Z*™ virtual ambassadors of all those enslaved nations who
wished to be free, and were therefore disposed to enter
into fraternity with France, for the glorious purpose of
establishing universal liberty. This deputation was most
graciously received by the assembly, of which it being
evening sitting, many of the members were in a condition:1
suited to a frolic. The legislature after some decrees and
resolutions suitable to this contemptible farce, followed
their deliberate levity by a very serious, act. A decree

k Otridge's Annual Register, p. 148. (
1 rjrunkennoys, a' vice formerly so little known in France, was since the
revolution become extremely prevalent even among the lawgivers. Annual
Ree'ister. ^ ... .. . , '

man race.

REIGN OF GEORGE lit. 40g
was proposed for the abolition of titles, and hereditary chap.
nobility, with all the heraldic monuments, which would XLV"
recal to descendants the •distinction and merits of their '*^%'
ancestors. In vain the riobles opposed sO hasty and violent Abolition
a proposition, it was immediately passed into a decree* wi^
Thus in one year, the national assembly crushed rank and nobilit>r'
distinction, confiscated" property, annihilated hierarchy and ofctangTs
aristocracy, left" monarchy only an empty name, and per- *™P ths
fected their levelling efforts; they now proposed that the
14th of July, the anniversary of the captured Bastile, and
ofthe birth of liberty, should be solemnized by a general
cohfode-ration of Frenchmen, pledging themselves to main
tain the new constitution, and to bind the king, the assem
bly, and the people civil and military iri one general fra
ternity. This spectacle was exhibited in the field of Mars, A.nniver-
appointed to be called" ever after, the field of confedera- S-f16;
tion. Ihe king, the assembly, the people and the army, theUthbf
tere reciprocally sworn. The same oath was taken the S of the
same day through the whole kingdom. * ^ars-
•-"Mk. Neckar friendly as he had been to the popular
side, disapproved very highly of the late democratical pro
ceedings, and especially the confiscations. Being- now
r-eeeived with great neglect and displeasure, and being
IppSehensive of his personal safety, he quitted the king*
lorn, and retired to Switzerland. In prosecuting their
System of reform, the assembly thought it expedient to
^rider the clergy still more dependant on their wilL
They accordingly passed a decree, imposing on clergymen
a new oath, by which they were bound to submit to the
constitution as decreed by the assembly, in all cases what
ever. This oath was a direct breach ofthe oath taken at F . ,
ordination r and great numbers of the clergy refused to oath.
swear contrary to their engagements and principles. All
fe recusants were immediately ejected from their bene-.p^^ii.
ices; and their living's filled by others. Thus a republi-tinSsaSa[ns^
,. f ¦ i t«ose who .
dari assembly endeavoured to force mens consciences to be refused it.
guided by its decrees, and not satisfied with exercising
tyranny over persons and property, attempted by the same
despotism to enchain their minds. ' ' .
*' Tins year the French revolution began to be better Britain.
understood in Britain, and to produce more definite and
Vol. III. Fff

410

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLV. 1790.

TheFrench re
volution is
better un
derstood.

Majority of
literarymen favour
the new
syBtem,
though
.they cen
sure its
ejVesse'Sr.

specific opinions, either of approbation or censure, or of a
mixture of both. , Many Britons still continued- upon
British principles to admire >the French revolution, and
though they regretted the excesses which had accompanied
its operations, yet expected that the violence would, sub
side, and that a system of rational and beneficial liberty,
would be established. They saw that the plan, of polity
would considerably deviate from the British constitution.
The greater number of literary men continued to favour
the changes, and imputed the enormities to the .vitiating
system of goyernment under which the French had so long
lived, joined with the enthusiasm of new liberty. But the.
most experienced and discriminating of philosophical
politicians perceived that the Gallic revolution in its
nature, principles, and effects, was different from any. for
mer case, and avoided unqualified opinions concerning
either its merits, or probable duration. They considered
it as -a composition of extraordinary phenomena, not yet
sufficiently investigated to, become the foundation of a just;
theory ; but they saw that the rapidity of P'rench change
far exceeded the progressive variations of circumstances,
and the human, character.™ Writers of genius and, erudi-j
tion attached to certain, visionary principles and doctrines,,
prized the -French revolution more for its particular act^
and innovations, than for the general assertion of liberty^
and celebrated most highly those measures which over
threw hierarchy, reduced monarchy^ and degraded aristo^.
cracy. Dissenters of very high literary reputationj arid
unimpeached. private character, were so transported by
their peculiar doctrines and sentiments, as to- praise the
lawless violence of the Parisian mob, and the abduction of
the royal family in triumph, because these acts tended to
overthrow the existing orders : and even recommended
the example ofthe French to the imitation of the English,*
The able and eminent Dr. Price, and his many votaries, in
civil and religious dissent, manifested in 1790$ an unquahy
fied admiration of the French changes, and proposed^
close connexion between the revolutionists of France, and
the people of England. Certain members of parliament,

m See Dr. William -Thomson's Jp^er to Dr. Pari

RlilGJSf OF GEORGE IH.

414-

at the' head of whom was Mr. Fox, continued to admire CHAP.
the principles of the1 French revolution, as tending eVentu- __-J-
ally to produce a moderate and rational liberty, that would irgo
in time fit the circumstances and character of the people,
and'promote the tranquillity of Europe. The great min- -'Mr. Pit
isterial leaders, cherishing the principles of constitutional friends
liberty, could not- reprobate in another country an attempt discussion
to procure that blessing, the enjoyment of which made of it?
this nation-prosperous and happy; and when they discern
ed the peculiar nature and tendency of the new system,
conceiving that it became statesmen less to speculate than
to provide, instead of delivering judgment on the measures
of the French, vigilantly watched the conduct of Britons.
The sentiments ofthe minister and its principal supporters
concerningthe affairs of France, were not hitherto declared. ¦
The first open censurers of the French revolution, were
courtiers, who being the votaries of pageantry and show,
under a kingly governirient, regarded the pomp and cere
mony of the palace more than the vigour and efficacy of
the monarchy ; who regretted Lewis's loss of royal traps-
pings and appendages, more than the seizure of his power;
who considering the king's friends and attendants as no
longer enjoying the balls and processions of Versailles,
saw grievances which being thoroughly conceived by their
fancies, could attract their sympathetic feelings. But a
ferocious confiscating democracy, overturning religion and
property, did not equally affect their sensibility, because
they by no means so clearly understood the nature, ' or
comprehended the extent of the evil. One class, indeed,
eifUnent for ability and learning, venerable for profession
and'aggregate character, in the early stages of the French
revolution, observed its leading principles with horror, and
its conduct with dread. The clergy augured ill from aThedefgy
system guided by professed infidels, and sympathizing*™^™'
With plundered brethren, beheld not without apprehension, j^1'^
the contagion of confiscation so very near themselves. In cation of -
this country, they knew there were men as willing to plnn- »£™ra*
der the church as the most rapacious revolutionists of system.
Paris. But though they disapproved of the French sys
tem, they did not deem it expedient to declare an alarm.
Such. an avowal, they thought, might imply an imputation

412 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, of disloyalty, and enmity to the. church, which could not
x be justly charged to the majority of Britons. English
l7ua clergymen, therefore* did not decry the revolution, which
many other literary men praised. In autumn 1790, the
declared sentiments of Britons, with several modifications,
were on the whole favourable to the French revolution.
Surke's One man, however, was destined to affect a speedy and
the subject,' important change. Edmund Burke having formed and
delivered in parliament the opinions already- recorded,
with increasing anxiety continued to. bestow the closest
attention on revolutionary proceedings. He had many
correspondents at Paris, of different nations, abilities, and
sentiments. Through them he completed his acquaintance
with the French system. While attending to its progress,
and its operation within the country which it immediately
affected, he carried his views to the impressions that it had
made in his own country. Penetrating into the various
grounds ofthe praise which it had procured in England,
his sagacity perfectly distinguished between, those- who
rejoiced at what they conceived the emancipation of France,
and those who in the destruction of -the orders, and for
feiture of property, found a model which they wished to
be copied in England. In considering the admirers and
supporters of the French revolution, he, from the authority
of Dr. Price among his votaries, apprehended that the la#e"
promulgation of that gentleman's political opinions in a
sermon, might be very hurtful, unless precautions were
used to expose the tendency of his doctrines. To convince
mankind, especially Britons, that the French revolution
did-not tend to meliorate but to deprave the human charac
ter, to promote happiness, but to produce misery, to be
imitated and copied, but to be reprobated and abhorred,
Mr. Burke composed and- published his work. To
establish his position, he analyzed the intellectual princi
ples by which the revolutionists reasoned : the religious,
moral, and political principles by which the revolutionists
acted ; and contended that the effects which had proceeded,
and were proceeding, were natural and necessary conse
quences of the principles and doctrines. He predicted the
completion of anarchy and misery from the progressive
enormity of the French system. Profound wisdom, solid

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

413

and beneficial philosophy, enforced by all the powers of CHAP.
Mr. Burke's eloquence, produced a -very great change in J^-L^
public opinion. From this time many men of talents, ,790 .
learning, and political consideration, openly declared sen
timents, unfavourable to the French revolution. The
nobility, with few exceptions, were apprehensive of the
danger which awaited their order if French principles »
became prevalent in Great Britain. The clergy pub-,
licly testified the opinion which they before held. Minis- andeffects.
ters, .cautious as they were in avowing any sentiments
concerning the French revolution, did not conceal the high
estimation in which they held Mr. Burke's production.
The public opinion, which at first had been so extremely
favourable to the French revolution, was at the end of
1790 greatly divided.
The most important transactions belonging to the
internal history of Britain in the recess of 1790, was the
general election. The contests were not, however, carried
on with the violence of former times. The country was
in a state of progressive, and rapidly augmenting pros
perity ; the minister possessed the public confidence, and
no great political question- agitated the public mind. The General
^election, which was most warmly disputed, did not owe eec on
,the contest to the. contention of parties. Of the elective
^bodies in Great Britain, none is of importance equal to
Westminster; the seat of government, the royal family,
and for half the year the principal nobility and gentry:
hence there had usually been a very warm competition in
this citv. The dispute in 1 788 between lord Hood and
ford John Townsend, had been carried on with extreme
eagerness on both sides ; and with an expense calculated
;to have exceeded even the costly election of 1784. It
was tacitly understood between the two parties, that at
the general election there should be no contest, but that
lord Hood and Mr. Fox should be jointly chosen. This
.apparent determination was represented to many electors
sf Westminster, as a coalition between the candidates
to insure themselves- the choice, and thus deceive the
inhabitants. Mr. Home Tooke a gentleman of great and
deserved literary eminence, and also of very conspicuous
¦political conduct, which was variously interpreted, pro-

irm.

4i\| HISTORY OF T1U3
CHAP, posed himself as the representative ; he disavowed all
XLV- connexion with any party, and assuming an independent
tone, procured a respectable number of supporters ; he
every day exhibited from the hustings a series of acute
and poignant observation; clear, direct, and vigorous
reasoning, not unworthy of being opposed to the vehement
and forcible oratory of his illustrious competitor ; his
efforts however were unsuccessful. Though there were
several disputed elections, yet there was none that attract
ed so much attention as the poll for Westminster, in which
¦Home Tooke was pitched against Charles James Fox.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

CHAP. XLVI.

Meeting of the nezv parliament.' — Convention with Spain is-
approved by parliament. — Expenses of the late arma
ment. — Unclaimed dividends. — Measures' of 'Britain for
depressing the ambition of Russia — submitted to parlia
ment — Mr. Fox opposes hostilities with Russia— argu
ment of Mr. Pitt on the importance of Oczacow — prin
ciple of British interference in continental politics — hos
tilities with Russia unpopular through the nation — zuar
with Russia avoided.— fNew constitution of Canada —
political principles introduced into the discussion. — Mr.
Fox incidentally mentions the French revolution — Mr.
Burke inveighs against that event, and the new consti
tution — Mr. Fox explains the extent and bounds of his
approbation — declares the British constitution the best
for this country— quotes Mr. Burke's speeches and zvri-
, tings favourable to liberty — rupture betzueen these
friends, and their final separation. — Question whether
¦impeachments by the commons before the lords, abate
with the dissolution of parliament — precedents and argu
ments for and against — determination of the house that
impeachments do not abate by a dissolution. — Liberty of
the press — motion of Mr. Fox for ascertaining and de--
claring the law of libels, and bill for ¦ that purpose —
arguments for and against — postponed for the present,
but is afterwards passed into a law. — Slate and conduct
ofthe English catholics — they renounce the most dan
gerous moral and political doctrines of popery — motion
for their relief— modified and corrected by Dr. Horseley',
i it is passed into a law. — Petition of the church of Scot
land respecting the test act — is rejected. — Full discussion
¦ of the slave trade — motion of Mr. Wilberforce for the
'¦ abolition — arguments for and against — continuance of,
the trade defended on the grounds of humanity, justice,
and expediency — Messrs. Pitt and Fox agree in support-
- ing the abolition— the motion is negatived— Settlement

^f§ HISTOrVof THE
at' Sierre Leone. — Finance  Supplies.— Indian" finance.
- — Trial qf Hustings, evidence for the prosecution closed
— impressive speech ofthe defendant.— Session riseH,**1"
1 -'..,i l- J *,: J : -,-»*»¦
CHAP. ' THE British parliament opened the 26th' of No-
XLVi. vember; 'and his majesty" stated that the dispute between
1790 this country and Spairi' had been brought to ah amicable
Meeting of'terminatibri. The first subject of parliamentary conside-
parlia- ration was ; the convention" with the catholic king. In'a
ment. question concerning art injury, the great objects to be re
garded were reparation for the past, and prevention of
future aggression. In the present case, according" to
opposition, the restitution promised was incomplete," arid
the promises were not performed. Before the commence
ment of the dispute, we had possessed and exercised the
free navigation of the Pacific Oceari, as well as the rijjrft
Conven- of fishing' in the South Seas, without restriction. Butthe
SpainYs'ap- admission "of a part Only of these rights was all that had
proved by been obtained by the convention. Formerly we hafl
THrlii-t- ¦ ¦
ment claimed the privileges of settling in any part of south or
northwest America, from which we were riot precluded
by previous occiiparicy. Now, we" consented to limit our
'right of settlement to tertain places only, and even in these
* tinder various restrictions. What we had retained was
vague and undefined, and consequently liable to be agaft
disputed. We had reserved what was insignificant' tb
ourselves, and resigned what was very berieficralto Spain.
To these arguments miriisters answered, if we had riot
acquired new rights, we had obtained new advantages.
Before the convention, Spain had denied our right to'the
southern whale fishery, and to navigate the Pacific Ocean;
but now she had ratified those claims. In the convention,
the wisdom and energy of ministers had vindicated the
honour ofthe British flag, preserved the rights of private
citizens, and established the glory of the British name
over all the world, without shedding a drab of blood. On
> these grounds the majority in both houses approved of the
Expenses terms of the adiiistment. The liquidation of the expenses
of the late . -> , n r
armament, incurred by the late armatnerit, the minister proposed to
n See page 384 of (his volume.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. ^f
Separate from the general financial arrangements for the CHAP.
season; and to pay off in four years the incumbrances <J^2",
now incurred, by a distinct plan of finance. The first re- 1790_
source was the balance of the public money, which had
accumulated in the hands of the bank of England from
unclaimed dividends.0 The bank was agent for the pub
lic ; received an adequate allowance for its services, and
was therefore not entitled to retain a balance greater than
the probable demand. Since public creditors forbore Unclaimed
punctually demanding their interest, not the bank, who dividead*
were agents for the payment of that interest, but the nation,
their employers, should profit by that forbearance. The bal
ance had been gradually increasing from the year 1727, and
now amounted to 660,000/. Of this sum the minister
moved that 500,000/. should be applied to the public ser
vice, and that the creditors should have securities in the *
consolidated fund for payment, whenever the demand
should be made. In addition to this sum, he proposed
temporary duties upon sugar, British spirits, brandy, rum,
malt, assessed taxes, and bills of exchange. Mr. Fox,
and some other members, objected to the minister's propo*
sition as unjust to public creditors, and also unfair to the
bank. But it appearing to the majority of both houses
that the creditors possessed, the same security of prompt
payment as before, and that no injury could accrue to an
agent from his employer withholding money which was
not necessary to the transactions which he was appointed.
to manage: notwithstanding various petitions from the
bank, deprecating the application, a bill agreeable to the
Minister's project was passed into a law.
The contest with Spain being thus concluded, another Measures
raery important subject of foreign politics occupied the f0ri.e.tairt
attention of parliament. At the congress of Reichenbach, P™^^
tile defensive alliance had proposed to Russia to accede to tion of
the peace whichAustria was concluding, and that all con- RuS9,il»
quests should be restored ; but Catharine constantly replied,
that she would admit of no interference between her and the
Turks. Deprived, however, of the assistance of Austria,
o Many of the public creditors had omitted to demand their ; dividends
*hen due ; the money, therefore, issued for their payment, was used by Hie
bank until the proprietors should demand the payment.
Vol.. III. Ggg

418

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLVI.

1791.

in the strength and determination ofthe allies she saw thg
impracticability of subjugating Turkey for the present, and
now offered to restore all her acquisitions by the war, except
the town and dependencies of Oczacow. This possession,
she conceived, would on the one hand secure her domin
ions against the irruptions of the Tartars, and on the other
command an entrance into Turkey, whenever circumstances
should prove mor» favourable, to the execution of her
ambitious designs. The allied powers perfectly compre
hended the objects of Catharine, and deemed them incom
patible with that tranquillity which it was the purpose of
the confederacy to insure. There was, besides, an un
friendly disposition long manifested by Russia towards
» Great Britain. During our difficulties, she had headed, a
confederation for the express purpose, of reducing the
J* naval power of this country. When the commercial treaty
between England and Russia was expired, Catharine not
only declined renewal, but obliged our merchants to pay in
( duties twenty-five per cent, more than she exacted from
other countries, though they gave half a year's, credit
for their exports, and were always a whole year in advance
for their imports. At the same time she concluded ^com
mercial treaties with France1'' and Spain, on terms that
were advantageous to both these countries. Such indica
tions of enmity to this country, joined to her ambitious
projects, strongly impelled the British government to pre«-
|yent the encroachments of the empress's court. Britain
and her allies still ^adhered to their purpose, of inducing or
compelling Catharine to restore the conquest. Finding
pacific negotiations unavailing, the defensive alliance pro-
submitted jected more effectual interference. Havyig concerted for-
ment. cible mediation. for the security of Europe, his majesty, on
the 24th of March, sent a message to both houses, stat
ing his unsuccessful efforts for the establishment of peace,
and that from the progress of the war, consequences so
important might arise, as to render in necessary for this
country to be prepared to meet them by an augmentation
of our naval force. The message coming under consider
ation of parliament, Mr. Fox opposed hostile interference
on the following grounds : all wars were to Britain unwise.
p See Stale Papers, and-Segur's history of Frederic William.

