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COLLECTION OP
ANCIENT AND MODERN
ENGLISH AUTHORS.

VOL. CXVIII.

CONTINUATION
OF
hume and smollett's
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

PRINTED HI CASIMIB, 12, MJE DE I.A VIEILIE MONIUIK.

THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
BY HUME AND SMOLLETT,
CONTINUED
FROM THE DEATH OF GEORGE II TO THE PRESENT TDIE
BY
THE REV. T. S. HUGHES, B. D.
3n four Volumes,
VOL. II.

PARIS,
BAUDRT'S EUROPEAN LIBRARY,
BUB DD COQ, NEAB THE LOUVHB.
SOLD ALSO BT AMTOT, RUE DE LA PAIS; TBUCBT, BOULEVAHD DES ITALIENS ;
THEOPHILE BARROIS, JUN., RUB RICHELIEU J LIBBAIRIE DES ETBANGEHS,
RUB NEUVE-SAINT-AUGUSTINJ AND FRENCH AND ENGLISH LIBRARY,
RUB VITIENRE.
1835.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XV.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1774.
News of American disorders arrives in England— Proceedings in parliament on the sub
ject — Boston port bill — Debates on it, etc.— Is carried, and receives the royal assent
—Bill for better regulating the government of Massachusetts-bay— Discussion on the
policy of repealing the tea duty— Mr. Burke's speech— Massachusetts-bay bill read a
second and third time, and passed— Bill for the impartial administration of justice in
the province of Massachusetts— Debates on it— Is passed— Lord Chatham reappears in
the house of lords— His speech on a bill for quartering troops in America— Advises
conciliatory measures — Reflections on the subject, and the approaching contest—
Bill for settling the administration of Canada — Debates thereon — Is passed— Law re
specting copyright of books— Foreign events— Birth of princeAdolphus Frederic— End
of the session of parliament— King's speech— Proceedings in Massachusetts— General
Gage appointed governor— Assembly meets— General Gage announces the necessity
of removing it to Salem— Turbulent proceedings of the assembly— Appointment of
a committee— Assembly dissolved— Spirited conduct of the people of Salem, etc.—
Proceedings of other colonies— Solemn league and covenant at Boston— General Gage
fortifies Boston-neck— The new council appointed— Most of its members resign—
Colonists begin to make military preparations— General Gage seizes on the stores, etc.
— Meeting of delegates from the towns of Suffolk county — Acts and proclamations of
the same— Remonstrance to the governor, and his answer— He dissolves the new
assembly — Opposition to this resolution— Provincial congress appointed— Remon-
slrance to the governor— His reply— Proceedings of the congress— Assembling of the
great national congress at Philadelphia— Declarations, resolutions, and addresses-
Congress breaks up, after appointing another meeting in the ensuing year— Effects of
its decrees— Dissolution of parliament— New one assembles— Debates on the address,
etc.— Reports from America during the recess— Determination of government— Bu
siness after the recess — His majesty refuses to receive the petition of congress ; so also
does the parliament — Lord Chatham's speech proposing an address to the king — His
provisional act, and debates thereon : thrown out— Lord North's coercion bill-
Debates on it— Augmentation of forces— Bill for restraining the commerce of New
England— Debates, etc.— Lord North's conciliatory motion; and debates, etc.—
Mr. Burke's plan of reconciliation— His speech on it— Plan rejected— He publishes
it— Dr. Johnson's publication on Ihe subject— Mr. Hartley's motion— Remonstrance
of the city to the king, etc.— Attempts to repeal the Canadian act— Other parlia
mentary business— The king prorogues parliament— Dr. Franklin leaves England-
Considerations with regard to European states 
CHAPTER XVI.
Spirit of the colonies, especially that of Massachusetts— Expedition to seize stores at
Salem— Afrair of Lexington— Formation or an army by the provincials, and other
measures— Arrival of lord North's conciliatory propositions— Conduct of Pennsylva
nia and other states— Meeting of the general congress, and measures adopted— Rein
forcements sent from England— General Gage's proclamation— Preparations for
hostilities— Battle of Bunker's-hill— Appointment of Washington as commander in
chief— His arrival at Boston, and disposition of the army— General Gage's inactivity :
he is recalled, and the command devolves on general Howe— Armed cruisers fitted
out by the provincials ; capture of BriUsh store-ships, etc.— Successful expedition
against Ticonderoga and Crown Point— Resolution of congress thereon— Colonel
Arnold's proposals adopted by congress-General Montgomery's expedi tion to Canada ;
capture of Fort St. John and Montreal— Contemporaneous expedition of colonel
Arnold, who arrives opposite Quebec— His first operations unsuccessful— Junction
II. a

rage

CONTENTS.

Page

of Arnold and Montgomery— Siege and unsuccessful assault of Quebec— Montgome
ry's death— Disposition and revolt of the southern provinces— Falmouth in Massa
chusetts burnt— Americans issue letters of marque, and build ships— Conduct and
prospects of the colonists considered — Opinions in England— Proceedings of the de
mocrats—Rev. John Home— His libel, trial, and sentence — Affair of Mr. Sayre — Par
liament meets— King's speech — Amendments proposed, and debates — Duke of Grafton
differs from his colleagues— Lord Barrington averse to coercive measures— Debates
on the introduction of foreign troops into Gibraltar and Minorca — Militia bill-
Number of forces to be raised — Duke of Grafton resigns the privy-seal— Other changes
— Lord George Germaine made secretary for the American department — Nova Scotia
petition— Petition of congress— Governor Penn examined at the bar of the lords —
Motion of the duke of Richmond respecting il negatived— Mr. Burke's conciliatory
motion— Lord North's prohibitory bill— Debates on it— Sentiments of the ministry-
Treaties with German princes for troops  .'  42
CHAPTER XVII.
Affairs of the Irish parliament— Motion of Mr. T. Townshend regarding the lord lieute
nant's message — Debates on it— Mr. Fox's motion to inquire into the ill success of his
majesty's arms in America — Copies of the treaties with German potentates for troops
laid before the house — Debates thereon— Duke of Grafton's motion for an address to
his majesty — Mr. Hartley's in the commons — Mr. Sawbridge's motion — Motion for a
militia in Scotland rejected —Mr. Wilkes's project of parliamentary reform — Duchess
of Kingston's trial — Unseasonable motions by general Conway and Mr. Hartley — Sup
plies, etc. — Prorogation of parliament — King's speech — Sentiments of foreign powers
— Favorers of the American cause in England — Dr. Price's publication — Dr. Johnson's
'Taxation no Tyranny' — Alderman Wilkes's philippic against the corporation of
London— Domestic events— Retirement of Garrick from the stage— State of the British
and Americans at Boston — Difficulties of Washington's situation — Fortification of
Dorchester heights — Evacuation of Boston by the British— Important advantages re
sulting from it to the insurgents— Mission of Indian chiefs— Affairs of Canada— Frank
lin's letter to M. Dumas — Arnold's unsuccessful attack on Quebec — Retreat of the
Americans — Affair of captain Forster, and bad conduct of the Americans — Vigorous
measures taken by general Carleton to expel them from his province — Failure of an
attack on the British by general Thompson — Arnold's retreat to Crown Point, and
command of lake Champlain — Pursued by the British under general Carleton— Pre
paration of a Hotilla by this latter officer— Naval operations on the lake— Arnold de
feated, and Crown Point abandoned— Affairs in the southern states— Operations of
general Clinton and Sir Peter Parker— Attempted conquest of Charlestown-rAttack
on Sullivan's Island, which fails— Expedition under general Howe and admiral lord
Howe against New York— Manifesto of congress to prepare the public mirid for inde
pendence—Thomas Pairie's pamphlet, etc.— Question of independence proposed and
carried in the congress— Declaration published— Lord Howe's declaration— His ad
dress to Washington, and correspondence with Franklin— Defeat of the Americans on
Long Island— Their retreat to New York— General Sullivan's mission to congress-
Conference on Staten Island— Diplomatic agency of the United States— Views of France
—First measures in 1775 for the organisation of American diplomacy— Dr. Franklin,
Arthur Lee, and M. Dumas — M. de Beaumarchais— Silas Deane's mission to France
—Three commissioners sent in 1776— Mr. Lee's mission to Spain— Proceedings of the
commissioners in France— British attack and capture of New York— Washington's
retreat— Action at White Plains— Capture of fort Washington— Washington retreats
behind the Delaware— Capture of general Lee— Acts of the congress— State of the
American army— Washington recrosses the Delaware— His brilliant success at Tren
ton and Princetown— His winter campaign in the Jerseys— Meeting of the British par
liament—King's speech— Address and debates thereon— Lord John Cavendish's
motion for revising the acts of which the colonists complained— Secession of a party
of opposition members from parliament— Rope-yard at Portsmouth burnt by John the
painter— Projected expedition for the discovery of a north-west passage  68
CHAPTER XVIII.
Meeting of parliament— Letters of marque granted— Lord North's bill for detaining in
prison persons charged witli high treason— Debates on it— Carried, with certain
amendments— Warm debates on the accounts of last year— Additional demands of the
landgrave of Hesse— Augmentation of the revenue of the civil list— Debates on it-
Protest, etc. in the house of lords— Speech of Sir Fletcher Norton to the king— Thanks

CONTENTS.

or the house to him— Subsequent discussion thereon— T nrd chart.,™-.,  .-„ » ' "^
address to the king-Rejccted-Supplies fo? 1777-Kin»'s rent to The ZT V"
he presented the bills for royal assem-Lord North's e^LnnLlf P ^ When
presentee .to the States General-Views of ',Ki ZT^ZtnXT
pected-Trial, e c. of Dr. Dodd-AfTairs of the East Indies-Mr Hitif-sSS;
Madrrs'"^ ,nSaI7EmbarkS/°r E»-Affairs at the presidencfef of Bomba" Tnd"
Madras-Extraordinary conduct of the latter in the case of lord Pigol-Partamentarv
proceedmgs on it-Trial of the conspirators before lord Marifield . ""^""f^ ))2

CHAPTER XIX.
American campaign-Expedition of the British up the Hudson-of the Americans to
Long island-Operations of general Howe against Washington in the Jerseys-S^ure
of general Present on Rhode Island-Expedition of the British army against Plmadel-
jJlT'T™ ' "" BTran?ywine-March of the British towards ifflK*
I £E t WtaynrL^ Cornwallis tak<* possession of Philadelphia-Two American
frigates burnt in the Delaware-Action at German Town-Opining of the Delaware
-Washington takes up a position at White Marsh-Removes to Valley Forse for
winter quarters-Suffering of the army-Representations of Washington to congress
-Plan of general Burgoyne's expedition from Canada-His advance, and proclama-
tion-Ticonderoga fort falls into the hands of the English-Difficulties in the way of
general Burgoyne-Failure of the British against Fort Stanwix and at Benin-ton
-Americans i retire to Saratoga-Reinforced by Arnold-General Gates takes (he
command-rhe British advance-Attacked by general Arnold-Repulse the enemy,
but lose 600 men-Ill effects of this action-Burgoyne fort.fies his position-Sir H.
Clinton s expedition up the Hudson— Putnam retires-Capture of forts Clinton and
Montgomery-American vessels, and Kingston burnU-Sir H. Clinton returns to
New York-Arnold attacks his antagonists, but suffers loss-Burgoyne is surrounded
on all sides-Capitulates to general Gates-Terms of convention, etc.- Conduct of
the American congress regarding the troops— American privateers-Meeting of par
liament—King's speech— Address, and debates on it in both houses— Duke of Rich
mond's molion for a committee to inquire into the slate of the naiion, and for the
production of papers— Mr. Fox makes a similar one in the lower house— Army and
navy estimates— Intelligence of Burgoyne's defeat— Lord Chatham's motions for
addresses to his majesty— Debates thereon— Royal assent given to several bills-
Motion for an adjournment carried— State ot public reeling— Regiments raised by
different towns, etc.— Subscription for American prisoners —Princess Sophia born
—Duty on auctions and inhabited houses 
CHAPTER XX.
Effect of general Burgoyne's surrender on the court of France— Count dc Vergennes,
and Marie Antoinette— First French envoy sent to North America— American affairs
in Paris— Hints of conciliatory measures by lord North— Mr. Fox's speech in the com
mittee on the state of the nation— His molion rejected— Also that of the duke ofRich-
mond— Mr. Burke's speech against the employment of Indians— Story of Miss Macrea
— Governor Pownal's speech and humane proposal— Attempt of Mr. Fox to stop the
sending of troops to America — Examination of evidence in the upper house — Lord
North introduces his conciliatory bills — Debates on them — Intimation of the French
treaty with America — Attempt to engage lord Chatham in the "administration— Notifi
cation of the French treaty to parliament — Motion of an address thereon — Debates —
Investigation of the state of the navy— Lord Sandwich severely attacked— Motion for
excluding contractors from seats in parliament— Committee for the revision or the
Irish trade laws— Opposition of the British merchants and manufacturers — Bill for
the relief of Roman catholics — Motion of censure on lord George Germaine — Duke
of Richmond's motion in the house of lords, and last reply of lord Chatham — His
death, etc.— Supplies, etc. for 1778 — Parliament rises— King's speech— Admiral Rod
ney — Military affairs in America — Manner in which notice of the conciliatory bills
was received — Notification of the French treaty— Dnfortunate action under La Fayette
—Sir Henry Clinton takes the supreme command of the British army— Conduct of
the British commissioners, and of congress— Evacuation ofPhiladelphia by the British
troops— March towards New York — Affair of general Lee — His disgrace — Arrival of
a French fleet on the shores of America under count d'Estaing— The British fleet
protected in the harbor of New York— Combined attack of French and Americans
on Rhode Island- Its failure— D'Estaing's conduct meets with disapprobation— Ope-

137

-viii CONTENTS. l'age
rations of the British army in the provinces of New York and New Jersey— Attack of
the savages on the settlement of Wyoming under colonel Butler— Americans take
revenge— The French envoy received at Philadelphia— Instructions sent to Franklin
—French deprived of their fishery at Newfoundland— They capture Dominica ; but
lose St. Lucie— French plans regarding Canada counteracted by the prudence of
Washington— Capture of Savannah by the British— Naval operations in the British
channel— Affairsrespecting admiral Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser— Domestic matters. 160
CHAPTER XXI.
Proceedings of parliament— Attacks on lord Sandwich— Motion respecting contractors
— Motion for the removal of lord Sandwich— Investigation respecling the conduct of
general and lord Howe, involving the conduct of ministers— Consideration of general
Burgoyne's conduct— Riots in Scotland from apprehension of relief lo papists— Lord
Nugent's motion regarding the trade of Ireland— Relief defeated— Resolution of the
Irish merchants — Armed associations in that country, and effects of them — Notice
taken of them in Ihe house of lords— Departure of the Spanish ambassador, etc. —
Junction of French and Spanish fleets— Motions, etc. in parliament — Bill for the
impressment of seamen— French and English fleets in the channel — Termination of
Ihe session— Supplies, etc.— Affairs in the West Indies— Loss of St. Vincent's and
Grenada — Tobago saved — Naval action— D'Estaing's bad conduct — Seat of war
transferred to ihe southern states— Operations in Georgia — D'Estaing arrives off
the coast — Ineffectual attempt to reduce Savannah— D'Estaing returns to France —
British incursions against Virginia — Caplure of Stony Point and Verplanks — Fortifi
cation of West Point— Command given to Arnold — Expedition against Connecticut —
Stony Point retaken by general Wayne, but deserted at the approach of the British
— British garrison surprised at Paulus Hook— American disaster at Penobscot — Sir
George Collier resigns Ihe naval command— Washington's policy — American retalia
tion on the Indians — Spain attacks West Florida and the British settlements on the
Mississippi— She next attacks the logwood cutters in the bay of Honduras— Capture
of Omoa by the British — Aclion between Paul Jones and captain Pierson— Memorial
to the States-General— Rodney appointed to the command of the fleet in the West
Indies— Prince William Henry sails as a midshipman — Action of admiral Kempen-
feldt— State of British government— Meeting of parliament — Changes in adminis
tration—Irish affairs  194
CHAPTER XXII.
Meeting of parliament— King's speech— Amendment moved to the address— Systematic
attack on administration arranged — Efforts of Burke, Dunning, and Fox— Change of
principles in lord Lyttleton and Mr. Adam — Duel between the latter and Mr. Fox —
Attack on the king's speech by lord George Gordon— Lord Sbelburne attacks minis
ters in the case of Ireland— Communication of papers respecting that country by
lord North— Introduces three propositions for the relief of Ireland, etc.— Fails in
giving satisfaction— Cry for economy— Cause of economical reform— Duke of Rich
mond's motion on the subject in the house of lords rejected— Mr. Burke introduces
it into the lower house— Meeting in Yorkshire and other counties, etc., to petition for
reform— Mr. Burke's motion in the house— His scheme, comprised in five resolutions,
is rejected— Lord Shelburne's motion for a commission of accounts rejected— Co
lonel Barrels motion for a committee of accounts passed with lord North's appro
bation—Bill for excluding contractors, etc. from parliament rejected— Other motions
regarding places and pensions, etc.— Duel between Mr. Fullarton and lord Shel-
burne— Altercation between lord North and the speaker— Reception of petitions by
the house— Debates on them— Mr. Dunning'* motions on the increase of crown in
fluence, etc. carried— Illness or the speaker— The house adjourns— Re-assembles with '
altered sentiments— Mr. Dnnning's motion for an address to the king— Mr. Adam
opposes it— Answered by Mr. Fox— Molion rejected— Subsequent debates, etc.—
Change of sentiments in the house accounted for— Lord North's proposal respecting
the East India company— Motion by general Conway, etc.— Proteslant association-
Lord George Gordon— Steps taken to procure a repeal of acts in favor of papists-
Riots in London— Meeting of parliament— Conduct of the king— Discussions respecting
the interference of the military— Lord Mansfield's opinion —The petitions taken into
consideration by the commons— Bill against catholicschoolmasters passed by the lower,
but rejected by the upper house— Supplies, etc. for 1780— Rioters tried— Lord George
Gordon tried, and acquitted— Dissolution of parliament— New elections— The armed

CONTENTS.

rage

neutrality— Coalition against us in India— State of domestic affairs— Sir George
Rodney's success against the Spaniards— Defeats admiral Langara— His humane
conduct regarding the prisoners— Relieves Minorca and Gibraltar, etc.— Sails for the
West Indies —His action with the French fleet, etc.— Proceeds to the coast of North
America— State of American affairs — Expedition against Soulh Carolina— Capture of
Charleston, and reduction of the province, etc.— General Gates appointed to the
American command— Battle of Camden— Conduct of lord Cornwallis— Affairs at New
York — Treason of general Arnold, and fate of major Andre\ etc. — Rodney returns to
the West Indies— Maritime losses sustained by the British— Domestic affairs. . 2IG
CHAPTER XXIII.
Meeting of the new parliament — Mr. Cornewall elected speaker — King's speech— Fox's
attack on lord Sandwich — Lord North's reply — Rupture with Holland — Notice of it
in the session of 1781— Associations appoint delegates — Mr. Burke brings forward
the rejected bills of last session — Mr. Pitt's first speech in the house of commons-
Other popular efforts— Altered principles of whigs and lories— Supplies, etc.— Other
popular subjects discussed in Ihe house — Mr. Sheridan's first speech— System of asso
ciations and delegates reproved — Evils in the marriage act corrected— Debates on it
— Different opinions of Fox and Burke on the subject— Fox's motion respecting the
war— Pitt's speech, and defence of his father's principles — Committees on East Indian
affairs— Temporary bill continuing the company's monopoly — End of the session, etc.
— East Indian affairs in the Deccan from 1778 to 1786— Attack on Jersey— Gibraltar
relieved — Attacked by the Spaniards — Attack on Minorca — Combined fleets in the
English channel— Naval action with the Dutch— Commodore Johnstone attacked by
de Suffren— Capture of St. Eustatius— Confiscation of property— Farther operations
of the fleets in the West Indies— State of affairs in America— Arnold's expedition to
Virginia — State of the American army, etc. — Washington's resources — Lord Corn
wall's Virginian campaign — Large naval force despatched from France under de
Grasse— Siege of Cornwallis in York-town— His surrender to Washington— Reflections
on the events of the campaign. .  251
CHAPTER XXIV.
Sentiments of foreign powers towards England— Prevailing disaffection at home towards
ministers— Arrival of the news concerning lord Cornwallis's surrender, etc.— King's
speech— Debates on address, etc.— Attack on Sir George Rodney and general
Vaughan regarding the capture of St. Eustatius, etc.— Debates on the army estimates
—Motions of Sir James Lowther for peace— Declining influence of administration—
Renewed debates— Mr. Pitt's speech, etc.— Discharge of Mr. Laurens— Parliament
adjourns — Addresses to his majesty for a dismissal ot ministers— Admiral Kempen-
feldt's action— Domestic events — Appearance of the heir apparent at court, etc.—
State of Spain and France— Events in the West Indies— Capture of St. Christopher's,
etc.— Plan of attack on ministers— Fox's motions for inquiry into the navy, etc.—
Event discouraging to the ministers— Debates on lord George Germaine's elevation lo
the peerage— Attacks on administration— Lord North resigns— Rockingham admi
nistration—Mr. Pitt's situation— That of Fox and Burke— Sentiments of the cabinet
—Resolutions agreed on— Affairs of Ireland, and establishment of its legislative inde
pendence—Bill passed regarding contractors and revenue olfieers— Resolutions re
garding Wilkes expunged from the journals— Borough of Cricklade disfranchised—
Debates on parliamentary reform— Subject introduced by Mr. Pitt, etc.— East India
affairs— Passing of Mr. Burke's bill for economical reform— Proposals for peace with
Holland— Low estimation of England at this time by the continental powers— Great
Britain recovers her consequence by Rodney's glorious victory— Honors bestowed
on the admiral, etc.— Tardy negociations for peace. . .  286
CHAPTER XXV.
Change in ministry through the death of lord Rockingham— Lord Shelburne's adminis
tration—Prorogation of parliament, and king's speech— Supplies— Anecdote re
specting the regalia of the crown— Affairs of Ihe war in America— Conduct of general
Greene, and evacuation of Charleston— State of things in New York— Affair of captain
Joshua Huddy— State of the war in the West Indies— Plan of our maritime warfare
—Admiral Barrington's cruise— Brilliant affair of captain Jervis— Lord Howe's
manoeuvres— Dreadful losses sustained by admiral Graves's fleet— Loss of the Royal

CONTENTS.

rage

George— Siege and relief or Gibraltar— Prospect of a general pacification— Mr. Fitz-
herbert sent as minister plenipotentiary to Paris — Progress of negociations — Attempts
made by lord Shelburne to strengthen his cabinet — Hostilities commence between
Pitt and Fox— Meeting of parliament in December— King's speech— Debates on the
address, etc. — Parliament adjourns — Preliminary treaties — Affairs of Ireland — Em
barrassed situation of the ministry— Commencement and conclusion of the coalition
between Fox and lord North — Discussion of the preliminaries of peace in the bouse
of lords— Defence of himself by lord Shelburne— Debates in the house of commons
—Success of the coalition— Interregnum in the ministry— Addresses to the king for
the appointment of a new administration— His majesty's embarrassment— Various at
tempts to form a cabinet— The coalition ministers forced on the king— Character of
the coalition— Mr. Pitt's prudent and honorable conduct.  513
CHAPTER XXVI.
Re-establishment of commercial intercourse, etc. with America— Provision made for
the American loyalists— Loan of 12,000,000*.— Outcry against it— Mr. Pitt's motion
for reforming the treasury— Indian affairs brought before the house, and relief bill
passed^-Mr. Pitt's bill for a reform of parliament — Rejected — Other popular measures
of Mr. Pitt— Petition of the quakers against the slave trade— Settlement on the prince
of Wales— Prorogation of parliament— Execution of treaties, elc^-Effects of Ame
rican war— State of foreign nations— Mr. Adams arrives as envoy from the United
States — His interview with the king— Affairs of America— Evils consequent on the
reduction olthe army— Services of Washington — Hebids adieu to his olfieers— Resigns
his command to congress— His subsequent good offices— Chosen president of the
United States— Re-elected to that station— His final retreat from public affairs— Eng
lish affairs— The king's disgust at the coalition ministry— Fox gives notice of his
celebrated India bill— Meeting of parliament— King's speech— Introduction or Mr.
Fox's bill— Debates on it— Rejected— Proceedings of parliament in consequence-
Ministry dissolved by the king— Commencement of Mr. Pitt's administration. ... 356
CHAPTER XXVII.
Situation of the king, and the new minister— Mr. Pitt's determination not to dissolve
the parliament— Reasons tor that determination— Mr. Erskine's motion for an address
to the king on the subject— His majesty's answer— Motion of lord Surrey respecting"
the duchy of Lancaster— Mr. Pitt's disinterested conduct regarding the clerkship of
the pells— Domestic affairs— Conduct of the prince of Wales in the affair of Fox's
India bill, etc — Meeting of parliament— Great contest between Pitt and Fox for
supremacy— Attempts made to produce a coalition between them fail— Firmness and
moral courage o{ the king— The people favor his cause against the commons— This,
added to Mr. Pitt's high character, occasions the triumph of .that minister— Disso
lution of parliament— Returns highly favorable to Mr. Pitt— Effect on different
parlies— The minister's difficult situation  333
CHAPTER XXVIH.
Meeting of a hew parliament— Conduct or the high bailiff of Westminster canvassed—
Acts to prevent smuggling— Budget ot 1784— Bill for the regulation or the East India
company introduced by Mr. Pitt— Carried— Bill passed for the restoration of forfeited
estates in Scotland— Great popularity of Mr. Pitt— Domestic events— Attempt of the
emperor Joseph to open the navigation of the Scheldt— Opening of parliament— The
minister left in a minority-Mr. Pitt introduces a new measure of parliamentary
reform— Is defeated— Financial improvements adopted by the minister— Budget of
1783— Affairs of Ireland— Resolutions for adjusting the commercial intercourse be
tween the two kingdoms passed in both houses— But not sanctioned by the Irish
legislature— Mortification of Mr. Pitt on this occasion— Popular meetings in Ireland,
and prosecutions by government— Affairs on the continent  378

THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER XV.
GEORGE III. (CONTINUED.)— 1774.
News of American disorders arrives in England^-Proceedings in parliament on the subject-
Boston port bill— Debates on it, etc.— Is carried, and receives the royal assent— Bill for
better regulating the government of Massachusetts-bay— Discussion on the policy of re
pealing the teattiity— Mr. Burke's speech— Massachusetts-bay bill read a second and third
time, and passed— Bill for Ihe impartial administration of justice in the province of Mas
sachusetts— Debates on it— Is passed— Lord Chatham reappears in the house of lords—
His speech on a bill for quartering troops in America— Advises conciliatory measures —
Reflections on the subject, and the approaching contest— Hill for settling the administra
tion of.Canada— Debates thereon— Is passed— Law respecting copyright of books— Foreign
events— Birth of sprinCe Adolphus Frederic— End of the session of parliament— King's
speech— Proceedings in Massachusetts— General Gage appointed governor-^-Assembly
•meets^General Gage announces the necessity ,of .removing ft to Salem— Turbulent pro
ceedings of tlje assembly— Appolntmentof a committee— Assembly dissolved— Spirited
conduct of the people of Salem, etc. — Proceedings of other colonies— Solemnleague and
covenant ' at Bqston^-General Gage fortifies Bpston-neqk— The new council appointed-
Most of its jmembers resign— Colonists begin to make military preparations— General Gage
seizes on the stores, etc.— Meeting of delegates from the towns or" Suffolk county— Acts and
proclamations of the same— Remonstrance to the governor, and his answer— He dissolves
,the new assembly— ppposition^to this ,resolutfon-77-Provin,cial congress appointed— Remon
strance to the governor— His reply^Prbceedings of the congress— Assembling of the great
national congress at Philadelphia— Declarations, resolutions, and addresses — Congress
breaks up, after appointing another, meeting in the ensuing year— Effecls af its decrees-
Dissolution of parliament— N;ew one assembles — Debates oh the address, etc.— Reports
from America during the recess— Determination of government— Business after the recess
- -HHis inajesly refuses So, receive the petitioner congressj.so aJpo;doej'the parliament— Lord
Chatham's speech proposing an address to ,flje , king— His provisional act, and debates
thereon : thrown dut— idi-d North's coercion bill— 'Debate's on'i't— Augmentation of forces
—Bill for restraining the Bommeree M .New, England-i-jlebjites, etc.-i.ojd North's conci
liatory motion; and debates, etc.— Mr. Bur,ke'p rjlauof rec^ncilia^cjn— His speech on it
—Plan rejected— He publishes it— Dr. Johnson's pubneatibnoh Ihe subject— Mr. Hartley's
inotion-^Hemonstranc'eof th'e City to the*kfg,'ete^Attemplii to jcepeajhthe Canadian act
l-r-Other pariinmentary iusinessjs-?The kjng nrorogues,paj;liament— Dr. Franklin leaves
England— Considerations with regard to European s'tajes.
At length in.lelligejrice of the late alarming transactions in America
arrived in England ; and lord l^orth, having previously delivered
to the house^s message from the king,, in whichii design w;as intimated
of correcting and preventing such' disorders, submitted to its in
spection a vast mass of documents from persons in authority on the
other side of the Atlantic After aiT address had been returned to
his majesty, strongly expressing the readiiiessof the house to comply
with the purport of the royal message, the mjnister moved/ oh the
n.

2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
fourteenth of March, for leave to bring in a bill ' for the immediate
removal of the officers concerned in the collection and management
of his majesty's duties and customs, from the town of Boston; and
to discontinue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping, of
goods, wares, and merchandise at the said town of Boston, or within
the harbor thereof.' His lordship entered into a justification of the
governor's conduct, as dictated by discretion and good policy, for
the security of the East India company's property, the safety of the
consignees, and the preservation of tranquillity in the town. The
military forces and ships of war might have been called in to save
the tea from destruction ; but as the leading men of Boston had
always deprecated such interference, ascribing to it present distur
bances and future heart-burnings, he had prudently declined a
measure which would have irritated the people; and had hoped,
by this confidence in their conduct, and trust reposed in the civil
power, that he should have calmed their apprehensions and pre
served the public peace. His lordship went on to justify the pro
posed measure, by observing, that our merchandise could no longer
be safe in the harbor of Boston, and it was necessary that some
other port should be found for our commercial transactions : it
was no new thing, he alledged, for a whole town to be amerced
where its authorities had been inactive ; instancing the city of Lon
don, which was fined, because Dr. Lamb was killed by some un
known persons in the time of Charles I. ; Edinburgh, which suffered
a punishment in the affair of captain Porteous; and Glasgow,
where the house of Mr. Campbell was pulled down, and part of
the town-revenue was sequestered to repair the damage. Boston,
he observed, was much more criminal than these places ; as it had
been for upwards of seven years the focus of tumult, and the ori
ginator of all colonial disturbances. He then entered into a detail
of the outrages lately committed there ; and observed that a clause
in the bill would prevent the crown from re-establishing the com
merce of its port until complete satisfaction was made to the East
India company for the loss of their tea. He trusted that the town
of Boston would either, discover the offenders and sue them for
reparation, or that the assembly would pass an act to levy the money
in the most equitable manner. Whilst he deeply regretted the
necessity of punishment, he hoped for that unanimity which would
give strength to the measure : the authority of this country had
been openly denied by our colonists; we must now punish, "con
trol, or submit to them.
The motion was slightly opposed by Mr. Dowdeswell, who asked
for evidence of general concurrence in the, inhabitants of Boston,
and argued against the analogy of lord North's examples ; but it
was carried without a division : the bill was twice read, and com
mitted. In the committee, Mr. Bull, the lord mayor, presented a petition

A.D. 1774.] GEORGE HI. 5
from some Americans resident in London, stating it to be an invio
lable law of natural justice that no cause should be condemned
unheard, or without evidence; and asking, by what rule the ca
pital of Massachusetts could be punished for a civil injury commit
ted by persons not known to belong to it? The petitioners also
drew a distinction between the instances quoted in arbitrary times
to sanction the proposed measure ; and the case of Boston, which
had not the executive power in its own hands. They ascribed
much blame to the governor, who had taken no measures to prevent
these disturbances ; and declared that a proceeding of such severity
and injustice would sink deep into the hearts of the Americans, and
alienate them from those for whom they had hitherto preserved the
strongest feelings of filial attachment.
The reply to the pleas urged in this petition was, that the case
called for immediate redress : it would ill become the dignity of
parliament to let the execution of justice be evaded by subterfuge ;
and it was asked, if the house doubted either the reality of the
offence, or its own competency to take cognisance of it? Lord
North would not undertake to say what would be the consequence
of the proposed measure ; but that it would be salutary and effectual,
was his firm opinion.
The opposition to this bill was reserved for its third reading.
Governor Johnstone predicted, that its effect would be to raise a
general confederacy against Britain : the question of taxing America
for the purpose of revenue, he said, might palliate resistance, if the
subject had never been disputed in this country: but after the
highest characters of the state had declared against our right ; after
the general voice of the senate had repealed the stamp aet on that
very principle ; there Avas so much to mitigate the conduct of the
Americans, even supposing them in error, that it would be the
height of cruelty to enforce contrary maxims with any degree of
severity, at least before due warning was given. ' It is in vain,'
said he, ' to assert that Boston is more culpable than the other
provinces ; but in extending the punishment to them, every one
must see the danger ; yet, if it can be approved for one, it ought
to be extended to all : if a similar punishment were applied to the
colony of Virginia, the revenue would be reduced by 300,000/. a
year, beside the loss of all foreign contracts, and perhaps of that
beneficial trade for ever. Those gentlemen,' he continued, ' who
are in the secrets of the cabinet, and know how assuredly every
proposition from thence is adopted by this house, may be war
ranted in their sanguine acclamations in favor of this measure ; but
the general mass, who must be equally ignorant with myself of
what is to follow, can have no excuse for giving so ready an as
sent to punish their fellow subjects in this unprecedented manner :
their eager zeal only serves to show, how disposed they are to obey
ilie will of another, without exercising their own judgment in the

i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
case. My opinion is, that if coercive measures are to be adopted,
an effectual force should be immediately carried into the heart of the
resisting colony, to crush rebellion in the bud, before a general
confederacy can be formed : but I am convinced that good govern
ment can be maintained there on rational grounds, as in this
country.' Mr. Fox now appeared for the first time in the minority, op
posed to ministers : during the course of the session, he had shown
himself adverse to the sentiments of lord North ; and about the
period when this bill began to be agitated, he was dismissed from
his seat at the treasury. He particularly objected to invest the
crown with the absolute power of restoring the port of Boston to
its former rights : such a regulation could only be made for the
purpose of establishing a precedent, since none existed, for placing
whole towns and communities at the arbitrary discretion of the
crown. He was answered by Mr. Phipps, who insisted on the pro
priety of continuing to the throne that attribute of mercy which
had always been attached to it: neither could the restoration of
the port be so well vested in the legislature ; for parliament might
happen not to be sitting when the exercise of lenity was required.
The debate began to assume a different complexion through the in
temperate language of Mr. Van, who was for battering down, the
town of Boston about the ears of its inhabitants, and destroying
what he called ' that nest of locusts,' in order to ensure obedi
ence to the laws.
This extreme spirit of vindictiveness called up colonel Barre,
who strongly deprecated such language : he expressed his appro
bation of the measure, though he feared it was intended to involve
the fatal doctrine of taxation. When the speaker put the question
for passing the bill, Mr. Fox revived his objections, and Mr. Dow-
deswell opposed the whole principle, considering it more likely to
hurt the merchants of England than the delinquents in America.
Mr. Burke derided the idea of a local remedy for a general disor
der : — ' Have you considered,' said he, ' whether you have troops
and ships sufficient to enforce a proscription to the trade of all
America? If you have not, the attempt is childish, and the opera
tion will be fruitless.' He blamed governor Hutchinson for not
using military force in quelling the disturbances ; but said, the fault
of the governor ought not to be visited on the innocent people.
Universal discontent prevailed throughout the colonies, owing to
their bad internal government: he wished to see a new plan of
legislation established there, not on the laws and statutes of Eng
land, but on the vital principles of British liberty. Mr. Burke was
answered by Mr. Grey Cooper, who expressed surprise and sor
row at hearing him upbraid government for not using military
force: he defended the bill by its analogy to the black act, where
the whole hundred is fined for the miscopduct of individuals : it

A.D. 1774.] GEORGE HI. 5
was intended for the protection of trade ; it was a mild enactment ;
and if opposed in America, the result would effect the punishment.
Lord North finally vindicated his measures with great ability, as
founded on justice, and as most eligible under existing circumstances :
a time of peace was the only period for regulating the affairs of our
colonies ; and now was the crisis when the dispute ought to be de
cided. The bill passed in the commons without a division: in the up
per house it was opposed by the dukes of Richmond and Manchester,
the marquis of Rockingham, lords Camden, Stair, and Shelburne ;
the latter of whom presented a petition similar to that which had been
read in the commons : it was actively supported by lords Mansfield,
Gower, Lyttleton, Weymouth, and Suffolk; and having passed the
lords on the thirtieth, it next day received the royal assent.
During the discussion of this act by the lords, the minister in the
other house proceeded to develop his plan for subduing the refrac
tory spirit of the colonists, and moved for leave to bring in a bill
'for better regulating the government of Massachusetts-bay.'
The papers, he said, would show indisputably the want of an exe
cutive power in that colony, and the necessity of strengthening the
hands of the magistracy : the force of the civil power consisted in
the posse comitaius; but by this were the tumults excited ; and if the
democratic part of the constitution exhibits a contempt for the laws,
how is the governor to execute any act of authority, when he has
not the power either of appointing magistrates or of removing
them? That power is vested in the council, which itself is depen
dent on the people. His lordship therefore proposed by this bill to
take the executive power out of the hands of the people, and place
it in those of the governor ; to give him authority to act as justice
of the peace, and to appoint civil officers, such as sheriffs, provosts,
and marshals, (excepting only the chief justice and judges of the
supreme court) removable only by the king; to declare town meet
ings illegal, unless held by the special consent of the governor, or
for the annual election of certain officers still left to the people's
choice : also to put juries on a different footing (1) ; which sugges
tion, he said, was due to the enlarged and- statesman-like views of
lord George Germaine : acknowledging this however to be a regu
lation of peculiar delicacy, he professed himself ready to make it
the subject of a separate law, if such should be the pleasure of the
house. With a view to qualify the severity of this measure, certain mem
bers who had assented to the Boston port bill, particularly Messrs.
Fuller and Phipps, earnestly recommended that it should be ac
companied by terms of conciliation and redress, as the best means
of rendering it efficacious. Parliament, they said, ought not, whilst
11) Grand juries were chosen Tor lite, with a yearly able to ensure Immunity, at Ihe eipeose of law and
salary : petty Juries were elected annually fr,om each justice.
town; so that offenders against government nere

6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
it resented the outrages of an American populace, to irritate and
offend the well-disposed portion of the colonists : if such received
satisfaction in the matter of taxation, they would soon become in
strumental in restraining the turbulent. A discussion on the policy
of repealing the tea duty ensued, in which it was contended on one
side that such a sacrifice to peace would be made at very little ex
pense, since the produce of the tax was too inconsiderable to be of
any importance to Great Britain : lord North however denied that
the tea duty produced so inconsiderable a revenue ; and at the same
time strongly contended that no acts of lenity ought to attend their
restrictive measures. To repeal at this time, would show such
wavering and inconsistent policy, as would defeat the good effects
of that vigorous system, which was at length, after so much re
missness, happily adopted. Besides, if the tax on tea were re
pealed, other demands would be made; and these again, if granted,
would be followed by more ; till the whole of America was sur
rendered : if the house persisted in the wholesome severity which it
had begun to exercise, there was no doubt but that obedience
would be the result. When a division took place on the question,.
whether a committee should be appointed to take into consideration
the repeal of the duties, it was dismissed by a large majority.
Some reflections, in this debate, on the repeal of the stamp act
called forth a splendid specimen of eloquence from Mr. Burke, who
contended that from the period of that repeal the practical right of
taxing America ought to have been banished from the minds of all
statesmen ; and he severely exposed the absurdity of continuing a
tax merely for the sake of a preamble to an act of parliament,
when five-sixths of the revenue intended to be raised had been
abandoned. After a concise but animated detail of our ministerial
and political transactions with America, he recommended the repeal
of this tax as a measure of policy; and advised the house, if they
afterwards apprehended any ill effects from concession, to stop
short, to decline all reasoning, and oppose the ancient policy and
practice of the empire as a rampart against innovations on both
sides ; which line of policy would enable them to stand on great,
manly, and sure ground. He deprecated all reasonings about dis
tinctions of rights. ' Leave the Americans,' said he, ' as they an
ciently stood ; and these distinctions, born of our unhappy contest,
will die with it : be content to bind America by laws of trade : you
have always done so; and let this be your reason for continuing
to do it : do not burden them with taxes ; for you were not used
to do so from the beginning : these are arguments for states and
kingdoms; leave the rest to the schools, where alone they can be
discussed with safety.' If this advice should be rejected, he au
gured resistance on the part of the colonies : if the sovereignty
of England and the freedom of America could not be reconciled,
the Americans would cast off sovereignty; for no man would be

A.D. 1774.] GEORGE III. 7
argued into slavery. The orator felt some difficulty and embar
rassment in reconciling his present opinions with the declaratory
act, but attempted it by the nice distinction of a double power in
parliament :—' The parliament of Great Britain,' said he, 'sits at
the head of her extensive empire in two capacities ; one, as the lo
cal legislature of, this island, with the executive power as her in
strument of action ; the other and nobler capacity is what I call
her imperial character, by which she guides and controls all the
inferior and provincial legislatures.' In this, he asserted, her power
was boundless ; and having entered at large into its utility, and the
manner in which it had been exerted, he concluded with recom
mending that a lenient, not a rancorous policy, should be made the
rule of conduct : — ' It is agreed that a revenue is not to be had
from America : if then we lose the profit, let us at least get rid of
the odium.' This speech, which was afterwards published, was
greatly admired,, for the splendor of its diction, the wisdom of
many political principles which it unfolded, and the resolution,
mixed with moderation, which it recommended : but the time when
it could have been of service had gone by; and if Mr. Burke's
mind, had not been fettered by the trammels of a party, he would
have seen, like lord North, that it was a question now. of authority
on the one side and subjection on the other ; and that the imposi
tion of a tax at this time was necessary to decide that question.
The house now proceeded to the second reading of the bill for
regulating the government of Massachusets-bay ; in support of
which Mr. Welbore Ellis asserted, that it was the duty of the legis
lature to take away or alter charters, if they were abused: or found
deficient; and in these wiews he was supported by Mr. Charles
Jenkinson and Mr. Jeremiah Dyson, who contended that in this case
the house proceeded, not in its judicial, but in its legislative capa
city, regulating and supplying the deficiencies in charters which had
been granted by the crown.
General Conway and Sir Edward Astley took a different view
of the measure, which they deemed unnecessarily harsh, and likely
to produce permanent evils : Mr. Dowdeswell also pleaded strongly
and ably, that the province should be heard, before an act was
passed, which would deprive its people of their chartered rights.
Governor Pownal, declaring that he now spoke for the last time
on the subject, uttered the following prediction, from his knowledge
of the country and disposition of its inhabitants: — 'The measure,
said he, 'which you are pursuing, will be resisted, not by force, or
the effect of arms, but by a regular united system. I told this house
four years ago, that the people of America would resist the tax then
permitted to remain on them— that they would not oppose power to
power, but would become implacable. Have they not been so from
that time to this very hour? I tell you again, thatthey'will resist the
measures now pursued in a more vigorous way. Committees of

8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
correspondence in the different provinces are in Constant commu
nication : they do not trust in the conveyance of the post-office ;
they have set up a constitutional courier, which will quickly grow
up to the superseding of your post-office. As soon as intelligence
of these affairs reaches them, they will judge it necessary to com
municate with each other : it will be found inconvenient and inef
fectual to do so by letters : they must confer ; they will hold a con
ference; and to what these committees, thus met in congress, will
grow up, I will not say. Should recourse be had to arms, you will
hear of other officers than those appointed by your governor : then,
as in the late civil wars of this country, it will be of little conse
quence to dispute who were the aggressors ; that will merely be
matter of opinion.'
On the third reading of this bill the debate was no less strenu
ously maintained ; during which, Mr. Thomas Townshend, though
in opposition, gave his support to the minister, declaring himself
incapable of allowing party prejudices to stifle his private opinion :
though averse to meddle with charters, he thought the evils of
town-meetings justified interference; and that the institution of
juries was properly altered according to the forms of the mother
country. Colonel Barre reprobated the violence of both houses : in
the lords the phrase was, 'We have passed the Rubicon;' in the
commons, ' Delenda est Carthago.' He descanted on the florishing
state of the French finances, and predicted the interference of France
in our Contest with the colonies. Mr. Fox denied our right of taxing
America, which Mr. Thurlow, the attorney-general, defended, de
claring that it was never surrendered, but that it remained while the
sovereignty remained in this country : the charter of Massachusetts
was a matter of mere legislative power, and contained no authority
to Control the right of taxation by the mother country. Mr. Burke
deprecated measures of severity, and thought that, although the
Americans could not resist the power of Great Britain, a great black
book and a great many red coats would create disturbances which
would never be quieted.
Lord North, deprecating any reference to natural rights, denied
that the bill destroyed any civil rights : no military government
was established, but the civil government only was altered. After
a few remarks from Sir George Saville, the bill was carried by
239 to 64 : it was strongly opposed by the lords ; bat passed, at
the third reading, by ninety -tw6 to twenty; though an able
protest was signed by eleven peers, Avhich embodied all the argu
ments of the minority; censuring the precipitation and tyranny of
the measure, and the preparation made by it for an injudicious
system of taxing the colonies. ' To render them permanently advan
tageous,' it was said, ' we must render them satisfied with their con
dition ; and that satisfaction can only be restored by recurring to the
wise and salutary principles on which the stamp act was repealed.'