Mr. Fox
opposes
hostilities -with
Russia.

1791.

REIGN OF GEORGE UI. 41 c
as well as unjust, that did not originate in self defence. CHAP.
Too much latitude was given to the construction of defen- ^^
sive alliances, and treaties comprehended under that deno
mination had at present a very offensive tendency. By
including in the objects of defensive resistance not only
actual, and even probable, but possible injury, the profess
ed defenders of Europe proposed to carry on war when
ever they thought it expedient to any of the confederates.
We had received no injury from Russia that could justify
hostilities : her demands upon Turkey could not so mate
rially affect Great Britain as to render a bloody and
expensive war prudent to prevent their attainment : expe
diency as well as justice, forbade war with a power which
Neither directly attacked Britain, nor pursued any other
object by which she could be endangered : the present plan
Of ministers tended merely to second the ambitious policy
of Prussia, in whose intrigues and projects we were lately
become too much involved: Was the protection of a
barren district in the barbarous recesses of Tartary, a, rea
son for exposing Great Britain to the evils of war ? Was
our trade with Russia, which employed eight hundred and
fifty ships, trained in that hardening service thousands of
seamen, afforded materials for our manufactures to the
amount of two millions sterling, received our manufactured
goods of more than a million, and yielded two hundred
thousand pounds to our revenue, to be all foregone for the
sake of a Turkish fortress ? Even were Russia to succeed
in conquering Turkey, instead of becoming more formid
able to her neighbours, she would become weaker, and
•spread over a more extensive surface. Could wisdom and
p^icy justify Britain in going to war, for preserving an
empire inhabited by a barbarous and savage race, habitu
ally connected with our rival; a race that for the sake of
religion, humanity, civilization, and commerce, ought to
be exterminated from the continent of Europe.*! lr -
Ministers argued that the aggrandizement of Russia, *J*!£ rf
and the depression of Turkey, would injure both our ^fm.
commercial and: political interests. While Russia was £°«ance
confined to the ' Baltic, her naval exertions would be in- °ow< "'
q See parliamentary reports, 1791.

420

HISTORY OF THB

CHAP. XLVI.

1791.

Principle
of British
Interfer ence in
continental
politics.

Hostilities
with Rus
sia unpo
pularJhrough the nation.

War with
Russiaavoided.

considerable; but, if her fleet was suffered to range
through the Mediterranean, she would become a great
maritime power, and a formidable rival. The possess-.
ion of Oczacow would facilitate not only the acquisition
of Constantinople, but of Alexandria, and all lower
Egypt. The object of Britain in opposing Russia was
conformable to her general policy in continental interfer
ence. Britain had herself no ambitious end to pursue ;
we had nothing to gain ; we wished only to remain as we
were ; our alliances could only have the tendency of main
taining the balance of power. It was known to Europe,
that our principles were pacific.1" Standing on the high
eminence which we occupied, we exerted our .power only
for the maintenance of peace. It was a glorious distinc
tion for England, that, placed on a pinnacle of prosperity,
having in her resources and power such motives to ambi
tion, she exerted her strength not as the disturber, but the
protector of her neighbours :s. this had ever been her cha
racter and her principle. In endeavouring to repress
Russia, she pursued the same line of conduct which she
had always chosen.
The supreme director of a free country, and espe
cially of Great Britain, is public opinion. The forci
ble eloquence of Mr. Fox, coinciding with the immediate
interests of merchants and manufacturers, impressed those
bodies of men very powerfully, Their sentiments were
rapidly and widely diffused through the nation, and ren-.
dered the people in general inimical to a Russian war,
Ministers, feeling the due and constitutional reverence
for the voice of the people, sacrificed their own counsels
and measures to dictates so deservedly authoritative.
Although Britain was thus prevented from compelling
Russia to restore the key of Turkey, yet it was the ener
gy of the defensive alliance which induced Catharine to;
relinquish all the other acquisitions of the war.
The circumstances of one of our provinces called on
parliament to frame a new constitutional code, that requir
ed discussions at all times important, but peculiarly mo-

v See speeches of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Grenville.
a Speech, of Mr- Grenville. > .

Parliamentary Reports.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 43 j
mentous when they: were combined with the questions CHAP*
which from the French revolution agitated the public J^t
mind. After the acquisition of Caftada, a proclamation, 1791
as we have seen,' had been issued by his majesty, promis*-
ing that measures should be adopted for extending to that
country the benefit of the British constitution. Encoura
ged by this assurance, many British subjects had settled
in the new province ; and in consequence of the American
revolution, great numbers of royalists had emigrated into
a country so near to their own, and which contained inhab
itants of congenial principles and sentiments ; these readily
coalesced with the British settlers, and joined them in
frequent applications to remind government of the royal
promise. The native Canadians readily admitted the
excellence of the British constitution ; but deprecated its
unqualified extension to themselves, as tending to interfere
with privileges which they had inherited from their ances
tors'. The Canadian noblesse, especially, enjoyed many
feudal rights and immunities, which they feared the intro
duction of a new form of government might infringe or
abolish. The minister, considering the diversity of cha
racter, sentiment, customs,' and privileges, between the
French Canadians on the one hand, the British and Anglo-
American colonists on the other, proposed a separate
legislature to each, that might be best suited to their re
spective interests, and social situation. With this view
he purposed to divide Canada into two distinct provinces,
upper and lower ; and introduced a bill for this arrange
ment, and for the establishment of distinct legislatures.
The division was to separate the parts which were chiefly
inhabited by French Canadians, from recent settlers. For
eachvof the provinces, a legislative council was to be
hereditary, or for life, at the option of the king; and a
provincial assembly was to be chosen by freeholders pos
sessing lands worth forty shillings of yearly rent, or rent
ers of houses paying ten pounds in six months. The pro
vincial parliament was to be septennial, to assemble at least
once in a year : the governor, representing the sovereign",
might refuse his' sanction to any proposed law, until the
t See vol. i.

1791.

242 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP- final determination of Britain were known. The British
. ^IL , government renounced the right of taxation^and though it
asserted the right of regulating external commerce, yet
left the imposts to the provincial legislatures. All laws
and ordinances of the whole province of Canada at present
in force, were to remain valid until they should be altered
Political hy the new legislature. The bill passed through both
principles houses without any material alterations. But in the house
introducedinto the of commons its discussion gave rise to a debate concern-
discussion. jng tne prenCn revolution between Messrs. Burke and
Fox, who respectively delivered their principles, senti
ments, and doctrines on this momentous subject, more
clearly, specifically, and categorically, than in the disqui
sition of the former year. In considering the constitution
which the legislature was preparing for Canada, Mr. Fox
proposed to confer as much freedom as was possiblycon-
sistent with the ends of political establishments, instead of
mere suitableness to any existing form. The scheme for
the government of Canada adhered, he conceived, too
closely to the British constitution, which though* the most
perfectly adapted to the character, habit, and circumstances
of Britoris, was not the best that possibly could be framed
for any case. The United States in North America
would have afforded a better model, more fitted both to
the character and social situation of the Canadians, than
the model which had been followed. Hereditary distinc
tions, possessions, and powers, ought not to be abolished
where they had been long established; and were interwo
ven with the manners and sentimentsof the people, as well
as the laws ;u but it was unwise to create them in countries
not fit for their establishment. / There was not in Canada
either property or respectability sufficient to support an
hereditary nobility. Mr. Pitt, in defending his own plan,
confined himself to its adaptation to the proposed ends, and
without entering into abstract speculations upon govern
ment,, contended that a polity formed for any part of the

u These were nearly the words of Mr. Fox, at least this was certainly the
substance, as appears alter a careful comparison ofthe several reports of parlia
mentary debates Yet he was misrepresented as having declared himself, with
out qualification, the enemy of hereditary rank and distinction. Far was he
from asserting that an order of nobiiity was useless in "any circumstances; he
merely declared his opinion, that in its present state it did not suit Canada.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 423
British dominions, should be as nearly as possible modell- CHAP.
ed according to the British constitution; that such being XLVI"
his object, he conceived it effected by the present system ^^^
for the -government of Canada. In the reciprocation of Mr. Fox
dghate, Mr. Fox still reprobated the council of nobles j^m^.
sa'id he could not account for the zeal in its favour, unless £ons 'J"
, , ... . ' Freheh
by tne supposition that an opportunity was eagerly embra-! revolution.
ced of reviving in Canada, formerly a French colony, those
titles and honours, the extinction of which some gentle
men so much deplored, and of awakening in the west that
spirit of chivalry which had so completely fallen into dis
grace in a neighbouring country. Mr. Burke, by these Mr. Buria^
expressions, conceived that bis opinions, and indeed his '"^^
writings on the French revolution were attacked ; he also that event,
heard doctrines advanced which he deemed repugnant to newcon-
the British constitution ; to controvert such opinions, he etitutiou-
drew a contrast between that admirable system, and the
new order of things in France. The Canada bill (he said)
Called forth principles analogous to those which had pro
duced. the French revolution. There was a faction in this
country inimical to our constitution of church and state.
It became parliament to watch the conduct of individuals
or societies, which were evidently disposed to encourage
innovations. Mr. Fox conceiving that Mr. Burke intend- Mr. Fox
ed to implicate him in the censure passed, on the. admirers thTextent
of the French revolution, replied to his animadversions* andbounds
Mr. Burke's object appeared to be (Mr. Fox said) to probations
stigmatize those who thought differently from himself on
the, French revolution, and who had expressed their opin
ions in parliament ; and to represent them as the support
ers pf republican tenets. To vindicate himself from this
charge, he distinctly and explicitly declared his own sentir-
rnents. The praise that he had bestowed, was given to
the French revolution, which had abolished the old arbi
trary government ; and not to the system which was sub
stituted in its stead. . As a subverter of a tyranny that
had enthralled twenty- five millions of people, he still would
maintain that it was one of the most glorious events in the
whole history of mankind. The new polity remained to
be improved by experience, and accoriimodated fo circum
stances. The excellence of forms of government was re-

424

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, lative, and depended on the situation, sentiments, and
XLVI" habits of the people :* the British constitution he thought
the best and fittest for this country, and would to the
utmost of his power oppose republicanism among Britons ;
but it was contrary to sound logic to infer, that because
British liberty was most effectually secured by a govern
ment of three estates, therefore such an arrangement must
be the fittest for France. He considered the late great
change as the precursor of freedom and happiness to
twenty-five millions, and therefore rejoiced at its success.
quotesMr. From Mr. Burke himself he derived those principles, and
speeches imbibed those sentiments which Mr. Burke now censured :
and wri- ne quoted various passages from the speeches and writings
vourableto of that eloquent and philosophical senator, and referred
liberty. ^ measures which he had either proposed or prohioted,
and comparing them with the sentiments now or recently
delivered, endeavoured to fix on him a charge of incon-
Rupture sjstency. Mr. Burke complained of this allegation, and
these declared it to be unfounded : his opinions on government,
thei"dfinald ne s£ua> nac* been tne same aurlng a11 his political life. His
separation, conduct would evince the truth of his assertions : his
friendship with Mr. Fox was now at an end ; deep must
be his impression of truths which caused such a sacrifice
to the safety of his country ; he gave up private friendship
and party support, and separated from those he esteemed
most highly. His country, he trusted, would measure the
sincerity of his avowals, and the importance of his warn
ings, by the price which they had cost himself. He was
far from imputing to Mr. Fox a wish for the practical
adoption in this country of the revolutionary doctrines ;
but thinking and feeling as Mr. Fox and he now did, their
intercourse must terminate. With great emotion Mr.
Fox deprecated the renunciation of Mr. Burke's friend
ship ; and tears for several minutes interrupted his utter
ance.51 When the first ebullitions of sensibility had subsi
ded, he expressed the highest esteem, affection, and grati-

x These observations are conformable to Aristotle, as the English reader
will see in his Politics, translated by Di. Gillies, book iv. , ,
y This account is chiefly compressed from parliamentary debates, and part
ly taken from a gentleman who was present. •

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

425

tude for Mr. Burke, whom, notwithstanding his harshness, CHAP.
he must still continue to love. Proceeding for some time XLVL
in a strain of plaintive tenderness, he gradually recovered l7gu
his usual firmness, and afterwards contracted no small
degree of severity, when having vindicated the resistance
of France, on whig principles he renewed his charge of
inconsistency against Mr. Burke for deviating from those
principles. This repetition of the charge of inconsistency,
prevented the impression which the affectionate and respect
ful language and behaviour, and the conciliatory apologies
might have probably made : the breach was irreparable ;
and from this time Mr. Fox ahd Mr. Burke never resum
ed their former friendship. In this discussion the impar
tial examiner cannot find a single sentence, or even phrase,
of Mr. Fox, which was not highly favourable to the British
constitution ; so that the political difference between these
illustrious men, arose entirely from their opposite appre
hensions concerning the French revolution* which hitherto
was to a British senator a question of speculative reason
ing, and not of practical contention ; but Burke had
already conceived such an abhorrence of the Gallic system,
that he could not bear any expression of approbation
respecting a change which he deemed destructive to the
best interests of society.
With colonial policy, parliament this year considered Question
also important questions of domestic law. One of these Jjjp5*^.
arose from the trial of Mr. Hastings : it was doubted ment by
whether an impeachment brought by the commons of mons De-
England abated by the dissolution of parliament. Several {j^abate
members of high note in the profession of the law,, and with the
among the rest sir John Scott, the solicitor general, were *s *[""
of opinion, that the renewal of the impeachment was neither ment.
justified by law, precedent, nor equity. It was a question, Prece-
they said, concerning which there was no statute ; we argUniae"its
must therefore be governed by the law of parliament, that l°rJ^f
is by the orders of the lords, and by usage. The lords
in 1678, had affirmed, that dissolution did not preclude
the renewal of an impeachment ; but that order was not
sanctioned by former practice. They had suffered the
impeachment of lords Danby and Stafford to proceed from
the stage in which they had been left by the old parlia-
Vol. III. Hhh

426: HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, ment ; but at that time the nation was in a ferment about
XI VI '
.--^-J. the popish plot ; detested Stafford as a catholic, and exe-
ij-91 crated Danby as the supposed promoter of arbitrary pow
er and a connexion between the king and Lewis XIV.
Both peers and commons were seized with the same enthu
siasm against popery and France, and under its influence
continued the impeachment, contrary to law and usage.
From these cases, therefore, which were peculiarly circum
stanced, no precedent could be drawn. In 1685 lord
Danby was by the house of lords freed from the impeach
ment, which in fact reversed the precedent of 16P8. Lords
Salisbury and Peterborough being- accused of high treason,
pleaded a dissolution, and in 1690 were liberated. On
the same grounds the lords Somers and Halifax, sir Adam
Blair, and others were released. To support their posi
tion, they also adduced several analogies, and concluded
with arguments from equity : by continuation of an im
peachment the accusers might be changed, and even not a
few of the judges. If a trial is to last beyond one parlia
ment, may it not be prolonged to an indefinite term, or
even during life : a court of justice should be free from
bias and prejudice ; but how could this be the case with
a tribunal in which there were so many new judges ; and
some of them even accusers from the lower house. The
supporters of continued impeachment reasoried in the fol
lowing manner. If the alleged precedents existed, they
would be extremely prejudicial, because they would enable
the sovereign to save a favourite servant, and to defeat the
purposes of national justice; and it would become the
legislature speedily to remedy such an evil, by a law enact
ed for the purpose. This remedy, however, could only
be applied to future cases, without including present or
past ; but such a series of usages does not exist.1 There
is no evidence of parliamentary practice to justify the
cessation of a trial before the truth or falsehood of the
charges be ascertained. Parliamentary records demon
strate that in ancient times impeachments were continued
after dissolution. But without searching into remote
monuments, in the reign of Charles II, in 1673, when there
% See speeches of Mr. Pitt and of Mr. Fox.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 42f
was no ferment either on the one side or the other, the CHAP,
•house of lords declared their writs of error, petitions of ,,-^A,
appeal, and other judicial proceedings, should be narrow- lm,
ed as to the portion of time which they were to occupy
during a session, but should extend from parliament to
parliament, if they were not decided. The reason of this
order evidently was, that on the one hand judicial pro
ceedings might not employ any part of the time which was
required by legislative, on the other, that the objects either
of civil or criminal justice might not be defeated by dis
continuance of process. The precedents, it was contend
ed, did not apply : and in the various cases alleged, the
proceedings had been discontinued by a general pardon,
admission to bail, or some other cause, and not from the
dissolution of parliament. These positions their support
ers endeavoured to evince by a consideration of the very
cases that were quoted by the advocates of the opposite
doctrine. They further argued, that decisions of courts
of law, and the authority of judges, with few exception?,
sanctioned the same opinion ; and cited cases to prove
their position : the general analogy of judicial proceedings
illustrated the conformity of their conception ofthe law of
^parliament with the established, modes of process before
'subordinate tribunals : the commons are the public prose
cutors, and in this respect analogous to the attorney or
solicitor general in ordinary cases of criminal prosecutions.
The removal of an attorney general does not quash an
•information or indictment ; and the process is carried on
by his successor. The public prosecutors before the house
of -peers, are the successive houses of commons, as before
the inferior courts, they are the successive attorneys gen
eral. The house of peers are the judges in causes carried
on at the instance of the house of commons ; the peers
may be not all the same in successive parliaments, as the
judges of the inferior courts may be changed while the
trial is pending. Equity and expediency coincide with
-analogy ; impeachments are calculated for bringing to con
sign punishment criminals too exalted for the inferior
courts ; criminals, who to secure themselves or their friends
from all responsibility as ministers of the crown, might
advise a dissolution, as often as it should be required for

j.28 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, their safety. Hence parliament would be no longer able
X,V:' to control either the civil or judicial administration of the
1791 kingdom. The cabinet and courts of law would remain
equally without a check ; it is therefore clear from the
weight pf precedents, the authority of the greatest lumi
naries of the law, the principles of the constitution, the
analogy of public trials, the immutable rules of equal jus
tice, and the dictates of expediency and common sense,
that impeachments continue notwithstanding the dissolu
tion of parliament. On these grounds a great majority
in both houses voted that the impeachment of Warren
Hastings was still depending.
An inquiry concerning the judicial power of parlia-:
ment was soon followed by a discussion of the powers of
juries. One of the chief engines of that moral and politi
cal knowledge, of those sentiments and privileges of ra
tional and beneficial liberty which prevail in Britain, is a
FREE PRESS. By this vehicle a writer may commu
nicate to the public his observations, thoughts, and feel
ings, and according to his talents, -learning .and disposi
tions, may inform arid instruct mankind : and thus the
press bestows all the knowledge and wisdom which can
not be imparted by oral delivery. But as all persons
who address the public through this vehicle are not both
capable and disposed to inform and instruct society, an
instrument of general good is frequently productive of
considerable, though partial evil. The liberty of the
press has often permitted, seditious, treasonable, immoral,
and blasphemous libels ; and generated mischiefs that
were followed by very pernicious consequences. F°r a
considerable time after the invention of printing, gov
ernment possessed the means of preventing noxious
publications, as the press was liable to the inspection of a
licenser ; but the preventive was much worse than the
evil ; and the subjection of writings to a previous exami
nation being found totally incompatible with the pur
poses of beneficial freedom, ceased soon after the revolu
tion. Precluded by the law from preventing the publica
tion of hurtful works, certain judges endeavoured to deter
writers by increasing the punishment : to avoid one ex,-
treme running into its opposite, they attempted to attach