A.D. 1774.] GEORGE in. 9
During the preceding discussions, lord North introduced another
bill, ' for the impartial administration of justice in the cases of
persons questioned for any acts done while executing the law, or
quelling riots in the province of Massachusets : ' by it, the gover
nor, if he found that a person indicted for murder or any other
capital offence, incurred in suppressing such tumults, was not likely
to obtain an impartial trial in the province, was empowered to send
him to another colony, or to Great Britain. This bill, the minister
alledged, was necessary to give effect to the others ; for it was in
vain to appoint a magistracy that would act, if none could be
found hardy enough to put their orders into execution : these or
ders would no doubt be resisted ; such resistance would demand
force ; and blood would probably be spilt : but who would risk
that event, though in the execution of his duty, if the rioters them
selves, or their abettors, were to sit as judges on him? 'How,'
said his lordship, ' can any man defend himself, on the plea of
executing your laws, before those very persons who deny your
right of making any laws to bind them?' After proceeding to
justify the measure by precedents, he rightly observed, that the bill
was not meant to screen guilt, but to protect innocence: the Ame
ricans must be taught that we would no longer submit to their
insults; and that, being roused, our measures, though free from
cruelty and revenge, would be as effective as necessary. This act,
he said, would complete his legislative plan ; the rest depended on
the vigilance and vigor shown by the executive government ; and
this he promised should not be wanting. The four regiments,
usually stationed in different parts of North America , had all been
ordered to Boston ; prosecutions had been issued against the ring
leaders of sedition ; and he made no doubt, that by the execution
of the measures now adopted, obedience and the blessings of peace
would be restored.
This bill was opposed with no less vehemence than those which
preceded it. Colonel Barre declared, he rose very unwillingly to
oppose the bill in its infancy, and claimed that attention which the
house seemed to bestow with reluctance on all arguments in behalf
of America. Whilst their proceedings, severe as they were, had
the least color of justice, he desisted from opposing them ; and
although the act for shutting up the port of Boston contained many
things cruel and unjust, yet, as it was founded on principles of
justice, retribution for injury, and compensation for loss, he had
desisted from opposing it: that bill was a bad way of doing what
was right, but still it was doing what was right. As to the bill
now before the house, he pronounced it to be unprecedented in
any former proceedings of parliament; and unwarranted by any
delay, denial, or perversion of justice in America: it was so big with
oppression to that country and danger to this, that the first blush
of it was sufficient to rouse him to opposition : it stigmatised a

fO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
whole people, as persecutors of innocence, and as men incapable
of doing justice, without a single fact being produced to warrant
the imputation: on the contrary, all the instances which had hap
pened were direct confutations of such charges. The case of cap
tain Preston was recent : this officer and some soldiers had! been
capitally indicted at Boston for killing some persons in a riot: they
were fairly tried and acquitted : it was an American, a New Eng
land, and a Boston jury,, which acquitted them. Captain Preston,
under his own hand, publicy declared, that the inhabitants of that
very town where their fellow-citizens had been slain, acquitted
him. This then is the very case which the act supposes: and is
this the return made to them? Is this the encouragement given
them to persevere in so laudable a spirit of justice and modera
tion? He denied that the cases of trials for smuggling and for
treason, in the last rebellion, were at all applicable to the present
case ; because the inconveniences of prosecution or defence were
comparatively insignificant, on account of the little distance to which
the trials were removed': he took notice of lord North's expression,
— 'we must show the Americans, that we no longer sit quiet under
their insults,' and called it mere declamation, unbecoming the cha
racter of him who uttered it. He asked, — 'In what moment have
you been quiet? Has not your government for many years passed
a series of offensive measures, without policy, principles, or mo
deration? Have not your troops and, ships made a vain and in
sulting parade in their streets and harbors? It has seemed to be
your study to irritate and inflame them : you have stimulated their
discontents into disaffection, and you are now goading their dis
affection into rebellion. Can you expect to be well informed,
when you listen only to partisans? Can you expect to do justice,
when you will not hear the accused?' After having endeavored to
show that the bill was without precedent to support, or facts to
warrant it, he proceeded to represent the consequences which it was
likely to produce: — 'A soldier feels himself so much above the
rest of mankind, that the strict hand of the civil power is necessary
to check and restrain the haughtiness of disposition which such
superiority inspires. What constant care is taken in this country
to remind the military that they are under the restraint of the civil
power ! In America their superiority is felt still more. Remove
the check of the law, as this bill proposes,! and what insolence,
what outrage may you not expect? Every passion that is perni
cious to society will be let loose on a people unaccustomed to li
centiousness and intemperance: the colonists, who have been. long
complaining of oppression, will see in the soldiery those who are
to enforce it on them ; whilst the military, strongly prepossessed
against the people as rebellious, unawed by the civil power, and
actuated by that arbitrary spirit which prevails in the best troops ;
— will commit violences which might rouse the tamest people to

A.D. 1774.] GEORGE IH. 11
resistance, and which the vigilance of their officers cannot effec
tually restrain : the inevitable consequence will be open rebellion,
which you profess by this act to obviate. I have been bred a
soldier,' he continued; — 'have served long: I respect the profes
sion, and live in the strictest habits of friendship with many offi
cers: but there is not a country gentleman of you all, who looks on
the army with a more jealous eye, or would more strenuously
resist the making it independent of the civil power than myself.
No man is to be trusted in such a situation : it is not the fault of
the soldier, but the vice of human nature, which, unbridled by
law, becomes insolent and licentious. When I stand up an advo
cate for America, I feel myself the firmest friend of this country:
we owe our greatness to the commerce of America. Alienate
your colonies, and you destroy the genuine supply which norishes
your own strength : let the banners of rebellion be once spread in
America, and you are an undone people. You are urging this
desperate, this destructive issue: you are urging it with such vio
lence, and by measures tending so manifestly to that fatal point;
— that though a state of madness only could inspire such an inten
tion, it would appear to be your deliberate purpose : you have
changed your ground ; you are becoming the aggressors ; and are
offering the last of human outrages to the people of America, by
subjecting them, in effect, to military execution. I know the vast
superiority of your disciplined troops over the provincials ; but
beware how you supply the want of discipline by desperation. In
stead of sending them the olive-branch, you have sent them the
naked sword : by the olive-branch, I mean a repeal of all the late
laws, fruitless to you and oppressive to them. Ask their aid in a
constitutional manner, and they will give it to the utmost of their
ability ; they never yet refused it when properly called on : your
journals bear recorded acknowledgments of the zeal with which
they have contributed to the general necessities of the state : they
may be flattered into any thing, but they are not to be driven : have
some indulgence to your own likeness ; respect their steady English
virtue; retract your odious exertions of authority ; and remember,
that the first step towards making them contribute to your wants,
is to reconcile them to your government.'
Mr. Wedderburne explained and defended the principles of the
proposed bill, which was only intended to procure a fair trial for
imputed offences. Mr. alderman Sawbridge, in a vehement speech,
termed it a ridiculous and cruel measure, meant to enslave the
Americans by a minister, who, if he had an opportunity, would
enslave England: he concluded with expressing a hope that the
Americans would resist to the utmost these destructive bills: 'if
they do not,' said he ' they are the most abject slaves that ever
the earth produced ; and nothing which the minister can do is base
enough for them.'

12 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
To this violence of speech, lord North replied, with great candor
and moderation, he only wished the measure to be fairly discussed;
and if bad, to be rejected. He disclaimed any intention of enslav
ing America ; and declared that the assertion was no better founded
in truth than another, importing that the colonists had seen their
error, and were willing to make reparation to the East India com
pany. So far were they from such a recantation, that letters lately
arrived were fraught with accounts of renewed acts of violence. On
the third reading, the bill passed by a great majority.
In the house of lords the opposition took nearly the same line
of argument as against the former act. The- marquis of Rocking
ham, after reviewing ministerial transactions relative to America
since the repeal of the stamp act, and.stigmatising the tea duty as
an uncommercial and unproductive claim, retained only as a bone
of contention, made the following objection to the bill : — ' that if
officers were men of honor and sensibility, their situation would be
worse under the protection of such a law than without it ; since
no acquittal could be honorable, where the prosecutor had not the
usual means of securing a fair trial.' The bill however passed by
a large majority ; though a protest was signed by eight peers, in
which it was designated ' a virtual indemnity for murder.'
Soon afterwards opposition in the lords was strengthened by
lord Chatham, who, after a considerable absence, made his appear
ance on the seventeenth of May, at the third reading of a bill for
quartering troops in America: he took this occasion to state his
opinions on the proceedings relative to that country ; in the course
of which he recommended the substitution of kindness for severity :
— ' Instead of adding to their miseries,' he said, ' adopt some lenient
measures, which may lure them to their duty : act like an affec
tionate parent toward a beloved child ; and, instead of harsh and
rigorous proceedings, pass an amnesty on all their youthful errors;
clasp them once more to your arms, and I will venture to affirm
you will find them children worthy of their sire : but should their
turbulence exist after proffered terms of forgiveness, I will be
among the foremost to promote such measures as will effectually
prevent a future relapse, and make them feel what it is to provoke
a fond and forgiving parent.' These children however had deter
mined to run all risks in discarding the very name of allegiance to
their sire ; and we can only wonder at the infatuation which pre
vented so penetrating a mind as that of lord Chatham from seeing
through the thin veil with which they covered their design : both
the king and his minister however were aware of it ; and after all
the wavering policy that had been adopted, now resolved on the
application of coercive measures. To a monarch jealous of the
slightest infringement on his prerogative, and to a minister deter
mined to keep his place, it was in vain to offer any arguments
drawn from the nature of the British constitution, so ill adapted

A.D. 1774.] GEORGE III.

13

for prompt measures and united counsels ; or from the expenses
which would follow even a successful contest ; or from the predic
tions of successful resistance on the part of the Americans, which
were made by men practically acquainted with their situation : at
the same time, it would have been equally vain to have appealed
to the people of England for a dissolution of the connexion between
the parent state and her colonies ; for the general opinion was,
that the reputation, nay, the power, if not the very existence of
the empire, depended on those relations that subsisted between
them. The true principles of political science had then made but
small advances ; and it was not foreseen, or at least declared, except
by one man (1), that the territorial benefits to be derived from
America as a dependent province, would have been as dust in the
balance, compared with the commercial advantages of America as
an allied state. Who, however, would have dared to legislate
under such a conviction? Coercion therefore was determined on;
preparation for a contest was made ; and if the means for that con
test had been sought almost exclusively in our navy, the era of
American independence might have been postponed, though no
cordial union could have been preserved. It was indeed a happy
circumstance that the struggle took place when it did ; and that
Great Britain was left free to contend with the democratic principle,
when it took a far more formidable shape and a much more dan
gerous position ; that her resources were gradually developed ;
that the sloth which she had acquired in a long period of inactivity
was shaken off; and that attention was more than ever drawn to
the advantages of her invincible navy.
Before the session ended, a bill was brought into parliament,
which, by settling the administration of Canada, might complete the
ministerial plan of government regarding America. The first ob
ject of this bill, which had passed the upper house almost without
opposition, was to enlarge the boundaries of the province, so as
to comprehend the whole country lying behind New England, New
York, and Pennsylvania, to the Ohio, and the eastern bank of the
Mississipi ; from whence the line proceeded northward to the south
ern limit of the lands granted to the Hudson's Bay company, tak
ing in about ten degrees of latitude. The government of this vast
tract was modelled with a view to the manners, customs, and con
venience of its inhabitants, an immense majority of whom were
French settlers : to all was secured the free exercise of their reli
gion ; whilst the catholic clergy retained those rights which the articles
of capitulation had allowed : the ancient laws of the province, which
decided civil cases without the intervention of a jury, were estab
lished, as being more acceptable to the French Canadians; but for
criminal cases, the law of England, with its jury, was introduced : a

(I) Dean Tucher.

14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
council also was appointed, holding commissions from his majesty ;
and its members were to legislate for the province, but not to possess
the power of imposing taxes, enacting severe penalties for religious
offences, or meeting at undue seasons and without sufficient notice :
finally, to the king was reserved the privilege of instituting any courts
criminal, civil, r,or ecclesiastical, by letters patent.
This bill met with a more strenuous opposition in the commons
than any introduced during the session : Mr. Dunning called it the
most pernicious measure ever offered to parliament. He repre
sented the form of government thus given to the Canadians, as es
sentially the same, but more liable to abuse, than that which they
had enjoyed under the crown of France : it was intended, he said,
to operate two ways; first, to establish arbitrary power in that
extensive territory; "and, secondly, to employ the power so estab
lished in assisting to overthrow the liberties of America : the pro
posed abolition of the popular assembly was attributed to the dis
like which the ministry entertained for the rights of the people ;
and with regard to religion, it was contended that the articles of
capitulation provided that the Roman catholic faith should be to
lerated, not established ; whereas protestantism was by this bill
merely tolerated, and its clergy left for a maintenance to the dis
cretion of the crown. Sergeant Glynn insisted on a breach of
promise contained in the royal proclamation of 1763, which de
clared, that all persons who might settle in Quebec, should be en
titled to the same laws and protection as they had enjoyed in Eng
land ; whereas the bill went to establish French laws, as well as
the catholic religion. In reply to the attorney-general, who had
contended that it was cruel and unprecedented to establish new
laws in a conquered country, he adduced Ireland and Wales as
instances of a contrary practice.
In support of the bill, it was urged, that the laws which regard
personal property and contracts were much the same in France as
in England ; with regard to the trial by jury, the French had no
predilection for it, and disliked it as an innovation : the treaty
of 1763, it was said, secured the free exercise of religion, as far
as was consistent with the laws of England ; and our penal laws did
not extend beyond this kingdom, as the king's supremacy did ; be
sides, the Canadians were obliged to give proof of their allegiance,
by taking an oath prescribed in this act, against all papal claims
which interfered with the king's supremacy. The clause which se
cured to the Romish clergy their tithes, did no more than place
them in the condition which they occupied at the conquest of their
country;. subject however to this disadvantage, that no protestant
was obliged to contribute to their support. The extension of the
boundary line was justified on the plea, that several French fami
lies were settled in remote districts, beyond the former limits ;
and an entire colony was established in the country of the Illinois.

AD- <774.] GEORGE III. 15
Various amendments were proposed in the commons, which ren
dered it necessary to return the bill to the upper house, where its
principles were now resisted, especially by lord Chatham, who
called it ' the child of inordinate power ;' invoking the bishops to
resist a law which would spread the Roman catholic tenets over so
vast a continent, and (insisting that parliament had no more right
to alter the oath of supremacy, than to repeal the great charter,
or the bill of rights. The act however passed by twenty-six to
seven ; and the corporation of London in vain petitioned the king
to refuse his assent.
On the day when this bill passed the lords, the minister proceed
ed to the annual business of finance: 20,000 seamen had been
voted for 1774, including 4354 mariners ; and the effective land
forces amounted to 18,024, including 1522 invalids. The whole
amount of the supplies was given in at Q, 159, 661/.; and the ways
and means were stated to amount to 6,546,108/., exceeding the
supplies by 386,447/.
Towards the close of the session, the house of commons took
the state of the gold coin into consideration, and 250,D00/. was
appropriated to the purpose of calling in and recoining what was
defective; it being agreed that no loss should be sustained by the
holders. A committee, having been appointed for inquiring into
the abuses practised in jails, the philanthropic Mr. Howard, then
sheriff of Bedfordshire, who had already visited most of ttfbse
mansions of wo throughout England, was examined; and from
the reports which he delivered to the house, many improvements
were effected, which have greatly tended to the alleviation of hu
man misery. By a decision of the lords in their judicial capacity,
the great question of literary property, brought before them by an
appeal from the court of chancery, was determined. A statute of
the eighth of Anne had declared that the author and his assigns
have a right to a work for fourteen years, and for fourteen more
if the author should live so long. Certain judges of the land (1)
had denied the existence of any such right in common law, and
had concluded that an author possessed a property only in his ma
nuscript ; that no possession can be taken, or any act of occu
pancy asserted, on mere ideas : if so, another man, who might
have the same ideas, must not presume to publish them, be
cause they had been pre-occupied, and become private property.
Lord Mansfield exposed the fallacy of such reasoning, by show
ing that this was not the nature of the property claimed by an au
thor ; that consists in his literary composition ; and the identity of
itUies in the same thoughts, ranged in the same order, and ex
pressed in the same words : he conceived, that a common law right
to the copy of his work was not only vested originally in an au-
(0 Lord Kaimes in Scotland, and judge Vales in England.

16 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
thorgand his assigns ; but that it still existed, notwithstanding the
statute of Anne : it was agreeable to the principles of right and
wrong, and therefore to the common law. Lord Camden did not
contest this point, or undertake to prove that there was any thing
in the nature of literary property that should render it less du
rable than other fruits of labor; but he confined himself to the
written law of the land : the statute of Anne had taken away any
exclusive and perpetual right at common law which an author
might have possessed ; and the house of peers concurring with
him, reversed the decree of chancery, which had been obtained in
favor of such an exclusive possession.
On the tenth of May, Louis XV. king of France died, a victim to
the small pox, in the sixty-fifth year of his age and the fifty-ninth
of his reign : his successor, Louis XVI. was in his twentieth year.
His first acts were popular : d'Aiguillon, an ally of the profligate
du Barry, was discarded, and the comte de Maurepas appointed
minister ; whilst the celebrated Turgot was placed over the finance
department : the bated Maupeou and Terray were dismissed, and
the new courts dissolved, to be replaced by the ancient parliament ;
though its arrogant pretensions were considerably circumscribed.
These arrangements however did not please the queen, who was
strongly attached to M- de Choiseul ; whence arose two parties at
court, highly prejudicial to the affairs of the kingdom. Though
the*policy of the new government seemed to be that of conciliating
public opinion, unfortunately that opinion was not sufficiently en
lightened or united to lead the monarch into the path of his own
and the nation's safety; nor did the character of the sovereign fit
him to reform abuses of the state, to contend with the growing
turbulence of the times, and to resist those that were opposed
to him : his disposition was gentle and benevolent, but he was
destitute of energy or decision ; [and, like Charles I., had a taint
of insincerity, the most dangerous quality that *ould have attach
ed itself to a monarch thrown into such times as those of Louis
XVI. The notice taken of these events by lord North in the
commons was singularly unhappy : — ' A great and good prince,'
he said, 'is dead, who was a man of an amiable and peaceable
mind; but his successor is a wise, economical, and pacific prince,
who will not enter into any unnecessary war to try new projects.'
Little occurred on the continent this year worthy of notice, except
that the Turks suffered so tremendous a defeat by the Russians,
that the sultan and divan saw no other means of saving the empire
but by a peace, the terms of which were calculated to excite great
dismay at Constantinople : by it the independence of the Crimea was
acknowledged ; Kilburn, Kercbe, and Janickla, with all the districts
between the Bog and Dnieper, were ceded to Russia ; and a free
navigation through the Dardanelles for that power was established.
Catharine was now at liberty to turn her attention to the civilisa-

A-D. 1774.] GEORGE HI. 17
tion of her subjects : the Poles, though deserted by most of the
European powers and oppressed by others, did not lose all spirit :
several deputies at the diet boldly opposed the change of consti
tution, but were at last obliged to yield, and accept the terms
offered to them : these were, to be governed by a council of forty,
composed of the king, the senate, and members of the equestrian
order ; the senate consisting of the great officers of state. Thus a
complete aristocracy was established in that kingdom. Rome this
year lost her sovereign pontiff, the celebrated Ganganelli; a man
possessed of many virtues, and of an enlightened understanding,
set off by the most amiable manners : he was one of the few popes
that exhibited an example of good government ; by which he se
cured the love of his subjects, whilst his friendship was coveted
by all the European powers. The domestic events of our own
country present few objects of interest beyond the birth of prince
Adolphus Frederic, afterwards duke of Cambridge.
On the twenty-second of June was concluded a session of par
liament, as important as any since the revolution. The king in his
speech applauded the Canadian bill, as founded on the principles
of humanity and justice ; and whilst he deplored the spirit of re
sistance displayed by the province of Massachusetts, approved the
measures adopted to restrain it : he concluded with expressing his
desire of seeing his deluded subjects in that part of the world re
turning lo their duty, acquiescing in that just subordination to
authority, and maintaining that due regard to the commercial in
terests of this country, which must ever be inseparably connected
with their own prosperity.
During the deliberations of the British parliament, the people of
Massachusetts had continued their outrageous proceedings, and
destroyed the cargo of every ship laden with tea that arrived.
Among other ministerial arrangements, was the removal of gover
nor Hutchinson, who was succeeded by general Gage : this officer
had long commanded the troops at Boston, and was much respected
for his moderation and urbanity ; but the auspices under which he
began his administration were not encouraging : the populace indeed
were so indignant, because some of the principal inhabitants paid him
the compliments due to a new governor, that they hanged him in effigy.
The port act, when it arrived at Boston, was received with sen
sations of terror and indignation; but the latter feelings gradually
prevailed, in proportion as the former yielded to the unanimity of
sentiment expressed by the other provinces. On the twenty-fifth
of May, the assembly met for the last time at Boston, and proceeded
to elect a council ; after which, the new governor opened the session
with a declaration of his readiness to concur in all measures tending
to advance the prosperity of the colony ; but announced the neces
sity of removing the legislature to Salem ; at which place he con
vened it on the seventh of June , after an immediate adjournment.

18 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cbap. XV.
Animated by assurances of support from other provinces, the
assembly took an early opportunity of insulting general Gage, under
the pretext of answering his speech at the opening of the session :
they next appointed a committee for a general congress, and voted
500/. for its use. When the governor refused his consent to this
misapplication of the public money, they recommended a levy to
that amount among the towns and districts of the province : antici
pating also a dissolution, they appointed a committee, for the pur
pose of prescribing rules of conduct to the people, under the form of
recommendations ; which, in existing circumstances, would have
the effect of laws. A report was soon presented, stating that
this colony, as well as the others, had long been struggling un
der the heavy hand of power : their dutiful petitions for the redress
of grievances were disregarded ; and the plan of destroying the
free constitution of America, of establishing arbitrary rule, and of
reducing the people to slavery, appeared to be firmly settled : the
inhabitants therefore were exhorted to discontinue the use of tea,
and other articles imported from Great Britain, till redress should
be obtained ; and to encourage the manufactures of America.
Although the committee endeavored to elude the governor's
penetration, by pretending that they were employed on measures
of conciliation, he soon discovered their real object, and despatched
his secretary to dissolve the assembly: that officer, finding the
doors locked, and being refused admittance, proclaimed its disso
lution on the stairs, in the presence of several members ; but the
passing of their resolutions was considered as a point gained. A
town-meeting being held at Boston, resolutions were passed, and
assurances sent to other colonies of the zeal and activity prevailing
in Massachusetts, and of the general anxiety to meet in congress.
Meanwhile, the consequences that were expected from the punish
ment inflicted on this refractory province did not appear : the spirit
of rivalry, which formerly distinguished American merchants, seemed
wholly to have subsided : no one discovered the slightest inclination
to profit by the distress of Boston ; and the merchants of Salem
declined availing themselves of the advantages that might be derived
from the removal of the trade to their port. ' Nature, ' they said
in their address to the governor, ' by the formation of their harbor,
had forbidden a rivalship with the convenient mart of Boston ; and
were it otherwise, they must be dead to every idea of justice, lost
to all feelings of humanity, could they indulge one thought of ac
quiring wealth and raising their fortunes on the ruin of their suf
fering neighbors.'
Proposals had been made in the different provinces for putting
a stop to all commercial dealings with the mother country, but were
not eagerly accepted : it seemed to be the general opinion, that such
a step should be reserved among the last expedients to be tried.
The middle and southern colonics were at this time desirous of

AD. 1774.] GEORGE HI.

19

avoiding a rupture with Great Britain : all however concurred in a
resolution to resist taxation, and all sent liberal contributions to
relieve the suffering inhabitants of Boston. In the mean time,
copies of the other two bills for altering the constitution of Massa
chusetts-bay arrived ; and tended so much to increase the ferment
throughout the provinces, that the Bostonians, already assured of co
operation, now took the lead in opposition to British interests. Hence
forward deliberations in general were imbued with that spirit of
republicanism which distinguished the states of New England ; and
the colonists of Massachusetts set the example of resistance to what
was called the tyranny of Great Britain.
At the suggestion of the provincial assembly, an association was
formed, to which, in imitation of their puritan forefathers, they
gave the name of ' a solemn League and Covenant ; ' the subscribers
to it binding themselves to suspend all intercourse with Great Bri
tain, from the last day of August ensuing, until the Boston port act
should be repealed, and the colony restored to the rights which it
derived from its charter ; also to have no dealings with those persons
who should refuse to sign the agreement, or should afterwards
violate their compact ; but to publish their names as enemies to their
country. This association not only obtained universal approbation
where it originated, but spread rapidly through the other states. In
vain did the governor endeavor to counteract its effects by a pro
clamation, which declared it treasonable; in vain did he caution
the people against countenancing so illegal a combination, under
the severest penalties : his orders were disregarded, and his power
questioned in making that conduct treason which was not treason by
the laws. Perceiving how hostile the sentiments and intentions of the
people were becoming towards his government, general Gage now
thought it advisable to take other means of repressing tumult, more
efficacious than proclamations : he accordingly ordered some regi
ments of infantry, with a detachment of artillery, to encamp near Bos
ton ; and these were soon augmented by troops from England and Ire
land : but as the colonists, with their usual artifices, induced the men to
desert, he placed a guard on the isthmus, called Boston-neck, which
joins the peninsula, on which that town is situated, to the main land.
This measure, dictated by necessity, was construed into a design
of blockading the place, and compelling it to submit to terms : the
people of Worcester assembled in arms, assuring the Bostonians
that many thousands were ready to succor them; and exhorting
them not to despair, or to surrender the liberties of their country.
In August, commissions arrived for the new council : but of
thirty-six that were appointed, only twenty-four would accept the
office; and against them the people were so exasperated, that all
resigned, except a few inhabitants of Boston, who were protected
by the troops : these however issued writs, according to the new
law, for convening an assembly in October.

20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
The colonists now began to provide arms, to collect warlike
stores, and train their youth to military exercises : in short, disaf
fection spread on all sides, and the reign of law was on the verge
of dissolution. Under these circumstances, general Gage took the
opportunity of a general muster of the militia, to seize on their
ammunition, and at the same time transferred all military stores
within the province from their several depots to Boston. Appre
hending that his intention was to commence hostilities, several
thousands of the militia marched toward the capital ; but finding
themselves mistaken, they retired : the general however thought it
expedient to erect fortifications and barracks on the isthmus as a
measure of precaution ; but it was with difficulty that artisans could
be engaged, whilst the works were perpetually interrupted by the
most alarming obstructions : the governor, though he clearly foresaw
thafscenes of bloodshed were at hand, manifested great equanimity
of temper in forbearing to commence them.
Every effort was now made by the committees of correspondence
to keep alive the flame of sedition in the province, by spreading
abroad rumors of massacres, and of attacks on the capital both by
land and sea. In this state of affairs, whilst the old constitution
was abrogated and the new system suspended by violence, some
leading men determined to hold an assembly of delegates from all
the towns in Suffolk, of which Boston was the metropolis. This
meeting passed resolutions more decidedly hostile to the British
government than any that had yet appeared : they called the late
acts gross infractions of civil and religious liberty, wicked attempts
of administration to establish despotism : they resolved to indemnify
all officers that should refuse to execute any process issued by the
present unconstitutional judges; and declared all members of the
new council enemies to their country : they next condemned the
plan of fortifying Boston-neck, attacked the Canadian act, recom
mended a total suspension of commercial intercourse with Great Bri
tain, the encouragement of domestic manufactures, the appointment
of a provincial congress, and the exercise of the people in arms :
they also advised collectors to retain the public money in their own
hands, until the civil government of the province should be placed
on a constitutional basis, or a provincial congress should direct its
application : they exhorted the populace to refrain from riots;
and concluded with the following instructions, which show how im
plicitly they relied on the committees of correspondence, and the
purpose of their institution : — ' Should our enemies, by any sudden
manoeuvre, render it necessary for us to ask aid of our brethren in the
country, some one of the committee of correspondence, or a select
man from the town where hostilities shall commence or be expected,
or from the town adjoining, shall despatch couriers with written
messages to the selectmen, or committees of correspondence in the
vicinity, who shall send others to committees more remote, until

AD. 1774.] GEORGE IH. 21
sufficient assistance be obtained : the expense of couriers to be
defrayed by the county, until otherwise ordered by the provincial
assembly.' Delegates also were appointed to remonstrate with the governor
respecting the fortification of Boston-neck; the seizure of the public
magazines, and insults offered to passengers and others by the
troops. To such proceedings, together with the obnoxious acts of
parliament, they declared their resolution never to submit; though
they disclaimed all notions of independence, and desired to avoid
collision with the king's forces. General Gage shortly answered,
that he had no intention of preventing free access to Boston, or of
permitting any one under his command to injure his majesty's
subjects ; but it was his duty to preserve the peace and to prevent
surprise : he also gave assurances that artillery should not be em
ployed, unless hostilities rendered it necessary.
The governor had issued writs for the new legislative assembly
to meet on the fifth of October ; but the course of events induced him
to Countermand these by proclamation, and to discharge such mem
bers as were already returned : the advantage however of meeting
in public to discuss, was too clearly perceived by the leading men
of the province, to be so easily resigned : they therefore declared
the governor's proclamation illegal ; the representatives who had
been elected, met at Salem; and having waited one day, in com
pliment to the governor, they resolved themselves into a provincial
congress ; and having chosen Mr. John Hancock for their presi
dent, adjourned to Concord, distant about twenty miles from the
seat of government.
One of the first proceedings of this assembly was a remon
strance to the governor, in which they vindicated their meeting
by a reference to the distracted state of the province; and en
treated him, by his regard for the king's honor and the public
peace, to desist from the construction of fortifications against the
town of Boston. To this address the general answered, in very
indignant terms, 'that the lives, liberty, and property of none but
avowed enemies could be endangered by the troops of Great Britain,
who had shown no disposition to hostilities, though they might be
expected to feel resentment at the exertions employed to deprive
them even of the necessaries of life.' He reminded this self-consti
tuted congress, that while they affected to complain about infringe
ments on their charter, their very meeting was in direct violation
of their own constitution ; and, finally, he admonished them to
desist from such illegal proceedings.
Undeterred however by the governor's representations -, they
instantly proceeded to adopt the measures recommended by the
Suffolk meeting; settling all matters relating to the militia, ar
ranging means for the collection of arms, providing for the receipt
of taxes, and appointing a day of public thanksgiving for the union

22 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
so happily prevailing throughout the colonies. Such conduct na
turally exciting the governor's indignation, he put forth a procla
mation, forbidding the people to pay any obedience to these
seditious resolutions : but, as before, the proclamation was de
spised ; the resolutions were obeyed ; and the congress separated
of their own accord, after having appointed a new meeting in the
ensuing month of February.
But before this time a general congress had been organised by
the corresponding committees at Philadelphia ; and on the fifth of
September, this great national assembly commenced its first session:
fifty-one delegates were sent from the different provinces, with
the exception of Georgia, which afterwards joined the association :
the greatest number from any one colony was seven, and the
smallest two ; but it was agreed that each state should have only
one distinct vote. As they sat with closed doors, their proceedings
were involved in secresy; and their decrees, like the oracles of
ancient days, were received by the people as the dictates of pro
found wisdom. The instructions given to these delegates by their
constituents disclaimed all ideas of independence, recognising the
constitutional authority of the mother country ; but they strongly
insisted on the rights which they derived from their ancestors as
British subjects, and pronounced the late acts relative to the colony
of Massachusetts, unconstitutional and tyrannical. The first act of
congress was a declaration, approving the wisdom and fortitude
with which those ministerial measures had been resisted; and
asserting that it was the duty of all Americans, not only to contribute
to the relief of the sufferers, but to assist them in repelling any force
employed to carry the acts complained of into execution. They also
passed a resolution that the removal of any person for the trial of
offences committed in America, justified resistance and reprisals.
They next proceeded to declare the principles and object of their
association ; avowing their allegiance to the king, and their affec
tion to the parent state, with their dependence on her, and the be
nefits they had received from the connexion : in the most explicit
terms they disclaimed any desire of destroying that connexion ; but
at the same time they demanded a participation in all the rights of
British subjects. Having stated their grievances, and traced them
to the ruinous system of colonial administration adopted by the
British ministry since the peace of 1763, they recommended, as the
most peaceable means of obtaining redress, a suspension of all com
mercial intercourse with Great Britain until her coercive acts should
be repealed : they drew up an eloquent and comprehensive petition
to his majesty, stating every important measure passed since the
change of system in 1764, with its peculiar principles, features, and
bearing on other acts ; exhibiting the whole plan of recent and pre
sent government, with its actual consequences ; declaring attach
ment to the king, and disclaiming any pretension to new privileges;

A.D. 1774.] GEORGE HI. 23
whilst they prayed to be restored to their former rights, which
other British subjects still enjoyed. ,
They then drew up a masterly address to the people of England ;
stating that the Americans, sprung from the same ancestors as
themselves, entertained the same sentiments which had produced
and supported the British constitution, and considered themselves
entitled to equal rights with other British subjects : they apologised
for that suspension of commerce which self-preservation had
obliged them to adopt; but hoped that the magnanimity and jus
tice of the nation would procure a parliament of such wisdom, in
dependence, and public spirit, as might save the violated rights of
the whole empire from the devices of wicked ministers and evil
counsellors, whether in or out of office ; and thereby restore that
harmony which was desired by every true and honest American.
They published an address to the Canadians, eloquently setting
forth the blessings of a free constitution ; ingeniously contriving to
render them discontented with their new form of government, and
alluring them to join the general confederacy : they likewise issued
a declaration of rights and grievances ; in which they laid aside all
former distinctions between legislation and impost, external and in
ternal taxation ; claimed for the colonies the privilege of legislating
for themselves ; but consented to such acts of parliament as were bona
fide intended to regulate their foreign commerce, without any refe
rence to a direct revenue. Their grievances were specifically ascribed
to eleven acts of parliament, passed in the present reign ; but more
particularly to three in the last session respecting the province of
Massachusetts, and to the law for extending the Canadian bounda
ries. To general Gage they sent a remonstrance against his military
proceedings, which bore, as they said, a hostile appearance un
warranted even by those tyrannical acts : nor did they forget to ad
dress a memorial to the colonists ; showing how all were interested
in the condition of the inhabitants of Boston ; recommending a per
severance in union, and in the measures proposed by congress, as
the only means of security against the arbitrary designs of the Bri
tish ministry ; but advising them to extend their views to the most
unhappy events, and to be prepared for every contingency : it con
cluded, in the old puritanical style, by earnestly entreating the
people to humble themselves, with devotion of spirit, penitence of
heart, and amendment of life, before Almighty God, whose divine
goodness was besought to take them under his gracious protection.
After a session of fifty-one days, this first general congress of
the American states broke up on the twenty-sixth of October, having
previously recommended another meeting to be held on the tenth
of May following. The effect of its decrees were soon perceptible
throughout the states : before its convention, none of the middle
and southern provinces had made any preparations for a warlike
contest ; but when its members returned to their constituents, all

21 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
became actuated by the spirit of New England : the militia were
frequently assembled for the purpose of discipline; arms were
sought for the future defenders of the country ; a final appeal to
them became the subject of discourse ; and a proclamation, which
had been issued in England against the exportation of military
stores, operated as a powerful excitement with the colonists to
manufacture them at home. Following the earnest recommenda
tions of congress, all the other states took a deep interest in the af
fairs of Massachusetts ; and the issue of peace or war seemed to
depend more immediately on the transactions of that province, which
on one side of the Atlantic was considered as the focus of rebellion,
and on the other as the centre of honorable action.
While such was the conduct of the Americans, the British ca
binet thought it expedient to take the sense of the nation on a sub
ject which involved its interests so deeply : they determined there
fore to dissolve the parliament, in order to afford the people an
opportunity of manifesting their opinions in the choice of repre
sentatives, and of setting the latter free from all restraint if an alte
ration of policy should be thought advisable : ministers however
were not unacquainted with the national sentiments prevailing at this
period : opinions had been very industriously spread and as exten
sively received, that vigorous perseverance would soon finish a
contest originating in imbecility and fostered by temporising expe
dients; and also, that the present administration possessed the qua
lities requisite for terminating the dispute advantageously for their
country. It was not doubted, that the system of coercion now
adopted would intimidate its objects ; or if it failed in this, would
speedily reduce them to subjection. It is no characteristic of Eng
lishmen to doubt the resources of Britain, or the valor of her
sons. The anticipations of ministers were fully realised by the new par
liament ; in which was found a considerable change of individual
members, but no alteration of political sentiment : this appeared in
the first debate on the address to his majesty, whose speech
was chiefly occupied by topics relating to the spirit of colonial
resistance, and the means taken to repress it. As this address im
plied a general approbation of the late measures, an amendment
was proposed in the commons, and supported by the opposition ;
but it was negatived by 264 to 73 : in the house of peers also an
amendment was overruled by a vast majority ; and thus govern
ment had the assurance of long co-operation from a parliament,
whose attachment to its ministerial leaders was perhaps never sur
passed. If we look to the principal actors on this grand political
arena, we must confess that on both sides there was a bright con
stellation of abilities ; though the ranks of opposition showed the
highest talents, with the most varied and commanding eloquence.
Nothing remarkable occurred before the Christmas recess, except

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE III. 25
that nine out of thirteen peers in the minority signed a protest (1)
against the address; and the estimates, as stated to the commons,
were formed on a peace establishment ; the number of seamen being
reduced to 16,000, and the land forces fixed at 17,547 effective men :
during the recess however ministers received more accurate intel
ligence respecting American affairs, which decided them to perse
vere in the system of coercion : accordingly, they were unmoved
by petitions presented after the adjournment from American and
West Indian merchants resident in London and Bristol, as well as
from the manufacturers of Birmingham and other places, represent
ing the great losses they might sustain from the suspension of traffic,
and the non-payment of sums due to them from the colonists.
These documents were referred to a committee of the house, which,
from the little attention it paid to them, acquired the name of ' the
committee of oblivion.' The petition from congress had also been
transmitted to the king ; but his majesty declined to receive it from
a body whose existence he could not acknowledge, and referred it
to parliament : accordingly, on the twenty-sixth of January, three
American agents, Franklin, Bolland, and Lee, prayed the house of
commons to be examined at their bar in support of the said paper,
which they professed themselves able to elucidate : the house how
ever refused them a hearing on the same ground ; — that no atten
tion could be given to that petition without acknowledging the
congress and its authority.
Lord North took the earliest opportunity of laying before par
liament a large collection of important documents respecting the
state of the colonies ; and on the twentieth of January a trial of
strength between the two parties was brought on by a motion of
lord Chatham, who proposed an address to his majesty, requesting
him to allay the unhappy ferments in America, by removing the
royal troops from Boston. After censuring ministers for their
tardy as well as false representations of American affairs, and ad
vising immediate efforts to be made for effecting a reconciliation
with our colonies before the re-assembling of congress, he pro
ceeded to discuss the whole question in a speech, distinguished by
that impressive and astounding energy which marked the grandest
efforts of this veteran statesman :— ' Nothing,' he said, ' but the ex
tremity of sickness shall prevent me from paying unremitted atten
tion to so important a subject : I will knock at the door of this sleep
ing and confounded ministry, and rouse them to a sense of their
imminent danger. When I state the importance of the colonies,
and the magnitude of the danger hanging over this country from
the present plan of mis-administration, I desire not to be understood
to argue a reciprocity of indulgence between England and America :
I contend not for indulgence, but justice to America; and I shall
(I) Tbe first of Ihe kind which bad cyci appeared on the journals of thai house.

20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cuap. XV.
ever contend that the Americans justly owe obedience to us in a
limited degree: — they owe obedience to our ordinances of trade and
navigation ; but let the line be skilfully drawn between the objects
of those ordinances, and their private internal property ; let the
sacredness of their property remain inviolate ; let it be taxed only
by their own consent, given in their provincial assemblies ; else it
will cease to be property. As to the metaphysical refinements,
attempting to show that the Americans are equally free from obe
dience and commercial restraints as from taxation for revenue, as
being unrepresented here, I pronounce them futile, frivolous, and
groundless. Resistance to your acts was necessary as it was just ;
and your vain declaration of the omnipotence of parliament, and
your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, will be
found equally impotent to convince or enslave your fellow-subjects
in America, who feel that tyranny, whether ambitioned by an indi
vidual part of the legislature or by the bodies who compose it, is
equally intolerable to British subjects. The means of enforcing
this thraldom are found to be as ridiculous and weak in practice as
they are unjust in principle : indeed I cannot but feel an anxious
sensibility for the situation of general Gage, and the forces under
his command ; thinking him, as I do, a man of humanity and un
derstanding; and entertaining, as I ever shall, the highest respect
and warmest love for the British troops : their situation is truly
unworthy of them ; penned up, and pining in inglorious inactivity.
They are an army of impotence : you may call them an army of
safety and of guard ; but they are, in truth, an army of impotence
and contempt ; and to make the folly equal to the disgrace, they
are an army of irritation and vexation. The first drop of blood
shed in civil and unnatural war may be irremediable. Adopt the
grace while you have the opportunity of reconcilement, or at least
prepare the way : allay the ferment prevailing in America, by re
moving the obnoxious hostile cause; — obnoxious and unservice
able; for their merit can only consist in inaction : their force would
be most disproportionately exerted against a brave, generous, and
united people, with arms in their hands and courage in their hearts;
three millions of people, genuine descendants of a valiant and pious
ancestry, driven to those deserts by the narrow maxims of a su
perstitious tyranny. And is the spirit of persecution never to be
appeased ? are the brave sons of those brave forefathers to inherit
their sufferings as they have inherited their virtues ? are they to
sustain the infliction of the most oppressive and unexampled se
verity—beyond the accounts of history, or description of poetry ?
Rhadamanthns habet durissima regna, castigatque, auditque : so says
the wisest poet and perhaps the wisest statesman and politician of
antiquity: but our ministers say, the Americans must not be heard:
they have been condemned unheard ; the indiscriminating hand of
vengeance has confounded together innocent and guilty ; — with all

A,D. 1775.] GEORGE III. 27
the formalities of hostility, has blocked up the town, and reduced
to beggary and famine thirty thousand inhabitants.' His lordship
extolled the congress, as more wise than the assemblies of ancient
Greece : Thucydides recorded nothing more honorable or re
spectable than that despised convention: their proceedings were
remarkable for firmness and moderation; and it would be happy
for Great Britain if her house of commons were as freely chosen.
' Ministers may satisfy themselves, and delude the public, with the
report of what they call commercial bodies in America : they are
not commercial, they are your packers and factors ; they live on
nothing— for I call commission nothing : but these are not the men,
nor this the influence to be considered in America, when we esti
mate the firmness of their union. Trade indeed increases the glory
and wealth of a country ; but its real wealth and strength are to
be looked for among the cultivators of the soil ; in their simplicity
of life is found the simpleness of virtue, the integrity of courage
and freedom : these true genuine sons of the earth are invincible ;
they surround and hem in the mercantile bodies ; and if it were pro
posed to desert the cause of liberty, they would virtuously exclaim,
' If trade and slavery are companions, we quit trade ; let trade and
slavery seek other shores ; they are not for us ! ' This resistance
to your arbitrary system of taxation might have been foreseen : it
was obvious from the nature of things and of mankind ; but above
all, from the whiggish spirit florishing in that country. The spirit
which now resists your taxation in America, is the same which for
merly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship money in England ;
the same spirit which called ali England on its legs, and by the bill
of rights vindicated the English constitution; the same principle
which established the great fundamental and essential maxim of our
liberties, that no subject of England shall be taxed but by his own
consent : this glorious spirit of whiggism animates three millions in
America, who prefer poverty with liberty, to gilded chains and sor
did affluence ; and who will die in defence of their rights as men —
as free men.
' The cause of America is allied to every true whig : the whole
Irish nation, all the true English whigs, the whole people of Ame
rica combined, would amount to many millions of whigs averse
to the system. To such united force, what force shall be opposed?
what, my lords ? a few regiments in America, and 17,000 or 18,000
men at home! the idea is too ridiculous to take up a moment of
your time. Nor can such a rational and principled union be resist
ed by the tricks of office, or ministerial manoeuvre. The laying
papers on your table, or counting noses on a division, will not avert
or postpone the hour of danger : it must arrive, unless these fatal
acts are done away : it must arrive in all its horrors ; and then
these boastful ministers, spite of all their confidence and all their
manoeuvres, shall be forced to hide their heads ! They shall be

28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
forced to a disgraceful abandonment of their present measures and
principles ; — principles which they avow, but cannot defend ; —
measures which they presume to attempt, but cannot hope to ef
fectuate. They cannot, my lords, they cannot stir a step : they
have not a move left ; they are check-mated. It is not repealing
this or that act of parliament — it is not repealing a piece of parch
ment — that can restore America to our bosom : — you must repeal
her fears and her resentments ; and you may then hope for her love
and gratitude : but now, insulted by an armed force at Boston, ir
ritated by a hostile array before her eyes, her concessions, if they
could be forced, would be suspicious and insecure; they will be,
irato anhno, not sound honorable pactions of freemen, but dictates of
fear and extortions of force. It is, however, more than evident, you
cannot force them, principled and united as they are, to your un
worthy terms of submission : it is impossible ! and when I hear
general Gage censured for inactivity, I must retort with indignation
on those whose intemperate measures and" improvident counsels
have betrayed him into his present situation. His situation reminds
me of the answer of a French general in the civil wars of France : —
Monsieur Conde, opposed to Monsieur Turenne, being asked how
it happened that he did not take his adversary prisoner, as he was
often very near him, very honestly replied, 'I am afraid he will take
me.' We shall be forced ultimately to retract : — let us retract while
we can, not when we must. These violent oppressive acts must be
repealed ; you will repeal them : I pledge myself for it, that you will
in the end repeal them : I stake my reputation on it ! I will consent
to be taken for an idiot, if they are not finally repealed 1 avoid then
this humiliating, this disgraceful necessity. With a dignity be
coming your exalted situation, make the first advances to concord,
to peace, and to happiness ; for that is your true dignity, to act
with prudence and with justice. That you should first concede
is obvious, from sound and rational policy. Concession comes
with better grace and more salutary effect from the superior pow
er; it reconciles superiority of power with the feelings of men,
and establishes solid confidence on the foundations of affection and
gratitude. So thought a wise poet and a wise man in political saga
city ; the friend of Maecenas, and the eulogist of Augustus : to him,
the adopted son of the first Csesar, to him, the master of the
world, he wisely urged this conduct of prudence and dignity :—
Tuque prior, tu, parce, genus qui ducis Olympo ;
Projice tela manu.
On the other hand, every danger impends to deter you from per
severance in the present ruinous measures ; foreign war hanging
over your heads by a slight and brittle thread ; France and Spain
watching your conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your errors.