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 429
criminality to productions, that before would have been chap.
reckoned innocent ; and to supply the supposed deficien- XLVL "
cy of preventive justice, they tried to enlarge the precincts *~^i*'
of penal law. They also endeavoured to change the judi
cial rules established by the constitution. For a series of
years it had been maintained by very high legal authority,
as we have already seen," that the truth of an allegation
could not be pleaded in bar of an indictment for a libel,
and also that in cases of libel juries were to investigate
the fact only ; to return a verdict relative to the proof of
the allegations, but to leave the criminality to the judge ;
and though these doctrines had been questioned by very
high legal authority ,b yet they were most frequently fol
lowed in recent practice. Various cases occurred in
which guilt had been found on grounds, that in the pop
ular estimation were inadequate, or punishment had far
exceeded the criminalty that was evinced. Mr; Fox ha- Motion of
ving adopted the same sentiments respecting some late fo^ascer-
decisions, and disapproving of the interposition of crown 0ain|^| aml
lawyers, introduced a bill declaring the power of the juries to the law of
decide upon the law as well as the fact in trials of libels, buffor*™1
Where any special matter of law is pleaded (said Mr. that Pur"
Fox) the judge and not the jury is to decide ; but where Arguments
a general issue is joined, and the law is so implicated against.
with the fact that they cannot be separated, the jury must,
as in all other criminal processes, bring in a general verdict
of guilty or not guilty. The decision of this important
question greatly depended on the import of the word
meaning, used in all indictments for libels. The different
senses annexed to this term Mr. Fox explained, and mark
ed with discriminating precision. The term to mean
might, he observed, be understood to imply a proposition
according to strict grammatical and logical construction,
or to express the moral intention of a writer or speak
er. In the former sense it had been received for many
years by judges and crown lawyers; in the latter it ought
to be interpreted by a candid and impartial English jury,
who were to investigate the intention of the accused, as
a part of the fact to be proved or disproved. It is the
a See vol. i.e. Ix. b See vol. i. c. ix.

430

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, intention that must constitute guilt, if any guilt existed
XLVI. .j.^ ^-jj was 0pp0ae(j as an innovation on the laws of the
,-,„, kingdom, that was agitated at present by the dangerous
maxims which were embroiling our neighbours. In such
circumstances we ought to avoid novelties, civil and po
litical. The present process had been the practice for a
long course of years, without producing any oppression to
the subject ; the judges were independent of the crown,
and could have no motive to unfair and partial decisions.
This bill was not debated as a party question, but as a sub
ject of existing law, justice and constitutional right. Mr.
Pitt was no less vigorous in its support than Mr. Fox, or
Mr. Erskine. In the house of lords, lord Grenville sup
ported the motion with no less zeal than lord Loughbor
ough, and lord Camden took the lead in promoting its
Postponed success. After passing the commons by a great maj ori-
present; tv' lt was rejected by the peers ; but the following sejs-
is after- sion, being again proposed it passed into a law.
edintoa Mr. Fox also proposed a law for depriving the attor-
law' ney general in right of the crown, and every other person
in his own right, of a power to disturb the possessor of a
franchise in a corporation, after having quietly exercised
it for six years. The end of this proposition was, to se
cure the rights of election, and prevent vexatious prosecu
tions for political purposes : the bill was passed into a
law.
State and Parliament, endeavouring to remove all restrictions
conduct of ' ° .
theEngUsh upon natural freedom, as tar as was consistent with secu-
cathohcs. rjty^ directed its attention to the catholics. The English
catholics were now totally changed, and no longer resem
bled the Romanists ofthe seventeenth century; nor even
those who, at a later period, wished to exalt a popish
pretender to the throne. They were now quiet and
peaceable subjects, friends to the present government, and
favourable to our constitution of church and state, which
.was so mild and tolerant to every religious sect that wor
shipped God according to their own conscience, without
disturbing the public tranquillity. Many of the catholics,
as they mingled with protestants, imbibed a great share of
their mildness and moderation ; and, without relinquish
ing the sensible rituals, prescribed observances, or the

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 431
metaphysical theology of the popish church, were really chap.
protestants in their moral and political principles and con- XL>Vi.
duct. A considerable body of them had recently protested v-^v>*w'
in express terms against doctrines imputed for near three They9re-
centuries to papists. They denied the authority of the 2™da!e
pope in temporal concerns, his right to excommunicate gerous
princes, and to absolve their subjects from their oaths of pXfcal"1
allegiance. They disavowed the lawfulness of breaking d00*"1"515
faith with heretics ; and denied that any clerical power popci7-
could exempt man from moral obligations. The penal
laws against catholics arising from circumstances and
conduct so totally different from the present, were still
extremely severe. To render the law more suitable to
their present sentiments and character, Mr. Mitford pro- Motion for
posed to repeal the statutes in question, so far as to theirrellef"-
exempt from their penal operations those who had re
nounced the hurtful doctrines abovementioned, under the
denomination of the protesting catholic dissenters,
upon these catholics taking an oath conformable to the
protest. The principle of the bill Was generally approved ;
and the bench of bishops displayed the most liberal zeal
in its favour. Dr. Horseley especially exerted his great m0difi«d
abilities, not only in promoting its success, but in removing andcorrec-
a clause which was neither agreeable to its principles nor Horseiey.iij
conducive to its objects. In the proposed oath, the doc- Jnj^aTaw
trine that princes excommunicated by the pope might be
deposed and murdered by their subjects, was declared to
be impious, heretical, and damnable. The catholics felt
no reluctance to express their own rejection and disappro
bation of such doctrine ; but from scruples founded on a
tender regard for the memory of their progenitors, they
could not induce themselves to brand it with the terms
which the oath prescribed. To remove this objection, he
proposed the oath which had been adopted in 1778: this,
alteration was admitted, and the bill was passed into a law.
The church of Scotland perceiving a disposition in Petition of
parliament to grant relief to nonconformists, transmitted ^g^^j
from the general assembly a petition praying for the respecting
repeal of the test act as far as it applied to Scotland; and thetestact>
on the 10th of May sir Gilbert Elliot made a motion con
formably to the petition. The supporters of the motion

1,32 HISTORY OF THB
CHAP, endeavoured to prove that the law, as it now stood, was
inconsistent with the articles ofthe union. Scotland, by
1791 her constitution, and by treaty, had a separate church, and
a separate form of religion. By the treaty of union she
was to have a free communication of civil rights ; but a
test which, as a condition for attaining those civil rights,
irnposed on her a necessity of departing from her own
established theology, and submitting to the system of
England, either abridged her religious liberty by means of
the civil attainments, or obstructed the civil attainments
through the religious obligations. When the two kingdoms
entered into a treaty of union, being independent nations,
they meant to stipulate and contract on terms of perfect
equality. Was it not an infringement of that equality,,
that a Scotchman entering into any British office in Eng
land should solemnly profess his attachment to the church
of England, which a scrupulous man might deem a dere
liction of his native church ; while an Englishman appoint
ed to an office in Scotland incurred no similar obligation.
The opposers of the motion argued, that the test must
have been understood as a stipulation at the time of the
union, and had never been represented as an hardship till
the present time. The grievance was merely imaginary;
the test was not a dereliction of the church of Scotland,
but a pledge of amity with the church of England. The
general sentiment of members of the Scottish church was
affection and respect for the sister establishment: but in
Scotland there were, as in England, sectaries of various
denominations, whose sentiments were less liberal. Against
such sectaries it was just as well as expedient, that the
test should operate ; otherwise the church of England
would incur a danger from them, to which from the sec
taries of England she was not exposed. Since there was
no test in Scotland, the proposed exemption would let in
upon the church of England dissenters and sectaries of
every denomination ; and thus break down the fence
which the wisdom and justice of parliament had so often
and so recently confirmed. This petition, in reality, arose
ultimately from the English dissenters. These had ope
rated on the church of Scotland by representing themselves
as presbyterian brethren. Many of the Scottish clergy-

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 433
men, not discovering the total diversity of political senti- chap.
ments that subsisted between them and many of the Eng- XLVI-
lish dissenters, were, from supposed religious sympathy, 17fll
induced to give them their support. The majority of the is rejected.
house being impressed by these arguments, voted against
the proposition.
The slave trade underwent this year a much more Fuiidiscus-
eomplete discussion than when it was formerly agitated, S^"/^^.
The facts on both sides had now been very thoroughly
examined : there was fulness of information ; so that the
public and parliament had the amplest means of viewing
the subject in every light. Mr. Wilberforce, on the 18th Motion of
of April, proposed a bill for preventing the farther impor- terfmxefor
tation of slaves into the British colonies in the West the aboiir
Indies. In his prefatory speech he considered, as he had
done two years before, first humanity, and secondly policy.
He traced the condition of the Africans from their native Argu-
country to the West India plantations ; and, according to ments t<?r
the information which he had collected, in more copious
detail, with more numerous instances, repeated his former
staterjients of the causes of slavery, the treatment of the
negroes on their passage, and their sufferings under the
planters. On the ground of policy he strongly argued
that the abolition of the slave trade was expedient for the
West India planters and the British nation. Compelled to
promote multiplication among the slaves, the planters
would soon find that their present negroes, in a climate so
congenial to their native Africa, would, if well treated,
people the plantations ; and if allowed to acquire some
little interest in the soil, would be stimulated to much
greater exertions. The lOss of seamen which Britons
sustained in the negrd trade was immense. From Liver
pool, in one year, three hundred and fifty ships, having
on board twelve thousand two hundred and fifty men, lost
two thousand four hundred and fifty, being one-fifth. The
commercial profits were to be totally disregarded, when
acquired by such a violation of humanity, and at the
expense of so many valuable lives of British sailors.
The continuance of this trade was defended on the «**%**
ground of justice, policy, and even humanity. Slavery
Had been established time immemorial in various parts of
Vol. III. I » »

j«A HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, the earth, especially in Africa and the adjacent, countries. ,
Xl,v{- So far was it from being reckoned a crime, that the Old
l7alp Testament frequently mentions male and female slaves
under the names of bondsmen, handmaids, and others of
similar import, and never censures mancipation, but speaks
of all its officers as just employments. The characters
held up to imitation had slaves themselves, and endeavour
ed to acquire slaves to others.0 The habits and sentiments
of Africans render this condition by no means so grievous
to them' as it would be to people unaccustomed to the
daily contemplation of slavery. The assertion of the abo
litionists, that the hope of acquiring prisoners to'be sold to
Europeans is the chief cause of war, is far from being gen
erally true. Wars in Africa, as well as wars in Europe, arise
from pride, resentment, envy, jealousy, emulation, am
bition, and other passions, besides avarice alone. As"
an accurate knowledge of the interior country increas
ed, it was more clearly comprehended that captives,
though a consequence of war, were far from being its
most frequent objects. The purchaser of slaves taken in
war preserves the lives of captives that would be Otherwise
butchered, Their ferocious conquerors would give way
tp the savage gratification of rage and cruelty, if the thirst
of blood were not changed into the thirst of gain. The
extreme indolence of the Africans, notwithstanding the
fertility and even spontaneous productiveness of the soil,
renders their supplies of the necessaries of life very
scanty. Prisoners taken in war, therefore, are great bur
dens upon the captors ; and unless there was a market
for vending them, they would be immediately massacred,
not merely from cruelty, but from the savage economy of
those barbarians ; and the European traders saved many a
life. Our merchants, on the faith of parliament, had
embarked property to a great amount in this trade ; the
total loss of which would immediately follow the abolition.
The legislature had invited them to engage in the traffic,

e Joseph, a patriarch so highly favoured by God, when he became prime
minister to Pluroah in corisequence of the, foresight conferred on him by the
divine gift, having laid up stores of provisions against the season of scarcity, purr
(shaded with the ting's corn the liberties of his subjects ; and nothing in this pro-'
cedure is blamed by the sacred historian. It appeared, indeed, perfectly fair a$d
ffi&sp^able to the subjects of an African piin.cc.

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. , ,
.434
that Britain might be furnished from their plantations with CHAP.
those commodities which habit has now rendered universally ^LVI-
necessary, and if not supplied by them, must be purchased ^7**'
from other countries. It invited them also to engage in
this commerce, that the carriage of their productions might
rear up a navy; yet now, when they have a capital of
seventy millions embarked, when several islands lately
occupied, and therefore thinly peopled, require a constant
Succession of fresh supplies ; and when twenty millions of
debt in mortgages and deeds of consignment, press
heavily on the West India proprietors, the abolition is
proposed in contradiction to so many acts of parliament,
and without compensation of the only mearis by which
they can be relieved from the enormous load. Is it con- Contimi-
sistent with British justice to depreciate, and even destroy slave "trade
property, engaged in a commerce which the legislature defe"<led
pledged itself to protect, and repeatedly declared its dis- grounds of
position to improve ? But private property would not ju"^'^
alone be affected ; from this trade the revenue would expedi- ;
suffer a very material diminution. The evidences adduced
to prove the horrid cruelties practised upon slaves were
represented to be in some instances false, in many partial,
in almost all exaggerated. It is the interest both of the
transporting owners of slaves, and their purchasers in the
West Indies, to treat them humanely, and easy to devise
regulations for enforcing this treatment, and punishing the
contrary. But were Britain from an impulse of benevolent
enthusiasm to abolish the slave trade, under a supposition
that it subjected the Africans to the most poignant misery,
would not other European nations engaged in the trade,
supply the vacancy left by our relinquishment of a traffic
jiecessary for raising commodities naturalized to the Eu
ropean palates ? Would the purchasers, the venders, or the
subjects sold, be less numerous ? Would fewer slaves be
exported from Africa ? Respecting the effects of this com
merce on our navy, the friends of the abolition were
totally misinformed. A naval commander of the ve'ry
highest eminence, lord Rodney, had declared that the
power of obtaining from Guinea ships, so numerous a
bspdy of men inured to the climate, whenever we wished

436

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, to send a fleet to the West; Indies on the breaking out ef
fr^-^-J, a war, was, in his opinion, a consideration of great moment.
l79li His lordship's opinion was illustrated, and his authority
corifirmed, by concurring testimonies of other officers, both
of the army and navy. The abolition would be equally
contrary to the commercial and political interests of, the
public, as to the rights and well founded expectations of
Messrs. private individuals. On this question messrs. Pitt and
Fox agree Fox took the same side, and supported the abolition with
I™ s"n>^ort" every argument that genius: could invent ; but their united
abolition, eloquence was not effectual : on a division it was carried
tionis" in the negative by a majority of one hundred and sixty-
negatived, ^ree to eighty-eight. The benevolent spirit which prompt
ed the abolition of the slave trade directly, produced an
attempt gradually to demonstrate its inefficacy and inutility.
For this purpose its impugners^projected to try an experi
ment whether Africa could not be civilized, and rendered
more lucrative as a vent for manufactures, than as a nursery
for slaves. Mr. Devaynes, who had long resided at
Sierra: Leone, on the coast of Africa, in the, eighth degree
of north latitude, attested that the soil is excellent, and
produces cotton, coffee, and sugar, with the slightest culti*.
Settlement yation. There a society proposed, to establish a colony in
fceone. hopes of effecting the desired change in the character and
condition of the Africans. A bill for the- establishment
of such a company was introduced by Mr. Henry, Thorn
ton, and passed through both houses without opposition.
Finance. Previous to the reduction of his financial plan, Mr,
Pitt proposed to appoint a committee to consider and
report the amount of the public income and expenditure.
during the last five years; also, to inquire what they might
respectively be in future, and what alterations had taken
place in the amount of the national debt since January
5th, 1786. The report stated that the annual income, on
the average of the three last years, was sixteen millions,
thirty thousand, two hundred and eighty-six pounds ; and
the annual expenditure fifteen millions, nine hundred and
sixty-nine thousand, one hundred and seventy-eight pounds,
including the annual million for liquidating the national
debt ; the balance, therefore, in favour of the country, was

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4$
sixty-one thousand one hundred and eight pounds.3 Mr. chap.
Sheridan, as usual, took the lead in combatting the finan- XLVI"
ciai conclusions of Mr. Pitt, and moved no less than forty ^^"-'
resolutions, which were intended to show that the past
revenue had been considerably inferior fo ministerial
calculations : and that in calculating the future income,
the minister had overlooked contingencies which recent
experience demonstrated to be probable. The greater
number of these propositions were negatived, and others
were amended. Various resolutions were framed by
ministers, confirming, in detail, the report of the new
committee, and maintaining the calculations which were
founded on their inquiry. The supplies were nearly the Supplies.'
same as m the usual peace establishment, ' and no fresh
taxes were imposed. Mr. Dundas produced his annual ^la^"e_
statement of Indian finance, which had been in a state of
so progressive prosperity ever since the establishment of
Mr. Pitt's plan of territorial government, and the com
mencement of Mr. Dundas's executive direction. It
appeared from the documents which he presented, that the
British revenues in the East Indies, amounting to seven
millions, after defraying all the expenses of government,
left a clear surplus of near a million and a half, either to
be laid out in investments, or applied to contingent services.
Among the pecuniary grants of this year was an annuity
of twelve thousand pounds, bestowed on his majesty's
third son prince William Henry, created about two years
before duke of Clarence.
This year the prosecution of Mr. Hastings closed its Trfd
evidence (May 3,0). The managers proposed an address Hastings.
to the king, praying him not to prorogue the parliament ^e^for
until the trial was finished ; but this address was negatived, the prose-
' -, .T, -¦ cution ..
Mr. Hastings, when the prosecution was closed, addressed, ei0sed.
the court, in a speech of singular acuteness, force, and
eloquence, exhibiting his view of the result of the prose
cutor's evidence, contrasting the situation in which he
found with the situation in which he left British India ;

d 16,030,286
15,969,178 61,108/.