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE III. 29
If ministers thus persevere in misadvising and misleading the king, 1
will not say they can alienate the affections of his subjects from the
crown, but I will affirm they will make the crown not worth his
wearing ; I will not say the king is betrayed, but I will pronounce
the kingdom undone.'
The motion was supported by the duke of Richmond, the mar
quis of Rockingham, earl Shelburne, and lord Camden ; whilst the
earls of Suffolk, Rochford, and Gower, viscounts Townshend and
Weymouth, with lord Lyttleton, gave it their opposition, defending
the obnoxious acts, vindicating the legislative supremacy of parlia
ment, and controverting the eulogy passed on the American con
gress, whose acts and resolutions were said to savor strongly of
a rebellious spirit. The motion was negatived : but in submitting
it to the house, lord Chatham said, that he had framed a plan of
honorable and permanent adjustment ; and this he presented on the
twenty-first of February under the form of a provisional act for
settling the troubles in America, and for asserting the supreme le
gislative/ authority of Great Britain over her colonies : he prefaced
it with a sWert introductory speech, and concluded by entreating
the house to assist him in digesting his crude materials, and adapt
ing thern to the importance of the subject. An animated debate
ensued ; and the earl of Dartmouth, secretary of state for America,
wished the bill to lie on the table for consideration; but it was vehe
mently opposed by lord Sandwich, who declared himself against
any concession, and moved for its immediate rejection with the
contempt it deserved. He could not believe it the production of a
British peer : it appeared to him rather the work of some American ;
and turning his face towards Dr. Franklin, who was then leaning on
the bar of the house, said he fancied he had in his eye the person
who drew it up ; one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies
this country had ever known (1). He was supported by earls Gower
and Hillsborough ; but more particularly by the duke of Grafton,
who objected to the unparliamentary mode of introducing this bill.
The duke of Richmond, earl of Shelburne, and lord Camden spoke
in its favor, analysing the laws proposed to be repealed with great
severity ; and pointing out, not only the evils of foreign interference,
but the danger of famine at home from the discontinuance of supplies
of corn from the colonies. A more moderate party, consisting of
the duke of Manchester, earl Temple, and lord Lyttleton, though
they objected to some parts of the bill, were averse to the summary
mode recommended for disposing of it, from a regard to the exalted
character of the proposer ; and lord Temple, in the course of his
observations, attributed all the evils to the repeal of the stamp
act. During the debate, much altercation took place; and when
(1) ' This,' says Franklin, l drew tbe eyes of many If my features bad been made of wood.'— Memoirs,
lords on me : but as I had no Inducement to take it vol. I. p. 450.
lo mm seir, I kept my countenance as Immovable as

30 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cbap. XV.
some noble lord mentioned with applause the candid proposal of
a member of the administration for considering a measure of such
importance, lord Dartmouth rose again, and said, ' that having
subsequently heard the opinions of so many peers against per
mitting the bill to lie on the table, he had altered his own, and could
not accept the praise offered to him for a candor of which he was
now ashamed ; he should therefore give his voice for rejecting the
plan immediately.'
Lord Chatham, in his reply, declared that the measure was his
own ; for if it was so weak and mean a thing as many of their
lordships seemed to think it, no other person ought to share in the
censure. 'It has heretofore been reckoned a vice in me,' said his
lordship, ' not to be apt in taking advice ; but I scruple not to declare,
that if I were the first minister of this country, I should not be
ashamed of publicly calling to my assistance a person so perfectly
acquainted with American affairs, as the gentleman alluded to, and
so injuriously reflected on.' He then attacked his ancient colleague,
and humble pioneer, the duke of Grafton, with severity; and
inveighed against the whole administration, attributing their oppo
sition to hatred of liberty, and want of virtue ; stigmatising their
political conduct as a continued series of weakness, ignorance,
despotism, and corruption. ' On reconsideration, however,' said
he, ' I must allow you one merit ; a strict attention to your own in
terests, in which view you appear sound statesmen and able po
liticians : you well know that if the present bill should pass, you
must instantly lose your places ; who then can wonder, that you
should negative any measure, which must annihilate your power,
deprive you of your emoluments, and at once reduce you to
that state of insignificance for which God and nature designed you?'
These intemperate animadversions were reprobated as a factious
design to embarrass government and obtain undue popularity, by
earls Gower and Hillsborough; who did not doubt that endeavors
would be made to circulate the proposed bill, and inflame the public
mind, both here and in the colonies. The persons censured only
shared the fate of all other administrations within their recollection ;
the noble lord having uniformly condemned, though he afterwards
acted with them ; and if his age did not form an impediment, he
would probably give another proof of his versatility, by patronising
the measures which he now so vehemently condemned. Lord
Sandwich's motion was carried by sixty-one to thirty-two.
On the second of February, the commons resolved itself into a
committee to take the papers from America into consideration;
when lord North re-argued the old topics of parliamentary supre
macy and the injustice of American complaints; after which he
denounced the confederacy formed against commercial intercourse
with England, and unfolded his plan of coercion : this consisted in
the transportation of a large military force to the colonies, in a

AD- 1775. ] GEORGE III. 31
temporary act to stop the foreign commerce of New England, and
in a prohibition of the Americans from the fisheries of Newfound
land until they should return to their duty : but a declaration was
annexed, that whenever that event took place, their real grievances
should be redressed. His motion was for an address to his majesty ;
and a spirited debate ensued, after Mr. Fox had moved an amend
ment, censuring ministers for having rather inflamed than healed
differences, and praying for their dismissal : he descanted largely on
the injustice of the motion, predicting defeat in America, and ruin
at home : but the amendment was negatived by an immense majority.
On the presentation of the report, lord John Cavendish moved
that the address should be recommitted ; and in the debate, the exis
tence of rebellion, and the policy of declaring it, were discussed ; a
prominent part being taken by Mr. Wilkes, who had been re-elect
ed for Middlesex, and admitted without opposition to his seat. 'Who
can tell,' he said, ' whether in consequence of this very day's violent
and mad address, the scabbard may not be thrown away by the
Americans as well as by us ; and should success attend them, whe
ther in a few years they may not celebrate the glorious era of the
revolution of 1775, as we do that of 1688 ? Success crowned the
generous efforts of our forefathers for freedom ; else they had died
on the scaffold as traitors and rebels ; and the period of our history,
which does us most honor, would have been deemed a rebellion
against lawful authority, not a resistance sanctioned by all the laws
of God and man, and the expulsion of a tyrant.' In reply, it was
observed, that the present important crisis had been produced, not
more by the restless spirit of the colonists, than by a zeal for their
cause, and a seditious spirit exhibited at home. The proceedings
of the Americans evidently tended to independence, and a future age
might perhaps see them successful ; but it was our duty by care
and vigilance to prevent the evil day from arriving in our time, and
affixing an indelible stain on the present age.
Lord North, who had exhibited signs of irresolution respecting
coercive measures, by stating his readiness to repeal the tea-duty,
if that would satisfy the colonists, now showed still greater hesita
tion : he disclaimed the taxation of America as an act of his admi
nistration, and traced it to the duke of Grafton; adding, that the
quarrel would be terminated if the constitutional right of supremacy
were conceded to Great Britain (1). The motion for recommitment
was negatived by 288 to 105.
A conference being held on the address, lord Dartmouth moved
that the lords should concur in it ; and on this motion the previous
question was demanded. A long but animated debate ensued, in
which lord Mansfield took a conspicuous part, combating the ar
guments of those who contended that the Americans aimed only at
HI Adolpnus, vol. II. p. 197.

32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
an exemption from taxation : after which he minutely analysed the
declarations of congress, and the acts of parliament of which they
complained; proving that to annul any, except those relating to
taxes, would be a complete renunciation of sovereignty : he argued,
from the documents before the house, that the Americans were in
a state of rebellion ; and condemned the taxes imposed in 1767, as
the origin of the present troubles ; for they had thrown the colonies
into a ferment, and injured British commerce, by furnishing the
Americans with a temptation to smuggle.
Lord Camden disclaimed all participation in the law for taxing
America ; and the duke of Grafton took this opportunity of pub
licly testifying that he was not the author of the measure; perhaps
it was contrary to his judgment; but, in opposition to lord Camden,
he asserted, that every cabinet minister who acted in that capacity,
when a law was passed, should equally share the censure or ap
plause resulting from its defects or merits. The earl of Shelburne
expressed a hope that the day of retribution would arrive, and the
author of the present dangerous measures be discovered ; at the
same time he declared, from his own knowledge, that neither the
duke of Grafton nor lord Camden approved of the plan of taxing
America. After very high words between the noble earl and lord
Mansfield, who was also attacked by the duke of Richmond, this
indecorous debate was terminated by the house agreeing to the
address of the commons. The king's answer was accompanied
by a message to the commons, recommending an augmentation of
forces by sea and land ; in consequence of which 2000 additional
seamen and 4383 soldiers were voted : in the discussion of this
subject, the probability of foreign interference was not overlooked;
and captain Walsingham asserted, that of seventy-five sail of
the line in the ports of France, one half were manned and fit
for service.
In pursuance of his plan, lord North, on the tenth of February,
produced a bill for restraining the commerce of New England, con
sidering himself fully justified in this measure by the rebellious
state of that country, and by the anticommercial resolutions of its in
habitants. An exception was made in favor of individuals, who
should obtain from the governors of certain provinces certificates
of good conduct, and subscribe a test acknowledging the supre
macy of parliament.
A strong opposition was made to the bill in both houses, on the
score of confounding the innocent with the guilty, of destroying a
trade which perhaps never could be recovered, of cruelly starving
whole provinces, and thus irritating the Americans lo withhold debts
due to British merchants. The marquis of Rockingham went so
far as to compare the conduct of the ministry to that of general Ro
sen at the siege of Derry ; who, to reduce the garrison, collected
the wives, children, and aged parents of the besieged under the

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE III. 33
walls, to perish there by famine, or by the sword if they attempted
to retreat.
The partisans of ministry denied these imputations, and were far
from thinking themselves driven to a necessity of so acting : in both
houses gross reflections were cast on the American character, cou
rage, and resources; followed by a vain boasting of that in
superable power of the parent state, which in the event was found
unequal to the contest. 'Suppose the colonies to abound in men,'
exclaimed lord Sandwich ; ' of what importance is the fact ? They
are raw, undisciplined, and cowardly. I wish, instead of 40,000
or 50,000 of these brave fellows, they would produce 200,000 : the
more the better ; the easier would be the conquest : if they did not
run away, they would starve themselves into compliance with our
measures.' Not only was this bill sanctioned by large majorities,
but another also passed very soon after it, laying similar restric
tions on the provinces of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia, and South Carolina; on the ground that they were as
much in a state of rebellion as those of New England.
On the twentieth of February, and while the restraining bill was
still in suspense, lord North, to the surprise of opposition, and of
many among his own adherents, brought forward in committee a
pacific motion for healing all differences between Great Britain and
America. As a report of his intention had been widely circulated,
the house was very crowded, and the members full of expectation.
It is said, that the Bedford party, who were inimical to America,
and urgent for severe measures, began to exclaim against the mi
nister on account of his political vacillation ; that they even began
to count voices for the purpose of negativing his motion, and throw
ing him out of administration : his friends were therefore alarmed
for him; much whispering took place; and it was suspected that the
motion, when made, was somewhat different from that which was
originally intended (1 ) : it ran as follows : — ' That it is the opinion
of this committee, that when the governor, council, and assembly,
or general court of his majesty's provinces or colonies, shall pro
pose to make provision, according to their respective conditions,
circumstances, and situations, for contributing their proportion to
the common defence, such proportion to be raised under the au
thority of the general court or general assembly of such province
or colony, and disposable by parliament; and shall engage to make
provision also for the support of the civil government, and admi
nistration of justice in such province or colony; — it will be proper,
if such proposal shall be approved by his majesty in parliament,
and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to
forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy any duties,
tax, or assessment, or to impose any farther duty, tax, or assessment,
III See Memoirs of Franklin, vol. i. p. 52S.

54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the
regulation of commerce : the net produce of the duties last men
tioned to be carried to the account of such province, colony, or
plantation exclusively.'
'These terms,' said his lordship, i being such as in the hour of
victory would be good and just, are a test to the Americans of
their pretensions : if their ostensible causes of opposition be real,
they must agree with our proposals; if they do not, they will be
indisputably shown to have other views, and to be actuated by
other motives. To offer terms of peace is wise and humane; if the
colonists reject them, their blood must be on their own heads.'
In the long and desultory debate that ensued, lord North met
with strong support from governor Pownal, who professed himself
as independent of the minister as he was unconnected with opposi
tion. He traced the origin of the present quarrel to a congress at
Albany in 1754, at which he was present : he had always in both
countries recommended such a mode of conduct as he thought cal
culated to prevent a rupture, but had the misfortune to find his
counsel disregarded. He now saw the colonists resisting all go
vernment derived from the crown and parliament, opposing rights
which they had ever acknowledged, and arraying themselves in arms
against Great Britain : under such circumstances, he could not deny
the necessity which impelled this country to assume a hostile attitude :
but though he acquiesced in the measures of government, he looked
forward to pacification, and hailed the present proposition as the
dawn of peace.
Mr. Fox exulted in the retrograde movement of the minister, from
scenes of violence and war, to the paths of peace; and attributed
this change to the perseverance of a firm and spirited opposition :
still he questioned the sincerity of the motion now made ; as it ex
hibited two faces : to the Americans it offered a semblance of recon
ciliation, but to the advocates of British supremacy it exhibited a
resolution never to abandon that object. This conduct would alien
ate the minister's friends ; whilst those who sincerely desired peace
would not trust his specious offers ; and the Americans would re
ject them with disdain.
The principal objection to the motion arose from its disagree
ment with the address, by which lord North was embarrassed : at
length, however, the apparent contradiction was reconciled by Sir
Gilbert Elliott, who observed that the address contained two cor
respondent lines of conduct; the one tending to repress rebellion,
for which measures of restriction had been resorted to ; the other
offering indulgence to those that would return to their duty: this
in the address was necessarily intimated in general and vague
terms ; but was so far from being contradictory to it, that without
it the plan adopted at the beginning of the session would be de
fective and unjust.

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE IH. 55
Colonel Barre attacked the minister on the ridiculous situation
from which he was extricated by Sir Gilbert Elliott ; and his mo
tion, as founded on that abominable maxim, divide et impera. This
was to divide the Americans, and dissolve their generous union in
defence of their rights : but they were not to be caught with such
a bait. Mr. Burke declared that the present measure was mean
without being conciliatory; that it was a far more oppressive
mode of taxation than that hitherto adopted ; for it made no de
terminate demand : the colonies were to be held in durance by
troops and fleets, until singly and separately they should offer to
contribute to a service they could not know, in a proportion they
could not guess, on a standard which they were so far from bein»
able to ascertain, that parliament had not ventured to hint at the
scope of their expectations. He compared this conduct to the ty
ranny of Nebuchadnezzar, who ordered the assemblies of his wise
men, on pain of death, not only to interpret, but to tell him the
subject of a dream which he had forgotten. Every benefit, natu
ral and political, must be acquired in the order of things, and in
its proper season : revenue from free people must be the conse
quence, not the condition of peace: if this order were inverted,
neither peace nor revenue could be obtained.
On the report of the committee being presented, the debate was
renewed ; but the resolution was agreed to. The plan itself ap
pears to have been commendable in this ; that it did not compro
mise the dignity of the parent state, or require abject submission
from the colonists : acquiescence was however probably expected
by neither party ; and the opposition deemed the present a good
occasion for them to put forth a plan of conciliation, the terms of
which might, by comparison, cast a censure on that of the minis
ter. The task of drawing up such a proposition was committed
to Mr. Burke, as a person qualified for it by his enlarged princi
ples of philosophy, his genuine philanthropy, and his political wis
dom ; whilst he was especially pointed out by his connexion with
America, as colonial agent for New York, and by the seat he oc
cupied as representative of Bristol, at this time the second city in
the British empire.
On the twenty-second of March, this accomplished' statesman
brought forward his memorable articles, thirteen in number, as
the means of restoring tranquillity: these went to repeal many acts
of parliament and to reform many regulations ; but the foundation
on which the whole rested, was the mode of raising a revenue from
the colonists, through grants and aids by resolutions in their geneial
assemblies. He introduced this plan by a speech, which, after all
due allowance to be made for the spirit of party, may be considered
one of the finest specimens of eloquent pleading recorded in his
tory. In the opening of it, Mr. Burke took a comprehensive view of
the state of Britain, as connected with America ; and acknowledged

56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
the difficulty which he felt in advancing any proposition for perma
nent tranquillity : anger and violence, daily increasing, were hasten
ing towards an alienation of the colonies: his proposition was
peace ; not peace through the means of war ; not peace to be hunted
through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negociations ; not
peace to rise out of universal discord, fomented from principle in
all parts of the empire ; not peace to depend on the judicial deter
mination of perplexing questions, or precision in marking the sha
dowy boundaries of a complex government; but simple peace,
sought for in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles purely pacific.
— ' I propose,' said he, ' by removing the ground of difference,
and by restoring the former unsuspecting confidence of the colo
nies in the mother country, to give permanent satisfaction to your
people ; and, far from a scheme of ruling by discord, to reconcile
them to each other in the same act, and by the bond of the very
same interest, which reconciles them to British government.' He
declared that his plan of conciliation was founded on the sure and
solid basis of experience ; that neither the chimeras of imagination,
nor abstract ideas of right, nor mere general theories of govern
ment, ought to be attended to. Taking advantage of the acquies
cence of the house in the late ministerial plan, to infer, as from an
established principle, that colonial complaints were not without
foundation ; that conciliation was admissible previous to conces
sion ; and to conclude that the proposals ought to originate with
Britain ; — he entered into a copious display and elucidation of his
subject. Dwelling on the enlarged population of America, and the
increased importance of her trade both in exports and imports, he
mentioned the astonishing fact, that during the present century the
amount of those exports to Britain had risen from 570,000/. to up
ward of 6,000,000/. annually. Animated by this view of their great
and growing prosperity, and pursuing the colonists in imagination
into every quarter of the globe where their active and ardent ge
nius had found the means of exertion, he exclaimed, in a lofty
strain of eloquence,— ' Whilst we follow them into the north amongst
mountains of ice, whilst we behold them penetrating the deepest
recesses of Hudson' s-bay, whilst we are looking for them beneath
the arctic circle, they have pervaded the antipodes, and engaged
under the frozen serpent of the south : nor is the equinoctial heat
more discouraging to them than the accumulated winter of the
poles : whilst some of them strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa,
others pursue their gigantic toils on the shores of the Brazils. There
is no climate that is not a witness of their labors. When I contem
plate these things ; when I know they owe little or nothing to any
care of ours ; but that they have arrived at this perfection through a
wise and salutary neglect ; I feel the pride of power and the pre
sumption of wisdom die away within me ; and I pardpn every thing
to their spirit of liberty.' In the character of the Americans, he

A.D. 1775. ] GEORGE HI. 57
contended that the love of freedom was the predominant feature ;
a fierce love of liberty, rendered jealous, suspicious, restive, and
intractable, by the appearance of an attempt to wrest from them by
force, or shuffle from them by chicane, the only advantage which
in their estimation gave a value to life ; and he affirmed that govern
ment, to be beneficial, or even practicable, must be adapted to the
feelings, habits, and received opinions of the people ; thatall schemes
which had been or could be proposed, without due regard to these
concerns, would be found ineffectual and dangerous : distance also
from the seat of government was a consideration of great import
ance.—' Three thousand miles of ocean,' he exclaimed, ' lie be
tween you and your subjects ! This is a powerful principle in the
natural constitution of things for weakening government, of which
no contrivance can destroy the effect: seas roll, and months passj
between the order and the execution : you have indeed winged mes
sengers Of vengeance, who carry your bolts to the remotest verge
of the sea; but there a power steps in, which limits the arrogance
of the raging passions, and says, ' Hither shall thou go, and no
farther.' Who are you, that you should fret and bite the chains of
nature ? Nothing worse happens to you than to all nations pos
sessing extensive empire ; and it happens in all the forms into which
empire can be thrown : in large bodies the circulation of power must
be less at the extremities : Nature herself has said it : the Turk can
not govern Egypt as he governs Thrace, nor has he the same do
minion in the Crimea and Algiers which he has atBrusa and Smyrna :
despotism itself is obliged to truck and huckster : the sultan gets
such obedience as he can: he governs with a loose rein, that he
may govern at all : Spain, in her American provinces, submits to
this immutable condition, the eternal law of extensive and detached
empire.' From these investigations, he proceeded to examine.the
means by which a new government had been established without
the ordinary artificial means of a positive constitution, better ob
served than the ancient government in its most fortunate periods ;
and yet formed in the midst of anarchy. Against the daring and
stubborn spirit which could achieve such a prodigy, only three
modes of proceeding could be found to change it ; — by removing
the causes ; by prosecuting it as criminal ; or by complying with it
as necessary. To alter those causes which were moral, he pro
nounced no less impracticable than to remove those which were
natural. The second mode was too vast for his ideas of jurispru
dence : he confessed that he was not acquainted with the method
of drawing up an indictment against a whole people ; he could not
insult and ridicule the feelings of millions of his fellow-creatures ;
he was not ripe to pass sentence on the gravest public bodies, en
trusted with magistracy of great authority and dignity, and charged
with the safety of their fellow-citizens on the same title with him
self : he really thought, for a wise man, this was not judicious ;

58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
for a sober man, not decent ; for a mind tinctured with humanity,.
not mild or merciful : nor were the criminations hitherto adopted
attended with a correspondent effect : Massachusetts-bay was de
clared in rebellion ; but no individual was convicted or even ap
prehended : measures of coercion were resorted. to, rather resem
bling qualified hostility against an independent power, than the
punishment of rebellious subjects. Conciliation and concession then
alone remained : the colonies complained of being taxed in a par
liament where they were not represented : if they were to be satis
fied, it was by giving them the boon they asked ; not another of a
kind totally different, but which might be thought better for them.
He deprecated all discussion on the right, as foreign from the
question, which related merely to expediency : whether the grant
of money was a private power reserved out of the general trust of
government, and how far mankind in all forms of polity were en
titled to an exercise of that right by the charter of nature ; or whe
ther, on the contrary, a right of taxation was involved in the gene
ral principle of legislation, and inseparable from the ordinary su
preme power ; — ' these,' he said, ' are deep questions, where great
names militate against each other ; where reason is perplexed, and
an appeal to authorities only thickens the confusion : for high and
revered authorities lift up their heads on both sides ; and there is
no sure footing in the middle: this is, in the language of Milton, —
A gulf profound, as that Serbonian bog,
'Twixt Damietta and mount Casius old,
where armies whole have sunk.'
He disclaimed, therefore, any intention to decide on the question
of right, and wished to consider solely the question of policy.
Without inquiring whether they had a right to render a people mi
serable, he asked whether it was not their interest to make them
happy ; and instead of taking the opinion of a lawyer on what they
might do, he thought it more consonant with reason, humanity, and
justice, to consult what they ought to do in an emergency like the
present. The colonies, as they had hitherto been governed, were
living monuments of the wisdom of our ancestors : the only method
of governing them with safety or advantage, was by admitting them
to an interest in our constitution, and by recording that admission
in the journals of parliament ; to give them as strong an assurance
as the nature of the thing would allow, that we mean for ever to
adhere to the system originally established. The idea of governing
by force he reprobated, as gross in its conception, uncertain in its
effects, and ruinous even in its success. In conformity with these
principles, parliament must revert to the ancient constitutional
policy of the kingdom, which established taxation in America by
grant, and not by imposition; which recognised the legal compe
tency of the colonial assemblies for the support of the civil govern
ment in time of peace, and for public aids in time of war.