438

HISTORY OF THE

speech of
the de
fendant

CHAP, explicitly, but not arrogantly, detailing the counsels and
-^^j conduct by which he had effected these, great ends : he
1791. appealed to the commons, his accusers, in the following
Impressive dignified and striking peroration. " To the commons of
England, in whose name I am arraigned for desolating
the provinces of their .dominions in India, I dare jo
".Teply, that they are, and their representatives persist in
"' telling them so, the most flourishing of all the states of
^ India. It was I that made them so : the value of what
" others acquired I enlarged, and gave shape and consist-
" eilcy to the dominions which you hold there : I pre-
" served it: I sent forth its armies with an effectual but
" economical hand, through unknown and hostile regions,
" to the support of your other possessions; to the retrieval
t " of one from degradation and dishonour, and of another
" from utter loss and subjection. I maintained the war»
" which were of your formation, or that of others, not of
" mine : I won one member of the great Indian confeder-
" acy from it by an act of seasonable restitution;, with
" another I maintained a secret intercourse, and converted
" him into a friend : a third I drew off by diversiori and
" negotiation, and employed him as the instrument of
" peace. I gave you all, and you have rewarded nie with
" confiscation, disgrace, and a life of impeachment." Of
Mr. Hastings's hearers, even those who could not admit
a plea of merit as an abatement of special charges, were
very forcibly impressed by this energetic representation.
The defence of the accused was, by the direction of the
court, postponed till the following session, and on June
10th the parliament was prorogued.

Session rises.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

CHAP. XLVII.

Peace between Russia and Turkey — on moderate terms.-
Reasons of Catharine' s apparent moderation. — Poland
attempts to recover liberty and independence. — Wise,
moderate, and patriotic efforts for that purpose  Nezv
constitution, an hereditary, mixed, and limited monarchy
—¦effected without bloodshed, — Rage of Catharine at the
emancipation of Poland. — She hopes to crush the nezo
system of Poland. — Impression made by the French revo
lution on other countries— on sovereigns.' — Circular let
ter of the emperor to other princes.- — Equitable and
prudent principle of British policy respecting the French
revolution. — Paris — ejectment and banishment of the
clergy who refused the civic oath.— Progress of confis
cation. — Forfeiture ofthe estates of emigrants. — Abolition.
of Primogeniture.— Invasion of the rights of German
princes. — The emperor remonstrates against this viola
tion of national engagements.— Proposed jaunt of the
.king to St. Cloud— is prevented by the populace. — Memo-
, rial of Lewis delivered to foreign powers. — Flight ofthe
king. — He is arrested at Varennes. — Proceedings of the
legislature during his absence.— He is brought back lo
„Paris. — The monarchical party adopts a vigorous system,
tbut too late. — State of parties. — The king's friends ad
vise him to accept the constitutional code. — He accepts it
in the national assembly. — Honours paid to infidel philo
sophers. — Want of money. — Inspection of accounts. — -
Dissolution af the national assembly.' — Review of the
principal changes effected by this body. — How it found
and left France, — In all its excesses it manifested the
genius and energy of the French character — Progress
of, political enthusiasm. — Britain. — Certain ingenious
visionaries expect a political millennium. — Thomas Paine.
, —rRights of man.— Dextrous adaptation of to the senti
ments and passions of the vulgar— astonishing popularity
of among the lozver ranks.— Commemoration of the

440

HISTORY OF THE

French.r evolution at Birmingham, — Riots. — Destruction
,of Dr. Priestley's library' — the doctor's conduct.— Com
parison between Priestley and Paine.— Rapid and exten
sive diffusion of democratic principles.' — Wide diffusion
of superficial literature— favourable to revolutionary pro
jects  Mary Anne Wollstonecroft.— Debating societies!
— Cheap edition of Tam Paine' a works.— One able and
profound work in favour of the French revolution.—
Vindicice Gallicice  Marriage of the duke of Tork to the
princess of Prussia, i.

OHAP.
'XLVII. 1791.
Peace be
tween 1-tus-
siaand
Tarkey;

Reasons of
Catharine's ap
parent mo
deration.

v CATHARINE perceived her grand object of
subjugating the Ottomans, for the present to be impracti
cable, and now satisfied herself with endeavouring to com
pel the sultan to a peace, before the interference of the
confederates could prevent her from dictating the terms.
With this view her armies took the field early in spring,
repeatedly defeated the enemy, and compelled them to
retire nearer to Constantinople; and to enhance their
danger, several symptoms began to appear in Asiatic
Turkey of a disposition to revolt: menaced by most immi
nent perils both in Asia and Europe, and apprised
that the cooperation of Prussia and of Britain, was now
obstructed, Selim began to listen to the proposals ofthe
empress; the negotiation was not tedious} arid a peace
was concluded on the 11th of August at Galatz, by which
Russia retained, Oczakow, and tire country between the
Bog and the Dnieper, which had belonged to Turkey
before the War. The latter of those rivers was to be the
boundary of both powers : each to be equally entitled to
the free navigation of the river : and each to e^ect fortifi-
catipnson its respective shores. However important this
acquisition might be to Russia, itwas certainly much infe
rior to the expectations which she entertained at the com
mencement of the war; and during its successful progress :
but other circumstances combined with' the exertions of
the defensive alliance to induce Catharine to content
herself, for the present, with Oczakow- and its dependen
cies. Frederic William agreeably to the general objects
of the confederacy, as well as his own particular interest,
cultivated the friendship of Poland. Encouraged by their

REIGN OF GEORGE IIP.

441

connexion with this powerful, -prince, and beginning once CHAP.
more to conceive themselves of weight in the scale of XLm
Europe, reviving self estimation rekindled in the Poles that ^^*
courage and patriotism, which though smothered, had
not been extinguished; and thus once more they enter
tained hopes ¦¦ of freeing themselves from the thraldom in
which they were held b.y the imperious Catharine. In 1788 Poland at-
and 1789, various efforts were made to establish the inde- temPtst° recover
pendent interest of Poland in the diet, and to overturn the liberty and
power which Russiahad assumed. A party of generous pa- enndCe^end'
tripts stimulated their countrymen to emancipate themselves
from a foreign yoke ; the spirit of liberty was studiously
diffused through all classes of 'the community ; and in
1790 had risen very high. Its leading votaries saw, that
the only method of securing the attachment and fidelity of
the people to those who were projecting such alterations,
was to accompany them with such benefits to the middling,
and even to the inferior classes, as might deeply interest
them in their support. But though desirous of changes,
which would terminate the oppressive power of the great,
the Poles were sincerely inclined to be satisfied with a
moderate degree of freedom ; and at present bounded their ,
wishes to deliverance, from the personal thraldom in which,
for so many ages, they had been tyrannically held. Con- wise, mod-
formably to this disposition, the popular leaders exerted patrtotSsi^
their influence, with so mucb wisdom and prudence among efforts for
the commons, that they made no claims but those that p0se.
were strictly equitable and consistent with legal subordi
nation. On these moderate principles of freedom, the
people of Poland drew up an address to the diet, amount
ing to a declaration of rights. This representation, instead
of recurring to the natural rights of man, antecedent to
political establishment, .considered zvhatwas most expedient
for the character and circumstances of the Polish people.
The constitution of Poland having been extremely defective
in various constituents of liberty and security, the address
in its claims, proposed such changes only as would remedy
the defects, without subverting the existing orders. The
nobles," clergy, and commons, should continue distinct, and
the nobility retain their rank, dignity, and all the privileges
which were compatible with public freedom; they should
Vol. III. Kk k

442 HISTORY OP THE
chap, only be deprived of the power of oppression and tyranny.
l-^^. The commons should not only be exempted from civil
ij-gif -thraldorn, but have all the political power that was consist
ent with the balance of the estates. Requisitions so dis-
criminately moderate, tending to produce the balance of
the parts, as well as the welfare of the whole, were most
graciously received by the Polish nobility, who showed
themselves desirous of promoting a new system, conform
able to the wishes of the people. The Polish patriots were
eager to .complete their reform, before Russia should be in
a condition to give them any effectual interruption. Reports
were spread and suspicions entertained, that there was a
new partition in contemplation: the only way to prevent
such a calamity and disgrace, was without delay to estab
lish a system of polity, which should produce an union of
the whole strength and energy of the Polish nation, resist
the interference of foreigners in its domestic affairs, and
preserve its natural independence and dignity. With these
views the patriots formed a system, which had for its basis,
the rights claimed in the address of the people ; and they
presented their plan to the diet at Warsaw. The new
constitution proposed two objects ; the external indepen
dence, and internal liberty of" the nation. The Roman
catholic religion was to continue to be the national faith,
with a toleration of every other which should peaceably
submit to the established government. The clergy should
retain their privileges and authority; the nobility their
preeminence and prerogatives ; the commons including the
citizens and peasants, should participate of the general
liberty; and the peasants- were to be exempted from the
, predial servitude, under which they had so long groaned,
Stipulations between the landholders and the peasants
should be equally binding on both parties and on their
respective successors, either by inheritance or acquisition:
all property of every rank, order, or individual should be
sacred, even from the encroachments of the supreme na
tional power. To encourage the population of the country,
all people, either strangers who should come to settle, or
natives who having emigrated should return to their coun
try, might become citizens of Poland, on conforming tp
it§, laws, The constitution should be composed pf three

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

443!

distinct powers, the legislative power itt the states assem- chap.
bled; executive power in the king and council ; and judi- XLVlr-
ciai power in the jurisdictions existing, or to be established.
The crown was declared to be elective in point of families, New con-
but hereditary in the family which should be chosen. The alTeredi-
proposed dynasty of future kings, was to begin with the tan > mix-
elector of Saxony, and to descend to his heirs. The king limited
at his accession must engage to support the new constitu- monarohy}
tion, and was to command the army, and preside in the
legislature : the legislation was to be vested in two houses,
the nobility and commons, meeting by their representa
tives ; and the judicial power was to be vested in a gra
dation of courts, rising to one general and national tribu
nal. Such are the outlines6 of the constitution of Poland,
which appeared to steer a middle course between aristo
cratic tyranny, and democratic Violence. It seemed well
calculated to maintain internal liberty, encourage the in
dustry of the great mass of the people, improve the im
mense advantages of their soil and situation, and invigo
rate their energy by the newly infused spirit of personal
freedom; to confirm subordination of rank, which best
guides the efforts of the people, and by diffusing harmony
arid force throughout the nation, to afford the disposition
arid means of maintaining the independence of Poland.
There were members of the diet who not only opposed
these proceedings, but drew up a protest against them in
the form of a manifesto: Their conduct excited univer
sal dissatisfaction, and though the moderation of the pa
triotic party offered no insult to their persons, yet the peo
ple could not forbear to view them with indignation. The
king and the other leaders of the popular party were ex
tremely vigilant in restraining every appearance of violence.
Indeed a singular and happy circumstance of this revolu
tion, was the peaceable manner in which it was effected: effected
Poland attained the end which it proposed, without the MoudaWU,
loss of a single life.. In framing this system, Stanislaus
himself had displayed great ability : he had consulted the
English and American constitutions, ' and with acute dis
crimination had selected such parts as were best adapted
e See Otridge's Annual Register for 1791. Appendix to Chrsaicle, p, 88.

444

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP,
XLVII.

1791.

Rage of
Catharineat the
emancipation of
Poland.

She hopes
to crush
the new-
system of
Poland.

Impression made by
the French
revolutionon other
countries;

on sove
reigns.

to the circumstances of Poland. The Polish patriots
aware of the dispositions of Catharine, and apprehending
other neighbouring states to regard the*- project with a
jealous eye, urged the speedy adoption of the new consti
tution; and they exerted themselves so strenuously, that
on the 3d of May 1791, it was accepted by the estates,
and all orders and classes of men, and ratified by suitable
oaths, and inaugural solemnities.
The situation of Poland, freed from the Russian
yoke, and rising to independence and respectability, galled
the pride, and alarmed, the ambition of Catharine ; she
was enraged, that the Poles, over whom she for
many years had imperiously domineered, now asserted a
right of managing their own affairs : she saw in the power
of Poland, if allowed to be confirmed, under her pre
sent constitution, a bar to the accomplishment of her vast
projects: she was therefore eager to conclude the peace
of Galatz, on terms less humiliating to the vanquished
Ottoman, than from her successes she might have expected.
There were circumstances which afforded her hopes
of not only resuming her dictation in Poland, but also
rendering her power over that country more arbitrary than
ever. At the commencement of the French revolution, the
other great powers of the continent wereso much engaged
in their own several projects, as not to bestow an adequate
attention on the character and spirit of the Gallic proceed--
ings. Spain was by far too feeble to entertain any hopes of
interfering with effect in favour of fallen monarchy. The
king of Sardinia afforded refuge to the exiled princes and
nobility, but could supply no important aid. The refugee
princes and their party, though anxiously eager to inter
est foreign powers in the cause of the privileged orders, yet
during the year 1790-, had little success; but when Leo
pold had restored tranquillity in the Low Countries, after
having concluded peace with Turkey,, and being on terms
of amity with the defensive alliance, he turned his atten-
tionf to the situation of France. Though moved by con
sanguinity, he was yet more deeply impressed by kingly

f See Annual Register, 1791, ch* iv.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU.

445

sympathy: he considered the present ruling party in CHAP.
France as inimical to all monarchy, and holding up an ^
example which he apprehended the subjects of neighbour- l79i,
ing sovereigns might imitate : and in th'ese sentiments
other princes of Germany coincided. Leopold however
was aware of the danger which would attend speedy hos
tilities, unless he should have more effectual auxiliaries
than the petty princes of the Germanic empire. His own
resources were impaired by the war from which he had so
recently extricated himself. France under her monar
chical government had been always too powerful for_the
German empire ; the present system would afford her ad
ditional energy. From these considerations, so early as
the spring of 1791, he endeavoured to interest other po
tentates in his objects ; and with his own hand6 wrote a circular
letter to the empress of Russia, the king of England, and 'tn"e™£e.
the king of Prussia, also to the king' of Spain, the states roi-toother
general, the kings of Sardinia and Naples ; proposing to prmces
form an union and concert of counsels and plans, for the
purposes of asserting the honour and liberty of the king
and royal family of France, and setting bounds to the
dangerous excesses of the French revolution ; to instruct
their ministers at Paris to declare the concert which
should be so formed; and recommend to the respective
princes to support their declarations, by preparing a suf
ficient force. Should the French refuse to comply with
the joint requisitiotf'of the crowned heads, the confede
rated powers would suspend all intercourse with France,
collect a considerable army on the frontiers, and thereby
compel the national assembly to raise and maintain a great
military force at a heavy expense. The interruption of
trade, and general industry, would bring the people of
France to more sober thoughts; and might tend to the
evaporation of their present enthusiasm. On so great an
undertaking, the emperor could not venture alone; the
concurrence of the other great powers, especially Prussia
and Great Britain, was necessary to "give efficacy to the
project. Whatever effect this application might have on the
powers severally, to whom it was addressed-, it did not
g Annaal Register as above.

446

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

CHAP, succeed in producing the proposed concert. The principle
*^"" of Britain manifested not only in her declarations, but
1791 uniform conduct, was that an internal change in the politi-
Equitable Cal system of any country did not justify the interference
dentin- of neighbouring nations, unless that internal change led
British its votaries to aggression : that it did not belong to Erig-
poiicy res- land to determine whether the government of France
FhcFrench should be monarchical or republican ; and that in chang-
revolution. jng ner constitution, humbling her monarch, degrading
her nobility, plundering her church, and even Committing
various acts of atrocity, in her own provinces or metropo
lis, she did no act which it belonged to Britain to avenge :
she inflicted no injury on Britain. As impartial observers,
Britons rhight individually censure French proceedings, as
unwise, unjust, or impious; but the British nation neither
possessed'nor asserted a right of dictation to the French
concerning the management of their own internal affairs,
so long as their couduct did not produce aggression against
this country.
Pams— While symptoms of enmity against the French revo-
aiuTban^L lution were manifesting themselves in sortie of the neigh-
ment of bourinc; countries, its votaries were proceeding in their
the clergy ° - _ ... , • , V i_ •'
-who refus- career. With great expedition they ejected from their
ieodoath°1V" livings the refractory priests who Would not. swear con
trary to their belief and conscience, and filled their places
with more complaisant pastors, who were willing to sub
mit to the powers that be ; and' in a few months there
was a new set of spiritual teachers, most eagerly attached
to the revolution to which they were indebted for their
benefices. Besides this body of staunch auxiliaries, the
national assembly, by robbing the church, procured another
set of very active assistants in the holders of the assign
ments. These " were, indeed, a kind of revolutionary
pawnbrokers, who advanced money on plundered effects,
and depended on the stability of the new system for pay
ment. By the spiritual influence of the new priests, and
the temporal influence of the new brokers, who consisted
of great moneyed capitalists, the people became still more
attached to tlte revolution, and its engine the national
Pnogrcssof assembly. This body of legislators, finding confiscation
Son.'SCa" s0 productive a source of revenue, deemed it unwise- to

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 44y
confine it to the property of the ' church. A new fund chap.
they provided in the estates of the refugee princes and XLV1L
nobility ; and with their usual despatch they passed a
decree -sequestering the principal estates, and threatening Forfeiture
to confiscate them all if the proprietors did not imme- fectfof"
diately return. Farther to equalise property, they passed emigrants?
a decree abolishing primogeniture, and ordaining that the of primo-
property of parents should be equally divided among semture*
their children. But the national assembly now extended
its system of confiscation to the properties of foreigners.
Several German princes, secular and ecclesiastical, held invasion of
great possessions in Alsace, by tenures repeatedly ratified the rights
under the most solemn treaties ; and guaranteed by the princes.
great neighbouring powers. Yet these rights the national
assembly overthrew by a mere act of lawless robbery.'
This flagrant aggression on the rights of independent
powers, rtot only" excited the indignant resentment of the
princes who were actually despoiled, but the displeasure
and apprehensions of others. The confiscation of French
property by the government was an invasion of the rights
of French subjects. But the invasion of foreign property
was a declaration of intended hostilities against all nations
to which their plundering arms could reach. The empe- Theempe-
ror remonstrated on this violation of existing treaties, re- rorremon-
quiring compensation for the past, and security against against this
future attacks on the rights of princes of the empire. The ''"t^"" of
national assembly imputed ^ this requisition to hostile engage-
intentions, and affirmed that there was a concert of foreign
sovereigns, French princes, and aristocrats, to effect a
counter revolution : Lewis, they said, had acceded to this
confederation, and was preparing to escape from France.
His majesty at Easter had taken the sacrament frorii
the hands of a refractoryk priest, and had thereby given
great offence and alarm to the Parisians. It was also
remarked that he had recently promoted officers inimical
to the revolution. On the 18th of April, being Easter
monday, his majesty and family intended to repair to St.
h See proceedings of the national assembly.
i See proceedings of the national assembly.
k Those clergymen who would not take the prescribed oath were, by the
revolutionists styled refractory priests.