A.D. t775.] GEORGE HI. ^ 59
In explanation and vindication of this long-established policy, he
pleaded the unrepresented state of the colonies, and the injustice of
taxing them by a British parliament. Distance prevented their send
ing deputies to England ; and they had general assemblies of their
own, legally authorised to raise taxes : those assemblies had fre
quently granted large subsidies to the king, which had been found a
more agreeable and beneficial manner of forwarding the public ser
vice than acts of parliament ; and he maintained, that a larger fund
would be derived from prosperous gratitude, than could be ob
tained from compulsive oppression.
' What is the soil or climate,' he asked, ' whose experience has
not uniformly proved, that the voluntary flow of heaped-up plenty,
bursting from.the weight of its own richUuxuriance, has ever run
with a more copious stream of revenue, than could be squeezed
from the dry husks of oppressed indigence, by the straining of all
the political machinery in the world ? '
He declared, in the strongest terms, the utter impossibility of our
receiving a revenue in England, transmitted from America ; and
argued, from the example of Bengal, where the sums received in
taxes were refunded by loan, that no fiscal emolument could be
expected from a distant country. ' Bengal was peculiarly qualified
to produce and transmit wealth ; America had no such aptitudes ; if
she gave taxable objects, on which to lay duties here, and a sur
plus by a foreign sale of her commodities, she performed her
part to the British revenue. With regard to her own' internal
establishments, she might, and doubtless would, contribute in mo
deration; nor ought she to be permitted to exhaust herself: mag
nanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom ; and a great
empire and little minds go ill together. If we are conscious of
our situation, and glow- with zeal to fill our place as becomes our
station, we ought to elevate our minds to the greatness of that trust
lo which the order of Providence has called us. By adverting to
the dignity of this high calling, our ancestors have turned a savage
wilderness into a glorious empire, and have made the most ex
tensive aud the only honorable conquests ; not by destroying, but
by promoting,, the wealth, the number, and the happiness of the
human race. Let us get an American revenue as we have got an
American empire : English privileges have made it all that it is :
English privileges alone will make it all it can be.'
These propositions of Mr. Burke were vigorously combated by
the ministerial party, who stood on the necessity of opposing all
unconstitutional claims ; and who farther insisted, that no body of
men, except parliament alone, could levy money for the use of the
crown : it was argued therefore that an adoption of the plan sug
gested might subject a minister to impeachment: when we farther
consider that pride of power, which will scarcely ever yield as long
as it supposes itself able to compel, we shall not be surprised that

40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV.
Mr. Burke's measure was rejected. Failing with the commons, he
appealed to the public, by printing his speech : but while this was
read, admired, and forgotten, a defence of American taxation from
the charge of tyranny, published by his friend Dr. Johnson, found
a much readier entrance into the hearts of a people predisposed to
admit his arguments (1). A few days afterwards, Mr. Hartley, a
respectable member of opposition, attempted another conciliatory
project, by moving, ' that letters of requisition should be issued,
agreeably to ancient precedents, under authority of the crown,
with a view to procure a permanent and voluntary contribution
from the several colonies towards the general expenses of the em
pire ; ' but the motion was negatived without a division.
At this period, the livery of London, or rather a minority, by
which its proceedings were often guided, attempted to turn the
royal counsels by an address, containing a remonstrance, which
was distinguished by the circumstance of its presentation by Mr.
Wilkes, who had been elected to the dignity of lord mayor. In
this document the citizens of London declared their abhorrence of
the measures which had been and were then pursued, to the op
pression of their fellow subjects in the colonies. Not deceived by
the specious artifice of calling despotism dignity, they said they
plainly perceived that the real purpose was to establish arbitrary
power over all America: these measures, they affirmed, were car
ried into execution by the same fatal corruption which had enabled
his majesty's ministers to wound the peace, and violate the con
stitution of this country. 'Your petitioners, therefore, do most
earnestly entreat your majesty to dismiss immediately, and for
ever, from your councils, those advisers, as the first step towards
a redress of grievances which alarm and afflict your whole people.'
The king's answer was delivered in a tone of marked emotion, to
the following effect : — 'It is with the utmost astonishment that I find
any of my subjects capable of encouraging the rebellious disposition
which unhappily exists in some of my colonies in North America.
Having entire confidence in my parliament, the great council of the
nation, I will steadily pursue those measures which they have re
commended, for the support of the constitutional right of Great
Britain, and the protection of the commercial interests of my king
doms.' The lord mayor was prevented from replying by an inti
mation from the lord in waiting ; and in a few days after, notice
was sent, that the king would not receive any address on the throne
from the city, except in its corporate capacity : this gave an op
portunity to Mr. Wilkes of raising a new contest.
(1) In this piece he defended colonial stlbovdina- between Internal taxation and commercial regula
tion on the principles of the law of nations ; and tions ; and argued, that as the parliament may enact
maintained that the colonists, by their situation, be- for America a law of capital punishment, it may
came possessed of such advantages as were more therefore establish a mode and proportion of taxa-.
than equivalent to their right of voting for repre- tion.
fcentaltvesln parliament: he ridiculed Ihe distinction

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE HI. 41
Attempts were made in both houses to procure a repeal of the
act for settling the government of Canada, but without effect.
Alderman Sawbridge did not forget his annual motion for short
ening the duration of parliaments, in which he was supported by
Mr. Wilkes, who also applied, but in vain, to obtain a revision of
proceedings regarding his election for Middlesex. On the motion
of Mr. Gilbert, a committee was appointed, March 27, to consider
the poor laws ; and in consequence of a message from his majesty,
Buckingham-house was purchased, and settled on the queen, in
lieu of Somerset-house, which was converted into public offices.
The session closed with business of finance : the amount of the
supplies for 1775 was 4,307,450/.; and 1,000,000/. of three per
cent, annuities was paid off at eighty-eight per cent. 1,250,000/.
exchequer bills were discharged, and new bills to an equal amount
issued : the land tax was continued at three shillings in the pound ;
and the total of ways and means, exclusive of exchequer bills,
but including the 1,000,000/. of national debt discharged, was
5,309,246/. (1).
On the twenty-sixth of May his majesty prorogued the parliament,
after expressing his satisfaction at the conduct they had pursued,
and auguring the happiest results from their wise and salutary
measures. The die indeed was now cast ; and the contest between England
and her transatlantic colonies was unavoidably to be decided by
the sword. Dr. Franklin, who had been lately engaged in some
fruitless attempts at conciliation by persons of rank and authority,
but was looked on by the government with a suspicious eye, em
barked rather hastily, in March, for that country which was about
to profit so largely by his diplomatic talents. On the evening before
his departure from London, he had a long interview with Mr. Burke ;
when he expressed considerable regret for the calamities which he
anticipated as the consequence of ministerial resolutions, profess
ing that nothing could give him more pain than the separation of
the colonies from the mother country, under whose rule America
had enjoyed so many happy days. Mr. Lee was left as colonial
agent in his room.
The attention of all the European states was strongly drawn to
a dispute so important in its results. That jealousy, which began
to be entertained of the pre-eminence of Great Britain and of its
great prosperity, inclined most of them to view the rupture with
satisfaction, and to anticipate consequences disastrous to the parent
state: her proceedings were generally considered as warranting
such expectations ; and we find them thus commented on by that
keen politician, Frederic of Prussia:— 'It is a difficult thing,' said
he, addressing an English gentleman at his court, ' to govern men
by force at such a distance : if the Americans should be beaten,
ID nislory of Lord .North's Administration, p. 203.

42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ Chap. XVI.
which appears rather problematical, still it will be next to impos
sible to continue drawing from them a revenue by taxation. If
you intend conciliation with America, some of your measures are
too rough ; if you intend its subjection, they are too gentle (1).'

CHAPTER XVI.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— H75.
Spirit of the colonies, especially that ot Massachusetts— Expedition to seize stores at Salem
—Affair of Lexington— Formation of an army by the provincials, and other measures— Ar
rival of lord North's conciliatory propositions— Conduct of Pennsylvania and other states
— Meeting of the general congress, and measures adopted — Reinforcements sent from Eng
land—General Gage's proclamation— Preparations for hostilities— Battle of Bunker's-hill
—Appointment of Washington as commander in chief— His arrival at Boston, and disposi
tion of the army— General Gage's inactivity : he is recalled, and the command devolves
on general Howe— Armed cruisers titled out by the provincials ; capture of British store-
ships, etc. — Successful expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point — Resolution of
congress thereon— Colonel Arnold's proposals adopted by congress— General Montgomery's
expedition to Canada; capture of Fort St. John and Montreal — Contemporaneous expedi
tion of colonel Arnold, who arrives opposite Quebec— His first operations unsuccessful-
Junction of Arnold and Montgomery— Siege and unsuccesfut assault of Quebec— Mont
gomery's death— Disposition and revolt of the southern provinces— Falmouth in Massa
chusetts burnt — Americans issue! letters of marque, and build ships — Conduct and pro
spects of the colonists considered — Opinions in England — Proceedings of the democrats-
Rev. John Home— His libel, trial, and sentence — Affair of Mr. Sayre — Parliament meets-
King's speech — Amendments proposed, and debates — Duke of Grafton differs from his col
leagues — Lord Barrington averse to coercive measures — Debates on the introduction of
foreign troops into Gibraltar and Minorca— Militia bill — Number of forces to be raised-
Duke of Grafton resigns the privy-seal— Other changes — Lord George Germaine made se
cretary for the American department— Nova Scotia petition — Petition of congress— Go
vernor Penn examined at the bar of the lords— Motion of the duke of Richmond respecting
it negatived— Mr. Burke's conciliatory motion— Lord North's prohibitory bill— Debates on
it— Sentiments of the ministry — Treaties with German princes for troops.
In the mean time military preparations continued on the side of
the Americans, no endeavors being omitted by their leaders to fa
miliarise them with the notion of recurring to the force of arms,
in publications and harangues. These, and the dispersion of the
members of congress through the provinces, gave a decided pre
ponderance to the popular cause ; whilst the efforts of government
were comparatively languid, and often deferred till the time of ac
tion had gone by. At first indeed, a few assemblies, like that of
New York, refused to admit the resolutions of congress ; but they
were soon indticed to join the confederation ; and at length, pro
vincial assemblies and private meetings all spoke the same language,
resistance to taxation external or internal, and to every other act
of coercion. Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, and Connecticut,
ID nislory of lord North's administration, p. 201. colonies: j'espere que vous vous lirerez blen del'af-
Dls majesty ended by observing, ' Enlln, messieurs, falre ; nials elle me parait un peu cplneuse.'
je ne comprends pas ces cb06cs-la : je n'al point do

A.D. 1773.] GEORGE HI. .45
which latter province boasted a park of forty cannon, were con
spicuous in augmenting the levies, and supplying them with stores
from their domestic resources ; but' in Massachusets, where the
spirit of resistance was first manifested, the banner of revolt was
destined also first to be unfurled. Its congress met on the fourth
of May, and published an address to the people, stimulating their
zeal, recommending encouragement to skilful artisans, denouncing
those who supplied the royal troops with stores, exhorting the mi
litia and minute-men (1) to acquire discipline as well as arms, and
alarming all with declarations that government had resolved on a
complete subjugation of the province : at the same time they con
trived to repress every kind of outrage and violence ; well know
ing how important it is, in the commencement of civil wars and
revolutions, to acquire a character of moderation, and to refrain
from striking the first blow. General Gage's unsuspicious temper,
his aversion to violent remedies, and the forbearance of his troops,
instead of convincing the populace how reluctant those in authority
were to draw the sword, rather encouraged them in opposition;
and though the most daring spirits had quitted the capital to spread
diseord through the country, numbers sufficiently hostile to the
governor were left behind, to give intelligence of his projects, and
to counteract his movements. This soon appeared on one of those
expeditions which were sent out for the purpose of seizing arms
and stores.
General Gage, having intelligence that a depot of ordnance had
been collected at Salem, despatched a field-officer with a small de
tachment, for the purpose of securing it: these troops landed at
Marble-head on Sunday, February 26, and were on full march to
execute their orders ; but a quick messenger had been despatched
before them to Salem ; the artillery was withdrawn into the country ;
the people were dismissed from their churches ; and, being pro
vided with means of resistance, assembled at the drawbridge,
which they raised as the troops approached. Colonel Pickering,
who was at the head of the multitude and a small body of minute-
men, informed the British commander, that the stores were the
property of the people, and would not be surrendered ; on which
the troops were ordered to secure a large gondola, and thus force
a passage over the narrow stream : but the owner of the boat (2)
beat a hole through its side, and sank it to the bottom: it is said,
that being wounded in this act by the soldiers, his was the first
blood shed in the revolution. In the mean time, the parties were
becoming so exasperated, that a conflict was momentarily ex
pected; when a clergyman (3) judiciously interposed to prevent
such a catastrophe ; assuring the British officer that he would not
|l| Persons who enrolled themselves under an en- sex mllltla.'-Llfe of T. Pickering, In the Amerian
p.igemenl to be ready at a minute's naming. National Portrait Gallery.
(2| ' Joseph Sprogue, at that time major of the Es- (31 ' The Boy. Mr. Barnard.' -Life of Pickering

ii HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ Chap. XVI.
reach the place where the stores were deposited before night ; and
that if he should force a passage over the river, the spirit of the
people was so determined, that he could not return without a
dreadful carnage, which from the nature of the country would fall
chiefly on his own men. Moved by these representations, the
commander (1) sent a message to colonel Pickering, pledging his
honor, that if he would permit him to save appearances by pass
ing over the bridge, he would return to Marble-head without at
tempting to seize the stores: on this, the colonel ordered the whole
multitude to arrange themselves on both sides of the road : the
drawbridge was let down ; the British regulars marched through the
silent ranks of the patriots; and having proceeded a few furlongs
beyond them, countermarched, recrossed the bridge, and returned
to Marble-head, where they embarked that evening for Boston.
This failure might have taught general Gage the policy of reserving
his expeditions for very important occasions, or at least of sending
a force capable of bearing down all opposition : yet the next was
of a like nature : for having received intelligence that a quantity of
stores was collected at the town of Concord, about twenty miles
from Boston, he thought it expedient to detach the grenadiers and
light infantry, whom he sent under lieutenant-colonel Smith and
major Pitcairne, to destroy them. Notwithstanding all precautions,
there is reason to believe that this design had transpired, and
intelligence been conveyed from Boston to the country; for the
advance of the British troops was notified by an alarm along the
whole tract through which they had to pass. On the nineteenth of
April, they arrived at Lexington, fifteen miles from Boston, where
they perceived the militia drawn up by the side of the road. Major
Pitcairne, riding up, commanded them as rebels to throw down
their arms and disperse ; but the latter part of this order only was
put into execution ; and whilst the Americans were retiring in con
fusion, a few guns were fired, by which one man was wounded and
the major's horse shot. The British soldiers, thus irritated, return
ed the fire, killing eight men and wounding many others : being
in the mean time joined by the grenadiers, they continued their
march to Concord, where they found a more numerous party of
militia assembled on a hill, which commanded the town. The light
infantry, being sent to dislodge them from this position, drove them
over a bridge on the other side of Concord, where they kept them
in check until the object of the expedition had been accomplished ;
after which, they retired from a sharp skirmish with the provincials,
who had returned to the charge at the bridge, and began their
ma-ch back towards Boston ; the whole country, however, was now
in arms ; minute-men, militia, and volunteers, assembled from all
quarters, and posting themselves behind walls and hedges, or sta
tioned in houses, galled the British troops by an irregular fire,
HI Said to be colonel Leslie, In Ihe vforh above referred to.

A-D. «77S.] GEORGE III. 45
whilst a strong body pressed vigorously on their rear. It happened
fortunately, that general Gage, foreseeing the danger of the service,
had despatched lord Percy, with sixteen companies of foot and two
field-pieces, who met his retreating countrymen at Lexington; and
having formed his troops into a hollow square, enclosed the whole
party, exhausted with fatigue, and gave them time for rest. The
united detachments then began their retreat towards Boston, ex
periencing a foretaste of that destructive warfare, against which
the best armies found it impracticable to contend ; for the Americans
who were excellent marksmen, kept up an incessant fire from their
places of ambush. Thus harassed with excessive fatigue, the
British battalions reached Charlestown at sunset ; and crossing the
ferry next morning, re-entered Boston, with a loss of sixty-five
killed and 180 wounded. The provincials had about fifty killed and
thirty-eight wounded : but their loss was more than compensated by
this auspicious commencement of the contest, which excited hatred
and contempt for the royal troops, and confirmed the waverers
throughout the province. The militia now assembled so fast, that
an army of 20,000 men was formed under the command of colonels
Ward, Pribble, Heath, Prescot, and Thomas; who, fixing their
head-quarters at Cambridge, extended a line of encampment of
about thirty miles from that town, on the right, to Boxburgh, and
on the left to the river Mystic, which they strengthened with artil
lery : here they were soon joined by general Putnam, a brave and
experienced officer, who had served with distinction in the last war,
and who, as soon as he heard of the battle of Lexington, left his
plough in the middle of the field, like another Cincinnatus; and
without changing his clothes, took horse, and repaired to Cam
bridge (1). The provincial congress made great exertions to clothe
and pay this besieging army, voting a large sum in paper currency,
for tne redemption of which the faith of the province was pledged :
they also drew up an address to the people of England, complain
ing of the conduct of the troops, professing great loyalty, but
appealing to Heaven for the justice of their cause, and declaring
their determination to die rather than sacrifice their liberty : nor
were the other provinces backward in exhibiting a like spirit. At
New York the populace seized the magazine of arms, instituted
military associations, and called a provincial congress : in New Jersey
they took possession of the treasury ; and the quakers of Philadel
phia, renouncing the principles on which they had hitherto acted,
took up arms as volunteers, under the pretence of self-defence.
In this state of ferment, lord North's conciliatory propositions
arrived, and were read first in the assembly of Pennsylvania by
governor Penn, who expressed an anxious wish that its members
iii It Is said, that general Gage, unwilling to have English service, and receive a large pecuniary re-
so valuable an officer opposed to him, privately sent ward : but the offer was Indignantly spurned.- tire
a proposal, that If he w ould quit the rebel party, he of Putnam, In the American National Gallery.
might rely on being made a major-general in the

46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Our. XVI.
would take into deliberation terms dictated by equity and mode
ration, and become, if possible, instruments of restoring tranquillity
to their country. Unmoved however by this appeal, the house
determined unanimously not to desert that union of the colonies to
which they were pledged ; — a union established on just principles,
and conducted by general counsels : they considered the prosperity
of their own province intimately connected with that of the colonies
in general; and though they deprecated civil war, they thought the
subversion of American liberty would be a still greater evil. Other
colonial assemblies urged different arguments against the reception
of propositions which were regarded universally as a scheme for
dissolving the national union : all concurred in referring them to
the general congress: but this was in itself a, rejection, since their
legality never could be acknowledged by the British government.
On the tenth of May, congress met at Philadelphia, in defiance
of a prohibition from the British secretary of state, lord Dartmouth,
directed to the provincial governors. Their first acts were to frame
resolutions for organising an army, and the emission of a paper
currency, guarantied by the united colonies ; — to stop all expor
tation of provisions to the British fisheries, and to every colony or
island which continued obedient to the British government ; — to
resolve, that, by violation of their charter, the people of Massachu
setts were absolved from allegiance to the crown, and might law
fully establish a new government ; — to prohibit the negociation of
bills of exchange, or any orders issued by officers of the army
and navy, agents, or contractors ; — and to stop all supplies for the
forces by land and sea : they also established a general post-office,
and placed it under the superintendence of Dr. Franklin. That ce
lebrated man, who was a member of this second congress, had been
strenuously engaged ever since his arrival in America, stimulating
his countrymen to action, and forwarding the march of revolu
tion (1). It was by his suggestion that paper money was adopted ;
and by his strong representations the people acquiesced in a mea
sure, without which the resistance to Britain must have been feeble
and short (2). A few days after the meeting of congress, Peyton Ban-
dolf, their first president, retired ; and his situation was conferred
on John Hancock of Boston. Georgia now added itself to the confe-
(!) The following account of the employment of (2) ' The first emission of 3,000,000 or dollars tool!
• ,1. exlrocled from hls correspondence, will place on the twenty-fifth of July, 1775, under a pro-
show with what spirit the cause was taken up by lis mise of exchanging Ihe notes for gold and silver In
eaders :- My time was never more fully employed ; the space of Ihree years : towards the end or 177C
in the morulug, at six, I am at the commiltee of 21 ,000,000 more were put Into circulation Congress
safety, appointed by the assembly to put the province began lo be uneasy, not knowing how It would be
Into a state of defence ; which commiltee holds me possible to redeem so large a sum and consulted
till near nine, when I am at the congress ; and that Franklin, who made the following reply : ' Do not
sits till after four In the afternoon: both these bodies make yourselves unhappy : continue lo Issue your
proceedwllhtbegreatestunanlnilly.andtbeirmeet- paper money as long as It will pay for the paper
Ings are well attended. It will scarcely be credited Ink, and printing : and wesball be able by Its means
In Britain, that men can be as diligent with us from lo liquidate all the expenses of the war "-Memoirs
zeal for Ihe publicservlce, as with you for thousands vol. ii. p. to.
per annum. Such Is the difference between uncor-
ffnpled new slates, and corrupted old ones.'

A-D- 1"S. 1 GEORGE III. m
deracy, which from this time assumed the appellation of ' The Thir
teen United Colonies.'
An address was drawn up to the people of Great Britain, and a
declaration of reasons for taking up arms ; also addresses to the
inhabitants of Canada, Jamaica, and Ireland ; and a second petition
to the king. In the first of these papers, they vindicated themselves
from the charge of aiming at independence, professed their wil
lingness to submit to the acts of trade and navigation passed be
fore 1763, recapitulated their reasons for rejecting lord North's
conciliatory propositions, and intimated to the inhabitants of England
the hazard they would run of losing their own liberty, if their Ame
rican brethren should be overcome. In their declaration, they
enumerated the injuries which they had received, and the methods
taken by the British ministry to compel them to submit. ' We have
counted, however,' said they, ' the cost of this contest, and find
nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery.' Nor did they fail to
insist on the facility of obtaining foreign assistance. In the petition
to his majesty, it was stated, 'that notwithstanding their sufferings,
they retained too high a regard for the country from which they
derived their origin, to request such a reconciliation as might be
inconsistent with her dignity and welfare. Attached to his majesty's
person, family, and government, with all the devotion that principle
can inspire, connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that
can unite society, and deploring every event that tended to weaken
them, they not only fervently desired the former harmony between
her and her colonies to be restored, but established on so firm a
basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future
dissensions, to succeeding generations. They prayed therefore that
his majesty would be pleased to point out some method by which
the united applications of his faithful colonists to the throne, in
pursuance of their common councils, might be improved into a happy
and perfect reconciliation.' It was supposed that something like a
Magna Charta for the colonists was hinted at in this latter clause :
when the petition however was presented by Mr. Penn and Mr. Lee,
they were informed that no answer could be returned to an illegal
assembly; and nothing contributed more than this slight to the
union of the colonists.
In the mean time, 10,000 fresh troops arrived from Britain,
under the command of generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton ; the
last of whom had served under prince Ferdinand in the seven years
war, and had acquired the esteem of that illustrious commander.
But although a large portion of this reinforcement had entered Bos
ton, that capital still continued blockaded by the provisional army,
and was reduced to considerable distress : at length however, ge
neral Gage, as a last effort to restore tranquillity without bloodshed,
issued a proclamation, in which, after describing the many unjus
tifiable acts of the provincials, and complaining of their blockade of

48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. .[Chap. XVI.
the capital, he promised pardon to all who should return to their
duty : but from this immunity he chose to except Samuel Adams
and John Hancock, as the chief firebrands of sedition, 'whose of
fences were too flagitious to admit of any other consideration than
that of condign punishment.' He also denounced their adherents,
together with all who refused to lay down their arms, as rebels ;
and since the common law of the land was suspended, he proceeded
to proclaim martial law until tranquillity should be restored.
As this proclamation was considered a prelude to hostilities,
preparations were made by the colonists for a final contest with
that country which had planted them in America, and raised them to
maturity ; a country, with which they were connected by the ties of
consanguinity, religion, laws, and language ; which they had been
taught to consider as the first in the world; a country rich and
powerful, with immense armies skilfully commanded, and victorious
fleets. This great nation they dared to oppose, without money and
arms, without armies or ships : but their ingenuity soon supplied
them with military resources, and Providence had blessed them with
a rich harvest of stout hearts and clever heads, wanting nothing
but experience to render their names illustrious in the annals of the
world. Whatever may be thought of the motives and origin of the
war, England herself has reason to be proud of many amongst her
intractable children, one of the bravest of whom particularly sig
nalised himself in the action about to be described.
A height, called Bunker' s— hill, at the entrance of the peninsula
of Charlestown, was considered an object of importance to both
parties : a resolution was accordingly taken in a provincial council
of war, at which general Putnam assisted, to establish a fortified post
there ; but when they came to execute this plan, by some mistake
the intrenchments were thrown up on Breed's-hill, an eminence,
like the other, not far from Boston. By unremitting diligence
through the night of June 16, a redoubt was constructed unobserved
by the British in their ships of war, which, at daybreak, commenced
an incessant fire on the workmen : the provincials sustained it with
intrepidity, and continued to labor until they had completed a
breastwork and intrenchment extending from the east side of the
redoubt to the bottom of the hill. As this eminence overlooked
Boston, a resolution was immediately taken to attack it; and a de
tachment of 3000 select troops were ordered on the service under
major-general Howe, and brigadier-general Pigot. Having landed
atMoreton's-point, they formed in two lines, and advanced slowly;
that on the right under general Howe, to attack the intrenchment ;
and that on the left under general Pigot, to storm the redoubt. The
troops were suffered to form, and halted at intervals, in order to
give their artillery time to demolish the American works ; while
thousands, both within and without Boston, were looking on the
scene with various emotions. The left wing, in advancing, was fired

A,D. 1775.] GEORGE 111. 49
on from some houses in Charlestown ; and during the conflict which
ensued, that suburb was set on fire and destroyed.
As the British moved slowly, the provincials had a better oppor
tunity of taking aim : they also reserved their fire till their adver
saries were within a short distance, when the volleys which they
poured into the British ranks .were so skilfully directed, that the
royal troops recoiled and fled : again their officers rallied them,
and again they were received with a fire so destructive, that there
were not sufficient men left to make a charge : in the heat of battle
the veteran Putnam was seen riding from front to rear, animating
officers and men, and threatening to cut down the first who should
disobey orders. During the second attack, one of those occurrences
took place which tend to soften the rugged features of war, and es
pecially demand the notice of an historian. As the British troops ad
vanced, the Americans were ordered by Putnam not to fire, ' until
they could see the white of their adversaries' eyes ; and then to aim
low at their waistbands : ' the effect of this discharge was so ter
rible, that the gallant major Small was left standing alone, every one
being shot down around him : the unerring muskets were then di
rected at him, and his fate appeared inevitable : but it is fitting that
the remainder of the story should be told in the major's own words :
— 'I glanced my eye towards the enemy, and saw several young
men levelling their pieces at me : I knew their excellence as marks
men, and considered myself gone : at this moment, my old friend
Putnam rushed forward, and, striking up the muzzles of their pieces
with his sword, cried out, 'For God's sake, my lads, don't fire at
that man ; I love him as my brother.' We were so near to each
other, that I heard his words distinctly : he was obeyed : I bowed,
thanked him, and walked away unmolested (1).'
At this crisis, general Clinton, from the opposite point, seeing
the distress of the troops, volunteered his services, carried over
a reinforcement, and with general Howe brought them back to
the charge : animated by their presence, the British soldiers rushed
to the assault with fixed bayonets, and drove the provincials from
their works, of which they took possession: their loss consisted
of 226 killed, and 828 wounded ; whilst the Americans, by their
own accounts, had 304 wounded, and 145 slain : among the most
lamented of these was Dr. Warren, a physician, who acted as a
major-general, and commanded the party in the redoubt.
As no pursuit was ordered, the Americans suffered but little ia
their retreat, except in their march over Charlestown-neck, which
was raked by the Glasgow man of war: the English advanced no
|l) These words were addressed by colonel Small you havo not done him jusllce; 1 wl»b you to alter
In t78G to colonel John Trumbull, afterwards pre- that part of your palming, and introduce a circum-
sldentofthe American academy, who was employed stance which actually happened, and which I can
In palnllng a picture of this celebrated battle. look- never forget.' De then related the anecdote. See
Ing at the picture, he said, ' I don't like the situation Life of Pulnam, In the American National Portrait
In which you have placed my old friend Putnam • Gallery.
II. *

50 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVI.
farther than Bunker' s-hill, where they threw up works for their
own security ; whilst the Americans did the same on Prospect-hill
in front of them: each party had well sustained its character; and
though the royal troops claimed the empty honors of victory, the
real advantage remained with their antagonists : they had measured
their strength against the dreaded superiority of regular forces, and
had no reason to be dismayed at the result: the blockade of Boston
was continued ; and the appointment of a commander in chief, se
lected for his high and able qualities by the congress, promised
to add consistency and effect to their future operations.
George Washington, called by his fellow citizens to that honor
able and responsible office, was a Virginian gentleman of affluent
fortune, who had distinguished himself in the Canadian war, par
ticularly on the day of Braddock's defeat, when, at the head of the
provincial militia, he covered the retreat of the British troops,
and saved them from destruction. From the fields of his early
fame he had turned his attention to the peaceful pursuits of agri
culture on the banks of the Potomac ; where he diligently employed
himself in improving the estate of Mount Vernon, which he had
inherited from his mother. He is proved by his correspondence
to have been sincerely desirous of preserving unbroken the ties
of allegiance which bound the colonies to the parent state : but
when the rupture was inevitable, and the voice of his country
called her sons to deliberate and to act for the preservation of their
independence, Washington relinquished his favorite occupations,
and joined the first congress at Philadelphia: his high character,
and the conspicuous part he had borne in the late war, caused him
to be appointed on all committees where military knowledge was
requisite; and when it was necessary to select a commander, he
was unanimously chosen by his colleagues : he accepted the office
with great diffidence, and declined all compensation beyond the
payment of his expenses.
The man whom his country thus honored, by placing him in
the front of danger, and entrusting him with a commission un
exampled for the difficulties, the anxieties, and the high destinies
that it involved, seems to have been one of those characters rais
ed up by Providence for the accomplishment of great designs : his
distinguishing qualities, which never could have been expected to
meet in one man, were all peculiarly adapted to the emergency
which called him forth. He was of a grave and sober tempera
ment, of a reflective and deeply calculating turn of mind (1) ; some
what stern in demeanor, inflexible to the weaknesses of others,
and inexorable in his purposes of public duty ; yet strictly just,
and when justice was satisfied, humane and generous: he was ha
bituated to view things on all sides, to consider them in all rela
tions, and to trace all the probable consequences of proposed
(I) See his correspondence passim.

AD. 1773.] GEORGE III. SI
measures. Possessed of a penetrating genius, and an activity that
never flagged, he was ever meditating on schemes of public safety,
or engaged in executing what his sagacity had contrived. When
the army was at rest, its commander was in motion : the most
distant stations, the fittest places for offensive or defensive opera
tions, the secret agents of his midnight counsels, were visited by
him in person ; and the wild woods of America, her rocky caves,
and mountain sides, were silent witnesses of his indefatigable exer
tions. With integrity to withstand all temptations, and magnani
mity to resign all private interests, for the public welfare, he pos
sessed the art of persuading others to follow him in the same
narrow and difficult path of duty : and 'as no temptation could
seduce him, so no difficulties, no losses, no sufferings, no defeats,
could shake his fortitude or distract his counsels. Though the
gloom which for a long period hung over his country's fate, com
municated itself to her commander, and chased all traces of hila
rity from his brow, he never despaired of her ultimate success.
If indeed Washington had deserted her cause, her glory had been
extinguished : if Washington had been induced by rash counsels to
make a false step, the American armies had been undone : but
unmoved by difficulties or dangers, obloquy or praise, he waited
patiently for the times of action ; and like the celebrated Boman,
saved his country by caution, vigilance, and delay. In addition to
his high endowments, nature had given him a robust constitution,
a capability of enduring fatigue almost unexampled, a heroic coun
tenance, and a stately figure, which seemed, as it were, expressly
formed for command. If we consider the power that he opposed,
the various interests that he united, the trials that he underwent,
the policy that he displayed, and, above all, his characteristic mo
desty, his disinterested patriotism, and those high moral and re
ligious feelings that adorned his life, where shall we find a parallel
for the soldier and statesman of America ?
As soon as Washington was invested with supreme command,
he repaired to the camp. The congress of New York presented
him with an address, principally relating to the preservation of the
rights of citizenship ; to which this great and good man made the
following reply : — ' When I assumed the character of the soldier,
I did not forget that of the citizen ; and I look forward with plea
sure to that auspicious period, when the rights of my country being
secured, I may retire to the sweets of peaceful tranquillity under
the protection of the law.' Arriving at Cambridge, he entered on
his duties early in July ; when the British army, under general Howe,
was intrenched in two divisions, at Boxbury-neck and Bunker' s-
hill : the Americans were encamped on the numerous hills and
eminences around Boston ; their right extending towards Dorches
ter, and their left covered by the Bedford river. Their com
mander found himself at the head of about 15,000 men, variously

52 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cuap. XVI.
armed, without artillery or tents, commissaries or quarter-masters;
with a very small supply of bayonets and powder : the officers,
with few exceptions, were without experience ; most of the soldiers
undisciplined, and all unversed in military tactics.
Complaining of his numerous deficiencies, he thus wrote to con
gress : — 'We have no store of ammunition, no tools for intrench
ing, no engineers to direct the construction of military works : we
have no money, and want clothing : there is a total laxity of dis
cipline ; and the majority is not to be depended on in the event of
another action.'
These defects were to be remedied before offensive operations
could be undertaken : the emergency demanded all the industry,
perseverance, and firmness of Washington ; and although he was
indefatigable, the organisation of the troops occupied the summer
and autumn.
Dividing his army into three divisions, he appointed major-ge
neral Ward to the right, and major-general Lee (1) to the left,
himself remaining in the centre : and having, on his arrival, found
the indefatigable Putnam engaged in carrying on the necessary de
fences, and being attracted by the activity and frank disposition of
that estimable officer, he placed him over the reserve. The wise
plans of Washington were aided by the remissness of the British
commander, who , though apprised of the forlorn state of the Ame
rican forces, declined offensive operations ; and treated the infor
mation given to him of their distress, as a lure to draw him into
some hazardous enterprise : the season, therefore, passed away
without any transaction of importance. On the tenth of October
general Gage was recalled, and the command of the British troops
devolved on general Howe.
• Both the assembly of Massachusetts and the continental congress
resolved to fit out armed cruisers for the limited object of inter
cepting military stores and supplies destined for the British forces ;
but as the prospect of accommodation vanished, it was extended
to all British property afloat on the high sea. The Americans were
very diffident of their powers on this element; but fortune smiled
auspiciously on their first efforts : for on the twentieth of Novem
ber, the Lee privateer, captain Manley, took an ordnance vessel
containing a large mortar, several pieces of brass cannon, a large
quantity of arms and ammunition, with all manner of tools and
machines necessary for a camp. If an order had been given for
supplies, nothing more useful could have been sent to the colonists ;
and a very short time elapsed before the same officer captured
several other ships conveying stores to the British army. By these
(l) A British officer of great talent, but of a rest- serve In Ihe American cause : he was by a consider-
less and ecccnlrlcdlsposltlon, who had served during able parly thought to be the author of Junlus's Let-
the late war with distinction In Portugal. He now ters.
resigned bis commission In the British service, lo

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE III.

53

means considerable distress began to prevail among the troops in
Boston ; and naval captures, being unexpected, were a matter
of great triumph to the Americans, as well as of service to their
cause. Early in the year some very important enterprises had been under
taken in a different part of the American continent. A party of
Connecticut gentlemen, having procured a loan of public money,
concocted a scheme for surprising the important post of Ticonde
roga, situated on a promontory near the junction of lakes George
and Champlain, and the key of communication between New York
and Canada. Having procured ammunition, and raised 270 men,
mostly of a hardy race called green-mountain boys, they proceeded
to Bennington, and placed themselves under colonel Ethan Allen :
there th ey were unexpectedly j oined by colonel Arnold , who , after the
battle of Lexington, had received from the provisional congress of
Massachusetts a commission to raise 400 men for the same purpose.
He having agreed to act under Allen, they proceeded together : in
the night of the ninth of May they arrived at lake Champlain,
crossed over with eighty-three men, and surprising the commander
in his bed, ordered him to deliver up the fortress. ' By what author
ity do you make this demand?' said captain de la Place. 'I de
mand it,' replied Allen, ' in the name of the Great Jehovah, and
of the congress.' Besistance being useless, none was made ; the
place was taken possession of before the boats which had been sent
back could return with reinforcements ; and a store of ammunition
and provisions fell into the hands of the captors. The reduction of
Crown Point, situated at the southern extremity of lake Champlain,
was also speedily effected ; and their next object was to obtain the
command of that lake itself, to effect which, it was necessary to pos
sess the Enterprise sloop of war, which lay at St. John's, near the
northern extremity. For that purpose a schooner lying at South-
bay was manned ; and colonel Arnold, taking the command, set sail,
carried the sloop by surprise, and returned with his prize to Ticon
deroga, where, on the departure of Allen, he consented to remain in
garrison. Intelligence of these events was in a few days conveyed to con
gress. Though they rejoiced in the spirit of enterprise exhibited
by their countrymen, they still feared lest they might be charged
with aggression, at a time when they were expressing a unanimous
desire of accommodation : they therefore recommended the commit
tees of New York and Albany to remove all the stores to the south
of lake George, ' in order that they might be safely returned, when
the restoration of harmony between Britain and her colonies, so
ardently desired by the latter, should render it consistent with the
overruling law of self-preservation.'
Colonel Arnold, having begun his career with such success, was
urged by this, and his natural impetuosity, to project more exten-,

54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVI.
sive operations. On the thirteenth of June he strongly pressed on
congress the advantages of an expedition to Canada ; offering, with
2000 men, to reduce the whole province. In his zeal to oppose
Great Britain, he advised an offensive war even before an army
had been organised ; and his recommendations were adopted.
General Carleton, governor of Canada, having in vain attempted
to induce the inhabitants to assist him in the recovery of Ticonde
roga and Crown Point, soon found himself obliged to act on the
defensive. Congress committed the management, in this northern
department, to generals Schuyler and Montgomery : these officers,
after issuing an address to the inhabitants, assuring them, ' that the
sole views of congress were to restore those rights to which every
British subject, whatever may be his religious faith, is entitled,'
proceeded with 1000 troops, and on the tenth of September landed
at St. John's, the first British post in Canada, lying 115 miles north
of Ticonderoga ; but the fortifications being found stronger than
expected, a council of war was called, and a retreat recommended
to Isle aux Noix : here general Schuyler being obliged to retire
from service on account of ill health, the command devolved on
Montgomery. This officer then returned and opened a battery
against St. John's; but his ammunition failing him, he advanced
against fort Chamblee, by the reduction of which he procured six
tons of gunpowder. As the garrison persevered in their resistance,
governor Carleton collected 800 men, with which he set out to their
assistance ; but was prevented from crossing the St. Lawrence by
colonel Warner with 300 green-mountain boys and a four-pounder.
Seeing no farther hope of succor, the commander of St. John's
surrendered the fort, and general Montgomery proceeded against
Montreal : the few British forces stationed at that place endeavored
to escape down the St. Lawrence, but were intercepted by colonel
Easton at the point of Sorel river, where eleven sail of vessels
fell into the hands of the provincials. As Montreal, which at this
time surrendered to general Montgomery, carried on an extensive
trade, the American troops obtained a supply of proper clothing ;
after which their commander, having secured the good will of the
inhabitants by his liberal treatment of them, advanced towards the
capital. About the same time that Canada was invaded from this quarter,
a detachment of the American army at Cambridge was sent on a
similar expedition, under colonel Arnold, who conducted them to
that royal province by a new route over the inhospitable deserts
of the northern states. The invincible spirit with which this hardy
band conquered the difficulties of their expedition, acquired for its
commander the appellation of the American Hannibal. After hav
ing been long subjected to the extremity of cold and hunger, re
duced even to eat the leather of their shoes, they arrived at Point
Levy on the eighth of November, while general Montgomery lay

A-D. I'75.] GEORGE III. 53
at Montreal. Such was the consternation of the garrison at their
unexpected appearance, that the intervention of the river probably
saved them from capture ; especially as general Carleton was ab
sent. In a few days the attempt was made : colonel Arnold passed
the St. Lawrence : but the panic occasioned by his first arrival was
abated; the inhabitants united together for their common safely;
the sailors from the vessels in the river were called in to man the
batteries; and as the American chief had no artillery, he drew his
troops from the heights near Quebec, purposing nothing more than
to cut off supplies from the garrison till the arrival of Montgo
mery. In the mean time, general Carleton, having escaped in a
boat with muffled paddles through the Americans at Montreal, ar
rived in safety at Quebec; and the affection which was borne to
him, as well as the confidence reposed in his talents, stimulated all
to make a determined resistance.
On the first of December, a junction of the two American de
tachments was effected at Point aux Trembles, and the siege of
Quebec commenced ; but the fortune of war began to turn against
the provincial commanders : dissensions broke out among the of
ficers; the money furnished for the expedition was nearly ex
hausted ; the severity of winter, and difficulties of every kind were
increasing : under these circumstances, general Montgomery, being
convinced that the siege must be raised or brought to a conclusion,
determined on storming the place, though success was scarcely pos
sible; for a third part of Arnold's detachment had returned to
Cambridge, and a considerable number of his own was left at Mon
treal. Having divided his army into four companies, he ordered
two feints against the upper town, reserving to himself and colonel
Arnold the two principal attacks on the lower town. On the thirty-
first of December he advanced, and passed the first barrier; but
as he was on the point of attacking the second, he was shot dead,
with his aid-de-camp and other officers; which so dispirited the
men, that colonel Campbell, on whom the command devolved,
retired. In the mean time, Arnold, having passed through St. Boch,
and approached a two-gun battery without being discovered, car
ried it, though with considerable loss ; and being severely wound
ed, was borne off the field : his party, however, pushing on, gained
possession of a second barrier; but finding themselves hem
med in, they were obliged to capitulate : 100 are reckoned to have
fallen, and about 300 to have been taken prisoners. The conflict
being over, all exasperation gave way to better feelings, and the
Americans who had surrendered were treated with humanity. Few
men ever fell more regretted than Montgomery (1) : his body was
III The esteem In which his memory was held by the household to hand them from and to tbelr car-
wasblnglon may be Inferred from the follow Ing clr- riages ; bul when the honored relicts of Greene and
cnmstance, as related In the life of Mrs. Washington : Montgomery came, the president himself performed
— • When ladles called at the president's mansion, Ihese complimentary duties.'
the custom was for the secretaries and gentlemen of

56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVI.
solemnly interred by Carleton, whose magnanimity led him to ac
knowledge excellence even in an enemy : but notwithstanding the loss
of this officer, and the wound which Arnold had received, the lat
ter contrived, with the remnant of his troops, to continue the
blockade of the city, which he reduced to great distress.
It is now requisite to take a transient view of affairs in some of
the other colonies. Lord Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, had
lost all his former popularity, by efforts to maintain the royal
cause, and by the publication of his correspondence with lord Dart
mouth, in which he severely analysed the motives and conduct of
the province in resisting the mother country. After being engaged
in disputes with the colonists, assailed with vehement invectives,
and threatened with open violence, he removed his lady and family
on board the Fowey man of war, fortified the government house,
and surrounded it with artillery: the ferment, however, soon be
came so excessive, that he was obliged to join them ; and he
attempted, but in vain, to transfer thither the sittings of the assembly.
His lordship having thus divested himself of authority, collected a
small naval force, and carried on a sort of predatory warfare
against the province, proclaiming martial law, requiring all persons
capable of bearing arms to join the royal standard, and giving
freedom to all negro slaves willing to serve against their masters ;
a measure which, without being productive of any advantage, since
the province was in a state of defence, excited the utmost irritation
and resentment throughout the colony. Having hoisted the royal
standard at Norfolk, which place he was soon obliged to evacuate,
he again retired on board ship, attended by so many loyalists, that
provisions began to foil ; and being denied all supplies by the re
publicans, who were now in possession of that florishing town, he
cannonaded it, and set fire to the wharfr ; by which means it was
reduced to ashes,, and property consumed to the value of 300,000/.
This act alienated the Virginians from the British government ; and
lord Dunmore, after sending the liberated slaves to Florida and the
West Indies, joined the army under general Howe. So important,
however, was Virginia to the British government, that means were
set on foot to recover it; and an extensive scheme was arranged
by one Connelly, a native of Pennsylvania, for attacking this and
the other southern colonies from the interior, where the people
were known to be loyal; for which purpose the garrisons of Detroit
and other inland posts were to be assisted by the Indians and Ca
nadians : but the contriver of this plan, being betrayed by his
confidential assistant, was seized, sent to Philadelphia, and treated
with great rigor; whilst the publication of his papers and plans
materially served the cause of independence. A similar result pro
ceeded from the application of Sir James Wright, governor of
Georgia, to general Gage, for the co-operation of a small military
force, by which the colony might easily have been kept under sub-

A.D. 1775] GEORGE III. 57
jection. Intelligence having been given to some of the agents of
congress, the messenger was waylaid, his despatches seized, and
others forwarded, of a contrary tendency, so nicely forged, as to
deceive the person to whom they were addressed.
Governor Martin and lord William Campbell, having adopted a
policy similar to that of lord Dunmore, withdrew for safety on
board the king's ships. In Maryland, the wisdom of governor Eden
prevented all such violent proceedings; and when the British author
ity was superseded, he retired from the colony with the esteem
of all parties. In Pennsylvania a strong military association was
established ; and one common spirit pervaded the united provinces
of America.
The principal scene of hostilities was still confined to Massachu
setts, where, in the course of predatory hostility, the town of
Falmouth was cannonaded and totally destroyed, in revenge for
some offence relating to supplies, and on the refusal of its inhabi
tants to deliver up their arms. In return for this injury, the as
sembly of Massachusetts passed an act dated November 13, 1775,
granting letters of marque and reprisal, and establishing courts of
admiralty for the trial and condemnation of British ships. Congress
also determining to meet the force of Britain on her own element,
issued orders for building five ships of thirty-two guns, five of
twenty-eight, and three of twenty -four. The garrison of Boston
was maintained by supplies from England, a proportion of which
was intercepted by the American cruisers : the town continued
blockaded through the winter ; and the troops, especially those in
the outer defences, suffered incredible hardships from the severity
of the season. Nor did the inhabitants escape their share of cala
mity, which was considerably augmented by several severe edicts
issued by general Howe.
Altogether the transactions of this year were favorable to the
American cause : much had been done to irritate the colonists and
to cement their union ; but very little in the way of conquest :
measures of coercion had been met with firmness ; conciliatory pro
positions had been rejected ; and such masters of political intrigue
had these republicans showed themselves, that with sentiments of
loyalty constantly on their tongues, they advanced rapidly in the
cause of revolt. The result of their military operations, even the
gallant bearing of their little army in Canada, though unsuccessful,
inspired them with confidence ; the expulsion of the royal govern
ors from the southern colonies left them free to act ; the valor and
skill of many of the officers afforded exhilarating prospects for the
future; whilst the appointment of Washington, who obtained the'
affection and confidence of all ranks, was in itself a tower of
strength. In Britain, the arguments which were brought against the policy
adopted by government after the termination of the contest, were

58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ciiap. XVI.
at this time rarely heard : the cause of the mother country was
considered just, and therefore popular : as the Americans were
generally deemed rebels and cowards, coercion was considered ex
pedient and easy ; whilst those who vindicated their resistance, were
met by a charge of levelling principles and hostility to monarchical
government : most people supposed, that the grand object of mi
nisters was to raise a revenue from the colonies ; and as it was
impossible to doubt the issue of the contest, the reduction of taxes
by that measure was still a pleasing object of hope to the country
gentlemen : this ignoble desire on their part, and the king's deter
mination to preserve the prerogatives of his crown, were the main
supports of lord North's administration. Nor was the loss of
American trade much felt at present : considerable remittances had
been received before the ports were closed ; peace between Bussia
and Turkey had occasioned large orders for British articles in the
Baltic and Levant ; whilst the great demands attending the com
mencement of hostilities gave energy to commerce : hence it hap
pened, that numbers even of British merchants were induced to
join in praise of administration, and in loyal addresses which were
sent up from all parts of the kingdom.
Political discussion, as might be expected at such a time, ran
high, and tended greatly to revive the distinction of whigs and
tories : a few of the former class considered opposition to par
liamentary authority as a deviation from the true doctrine of
whiggism ; but the greater part thought that its essence consisted
in resisting arbitrary measures : whilst the reasoning of the tories
favored despotic power, the opinions of the whigs were of too re
publican a cast. 'On viewing the reasonings for and against
taxation,' says an acute observer (1), 'as contained in the parlia
mentary debates and political treatises of the times, a reader may
perceive a striking difference. The supporters chiefly argued from
alledged instances, the opponents from general principles : the pro
moters pointed out certain cases in which British subjects were
taxed without their own consent ; whereas their adversaries con
tended that it was a fundamental rule of the British constitution,
that no supply should be granted but by the people or their dele
gates ; that the exceptions confirmed the principle ; and if certain
classes submitted to be under the exception, others were not obliged
to follow their example. The Americans, said the ministerial party,
are as much represented as many inhabitants of Britain who have
no vote. To this two answers were returned : first, that every
Briton is virtually represented, since the laws that bind him, bind
'also the legislators: secondly, the premises were admitted, but not
the conclusion ; that because within this realm many without being
represented paid taxes, therefore the Americans were bound to do
the same. The wisest and best of the anti-ministerialists dwelt
|l| Dr. Blssol, In Ms niilory of the Reign of George III. vol II. p. 206.