^g HISTORY OF THE
chap. Cloud, a palace about three miles from the city, there to
XLVII. s,pen(j tjje holidays. In the morning, as the family was
17gl stepping into theirxoaches, an immense crowd surrounding
Proposed the carriages, refused to suffer them to proceed, and in-
the"king to sisted that they should .remain at Paris. The national
St. Cloud, gaarciSj joining the multitude, exclaimed that the king
edbythe should not be suffered to depart; and the sovereign found
popuace. jt necessary t0 comply with the requisition of the popu
lace. After several discussions, the Parisians represented
their apprehension of dangers assailing them from various
quarters, and especially the king's intimate counsellors.
His majesty, to gratify the populace, dismissed various
royalists from their places at court, and employed other
Memorial means to remove the popular dissatisfaction. One step
delivered which he took for this purpose, was to send a memorial
to foreign to the French ministers in foreign countries, with orders
to deliver a copy at each court where they respectively
resided. This document recapitulated, the events which
produced and followed the revolution, and described that
great change as having importantly improved the condi
tion both of the monarch and the people. It extolled the
new constitution, reprobated the efforts employed $o over
throw that beneficial fabric, most clearly and unequivocally
expressed the royal approbation of the present system, and
declared that the assertions of those Frenchmen in foreign
parts, who complained that he was obliged to disguise his
sentiments, were unfounded in truth. This despatch
being communicated on the 23d of April to the national
assembly, was received with the loudest applause, and
ordered to be posted up in the most conspicuous places of
every municipality in the kingdom, to be read at the head
of every regiment and company in the army, and on board
of every ship in the navy. For several weeks the greatest
harmony appeared to prevail between the king and the as
sembly. Meanwhile the royalists, without being dismayed
by the power of the revolutionists, expressed their senti
ments with an asperity, which increased the more that in
oppression, they saw the injustice of the predominant
principles, and felt the misery of their effects. Attach
ment however to the king's person and family deterred
them from measures which they had reason to conclude,

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. ^
Would endanger his safety ; should they make any decisive CHAP.
movement towards a counter revolution, they did not XLVU-
doubt, a massacre of the royal captives, would be the sa- ^J^*"'
orifice to popular fury. The deliverance of their majesties
and the family from a state of real captivity, by whatever
name it. might be called, would enable them to begin their
attempts without hazarding the, royal safety. They be
lieved that the majority of the nation secretly cherished
the same sentiments with themselves, and would readily
cooperate in attempting the restoration of royalty, when
they saw hopes of support and success, Under this con
viction, his majesty's friends employed their utmost dex
terity to effect his escape from Paris. The enterprise ap
peared arduous, but not impracticable; his majesty was
accompanied by a national guard, and also by a Swiss
guard ;. the latter corps was warmly attached to the king
and his family. The marquis de Bouille at different times
strongly exhorted the king to fly from his oppressors, and
join his friends.' After the obstruction of his visit to St.
Cloud, he represented to him that by flight, with the coun
tenance of foreign powers, he might be able to head all
those friends of moderate liberty, and mixed monarchy,
that should be inimical to democratic despotism, and to
save his country from the evils by which she was now
threatened. At length the marquis prevailed ;ra and it was Flight of
concerted that the royal family should direct their course kl?s-
to Luxemburgh, the nearest part of the emperor's domi
nions, and to which the road lay through the northern
borders of Lorraine, where de Bouille being governor of
Metz, and having the command of the troops, of whom
many were well affected to the king, could facilitate and
protect their progress. On the 18th of June the Russian
ambassador procured a passport for a Russian lady about
(he said) to set out for Germany, with a specified number
of attendants and two children. On .tho 20th, the royal
party left Paris about midnight: at St. Menehoud, a He is ar,
postillion recognising Lewis from his picture, informed varennes.
the postmaster ; this person without venturing to stop the
,1 See Bouille's memoirs.
m The narrative Of the king's flight is chiefly compressed from Bouille s
memoirs. ' '.
Vol. III. L 1 1

4S0 HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, king himself, despatched his son to Varennes, the next
XLVII. stage> to warn the magistrates. Apprized of his majesty's
1791. approach, the magistrates of Varennes were prepared to
seize the monarch ; they accordingly took him prisoner,
and sent him and his family, escorted by a strong guard,
to Paris." Meanwhile the king's flight being discovered
about eight in the morning, filled the city with the greatest
consternation. To overtake him was impracticable, as
Paris was not two hundred miles from the frontiers, and
he must already have effected one-third of his journey. It
was universally believed that hostilities had been concerted
between the king and his partisans awaiting him on the
frontiers of the kingdom, and that there he was to collect
all. the force which he could assemble, and invade France.
Proceed- The national assembly having met, gave orders that all
ieS?stature People should take up arms to repel the attempts expected
during his to be made by the king's party. Lewis had left particular
directions that no use should be made of the seals of office
till his farther commands; but the assembly decreed that
the king having absented. himself, the business of the na
tion, ought nevertheless to proceed ; for which reason the
seals of the state should, in virtue of their authority as
representatives of the nation, be affixed as usual to their
decrees, by the chief minister. The following, day, news
arriving ofthe capture ofthe king, turned their fears into
He is exulting joy. On the 22d, the unfortunate prince, amidst
brought jjjg most insulting and triumphant acclamations, was con-
Paris, ducted to the former place of his confinement. After in
vestigating the conduct of various suspected persons, they
at last determined to subject their sovereign himself, to a
judicial examination; and to manifest their sentiments re
specting kings, quoted the trial of Charles I. of England.
A deputation of three members was appointed to recejve
the king's deposition: his majesty refused to answer any
interrogatories, but avowed his willingness to make known
the motives for his late departure. His intention, (he said)
was not to leave the kingdom, but to repair to Mont-
medi, a fortified town on the frontiers, where his personal
liberty would be secure, and his public conduct-under no
n See the detail in Bouille's memoirs

REIGN OF GEORGE 111.

451

restraint ; and where he could have transacted business, CHAP.
together with the assembly, without the imputation of J^^.
force. He did not object to the constitution, but only to 17gl>
the small degree of liberty allowed to himself, which so
impaired the sanction of his voice, as to give it the ap
pearance of compulsion. A memorial which he left at his
departure, more fully detailed the various grounds of his
dissatisfaction with the national assembly ; recapitulated
their various acts, and very ably exposed the despotic
usurpation of the revolutionary party. The assembly an
swered this memorial by a manifesto which was intended
to prove that their conduct had been directed by regard
to the public good, that its effect was internal prosperity,
and a/strength that would resist every attempt at a counter
revolution. From the unsuccessful effort of the king to
escape from thraldom, the republicans derived a great ac
cession of strength. They, however, thought it prudent
to assume in the assembly the appearance of moderation,
while their emissaries and associates in the clubs were oc
cupied in increasing-among the people the prevailing hatred
of monarchy. No faith could be reposed, they affirmed,
in the -king or any of his adherents, who were all plot
ting a counter revolution. Under pretence of guarding
against the designs of the royalists, the assembly assumed
the organization of the army, and, indeed, the chief part
of the executive power, which, at the confederation,
they and the people had sworn to leave in the hands of The mo
tile king. The monarchical party now adopted a sysfefn "*™1 a
of open, resolute, and vigorous opposition, which, if adopt a vi-
, , , , • , i , , • gorous sys-
chosen at a less advanced stage, might have saved their tem, but
country- from the despotism of paramount democracy. t0° latc'
They. declared that they never would relinquish the de
fence of the monarchy : no less than two hundred and
eighty joined, in a bold and explicit protest against the
decrees by which the assembly acted independently of the
crown ; but now their firm boldness was too late. The
national assembly^ to guard against foreign invasion, gave
directions for fortifying .the frontiers. Meanwhile they
proceeded with the constitutional code ; and the king's
late attempt caused the insertion of several articles which
had not been before proposed. It was decreed by a great

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.XLVII. 1791.

State of
parties.

Inviolabi
lity ofthe
king's per
son, car
ried in the
assembly.

majority, that a king putting himself at the head of an
armed force, hostile to the state, should be considered
as having abdicated the crown. The same penalty was
denounced against him were he to retract his oath of fide
lity to the constitution, or incur the guilt of conspiracy
against it by a criminal correspondence with the enemies
of the nation. It was farther decreed,, that after such
abdication he should be treated as a simple citizen, and
subjected, like all other individuals, to the common
course of law. There was a very warm debate about the
inviolability of the king's person. At this time there
were four parties in the national assembly, and throughout
the French empire : the royalists, whose object was the
restoration ofthe monarchy in its former power and splen
dor ; the moderates, who wished a mixed kingly govern
ment, consisting of different estates, uniting security and
liberty with social order, and subordination : the third
was the constitutionalists, the supporters of the existing
polity, which, levelling all ranks and distinctions of sub
jects, still retained the name of king, and were by far the
most numerous : fourthly, the republicans, who were
gaining ground in number and strength. The royalists
and moderates were eager for the inviolability of the royal
person; the constitutionalists were divided; the republi
cans were strenuously inimical to the proposition : but
after a long and animated contest, perceiving that by per
sisting in their opposition in this point, they would lose
the support of many constitutionalists, in order to eonci
liate the different parties, they proposed certain provi
sional modifications to accompariy the inviolability of the
royal person. Their opponents thought it expedient to
accede to a compromise ; and it was accordingly decreed,
that the king's person, with certain restrictions and limita
tions, should be inviolable. A decree was passed, in
trusting the education of the dauphin to a governor ap
pointed by the national assembly, in order to form him to
constitutional principles. The moderate party endea
voured again to introduce two- separate chambers, and
enlarged on the blessings of the British constitution, but
their propositions were rejected. The constitutional code
being finished, sixty members were appointed to present

REIGN OF GEORGE 111. 433
it to the king : these waited on his majesty with great so- CHAP-
lemnity, and were very graciously received. When they Xl,vu-
preserited the code, he informed them, that the import- ""^u^"
ance of the subject required. his most attentive and seri
ous examination ; and that as soon as he had acquitted
himself of this duty, he would apprise the assembjy of
his intentions. The violent republicans hoped that the
king would refuse the constitution, and thereby justify a
different system. The king and his friends were well in
formed of their wishes and schemes : the people in gene
ral, however, were not yet disposed to establish a com
monwealth, and the greater number of them were most
strenuous constitutionalists. His friends, aware of tile The king's
designs of the republicans, advised the king to accept the ^™*m^'
constitutional code. Being prevailed upori, he, on the a°cept the
13th of September, wrote a letter0 announcing his accept- tional code.
ance, and declaring the motives of his former, recent,
and present- conduct. The following day, repairing to
the national assembly, he verbally declared his acceptance,
of the constitution; and in presence of the assembly, He accepts
signed his declaration. He was received with great re- H in the
spect, and attended by the whole assembly on his assembly.
return to the Thuilleries, amidst the acclamations of all
Paris. On the 28th of September the constitution was
formally proclaimed at Paris. The substance of the pro-
¦clamation was, that the important work of the constitution
being1 at length perfected by the assembly, and accepted
by the king, it was now intrusted to the protection of the
legislature, the crown, and the law; to the affection and
fidelity qf fathers of families, wives, and mothers ; to the
zeal and attachment of the young citizens, and to the
spirit of the French nation.p While the assembly had
been thus engaged in completing the new constitutional
code, it bestowed the highest honours on the memory of Honours
those revolutionizing philosophers who had contributed so J^Vph'ifo-
powerfully to the change. As Voltaire had been so effi- sophers.
cacious an enemy to Christianity and the church, the
assembly conferred signal honours on his remains, which
o See State Papers, September 13th, 1791.
p See State Papers, September 28th, 1791.

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XLVII.

1791.

Want of
money.

they ordered to be transported from his burial place, and
deposited in the church of St. Genevive, the place, ap
pointed for receiving the ashes, and perpetuating the me
mory, of those who, had 4esei"ved well of the French
nation. Equal honours were decreed to Rousseau : he
had been the object of almost constant persecution by
priests and their votaries. France, tbat had now dispel
led the clouds of superstition, and broken the fetters of
tyranny, after having profitted so much by his labours,
ought to pay that veneration to his memory when dead,
which ignorance and superstition had denied to him while
he was alive. The public joined with the assembly in
doing homage to the characters of these writers, and also
to Helvetius and others, who had distinguished themselves
by their exertions against Christianity. To gratify the
prevailing sentiment, the theatres were, as usual, accom
modated : plays were represented in which infidel writers
and doctrines were held up to admiration : religion, and
the various establishments and orders by which it had
been maintained, were exposed to ridicule and contempt.
That they might contribute as much as possible to the per
petuation of their system, the revolutionists endeavoured
to instil such sentiments concerning the relations of do
mestic and private life, *as would best correspond with
their political establishments'1.
Amidst the many plans for regenerating France,
there was one evil which ingenuity could riot remedy, this
was the scarcity of money. Nothwithstanding the im
mense forfeitures, there was still a great deficiency of in
come compared with expenditure. The army requir
ed to support the new liberty was more numerous, and
much more expensive, than the armies of the old monar
chy had been at the most extravagant periods. The pop
ulace considered exemption from taxes as one of the sa
cred rights which they ought to enjoy, and therefore paid
very sparingly and reluctantly. The boldest and most
ardent champions of religious, moral, civil, and political,
regeneration, neglected no opportunity of committing theft.
The assembly had declared that all property belonged to

<\ See Burke's Letter to a Member of the NatiotfarAsserably.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 455
the state : from this comprehensive theorem they deduced CHAP.
a corollary ,r that whatever was thus acquired by the state be- J^3^
longed to any lawgiver or statesman that could get it into 1791.
his possession. Though these peculators publicly celebra
ted the credit of the national paper, in their own accumu
lations they gave the preference to gold and silver. Ma
ny other moneyed men who had amassed their riches by
fair means, being doubtful concerning the stability of the
new government, hoarded the greater part of their cash.
All who were disaffected to the revolutionary system, to
discourage assignats as well as to secure their own pro
perty, concealed as much as possible their gold and silver.
A great part of the hidden treasures was lodged in foreign
countries, especially the British funds, which even the
French patriots practically acknowledged to afford the
best security for property.8 As silver and gold disappear
ed, the paper money was proportionably depreciated ; and
great pecuniary, distress prevailed. The indigent now
became a more numerous body than ever, and made des
perate through want; broke into every recess where they
thought monej' was hoarded, and exercised their depre
dations with such dexterity, that numbers of individuals
lost immense sums, notwithstanding the carefulness and
extraordinary precautions with which they had been con
cealed.1 As a considerable part of pecuniary distress
was imputed to the administrators of the reveriue who
were the most zealous members of the popular party, the
aristocrats very minutely investigated and severely scru
tinized their conduct ; and when the accounts were pre- Inspection
sented- for inspection, declared openly, that they conceived counts.
them false, and the documents and vouchers by which
they were supported ^fabricated for the purpose of cover-
l ing fraud and depredation. The arguments arid state
ments were very strong and clear, but the assembly over
threw arithmetical results by a majority of votes ; and
so far the patriots were cleared from the charges. The
r See Plavfair's history of jacobinism.
s.So- great was the influx of French money into England during the year
1791, that whereas seventy-five had been the average price of the consolidated
annuities of three per cent", during the five preceding years of peace and pros
perity, from midsummer 1791 the average price was about eightj'-eigKt.
t See Playfau- on jafcobinrem.

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XLVII. 1791.
Dissolution of the na
tional as
sembly.Revisibn of
the princi
pal chan
ges effect
ed by this
body.

purgation of these patriotic financiers was the last impor
tant act of the national assembly : on the 30th of Septem
ber, 1791, this body was dissolved by a speech from the
king, in which he solemnly repeated his promises to
maintain the constitution.
Thus terminated the first national assembly of France,
which in little more than two years had effected a more
complete change in the government, ranks, orders, laws,
religion, doctrines, opinions, sentiments, and manners of
the people, than any legislative body ever before effected in
a series of ages. It found an absolute monarchy ; left
an uncontroled popular legislature, with a king nominally
limi'ted, actually subdued. It found the laws, which ema
nating from the Roman code, and intermingled with the
feudal institutions, had spread over the greater part of
Europe, and subsisted in France for twelve centuries ; it
left a new code, which originated in a metaphysical fic
tion of universal equality ; vindicated to man, when mem
ber of a community, all the rights which might belong to
him in a state of separation from his fellow men, and ap
plied to a constituted society principles that presuppose
no society to exist. It found disparity of rank, a political
result from inequality of ability and character, extending
itself to descendants : it left all rank and eminence level
led with meanness and obsourity ; see'iBg that in the pro
gress of hereditary transmission there might be degene
racy, instead of correcting the abuse, it abolished the estab
lishment. It took away one of the strongest incentives to
splendid and beneficial actions, in the desire of a parent
to -acquire, maintain, or extend, honour or dignity, which
he may not only enjoy himself, but transmit to his children.
It found the people, though turbulent and reluctantly sub-
miting to arbitrary power, well inclined to a free system,
which should include order and subordination. Expell
ing monarchical despotism, instead of stopping at the mid
dle stage, which wisdom dictated, it carried the people to
the opposite extreme of democratic anarchy. Impressing
the multitude with an opinion that the general will was
the sole rule of government, it induced them to suppose
that their wills jointly and individually were to be exempt"
from restraint ; and that the subjection of passion to

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4J?
the control of reason and virtue, was an infringement of CHAP.
liberty * It found property secure, and left arbitrary con- XLm
fiscation- predominant. It found the people christians j **^7^*'
left them infidels. But whatever opinion impartial pos- 1" all it's
terity may entertain of this legislative body, either in the manifested
revolution which they effected, or the new system which th* ?eniu«
they established, it must be admitted that uncommon in- «f the""**
genuity, -skill, vigour, and perseverance, were displayed fhTacter.
in the means adopted to give to the projected changes the
desired effect. Their great and fundamental principle
was, to revolutionize the minds of their countryrnefi, as
the only sure means of civil and political revolution.
In the clubs, the populace, and the army, modelled by
their pleasure, they formed most effectual instruments for
Carrying their schemes into execution, and rendering their
will the paramount law. The first national assembly
manifested ability and genius, which, unfortunately for
their country, were neither guided by wisdom nor promp
ted by virtue.
The revolutionary leaders did not confine their efforts Progressof
to their own country. They employed emissaries in other Poljtical
. . . . , . enthusi-
nations to disseminate their principles and cooperate with asm.
champions in the same cause. A spirit of political enthu
siasm had, Indeed, been spread through a great part of
Europe. In Germany, and particularly in the Prussian -
dominions, a set arose, though under different denomina
tions, who, ascribing the greater part of human calamities
to bigotry, superstition, arbitrary power, and error, endea
voured to awaken their cotemporaries to the most animated
hopes, of the advantages that were to flow from political
improvement, philosophical education, and, in all things,
a vigorous exercise of reason. They professed, at the same
time, the warmest sentiments of humanity, and a spirit of
universal philanthropy. In Britain, as we have seen, the Rritain.
leading doctrines of the French revolution were maintain
ed from various causes, and to different extents, by num
bers of writers, more especially by those of the unitarian
dissenters. In the beginning of this year Dr. Priestley
employed his rapid and indefatigable pen in answering
Mr. Burke. After repeating his usual arguments against-
the existing establishments, the doctor confined himself to
Vol. III. Mmm

458

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XLVII.

1791.
Certain -
ingenious visionariesexpect a
political
,millenni- um.

Thomas
Paine.

Rights of
Alan —
dexterous adapUJion of to Ihe
sentimentsand pas
sions of the
j-u'lgar.

a prophetic vision of the manifold blessings which were to
flow through the world fr,om the glorious French revolu
tion. This event was to diffuse liberty, to meliorate society,
and to increase virtue and happiness. A political millen
nium was about to be established, whea men should be
governed by the purity of their own minds, and the modera
tion of their own desires, without external coercion, when no
authority should exist but that of reason, and no legislators
but philosophers and disseminators of truth. But a work
soon after made its appearance, which, however little
entitled to historical record for its own intrinsic merits, is
w-ell worthy, of mention, as the cause of very important
and alarming effects ; this was a treatise entitled, The
rights of man, by Thomas Paine ; already mentioned as
the author of a violent pamphlet written to prevent reunion
between Britain and her colonies. Paine having gone to
Paris soon after the commencement of the revolution, and
thoroughly imbibed its doctrines and sentiments, undertook
to induce the English to copy so glorious a model. Per*
haps, indeed, there never was a writer who more completely
attained the art of imposing and impressing nonsense on
ignorant and undistinguished minds, as sense and sound
reasoning, more fitted for playing on the passions of the
¦vulgar ; for gaining their affections by gratifying their preju^
dices, and through those affections procuring their assent
to any assertions which he chose to advance. His manner
was peculiarly calculated to impress and effect such objects.
The coarse familiarity of his language was in unison with
yulgar taste ; the directness of his efforts and boldness of
his assertions passed with ignorance for the confidence of
undoubted truth. It was not only the manner of his com
munication, but the substance of his doctrine, that was
peculiarly pleasing to the lower ranks. Vanity, pride, and
ambition, are passions which exist with as much force in
the tap room of an alehouse as in a senate. When pea
sants, labourers, and journeymen mechanics, were told that
they were as fit for governing the country as any man in
parliament, it was a very pleasing idea ; it gave an agree
able swell to their self importance : when farther informed,
that they were not only qualified for such high appoint
ments, but also, if they exerted themselves that they were

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 459
within the reach, they were still more delighted. Through CHAP-
a book so popular, Very great additions were made to the '
English admirers of the French revolution. Societies and ,791
clubs, in imitation of the French jacobins, fast increasing Astonish-
in number and divisions, testified the highest approbation larityof
of Paine's Rights of Man ; arid very industriously, through ,™ °°B the
their affiliations, spread cheap editions of it among the ranks.
common people, in all parts of the kingdom.
On the- 14th of July a party of the admirers of the Commem-
French revolution met at Birmingham to commemorate "heFrench
its commencement, under the auspices of its great cham- revolution
pion Dr. Priestley. Previous to the meeting, a handbill™ mingham.
was circulated outrageously seditious, stigmatising all the
established orders, and urging insurrection against church
arid state. As the majority of the inhabitants were
warmly attached to the constitution, this mischievous pro
duction excited very great alarm and rage. The ceiebra-
tors having assembled, the populace surrounded the tavern
where they were met ; and as Dr. Priestley had so often
and openly avowed his enmity to the church, they very
unfortunately supposed that the present paper, dooming
our establishment to destruction, was composed and dis
persed by him and his votaries. Under this apprehen- Riots.
sion they became extremely riotous, burnt one of the con
venticles, destroyed several private houses, and, among Bestmc-
the rest, the library of Dr. 'Priestley, containing a most prey's'
valuable apparatus for philosophical experiments, and also library.
many manuscripts. The tumults raged for two days so
violently that the civil magistrates were inadequate to
their suppression. A military force arriving the third
day, dispersed the mob; and the magistrates, thus assist
ed, reestablished tranquillity. All friends to our king
and constitution sincerely regretted these lawless pro
ceedings, though evidently originating in a zealous attach
ment to our establishment. Men of 'science lamented the
destruction of Dr. Priestley's library, of his collection,
machinery, and compositions on physical subjects, in
which department the exertion of his talents and learning
were supremely valuable.
u See Gentleman's Magazine for July, 1791, and Chroniele of Annual
Register for the same nlonth.

460

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XLVII.

1791.
The doc
tor's con
duct.

Comparison be-
tM-eenPriestleyand Faine,

The conduct of Dr. Priestley himself upon this occa
sion, though it could not diminish the public abhorrence
of such outrageous violence, by no means increased sympa
thy in the sufferings of its principal object. Hastening toi
London, he wrote an address to the inhabitants of Bir
mingham, in which, though he justly exposed the lawless
disorder of the insurgents, and naturally .complained of
the mischiefs that they had perpetrated, yet the main scope
of his letter was to attack the church, and impute the riots
to its principal supporters in the vicinity. The- tumultuous
excesses he illogically and falsely ascribed to the badness
of the cause; as if the intrinsic merits of any system*
could be lessened by the madness or folly of its defenders.
Various addresses of condolence sent to Dr. Priestley by
societies of dissenters, and other clubs, very clearly de
monstrated the sanguine hopes of the writers, that the
downfal of our establishments was approaching. Mr.
Benjamin Cooper, secretary of the revolution society,
hoped that the church which he (Mr. Benjamin Cooper)
pronounced an ignorant and interested intolerance, was
near its end. Dr. Priestley's reply chimed with this Mr.
Benjamin Cooper's tune. The young students at Hack
ney college, expressed their conviction of the folly of
existing establishments. " Priestley's answer* to their let
ter may be considered as a recitation of his political creed.
The hierarchy (he said) equally the bane of Christianity
and of rational liberty, was about to fall : , he exhorted
these young men strenuously to use their efforts in so
glorious a cause, and to show by the ardor and force of
their exertions against the constituted authorities, how
much more enlightened understandings, and liberal senti
ments were formed by the plan and instructions of their
academy, than those that were imbibed in national institu
tions, fettering and depressing the mind. The doctrines
so earnestly inculcated by Priestley and his class of ene
mies to our establishments, tended to promote the success
of Paine's political lessons. Priestley was more fitted for
forming visionary and sophistical speculatists among men
of superficial literature, whereas Paine was best qualified

x See fientleman's Magazine, for November, 1791, p. 1024, and Annual
Register, 1791. Appendix to Chronicle, p. 86.

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

46*

for effecting a change on the vulgar and ignorant. Friest- CHAP.
ley dealt chiefly in prescription ; his nostrum to be applied XLm
,to every case was alterative: Paine was operatical and ml
proposed immediate incision. From Priestley proceeded
such philosophers as Godwin and Holcroft, from Paine
such practical reformers as Watt and Thelwal!. Priestley,
to^ use his own words, had laid the train, Paine's desire
was to light the match. Republican, and even democratic
principles, continued to make a rapid progress during the
remainder ofthe year. It would be extremely unjust and
illiberal to, impute to unitarian dissenters indiscriminately,
the principles and intentions so obvious in the heresiarch.
It is however well known, that if not all, very many of that
class of dissenters were at this time inimical to the British
constitution of church and state. Besides the dissenters, Rapid and
there were other sets of men who regarded the French ^^j^f
revolution as a model for imitation. From causes purely democrat-
political, without any mixture of theology, some of the-^™1'
votaries of a change in parliament, and other departments
of the state, conceived the diffusion of French principles
highly favourable to their plans of reform. In the metro
polis, besides men of genius and learning, well affected to
the French revolution, there was another set of adventu
rers in literature and politics, very eager in maintaining
and spreading its doctrines. If learning be not more Wide dif-
r , . , i • r - - fusion of
profound in the present than in former ages, it is cer- superficial
tainly- spread over a much wider surface. The commer- hterature,
*ial opulence of the country encourages the manufacture
and sale of literary commodities of every value and de
nomination. The demand extended to a vast variety of favourable
productions, which require neither deep learning nort°0^ry„o.
vigorous genius, the number of authors multiplies in pro- tions-
portion to the moderate qualifications that are necessary.
All these, down to translators of German novels, and collec
tors of paragraphs for the daily papers, deem themselves
persons of genius and erudition, and members of the repub
lic of letters. In France, literary men possessed, great
direction ; many of this class in England conceived, that
if the same system were established here, they might rise
to be directors in the new order of things. There were
in the literary class, as in other bodies, persons who, from

462

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLVII. 1791.

Mary Ann
Wollstone
craft.

Debatingsocieties.

Cheap edi
tions of
Tom Feiue's works.

a benevolent enthusiasm, hoped that the French constitu
tion would extirpate vice and misery, and diffuse over the
world philanthropy and, happiness. Among the literary
producers, there was one set who , thought the highest
perfection of the human character was sensibility; and
that the restraints of religious and moral precepts, as well
as of political establishments, were harsh and tyrannical, be
cause they so often contradicted the impulse of sentimental
feeling ; these praised the French revolution in the belief
that it was inimical to austere restrictions. Under this
class were to be ranked various female votaries of, litera
ture, and at their head Mary Ann Wollstonecraft, who
produced, as a counterpart to the Rights of Man, a
performance entitled the Rights of Woman ; vindicating
to the sex an exemption.from various restrictions to which
women had been hitherto subjected from the tyranny and
aristocracy of men ; but first and , principally from the
restraint of chastity ; and claiming the free and full indul
gence of every gratification which fancy could suggest, or
passion stimulate. Besides these classes, there was a
great and multiplying variety of clubs for political discus-?
sion and debate. To these resorted many mechanics,
tradesmen, and others, from a desire extremely prevalent
among the lower English, of distinguishing themselves as
spokesmen. By degrees, from hearing speeches and read-:
ing pamphlets, they supposed themselves politicians and
philosophers, and thought it incumbent on so enlightened
men, to drop the prejudices of education ; and sacrificed
religion, patriotism, and loyalty, at the shrine of vanity.
From so many causes, and through so many agents, the
revolutionary doctrines were disseminated very widely,
To facilitate circulation, opulent votaries published cheap
editions of the most inflammatory works, especially Paine's
Rights of Man, which contained the essence of all the rest.
But men of high rank, and of the highest ability and
character, still admired the French revolution as likely to
produce, when corrected by time and experience, the ex
tension of moderate and rational liberty ; and besides Dr.
Priestley, a few others of eminent genius celebrated the
French changes, in literary works. Of these, by far the
most distinguished production that appeared in England

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 453
in vindication of the French revolution, was Mr. Mack- CHAP.
intosh's answer to Mr. Burke. The obvious purpose of J^^\
this learned and philosophical writer is the melioration of l7gl
the condition of man; convinced that men habitually One able
guided by reason, and determined by virtue, would be foundwork
happier under small than considerable restraints, he pro- of^he""
posed a control too feeble for the actual state of men now French
existing ; much more of a people whose national charac- Vmdicise
ter, from the old despotism, and other causes, required a GaUicia!'
greater degree of control than some of their neighbours.
The erroneous conclusions of this forcible and profound
writer, appear to have arisen from two sources ; first he
argued from a supposition of an attainable perfection in
the human character instead of an accurate estimate of
the degree of perfection which it had actually attained.
Secondly, he appears to have been misinformed concern
ing the principles, spirit and character of the French
revolutionists. Great and important as the progressions of public Marriage
opinions were in 1791, to arrest the attention of the philo- ^fYorkto°
sophical observer, the actual events in England to employ the Pon
tile pen of the annalist, were not numerous. His high- Prussia.
ness the duke of York, in the close ofthe year 1791, mar
ried the eldest princess of Prussia, between whom and the
English pririce a mutual affection had subsisted ever since
the royal youth's residence at the court of Berlin. The
arrival of the fair stranger, the many festivities that ensu
ed on so auspicious an occasion, and the appearance of the
new married couple in public, agreeably relieved the politi
cal discussions which had long absorbed the attention of
the public.

4G4 HISTORY OF THE

CHAP. XLVIII.

Meeting of parliament. — Opposition censure the conduct of
ministry respecting Russia. — Incidental but interesting
debates about the French revolution. — Real difference
between messrs. Burke and Fox. — Motion of Mr. Whit
bread respecting the riots at Birmingham. — Petition of
the unitarian dissenters — rejected.— Multiplication of
political clubs. — Society of the friends of the people —
rank, character and property of the members. — Mr.
Grey. — The earl of Lauderdale.-'— Address of the society
to the people of Great Britain. — Intention good', but ten
dency dangerous. — Mr. Pitt opposes this engine of
change. — Rise and progress of corresponding societies.
— Second part of Thomas Paine's Rights of Man —
Ferment among the populace. — The lower classes be
come politicians and statesmen. — Proclamation against
seditious writings- — discussed ih parliament. — Schism
among the members of opposition. — The heir apparent
testifies his zeal for supporting the British constitution.
— General satisfaction from the manifestation of the
prince's sentiments. — Bill for the amendment of the Lon
don police. — Humane and discriminate propositions of
lord Rawdon for the relief of debtors and benefit of cre
ditors. — -Abolition of the slave trade is carried in the
the house of commons.— -Subject discussed in the house
of lords. — Duke of Clarence opposes the abolition — His
highness exhibits a masterly view of the various argu
ments.— -The question postponed.— -State of the crown
lands — especially forests.— Mr. Pitt's bill for enclosing
parts ofthe New Forest — disapproved — rejected by the
peers.— Mr. Dundas's bill for facilitating the payment
of wages aud prize money to sailors — passed. — Finan
ces. — Prosperous state qf commerce and revenue. — Pros
pect of farther reducing the debt, and diminishing the
taxes.' — Flourishing state of India finances. — Political
stale and transactions in India. — Beneficial effects of

REIGN OF GEORGE in. 465
Mr. Pitt's legislative measures, and Mr, Dundas's exe
cutive management. — Sir John Macpherson, governor
.general.— Able and successful administration — succeed
ed by lord Cornwallis.— -Wise plans of comprehensive
improvement. — Tippoo Saib recruits his strength. — His
ambitious projects revive — attacks our ally the rajah of
Travaiicore. — The British council remonstrates to no
purpose.- — The English armies invade Mysore from the
. east and west coasts. — Campaign of 1790 — indecisive.
, — 1791 lord Cornzuallis himself takes the field — reduces
the greater part of Mysore — comes within sight of Se
ringapatam — prevented by the overflow of the Cavery
,, from, investing the metropolis of Mysore.— In 1792 be
sieges Seringapatam. — Tippoo Saib sues for peace, and
obtains it at the dictation of lord Cornwallis ,— Generous
-. conduct of his lordship respecting the prize money.
- — Measures for the improvement of British India.
*
PARLIAMENT met January 31st, 1792. His ££${
majesty's speech mentioned the marriage of his son, and -^.^v-w
the peace concluded between Russia and Turkey ; but 1792.
dwelt chiefly on the rapidly increasing prosperity of the
British nation, which must confirm steady and zealous at
tachment to a constitution that we have found, from long
experience, to unite the inestimable blessings of liberty
and order ; and to which, under the favour of providence,
all our advantages are principally to be ascribed* Mem?
bers of opposition arraigned the conduct of ministers con
cerning Russia. Both the. accusation and defence neces
sarily repeated former arguments. The British govern
ment thought interference was necessary for the balance of
power; and though they had sacrificed their own coun
sels to the voice of the public, the armament prepared
upon that occasion had not been useless, as it>had prevent
ed the Turks from being qbliged to make such concessions
as would have been otherwise extorted.y Mr. Fox con- Incidental
ceiving himself, and those who coincided in. his sentiments esring de-
respecting the French revolution, indirectly censured by J^*^
the praises of the British polity, clearly and forcibly* de- revolution.
y See Parliamentary Debates, January 31st, 1798.
Vol. III. Nnn

46Q HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, monstrated the compatibility of satisfaction at the downfal of
XLViil. Frei>cni despotism, so inimical to human rights,' and destruc-
1792 t*ve to human happiness, with the highest veneration and
warmest attachment to the British constitution, the preser
ver of rights, and promoters of happiness. He rejoiced at the
overthrow of the French despotism because it was bad,
but would use every, effort to support the British constitu
tion because it was good. In subsequent discussions Mr.
Fox, more explicitly than ever, exhibited to the house his
sentiments and views on this momentous subject. The
French, with characters formed by the old despotism, now
emancipated from slavery, are actuated by a most impetu
ous enthusiasm, which drives them, as it has driven every
other votary, to violent excesses. But enthusiasm like
every ardent passion, must, as knowledge of human na- ,
ture and history inform us, ere long subside. It is U-fogical
to impute to the principles of the French revolution the ex
cesses which really arise from a sublimated state of passion
that cannot last. Enthusiasm accompanied the reformation ;
enthusiasm marked the efforts of the puritans, which vin
dicated Britishliberty from kingly and priestly tyranny. But
the free principles and beneficial establishments subsist many
ages after the passion subsided. Do not therefore pro
scribe the French revolution because a fury that must be
temporary has inspired many of its notaries. Let the
"noxious fumes evaporate, you will retain the genuine spi
rit of liberty salutary to mankind. Such was the opinion
of one personage, not less profound as a political philoso
pher than forcible as an- orator, decisive and energetic as
Real dif- a statesman, Many and various in detail as were the-
*^™(ni"eDe" subject^ of difference between him and Mr. Burke upon
messrs. French affairs, the principle was simple. Fox esteemed
Fox. £ *" die outrages incidental effects of an enthusiasm which must
be temporary, and which formed no part of the essential
character of the revolution : Burke reckoned the excesses
necessary and essential parts of the revolution, which
legitimately descended from its nature and principles;, and
increased as they advanced, and which could never cease
to operate until, the revolutionary system ceased to exist.
Fox thought the French to be men in the ardent pursuit
of what w,as good, and .transported by passion beyond tlie

RErGN OF GEORGE HI.
bounds of moderation and wisdom ; as men pursuing What
was really good have often been transported : Burke con
sidered the whole nation as actuated by a spirit of diabo- """1792.
lism, eagerly bent on perpetrating all possible mischief; a
phenomenon never before known in the history of mankind;
and therefore, if true in that particular case, requiring,
from its contravention to ;probability, the stronger evi-
derice. From the opposite theories which they formed as
political philosophers, these illustrious men deduced very
opposite practical systems, which they recommended as
statesmen. Burke very early" recommended and incul
cated a 'confederacy, which, upon his hypothesis, was not
only wise, but absolutely necessary. If the French were
devils incarnate, to prevent the diabolical spirit from ope
ration, neighbouring nations must overwhelm the power
~»f beings so possessed, or perish themselves from the
frenzy. Fox, not regarding them as a multitude of
demons, but as the votaries of enthusiasm, recommended
to encourage their spirit of liberty, and suffer their passions
to subside through time, the surest corrector, Hostile
interference in their internal concern, would support instead
of extinguishing their enthusiasm, turn its efforts to exter
nal ^defence, and give them an energy that would prove
fatal to those who had roused it into action. These were
the leading-diversities in the theoretical and practical sys
tems of messrs. Fox and Burke, which account for the
whole series of their respective counsels and conduct con
cerning France. Ministers still avoided the delivery of (
opinions on events and systems which had not "interfered
with the interest of Great Britain. Though the French
revolution was never directly before the house, yet many
of its proceedings arose from questions of liberty and
reform which that great event was instrumental in sug
gesting. Mr. Whitbread, a new member, of good talents, Motion 6f
respectable character, and immense fortune, who had joined ^ Whit-
the party of Mr. Fox, reviewing the riots at Birmingham, specting
imputed these outrages to the encouragement given by *£^_a'
government to persecutors of the dissenters, because they ham,
were inimical to civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. The
z See his hints for a memorial to be delivered to the French ambassaier ;
and Thoughts on French affairs, botli written^ 1791.

468 History of fife
CHAP, magistrates Were not sufficiently active ; the government
s_<rlv^>" had been dilatory in sending troop's ; and several rioters
1792. had been acquitted : some after being condemned, were
pardoned. Mr. Dundas, now secretary of state, said, that
on inquiry by the attorney general, there appeared no
grounds for censuring the magistrates. From a detail of
dates, and military stations, he proved that no time had
, been lost in despatching troops to Birmingham. The
rioters pardoned, had experienced the royal rriercy on the
recommendation of the judges.
The Scotch episcopalians perceiving a disposition in
parliament to extend toleration as far as political security
Would admit, petitioned for a more ample and unrestrain
ed indulgence, than that which they had hitherto enjoyed.
The former motives for laying them under legal dis
couragements, subsisted no longer : the house of Stuart,
to which their attachment was known, was extinct ; and
their fidelity to. the actual government was not liable, on
that account, to be suspected. A petition for exemptioa
from restraints, the reasons of which no longer existed,
was favourably received by a legislature at once indulgent
and discriminating. A bill was accordingly introduced
Petition of into the house of lords, and passed both houses. The
riaen J]|'s'.'a' unitarians alleging this law as a precedent, applied for a
senters, repeal of the penal statutes; and in addition to the usual
rejected, reasons for refusing their application, their recent practi
ces were stated as iniiriical to church and state, especially
their active dissemination of Paine's works, and other
democratical performances, and their formation of political
clubs and societies.
Multipli- While various subjects of alleged defect, or project-
r>oi!tic if e^ amenc^menti either in measures of government, or the
clubs. existing law's were agitated, a project was formed by a
society of gentlemen, for making an important change ia
the composition of the legislature ; this association, con
sisting of men eminent for talents, for character, for politi
cal, literary, and professional ability ; for landed and mer
cantile property, for rank and importance in the commu
nity, took to themselves the name of the friends of the
people. The- following were the general objects which
they professed' to seek : — To restore the freedom of elec-

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4gg
tion, and to secure to the people a more frequent exercise CHAP.
of their right of electing their representatives. For the Xlvur-
purpose of these reforms in parliament and the country, )7Q2
they instituted their society, but though determined to. Society of
promote them, resolved to confine their pursuit rigorously oflhTpet!
to such means, as should be consistent with the existing Ple>
constitution. A short declaration of these objects and
means, was framed by a committee, and signed by the
society, with an address to the people of. England tending
to prove ; first, that reform was wanted ; secondly, that
the present, a season of peace and prosperity, Was the best
fitted for commencing and establishing that reform ; and
that if there existed some degree of discontent, the propo
sed reform was well fitted for its removal : that the pro
jected means were calculated to promote the good without
incurring any danger ; thirdly, the objection arising from
recent events in France, could not apply to a case so very
different, as the British constitution, with some abuses,
was from the old despotism of France. The object of *
the society was to recover and preserve the true balance
ofthe constitution. They announced the determination
of the society, to move a reform in parliament early the
ensuing session. On these avowed principles of their
union, they looked with confidence for the cooperation of
the British nation : these are the outlines of an address
which may be considered as the manifesto of the only
respectable body, which, since the commencement of the
French revolution, undertook the cause of parliamentary
reform. The society included the greater number of emi- rankj c]ia.
nerit oppositionists in the house of commons with one racter.ami
member of the house of lords : This was James earl of ofthe '
. ifauderdale, a nobleman of very considerable abilities, and "{^Jarf
deeply conversant in moral and political philosophy and of Lauder-
history,,who had distinguished himself, first as lord Mait-^ ae"
land in the house of commons, and afterwards made a no
less conspicuous figure in the house of peers. Mr. Grey Mr. Grey.
was appointed to take the leading part for the society in
the house of commons. Mr. Grey had been educated an
English whig, and considered the opposition party as the
supporters of whig principles ; and in his present mea
sure conceived himself paving the way for a truly whig

4?0 , HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, parliament. The rank and fortune of this peer and com-
XLVIU. moner? independent of their respective characters, and also
j..,, the talents, character, and situation of other members,
afford very satisfactory grounds for believing them actua
ted by constitutional motives. It is indeed not impossi
ble to suppose, that subordinate to patriotisrri mere anti-
ministerial considerations might have some weight, and
that, as Mr. Pitt had once been the advocate of reform,
and was not likely to be so in the present circumstances,
they might hope to reduce him to some embarrassment, and
expose, him to the charge of inconsistency. But though
such intentions perhaps operated in some degree with some
of the members, there is much reason to be convinced that
the friends ofthe people, as a society, desired only what
they conceived to be moderate reform, without having
the least design to invade the fundamental parts of the
Address of constitution. ' Their association however was liable t»
toUepe(£ weighty objections : these were not incidental, but result-
pie of ed from the nature, constitution, and proceedings of the
taia. society, combined with the circumstances of the country;
their two declared objects, extension of suffrage, and abridg
ment of the duration of parliament, were both expressed in
vague terms ; so that they might be, and in fact actually
were, construed differently by the different votaries of re-r
form : By very many they were interpreted with so great
latitude, as to comprehend universal suffrage and annual
parliaments. An address to the people of Great Britain,
severally or aggregately respectable, as they were desiring
them to cooperate in producing an undefined change in
the legislature, was a measure, however pure in its mo
tives, very doubtful in its tendency. Presuming the exis
tence of great and radical abuses, it either supposed the
incompetency of parliament to remedy evils, and conse
quently its insufficiency for its constitutional purposes ; or
was futile in desiring from the people a cooperation which
Intention was not wanted. It afterwards appeared that this society
tendency ProPosecl to tr>e people, to form themselves into associa-
dangerous. tions to petition parliament for reform. They thereby
afforded a colourable, pretext for framing associations com
posed of very different members, and entertaining very
different sentiments : the friends ofthe people eventually

REIGN OF GEORGE HI. 4„j
produced the affiliated political clubs., which are since so chap.
well known under the name of the Corresponding Society, J^I^
and proved so dangerous in their operations. 17g2
To sound the disposition of parliament, Mr. Grey
intimated his intention of urging parliamentary reform ., v
early in the next session. Mr.- Pitt totally regardless of Mr. Pitt
% imputations which might be made against himself per- ^^Tine
sonally, most unequivocally, reprobated the design ofthe of change.
society ; he - was friendly to reform, peaceably obtained
and by general concurrence, but deemed the present season
altogether improper ; and was therefore inimical to the
attempt. The object of the society was to effect a change
byjhe impulse of the people : he would strenuously oppose ,
the movement of so formidable an engine; the operations
and consequences of which was so much calculated to
outgo the intentions of the mover. Mr. Fox did not join
a society whose objects and proposed means were so ex
tremely indefinite ; and the notice was received "wi,th very
strong and general disapprobatiori. The affiliated clubs Rise and
now imitating the French jacobins, rapidly multiplied; the JSeec.SB°f
principal assemblage of this sort, was the London Carres- ponding
ponding Society; the secretary of these politicians was
one Thomas Hardy, a shoemaker, their ostensible plan was
under the auspices of this shoemaker, and others of equal
political ability, and importance in the community, to effect
a change in parliament. The great preceptor of these Second
disciples was Thomas Paine, whose second part was now Tajl'0 °^,
published, and strenuously exhorted the practical applica- Paine's
tion of the doctrines, which he had promulgated in his Man.
fiirst ; it directed his votaries to pull down every estab
lishment, and level all distinctions, in order to enjoy the
Rights of Man ; by far the greater number of the lower Ferment
ranks and a considerable portion of the middling classes "™ ™|| ^ff
were infected with the revolutionary fever which operated
in the wildest and most extravagant ravings. Thomas
Paine was represented as the minister of God, dispensing
light to a darkened world :a the most industrious and use
ful classes of. the state were seized with a furious desire
pf abandoning their own course, of beneficial and produc-
a See a seditious morning paper of those days, called the Argus ; also
democratical pamphlets, and the Analytical Review for 1791 and 1792, passim,

472

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, tive labour, and taking the management of public affairs
^^V in):o tiieir own hands. All the levelling_notjons of John
r;,ng Ball, John Cade, and the fifth monarchy men appeared to
The lower' revive with, an immense addition of new extrayagance."
kome'-poii- Government had considered the theories of Thomas Paine's
tichms and first part, as, such deviations from common sense, that
statesmen. r ...... . ,. , . , "
they expected their intrinsic absurdity would prevent them
from doing any actual mischief, and had therefore forborne
a judicial animadvers'fon which might have given them
adventitious itriportance. ..But when they found, that
attempts were made to reduce the theories into practice,
and that a second part of the speculative jargon, added
direct exhortations to subvert the constitution, that they
were very generally read by the vulgar and ignorant
classes, and producing other works of a similar tendency,
they adopted "means both for a penal retrospect and for
Prociama- -future prevention. A prosecution was commenced against
^ditbus"81 Pa'ne. » and a proclamation issued May 2 ist, warning th\e
writings, people against such writings and also such corresponden
cies with foreign parts, as might produce the same or simi
lar effects ; and enjoining all magistrates to exert their
utmost efforts to discover the authors, printers, and pub-
Discussions lishcrs of such pernicious works.. A copy of the procla-
iaev& '*' mation being laid before the, houses of parliament was
taken into consideration on the 25th( of May : and the dis
cussion which it underwent showed that a very consider
able schism had taken place, among members of opposi
tion. Mr. Grey and the friends of the people, took the
most active share in censuring the proclamation as neitiier
necessary nor useful for its ostensible purpose. Their
arguments were that the seditious writings which it pro
fessed an intention to restrain had prevailed for more than
a year, and if they were so noxious ought to have been
prosecuted at common law : and op their own hypothesis
that the works in question were dangerous, ministers
deserved severe censure for not having before employed
proper means to remove this danger. r<v But the prevention
of seditious writings, was not the rea|j object of the pro
clamation : its purpose was to disparage the friends of the
people, to prevent parliamentary reform, and to disunite
the whigs ; and it was farther intended to increase the,

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4y3
influence of government by subjecting to spies and inform- CHAP.
ers, all who should differ from administration. These J^J?\
sentiments were by no means general, even among the ,792
usual adversaries of Mr. Pitt : in both houses, many Schism
members accustomed to vote with opposition joined the members
minister upon this occasion.1" Considering precaution J^j^0"
against the present rage of innovation as necessary to pre
serve the constitution, and their respective rank, property,
and distinctions, they joined in supporting a measure cal
culated, they conceived, to repress so alarming a spirit.
The overthrow of the aristocracy, abasement of rank, and
confiscation of property under the new French system,
impressed on their minds by" the glowing eloquence of
Mr. Burke, had alarmed many of the chief nobility, and
great landed proprietors for their own privileges and pos
sessions. These with their friends and adherents, and
others who entertained or pretended to entertain similar
sentiments without forming a junction with the ministers,
voted on the same side, on subjects that respected the
French revolution or any of its doctrines. In the house
of peers, the earl of Lauderdale and the marquis of Lans-
down only spoke against the proclamation : from this time
ceased the great whig confederacy, which during the prin
cipal part of the two former reigns had been predominant ;
and during the present was so powerful as to have repeat
edly ejected the ministers agreeable to the crown.
On this occasion the heir apparent for the first time The heir
delivered his sentiments in parliament. His highness SSfieTh'is
considering the critical state of affairs, as requiring from zs^pf°rting
every friend to his country, a manifestation of tite princi- the British
pies which he was resolved to support, and the more t?£ftu-
strongly in proportion to his rank and consequence in the
country, spoke to the following effect :— " When a subject
' of such magnitude is before the house, I should be defi-
' cient in my duty as a member of parliament, unmindful
'of that respect which I owe to the constitution, and inat-
' tentive to the welfare, the peace, and the happiness of the
people if I did not state to the world my opinion on the
' present subject of deliberation. I was educated in the
b See Parliamentary Debates of May 25th, 1792.
Vol. III. O o o

474

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP.
XLVIII. ' 1792.

Generalsatisfaction from the
manifesta tion of the
prince's sentiments.

State of
the police
in the
metropolis.

principles ofthe British constitution, and shall ever pre
serve its maxims : I shall ever, cherish a reverence for
the constitutional liberties of the people ; as on those
constitutional principles carried uniformly into practice,
the happiness of these realms depends, I am determined
as far as my interest can have any force, to give them
my firm and constant support. The question at issue
is in fact, whether the constitution is or is not to he
maintained; whether the wild ideas of untried , theory
are to conquer the wholesome maxims of established prac
tice ; whether those laws under which we have flourish
ed for such a series of years, are to be subverted by a
reform unsanctioned by the people. As a person nearly
and dearly interested in the. welfare, and I shall emphati
cally add the happiness of the people, it,would be treason
to the principles of my own mind, if I did not come for
ward and declare my disapprobation of the seditious writ
ings, which have occasioned the motion before your
lordships. My interest is connected with the interest of
the people ; they are so inseparable, that unless both
parties concurred, the happiness of neither could exist.
On this great and this solid basis, I ground my vote for
joining in the address which approves of the, proclama
tion. I exist by the love, the friendship, and the benev
olence of the people, and their cause I will never forsake
so long as I live." The patriotic sentiments, so for-
bly and impressively declared in the manly and dignified
eloquence of the royal speaker, conveyed very great and
general' satisfaction to all his hearers, who loved their
country, to whatever party they might adhere.
Among the applicants for reform this year were the
royal boroughs of Scotland, from which certain petitioners
stated flagrant abuses in the administration of the reve
nues, and also other grievances, that, if proved, would
have demanded redress ; but the allegations not having
been supported by proof, the motions arising from the
petitions were negatived by a great majority.
Great complaints very generally and justly prevailed
at this time of the police of London. The British capital
surpasses in populousness all European cities ; in opulence
any city throughout the known world. With wealth

1792.

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 4f£
comes luxury, which frequently extends beyond the pos- CHAP.
sessors of riches, pervades many of the poorer classes, XLVl"-
and produces habitual wants, that cannot be supplied but
by criminal means. In a city abounding with every plea
sure that can captivate the human heart, excess and de
bauchery naturally exist. The' freedom of the country
does not permit the same means of prevention as under
absolute governments ; ihence dissipation ripens into profli
gacy, profligacy rises into criminal enormity. In London
the temptations are powerful and seductive to those indul
gences which corrupt principle, vitiate character, and
waste property. Thence arises the desire of seizing by
.fraud, theft, or force, the substance pf others as the means
of vice. The practicability of plunder is much greater,
and the materials of depredation much more numerous,
valuable, ,and accessible,0 than in any other city known in
the history of mankind. Besides the profligate of our
own oountry, London, like ancient Rome,d is the recepta
cle of exotic wickedness. Every adventurer who, from
the poverty of his own country, personal incapafcity, idle
ness, or dissipation, cannot earn a competent"subsistence
at home, flocks into England, and preys upon the metropo
lis. Hence arises a very great increase of vice and depre
dation, in their various departments, but, above all, in that
parent of crime, gaming. This destructive propensity
within thirty years far surpassed the most extravagant
excesses of former times : descending from the great, it
pervaded the rniddle and lower conditions of life, and
generated many enormities. Akin to this propensity, and
originating in the same desire of acquisition without indus
try, is the spirit of chimerical adventure in lotteries1, funds,
and other subjects of hazardous project. Though this
spirit enriched several votaries, it empoverished many
more ; and sent them, with the habits Of indulgence which
had been cherished during the season of temporary suc
cess and aerial hopes, to increase the number of those
who find in fraud andrapine the means of luxurious en
joyments. From these and many collateral causes, sprang
a vast and increasing variety of crimes against the police
c See Mr. Coltpihoun?s i Treatise on the police, passim.
-d See Juvenal, satire iii. ,

476

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, of the country ; against the persons, habitations, and pro-
/v_J" perty of the inhabitants. A multiplicity of rules and
ir92 Ordinances had been enacted at divers periods and different
occasions, but had experimentally proved unequal to the
ends proposed, for want of sufficient powers being lodged
in the magistracy and its agents, to discover and suppress,
in: a summary and expeditious manner, whatever had a
Justices of visible tendency to disturb the public tranquillity. The
justices of the peace were formerly men of rank, property,
character, and consideration in the country where they
were commissioned to act : such gentlemen gratuitously
administered justice. The simplicity of life and manners
prevalent among our ancestors did not afford that compli
cation of misbehaviour and of transgressions for which
such a multiplicity of laws in modern times, have been pro
vided. But with the modes of artificial life, and , the
improvements of civilized society, the modes of crime
also multiplied; and the once venerable office of justice
of the. peace became at last too fatiguing and burdensome
for people of opulence and distinction. Their unwilling
ness to accept of so heavy a charge obliged the ruling
powers to apply to individuals of inferior character, who,
in, accepting of it, had an eye to the profits and emolu
ments arising from the exercise of their judicial powers.
From the period when that honourable and- weighty office
was thus degraded, it lost, by degrees, the reverence in
which it had been held. Venal and mercenary persons
were appointed,- whose base practices became so notorious,
that they drew general odium and contempt both upon
themselves and their functions. Hence the - vilifying
appellation of- a trading justice was at last applied, with
too much reason, to many of those who exercised that
office. To rectify the abuses imputed to these, and to
place the office itself on a footing of respectability pro
portionate to its importance, in the beginning of March a
Biliforthe bill was introduced, with the countenance and approbation
men" of °f government, into the lower house. Different offices
the Lon- were to be established in the metropolis, at a convenient
distance from each other for the prompt administration of
those parts of justice which are within the cognisance of
justices of the peace. Three justices were to sit in each

REIGN OF GEORGE III.

477

of these offices, with a salary of 300/. a year to each : they
were to be prohibited from taking -fees- individually ; and
the- money from the fees paid into all the offices, was to l7m.
be collectedand-applied to the payment of their salaries
and official expenses. That the law might have a pre
ventive operation as well as a penal, a clause was inserted
vesting in constables a power to apprehend people who
did not give a satisfactory account of themselves, and
empowering the justices to commit them as vagaborids.
There were, it appeared from evidence, large gangs of
the most desperate villains, who were notorious thieves,
lived by no other means than plunder, infested every
street of the metropolis, and put the person and property
of every individual passenger in danger every hour of the
day and night. Various objections were made to the bill
as an intrenchment on the liberty of the subject, and an
increase of the power of the- crown ; but on investigation
and inquiry, the necessity of it was found so strong' as to
overrule the arguments of its opponents, and it was passed
by a considerable majority.
While these measures were adopted to "secure the Humane
innocent ahd industrious against the profligate and atro- criminate
cious, the wisely generous Rawdon resumed his efforts £™P°0Sf'
for affording relief to the unfortunate, by a revision of the lord Raw-
laws relating to debtors and creditors. His lordship's ,elief of ^
general object was, on one hand to compel the debtor to ^'benefit
give up all that he possessed, on the other to prevent the ofcredi-
creditor, after such a cession of effects, from confining the t0IS'
debtor in jail for life. His lordship, with discriminating
justice equal to the benevolence of his spirit, sought the
reciprocal benefit of both debtor and creditor. He pro
posed that no man, to gratify a malignant disposition,
should have it in his power to keep his fellow creature in
perpetual imprisonment, merely on choosing to pay him
four-pence a day ; and that no man should continue in
prison to the injury of his creditor, to revel in- luxury on
property which might pay his debts. As the subject was
of very great importance, and required a full and minute
discussion of principles, and a very nice discrimination
of circumstances and cases, it was recommended to »his ^
lordship to postpone its introduction till the following e^0i paB

4yg HISTORY OF THE
CHAP, session, by which time it might be maturely weighed;
XLVHi. n;s lorclship consenting, for the present withdrew the bill.
'*^~>r^" The slave trade this session again occupied the com-
Abolition mons, and was also considered by the lords. In the
°fa*ee;S8lave lower house, the abolitionists having succeeded in the
carried in main question, were divided as to the time when the sup-
mons; pression should take place. At last, at the instance of
messrs. Dundas and Addington, it was agreed that the
is opposed trade should cease from the 1st of January, 1796'. In the
lords. house of lords, the same arguments were used that had
ThJr duke been employed on both sides by the commons. The duke
rence ex- of Clarence, who now, for the fiirst time, spoke in the
masterly house of peers, made a very able, comprehensive, and im-
viewofthe pressive speech, against the abolition of the slave trade.
various ar-
guments, This royal senator rejected all fanciful theories, argued
sestheTbo- from plain and stubborn facts, and took for his guide ex-
Htion. perience, the only unerring director of the statesman and
lawgiver. Indeed his repeated orations on this subject
exhibited and enforced every argument, from either hu
manity, justice, political and commercial expediency, that
could be adduced ; and his clear and manly reasonings
constitute the most satisfactory and complete treatise
which has hitherto appeared on that side of the question.
The majority of the peers concurred with his highness in
opposing the abolition, but the final determination of the
question was postponed to the succeeding year.
Stateof Among the national objects which engrossed this ses-
*ndsCespe" slon °^ parliament, was the state of our forests. Commis-
cially fo- sioners appointed to inspect the crown lands reported that
the principal reservoir of materials for our navy, the New
Forest in Hampshire^ was in such a condition, that unless
proper attention were bestowed immediately, there Would
be no timber fit for public service for many years ; but
that if adequate care were employed, in a short time it
Mr. Pitt's might yield a considerable quantity. Impressed by their
1" 'f°l th I'ePre3entations, Mr. Pitt proposed a bill to enclose certain
New Po- parts of the /New Forest, for promoting the growth of
[ected'by* timber. Very strong objections were made to this propo-
the peers, sition in the house of commons, of which many of the
members professed to think it a job for the private emolu
ment of Mr. Rose, secretary to the treasury, instead of a

REIGN OF GEORGE HI.

479

national object. In the house of peers it was strongly CHAP.
reprobated, particularly by the lord chancellor, and was ^^iJV
finally relinquished. 1792
Mr. Dundas having in fu9 official capacity, as trea- ^m of **r.
surer of the navy, learned the many difficulties which, facilitating
through their thoughtlessness and ignorance of business, j^'of
our gallant supporters often experience in the recovery of wages and
.1 - , . . , , , ... prize mo-
their wages and prize money, introduced a bill to remove ney to
the obstacles, and prevent the frauds.' When the bill was sallors-
passed, Mr. Dundas sent a printed account of the spirit,
tendency, and provisions of this new act, to all the paro
chial clergy in Britain, to be read from the pulpits, and
explained to sailors and their connexions! Since that time
the impostures which before were so frequently practised
by personating individuals, forging wills, and other criminal
artifices, are very rarely attempted.
, In bringing forward his plan-' of finance, Mr, Pitt Finatice.
showed the national revenue to be in such a favourable
state, that a diminution of the public burdens might be
reasonably expected. The taxes for the year 17S1 had
produced £ 16,730,000, exceeding the average of the last
four years £500,000; after subtracting from which the
sum total of the expenditures, which amounted by the
reductions proposed to £l5,81 1,000, the permanent income
would exceed the permanent expense, including the million
annually appropriated to the extinction of the national'
debt, by no less than ,£400,000. The supplies wanted for Prosper-
the present year would amount to £5,654,000, for which commerce
the means provided constituted a sum that exceeded the »nd re-
. r t-, , r t»* venue.
former by f. 37,000. From the foregoing statement, Mr.
Pitt was of opinion, that the surplus would enable' govern
ment to take off such taxes as bore chiefly on the poorer
classes, to the amount of one half of that sum ; and to
appropriate the other half to the diminution of the public
debts. By the methods projected for the redemption of Prospect
this debt, £25,000,000 would be paid off in the space of ^^'
fifteen years; towards which the interest of the, sums the debt
J ' ... ., , . , . r , and taxes.
annually redeemed would be carried to the sinking fund,
till the annual sum to be applied to the redemption of that

e February l"th.

480 HISTORY OF THE
chap, debt amounted to £4,000,000. This favourable state of the
'4^,°' finances arose from the actual prosperity of the nation,
t792 which, though arrived at an eminent degree, had not yet
attained that summit of grandeur and felicity, that lay
within the' reach of its industry *.and manifold abilities.
During the discussion on the ways and means, several
severe strictures we^e made on the mischiefs of lotteries,
in wasting the property and corrupting the morals of the
lower classes. Ministers replied, that the lottery was a
tax upon adventure, which would exist though it were not
taxed, it was no reason to forbear a productive source of
Flourish- revenue, that its subject might be abused. Near the close
India of the session Mr. Dundas laid before the house his annual
finances, statement of the income and expenditure of British India.
In the preceding session the surplus, after deducting all
charges, was £l,409,000, applicable to the reduction of
the company's debt, and to purchase an investment. The
actual revenues of Bengali, Madras, and Bombay, he
stated at £7,350,000 ; the sum remaining, together with
that which arose from the sale of imported goods, amounted
to £591,000, from which deduction the interest paid at
Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, the surplus of the. whole
was between three and £400,000. From a general review
it appeared^ that war with Tippoo Saib, and the interest of
the debt had nearly exhausted the whole revenue of India,
¦ and the profits of the sales ; and that a debt had been con
tracted of £l,, 782, 328, arising from the purchase of
investments. Notwithstanding the increase of the India
debt,, Mr. Dundas stated the affairs of the company to be
on no worse a footing at the commencement of 1792, than
at the commencement of 1791; and they had been im
proved at home by the payment of debts to the amount of
£694,000, and by an increase of money in, their treasury,
amounting to £541,400.' Thus after a war of eight months,
the company's finances were only the worse by £276,000.
On the 15th of June, the session terminated with a speech
from the throne, in which his majesty, mentioning the
stateof affairs in Europe, declared his own intention to
observe a strict neutrality.
While so many important concerns both internal and
continental interested the British nation, a war breaking

REIGN OF GEORGE III. 481
in India, engaged a considerable share of the public atten- CHAP.
tion. The peace of Marigalore, caused by the reduction of J^ij*\
Tippoo Saib's strength, endured no longer than his defi- m%
ciencies lasted. Inheriting the views and passions of his Political
father, he sought the empire of India, and as a step to its tions in
attainment, the expulsion of the English, his most power- lndia'
ful rivals. For several years he had been collecting and
disciplining large armies ; and though hopeless of assist
ance, either from France or the native powers, was not
afraid singly to provoke England to war. The English
government in India, well informed of his designs, was
sufficiently prepared for counteraction. Mr. Pitt's plan Bene6cial
j- , , l. . r , . ,. . . r- . effects of
tor the administration ot the Indian territories, executed Mr. Pitt's
under the direction of Mr. Dundas, had corrected abuses, '^'^'"fIII c It a U "ti Sj
restored prosperity, and extended revenue through British, and Mr.
India. Sir John Macpherson succeeded Mr. Hastings as executive
governor general, and imitated in peace the plans of manage-
economy which his predecessor had concerted and exe- Sir John
cuted, as firmly and constantly as was possibly consistent s0nCg0ver-
with -the necessary expenditure of multiplied wars: he nor gene-
thereby surmounted the pecuniary difficulties in which the
executive government was unavoidably involved. He
liquidated the civil and military debts- which had been succe.5,sfui
incurred, and established such a system for reducing admmistra-
expenditure and improving income, as greatly facilitated the
beneficial administration of the board of control. Lord He is suc-
Cornwallis being sent out to India, in spring 1 786, and with J^ "corn-
the double appointment of governor general and commander wailis, who
nrocccds in
in chief, arrived at Calcutta in September, and found the plans of
different presidencies in rising prosperity. He availed j^"^^.
himself with moderation, firmness, and temper, of the best provement.
arrangements of his predecessors, and introduced several
new regulations that contributed farther to the public
welfare, including the security and happiness of the natives.
In Madras and Bombay, affairs were proportionably flou
rishing; the British presidencies were also secured by a
very powerful military force. The Nizam and the Mah-
rattas, as well as less considerable powersrin the southern
parts of the peninsula, were in alliance with the English,
Such was the state of India when Tippoo Saib commenced
hostilities by attacking our ally the rajah of Travancore,
Vol. Ill- P P P

482

HISTORY OF THE

whose dominions the English ha'd guaranteed with Tip-
poo's consent, at the late' peace. The council of Madras
17Q2. remonstrated, and attempted amicable mediation, but to no
Tippoo purpose. Bound in honour andjustice to protect our ally,
emits his the supreme government of Bengal declared war against
H^attacks tne sultan °f Mysore. In June 1790, general Meadows from
therajah the Carnatic, invaded Tippoo's dominions, while general
c0l.e. ' * Abercrombie from the west, having conquered Cannamore,
War, and _ advanced towards Seringapatam. Tippoo, with masterly
Mysore. skill, eluded all Meadows' ablest efforts to bring him to
battle, and after a long and tiresome succession of marches'
and countermarches, with several skirmishes, the English
general was obliged by the rainy season to return to
'< Madras. Nor were Abercrombie's exertions after the
reduction of Cannamore during the first campaign, attended
Cf i7angn witii any decisive efforts. Though the campaign in all its
indecisi'ye. operations, very honourably displayed British valour and
conduct, yet it did not answer expectations, and lord
Cornwallis himself judged it expedient io take the field
1791, lord the following year. In March 1791,' he proceeded to
Cornwallis jf/[y.iQre \,y the Eastern Ghauts ; and having surmounted
invades J . -
Mysore, the passes, he attacked Bangalore, the second city of the
within "e Mysorean empire. Tippoo marched to its relief: for so
sight of important an object ventured a pitched battle, was defeated,
Seringapa. ', , , . T . „ ...
tam; and the town was taken by storm. Lord Cornwallis now
proceeded towards the capital of Mysore, whither Aber
crombie was also advancing with the western1, army. In
the month of May he arrived in the neighbourhood of
Seringapatam, where he found Tippoo very strongly posted,
and protected in front and flank by- swamps and mountains :
not deterred by these difficulties* the British general
attacked the enemy, and though the Mysoreans made a
very gallant resistance, entirely defeated them,- and com
pelled them to seek .shelter under the guns of the capital.
The sun was about to set when the victorious English, pur
suing the enemy, first beheld Seringapatam rising upon an
island, in all the splendour of Asiatic magnificence, deco
rated with sumptuous buildings, encircled by most beauti
ful gardens, and defended by strong and extensive fortifi
cations. The grand object of their pursuit nowappeared
tQ the English within their immediate grasp : but disaster^

REIGN OF GEORGE 111.

485

which no foresight could have anticipated, and no wisdom
could have prevented, now obstructed its attainment. A
covering army was necessary while they were carrying on 1792
the siege, both for supporting their operations, and for
commanding the country, to secure the conveyance of
provisions. When lord Cornwallis set out on this expedi
tion, he had trusted to the cooperation of the Mahrattas,
but was disappointed. Still expecting- general Abercrom- js )n.even^
bie, he marched up the Cavery, to secure and facilitate the eri by the
j ri i ,• ,,. H'Odsof
advance of the western army; but the river suddenly the Cavery
swelling, rendered the junction ofthe two armies imprac- Ve°th,~ ,he
ticable. The, troops from Bombay reluctantly yielding to metropolis
, , j r l. ' , i, of Mysore,
necessity, departed tor the western coast, exposed to all
the fury of the monsoon which was then raging on the
Malabar side of the mountains. Cornwallis having halted
some days to cover the retreat of the other army, deemed
it expedient to. defer the siege of Seringapatam till the
following campaign, and spent the remainder ofthe season
in 'reducing the interjacent country and forts, securing
communication with the allies, preparing plentiful supplies
of provision, and making other dispositions for commencing
the investment as soon as the monsoon should be cer.
-The most difficult and most important acquisitions during
the remainder of this campaign, were Nundydroog, the
capital of a rich district, and Savendroog, or the Rock of
Death, a fortress which commanded a great part of the
country between Bangalore and Seringapatam. Early in It] 1792)
1792, the Nizam and the Mahrattas pined the British he besieges
army, now on its march ; and on the 5th of February, the tam."
British host once more appeared before Tippoo's capital. '
AOn the 7th, soon after midnight, they attacked the sultan's
lines, forced his camp, gained a complete victory, and
compelled him to confine himself within the city. The
Bombay army now arriving, a junction was effected ^
between Abercrombie and the commander in chief, and
the city was invested on every side. Seringapatam has the
form of a triangle almost isoskeles : two sides are washed
by the river, while the third is joined to the country. On
this the western side, as naturally the most accessible, the
fortifications are the strongest: aware of this circumstance,
the British general instead of directing his main attack

484

HISTORY OF THE

CHAP, from the island,, resolved to make his assault across the
' river. The trenches were open, the siege was advancing
1792 with great rapidity, and dispositions were made for com-
Tippoo mencing an immediate assault. The sultan seeing himself
peace, and hemmed in on every side, importuned by- the people to
at 'ti'ie8 die- terminate tire war, and fearing sedition if he refused, at
tationvot last sued for peace, which was granted him on the follow-
waliis. " ing conditions : first, that he should cede one half of his
dominions to the allied powers ; secondly; that he should
pay three crores, and thirty lacks of rupees/ thirdly, that
he should unequivocally restore all the prisoners which
had been taken by the Mysoreansfrom the time of Hyder
Ally ; and fourthly, that two of his three eldest sons should
be delivered up as hostages for the due performance ofthe
treaty. Agreeably to these terms, the treasure began to be
carried to the British camp, and on the 26th, the young
princes were conducted to lord Cornwallis. This-- ceremony
was performed with great pomp : meanwhile Tippoo niade
some attempts to retard the execution of the treaty, but
lord Cornwallis issuing orders for recommencing the siege,
he submitted to all the British demands ; and the peace
was finally concluded on the 19th of March. Thus ended
a. war which delivered the company from the dangers to
which it was exposed, by the inveterate hostility of the
most powerful of its neighbours ; constantly inclined from
interest and connexion, to unite with France. The territo
ries of which Tigpoo was divested, were divided between
the three allied powers, in three equal portions. This act
crndTc-t'8 f °* S'00c' Ia'tn to our allies, and the separate arrangements
his lord- mnde by lor.d Cornwallis with the nabobs of Oude and the
pectin"-" Carnatic, as well as the principal native rajahs, left a very
prixe honourable and advantageous impression of British iustice
money. r- i ¦ t *-. '
on the memory ot the natives. Lord Cornwallis and gene
ral Meadows, with great generosity, resigned their share
of the plunder to the rest of the army. His lordship
having reduced tins potent enemy, turned his attention to
the improvement of the territory which had been ceded by
the sultan of Mysore. Several British gentlemen had
applied themselves to the study of the oriental languages,
1" About 4,125,000/.

REIGN OF GEORGE IU. 4g£
and by this means had become acquainted with the history CHAP.
and customs of the natives. Among other valuable infor- XLV ur
ination, they had learned the ancient mode of collecting 17g2
the revenues throughout India.. By conversancy in the Measures
Persian and Indostan tongues, both civil and military offi- improve-
cers discovered that the system of collection in Mysore mentof
was extremely productive, without oppressing the inhabi
tants ; and that its chief advantage arose from the imposts
being fixed, so that accounts were simplified, and the
oppressions of intermediate agents were not suffered to
exist. His lordship, from the knowledge which he had
acquired concerning Indian systems of finance, extended
his improvements to Bengal, and other settlements in
India.8 g See Annual Register, 179S.

ENO OF THE THIRD VOLUME.

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