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE III. 51
less on the abstract question of taxation; they insisted chiefly on
expediency : we had gained much, and might gain more, from the
increasing prosperity of the Americans, without taxation: we were
losing much, and were likely to lose a great deal more, by the attempt
to extort a revenue : it was our interest to return to the policy which
produced gain, and abandon the counsel which produced loss.'
If we did not know how strong the powers of prejudice are in
overcoming the arguments of sound policy, we should feel more
astonishment at the prevalent disposition of the king, ministers,
parliament, and people of Britain at this momentous period. That
the opportunity of creating popular commotion, and of raising
themselves into celebrity, should have been seized on by factious
demagogues, need not at all surprise us. The first collision in arms
brought out all the mock patriots of the metropolis : the ' Society for
Constitutional Information,' formed from the wreck of the 'Bill of
Bights' club,' immediately held a meeting; and the Bev. John
Home, first the supporter, next the rival, and now the successor
of alderman Wilkes in popular favor, moved, 'that a subscription
be raised for the relief of the widows, orphans, and aged parents
of their American fellow-subjects, who, preferring death to slavery,
were, for this reason only, murdered by the king's troops at Lexington
and Concord, on the nineteenth of April, 1775.' A vote of the society
for 100/. was carried, and the money ordered to be transmitted to
Dr. Franklin : but as the other members, comprehending the peril
of the case, hesitated to sign the order, Home took on himself the
responsibility, and affixed his name : for this he was prosecuted ; and
was sentenced to pay 200/., to be imprisoned one year, and find
securities for three; but his vanity was gratified by the opportunity
of making a sarcastic speech, and his hopes were elated by the
prospect of rising on the public discontents.
The offence of Home was a direct challenge to government,
whose authority must have been diminished, if it had refused to
notice such an insult : its conduct, however, was open to animad
version, when Mr. Sayre, an American merchant, was committed
to the Tower on a ridiculous charge of high treason. The grounds
of it were not specially declared ; but report said, that he had
formed a design to seize the king at noon-day in his way to the
house, to carry him out of the kingdom, occupy the Tower, and
overturn the government ; to effect all which, he had bribed two
guardsmen, each of whom engaged to gain a file of privates. The
evidence for this accusation was Mr. Bichardson, an adjutant in
the guards, who declared on oath, that Mr. Sayre had intimated
to him such intentions ; and on this, lord Bochford committed him
to the Tower, where he was kept five days ; but at the end of that
time, he was let out on very slight bail. No prosecution was at
tempted ; the bail was discharged ; and Mr. Sayre, having sued lord
Bochford for illegal imprisonment, recovered 1000/. damages.

6o HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVI.
The two houses assembled on the twenty-sixth of October. The
king's speech alluded to the revolt of the colonies ; and especially to
the illegal acts of certain persons, who had assumed to themselves
legislative powers, which they exercised in the most arbitrary man
ner. His majesty commended the disposition of parliament during
the last session, as manifesting a desire to reclaim rather than sub
due ; and he expressed his own anxiety, had it been possible, to
have prevented the effusion of blood : he had hoped that his Ame
rican subjects would have perceived the traitorous designs of their
leaders, and been convinced that to be a subject of Britain, with all
its consequences, is to enjoy the highestdegree of civil freedom. He
spoke of friendly offers which had been made of foreign assistance ;
and of having sent Hanoverian troops to Gibraltar and Port Mahon,
to replace such British regiments as should be drawn from those
garrisons for the American service: he also professed a readiness
to receive the deluded multitude with tenderness, on the confession
of their faults ; and to prevent inconvenience, he would give a dis
cretionary power to commissioners to grant general pardons ; sug
gesting the propriety of authorising such persons to restore to any
submissive colony the exercise of its trade. Finally, he informed
both houses, that he saw no probability of any impediment to his
measures from the hostility of foreign powers.
An amendment to the address was proposed by lord John Ca
vendish, and the principle and conduct of the contest was vehe
mently arraigned. The facts assumed in the speech were declared
to be untrue ; the confiding such important fortresses as Gibraltar
and Port Mahon to foreigners was strongly condemned, and the
idea of conquest exposed to ridicule. Colonel Barre censured the
conduct of the campaign. Mr. Fox observed, that lord Chatham,
Frederic of Prussia, or Alexander the Great, never gained more
in one year than our government had lost — for it had lost a whole
continent. General Conway, though joined with administration,
would not support all their measures ; for he reprobated the idea
of conquering America, declared against the right of taxation, and
wished to see the declaratory act repealed.
In answer to these objections, the necessity of regaining America
by force was maintained : government had anxiously attempted to
do this by the civil power, through a love of lenity ; but it now de
signed to send out an ample force, with a sufficient fleet to ensure
subjection. The extravagant pretensions of the colonial assem
blies, as well as of the general congress, and their encroachments
on all the rights of the parent state, were amply exposed. With
regard to revenue, parliament had often declared, that it would
never tax the Americans, unless they refused to contribute a due
proportion to the expenses of the slate : they knew that a reason
able sum would be accepted ; but would not, to gratify their mo
ther country, offer a single shilling. Lord North observed, that

AD. 1775.] GEORGE III. 6,
to repeal all the acts passed since 1763, must indeed terminate the
dispute ; for it would at once raise America to independence ; at the
same time he vindicated those acts from the charge of injustice.
The marquis of Bockingham moved a similar amendment to that
in the commons ; but earl Gower avowed that the administration
had been misled during the late events in America : New York, he
said, had been forced into hostile measures by the insurgents of
Connecticut ; and he predicted, that if the friends of government
were well supported by a force from this country, the colonies
might soon be brought to a sense of their duty without any scenes
of misery and bloodshed.
The rashness of these predictions was exposed by the earl of
Shelburne, who advanced it as a plain fact, ' that the commerce of
America was the vital stream of this great empire : ' at the same
time, whilst he looked to the independence of that country as the
result of the contest, he confessed that such independence would
be the ruin of Britain.
The duke of Grafton, though not concurring in the amendment,
expressed sentiments directly hostile to administration. His apology
for having supported them, by alledging that he had been deceived,
was not very creditable to one who had so long guided the helm
of state : nor was it a proof of his judgment to declare, ' that he
had concurred when he could not approve, from a hope, that in
proportion to the strength of government, would be the probability
of an amicable adjustment.' The amendment was negatived by a
large majority ; but a protest was signed by nineteen peers.
After the delivery of such opinions, the duke of Grafton could
not long remain in the cabinet : his grace, however, was not the
only member of administration who differed with his colleagues on
the subject of American taxation. Lord Barrington, who was per
haps most abused for the part which he was supposed to take in
its promotion, is proved to have been most earnest in laboring to
avert it : his observations and remonstrances at this time, both to
the ministers and to the king, are very creditable to his sagacity.
In a letter to lord North, dated August 8th, 1775, he says, ' as it
is the measure of government to have a large army in North Ame
rica, it is my duty and inclination to make that measure succeed to
the utmost; though my opinion always has been, and still is, that
the Americans may be reduced by the fleet, but never can be by
the army (1).' To the earl of Dartmouth, in allusion to five regi
ments about to be sent from Ireland, he observes, 'lam not ap
prised where they are going ; but I concluded, they are intended
to act as a separate corps in North America, to the southward : if
there should be an idea of such a force marching up the country, I
hope it will not be entertained ; for there must be great danger of its
wanting many essential necessaries, where there is so little to be had,
|l) Political Life, p. 150.

62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVI.
so much desire to prevent our having that little, so much difficulty in
conveying artillery, stores, provisions, etc., and so much hazard of
losing communication with the ships : allow me once more, my dear
lord, to remind you of the necessity there is, in all military matters,
not to stir a step without full consultation of able military men, after
giving them the most perfect knowledge of the whole matter under
consideration, with all its circumstances (1).'
Subsequent events showed the justness of his observations;
these however were not confined to fruitless expenditure, but ex
tended to the danger which might accrue, at so critical a period,
to the mother country. In the eagerness of sending troops to the
conquest of America, England was soon almost divested of its mi
litary force; whilst an enemy abroad, and a faction at home, were
co-operating for its ruin. On this subject he submitted to his ma
jesty a memorial, in which he advised that the militia should be
called out; but suggested great caution in drawing men for the
whole year, and putting them under the severity of martial law (2).
In the debates above alluded to, the measure of entrusting Gi
braltar and Minorca, the keys of the Mediterranean, to foreign gar
risons, was opposed, not only as being repugnant to the bill of
rights, but as an alarming precedent of foreigners introduced, and
armies raised by a British king, without the consent of parliament.
In answering this objection, Mr. Thurlow observed, that the clause
alluded to in the bill of rights did not apply to any territory be
yond the limits of Britain : the necessity of the case was also urged,
and the introduction of 6000 Dutch troops in 1745 was cited as a
precedent. Lord North acknowledged himself the adviser of the
measure, and treated the opposition with an unbecoming levity;
but he was obliged to yield to the representations of some among
his friends, as well as of his opponents, and ask leave to bring in
a bill of indemnity.
The duke of Manchester on the same day made a motion against
this unconstitutional practice, which the earl of Bochford, as one
of its advisers, declared was justifiable : but having heard of lord
North's intention, he moved the previous question; which however
was negatived : the duke of Grafton was the only cabinet minister
who condemned the measure, as inconsistent with the tenor of
Magna Charta. A similar motion of censure was made in the com
mons by Sir James Lowther, and disposed of in the same manner.
The bill of indemnity passed the commons, but was rejected by the
lords ; the marquis of Rockingham observing, that it would dis
grace the statute book to afford indemnity to those who acknow
ledged no offence, and the members of administration declaring
themselves indifferent about the event.
Lord North brought in a bill to assemble the militia in cases of
rebellion ; which passed, with a rider, limiting its duration to seven
|l| Political Life, p. 100. |2| Ibid. p. IOC.

AD. 1775.] GEORGE III. 63
years : the number of forces, to be employed by sea and land in
the ensuing year, indicated great designs : 28,000 seamen, includ
ing marines, were voted ; and 50,000 men for the land service.
In the mean time, the duke of Grafton had resigned the privy-
seal, which was given to the earl of Dartmouth : he was succeeded
in the secretaryship for the American department by lord George
Germaine, who, as lord George Sackville, had been subjected by
the sentence of a court martial to much obloquy : this nobleman
had supported the stamp act, and now enforced American taxa
tion. Of a commanding figure and manly elocution, appealing to
the judgment of his hearers more than to their imagination, con
cise and argumentative, he was listened to with attention : by him
the operations of the war are supposed to have been planned and
superintended. The earl of Rochford also having about this time
retired, was succeeded by lord Weymouth as secretary for the
southern department; and the young lord Lyttleton, who had op
posed the address, was gained over to administration at the ex
pense of his consistency, by the allurements of office (1). In this
manner did the cabinet prepare itself for the arduous enterprise
that lay before it.
At the opening of the session, a loyal petition was presented to
both houses from the assembly of Nova Scotia, in consequence of
lord North's conciliatory propositions, which was intended by
those who promoted it in that colony to be a precedent to others :
it proposed to grant to his majesty in perpetuity a duty of pound
age, ad valorem, on all commodities imported into the colony,
not being the produce of the British dominions in Europe or Ame
rica, bay-salt only excepted ; by which means the amount of the
revenue would keep pace with the wealth of the province. Minis
ters, in a committee of the house, supported this proposition,
thinking the example inviting to the other colonies, and suggesting
a duty of eight per cent. : but objections were drawn from the
unproductiveness of the new impost, compared with the old duties;
and the small chance of other colonies following the example of a
district which had always occasioned an expense to government,
and required a yearly grant from parliament. Whether the mi
nistry, in prosecuting this measure, saw its inefficacy, or an over
ruling power had gained an ascendency in the cabinet, to which the
long catalogue of grievances, which even this poor and dependent
spot dared to exhibit, was offensive ; — nothing more was heard of
the petition after it had passed the committee (2).
On the sixth of November, the petition of congress, which had
been alluded to in the king's speech, was submitted to parliament ;
and when the lords were proceeding to consider it, the duke of
Richmond, seeing Mr. Penn, late governor of Pennsylvania, stand-
in He was made a privy counsellor, and chief Justice In Eyre beyond Trent.
|2) lord North's Administration, p. 218.

C4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVI.
ing below the bar, urged the propriety of examining him as a
witness ; which proposal, after a long debate, was conceded.
The examination was conducted by the duke himself, who had
previously submitted to the house the questions he intended to
propose : the opinions elicited from it showed that, the members
of congress were men of character and intelligence ; that the people
generally considered themselves capable of resisting the arms of
Great Britain employed to enforce the obnoxious acts; that the
war was commenced in defence of their liberties, not from a de
sire of independence; but unless conciliatory measures were speedily
pursued, it was to be feared that connexions with foreign powers
would be formed, which they would not easily be induced to re
nounce ; that they were dissatisfied with the reception of their peti
tions, but inclined to acknowledge the authority of Britain, in all
particulars, except taxation.
On this evidence, partial and imperfect as it was, his grace found
ed a motion, ' that the petition was a ground for conciliation ; '
and he extolled its language as that of submission, so far as was
compatible with the rights secured to freemen by the constitution,
and descanted on the dangers of conquest : in which sentiments he
was ably supported by lord Shelburne. Lord Dartmouth defended
the refusal to answer the petition ; and lord Lyttleton attacked the
partiality of the witness, characterising the Americans as auda
cious rebels, and their sentiments as insidious, traitorous, and
false expressions of loyalty. Lord Sandwich, whose mildness in
debate was a contrast to lord Lyttleton's violence, laid open many
errors in the statements of American power, and rectified some
mis-statements of the strength of the country. The duke of Rich
mond's motion was negatived by eighty-six to thirty-three.
On the sixteenth of November Mr. Burke again thought it expe
dient to propose measures of conciliation. In his speech he ob
served, that three plans seemed to be afloat with regard to America :
the first, simple war with a view to complete conquest ; the second,
force mixed with negociations, which appeared most favored by
ministers, but met with his disapprobation ; the last, peace grounded
on concession ; in conformity with which he moved ' for leave to
bring in a bill for composing the present troubles, and quieting
the minds of his majesty's subjects in America,' founded on the
statute of Edward I. de tallagio non concedendo : according to which
precedent, he proposed a renunciation of taxation, a repeal of
statutes made on a contrary principle since 1766, a general pardon,
and a congress to be held by royal authority for the adjustment of
differences. This proposition, though negatived, caused a long debate : its
principal opponent was governor Pownal, who followed the mover,
exposing many fallacies in his reasoning. The chief fault in the
plan, he said, arose from the proposer's partiality to his own friends:

A'D- ,775-l GEORGE III. C5
the Americans would not be content with a repeal of the acts passed
since 1766 : when they limited their present complaints to infringe
ments on their rights since 1763, they carefully reserved the farther
consideration of American claims to a future day. He was adverse
to all partial concessions, which could produce nothing but an end
less succession of quarrels : to make the bill in any decree effi
cacious, it should extend redress to 1672 : for they complain of
the admiralty jurisdiction ; and that is as old as the act of naviga
tion. 'To my argument,' said he, 'it is nothing how far this is
right or wrong, grievous or otherwise : the Americans complain of
it ; and if the bill which is to afford redress must be effectual in
order to gain their confidence, this does not go far enough • there
are others willing to go farther.' On the seventh of December
Mr. Hartley also brought forward conciliatory resolutions, which
were negatived, lord North objecting to the attempt as unseasonable
until experiment were made of the prohibitory bill, which was then
passing through the house.
This measure had been introduced by the minister himself, for
the purpose of exacting obedience from the colonies by the prohi
bition of all commercial intercourse with the thirteen united states
of America. It authorised the commanders of his majesty's navy
to make prize of all American ships and goods, whether on the high
seas or in harbor; and a clause was inserted which made every
American taken in them liable to serve as a common sailor in our
ships of war, and to be considered as a volunteer. As this pro
hibitory bill comprehended every species of commerce along the
coast of the confederated states, all former acts, which affected any
branch of trade, were repealed by it : terms, however, of pardon
were held out to the revolters, and commissioners appointed to
give effect to them, as well as to inquire into any real grievances
of which the colonists might have to complain.
In answer to the attacks made on this measure, lord North vin
dicated himself, by observing, that the dispute about taxation was
begun long before he, as minister, engaged in it : he only em
braced it, when the colonies, already taxed, disputed a right which
the country had determined never to surrender. If they made
war a medium through which their claims were to be advanced,
he must follow them through it. Mr. Fox decried the proposition,
as tending to destroy all trade with America, and accused the mi
nister of wishing to ruin our manufacturers in order that they
might enlist in the army. He moved, as an amendment, to omit
the whole except what related to the repeal of the obnoxious acts.
The proposition was vehemently opposed, being represented as a
formal abdication of our government of the colonies, and termed
a bill for more effectually carrying into execution the decrees of
congress, by completing the union of Americans between them
selves, and exciting them to make foreign alliances. Petitions were

66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVI;
presented against it by the West India merchants without effect ;
and an attempt was made in vain to exempt Georgia from its ope
ration. During this debate, a discussion arose touching the duties
of military men in such cases. Lord Howe declared no struggle
was so painful as that between his duties as an officer and as a man :
that if left to his own choice, he should decline to serve ; but if
commanded, he should not refuse to submit to his duty. General
Conway discriminated between a foreign war and a domestic strife :
in the former, no officer ought to question the justice of his coun
try; in the latter, a military man ought to examine the justice of
the cause. Mr. Thurlow combated this notion with indignation, for
if once established it must tend to a dissolution of government. In
defence of the bill, it was said, that the Americans were already
in a state of warfare with us, which made it necessary to retaliate
by sea and land, as against alien foes. Every colony or smaller
district had its option to avoid any damage or distress, by ac
knowledging the legislative supremacy of the mother country; and
with regard to the alledged hardship of transferring American pri
soners to the king's ships, it was said, that instead of being pu
nished as rebels, they received pay. Mr. Fox's amendment was
rejected by 192 to 64.
In the lords the contest was no less violent and acrimonious ; the
peers in opposition contending that the Americans were falsely con
sidered as rebels; for having been forced to take up arms in de
fence of their property, their resistance to acts of oppression was
justifiable in every moral sense. These sentiments were reprobated
by lords Lyttleton and Denbigh, as greatly overstepping the license
of debate, and affording a precedent to justify treason. During the
progress of the bill several amendments were made. On the last
reading, lord Mansfield defended it, and at the same time vindicat
ed the conduct of the government towards the Americans : he had
always thought they were as much bound to obey acts of the British
parliament, as the inhabitants of Middlesex ; and proceeded to show,
that since the peace of 1763 the northern provinces had been me
ditating independence : but allowing that all their professions of
allegiance were genuine, that they had been led into this rebellion
by a few factious persons, and that every measure hitherto taken
by us to enforce submission was cruel or unjust; admitting all this
to be true, was Great Britain to rest inactive till America thought
proper to begin the attack? ' We are now,' said his lordship, ' in
such a situation, that we must either fight or be pursued ; ' and he
illustrated his position by the anecdote of a Swedish general, under
Gustavus Adolphus, who pointing lo an advancing enemy, thus ad
dressed his troops : — ' My lads, you see those men ; if you don't
kill them, they will kill you.' He then went through the resources
of the Americans, and their aggressive acts against this country ;
asking if we were to stand idle till they brought their arms to our

A.D. 1775.] GEORGE IH. 67
very doors; and declaring that the consequences which must ensue
from our inactivity or concession would be worse than any we
had to dread from pursuing the present plan, or agreeing to a
final separation. The bill passed without a division : but the efforts
of opposition had been so incessant, (though the declining health
of lord Chatham relieved ministers from the attacks of his impetuous
eloquence) and the affairs of America were beginning to assume so
perplexing an aspect, and misgivings among some of our mer
cantile bodies so evidently to appear, that it is well known the minis
terial phalanx began to waver, hesitating between false shame which
opposes the abandonment of projects precipitately embraced, and
unpleasant forebodings of ultimate failure(l). Fear, lest the cause
of their transatlantic brethren might gain popularity with the British
people, induced them to look abroad for support; and treaties
were concluded for a supply of troops with the duke of Brunswick
and other petty despots of Germany, who traded in the blood of
their subjects, and let out their persons to be slaughtered at a
fixed price : and thus his majesty was afterwards enabled to pur
chase 16,000 mercenaries to put down disaffection in America. The
empress of Russia, whose aid was expected, and in some degree
promised, would not permit her troops to be so disgraced; though
she still continued on amicable terms with Britain, and cajoled our
politicians with intimations of future assistance.
(II Mr. Gibbon says, In a letter written during the gloomy are their countenances, and the more melan-
recess, January 18th, 1776, ' I think our meeting will choly their language. You may call this cowardice ;
be lively ; a spirited opposition, and a desponding but I fear lt arises from tbelr knowledge or the dlf-
majorlty.' The higher people are placed, the more Acuity and magnitude of the business.'

68 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.

CHAPTER XVII.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1776.
Affairs of the Irish parliament— Motion of Mr, T. Townshend regarding the lord lieutenant's
message— Debates on it— Mr. Fox's motion to inquire into the ill success of his majesty's
arms in America— Copies of the treaties with German potentates for troops laid before the
house— Debates thereon— Duke of Graftou's motion for an address to his majesty— Mr. Hart
ley's in the coinrnous— Mr. Sawbridge's motion— Motion for a militia in Scotland rejected
—Mr. Wilkes's projectof parliamentary reform— Duchess of Kingston's trial— Unseasonable
motions by general Conway and Mr. Hartley— Supplies, etc.— Prorogation of parliament
—King's speech— Sentiments of foreign powers— Favorers of the American cause in Eng
land— Dr. Price's publication— Dr. Johnson's ' Taxation no Tyranny '—Alderman Wilkes's
philippic against the corporation of London— Domestic events— Retirement of Garrick
from the stage— State of the British and Americans at Boston— Difficulties of Washington's
¦ situation— Fortification of Dorchester heights — Evacuation of Boston by the British— Im
portant advantages resulting from it to the insurgents— Mission of Indian chiefs— Affairs of
Canada— Franklin's letter to M. Dumas— Arnold's unsuccessful attack on Quebec— Retreat
of the Americans— Affair of captain Forster, and bad conduct of the Americans— Vigorous
measures taken by general Carleton to expel them from his province — Failure of an attack
on the British by general Thompson — Arnold's retreat to Crown Point, and command or
lake Champlain— Pursued by the British under general Carleton— Preparation of a flotilla
by this latter officer — Naval operations on the lake— Arnold defeated, and Crown Point
abandoned— Affairs in the southern states— Operations of general Clinton and Sir Peter
Parker- Attempted conquest of Charlestown— Attack on Sullivan's Island, which fails-
Expedition under general Howe and admiral lord Howe against New York — Manifesto of
congress to prepare the public mind for independence— Thomas Paine s pamphlet, etc.
—Question of independence proposed and carried in the congress— Declaration published—
Lord Howe's declaration — His address to Washington, and correspondence with Franklin
—Defeat of the Americans on Long Island — Their retreat to New York — General Sullivan's
mission to congress — Conference on Staten Island— Diplomalic agency of the Dnited States
—Views of France— First measures in 1773 for the organisation of American diplomacy
—Dr. Franklin, Arthur Lee, and M. Dumas — M. de Beaumarchais— Silas Deane's mission
to France — Three commissioners sent in 1776— Mr. Lee's mission to Spain — Proceedings
of the commissioners in France— British attack and capture of New York — Washington's
retreat — Action at White Plains— Capture of fort Washington — Washington retreats behind
the Delaware — Capture of general Lee — Acts of the congress — State of the American army
— Washington recrosses the Delaware — His brilliant success at Trenton and Princelon —
His winter campaign in the Jerseys — Meeting of the British parliament — King's speech-
Address and debates thereon — Lord John Cavendish's motion for revising the acts ofwhich
the colonists complained — Secession of a party of opposition members from parliament—
Rope-yard at Portsmouth burnt by John the painter — Projected expedition for the discovery
of a north-west passage.
When parliament met after the Christmas recess the first impor
tant measure related to Ireland. In that country, as we have seen,
a considerable change had taken place regarding the form by which
its government was administered ; and this had been effected by
a profuse expenditure. During the administration of lord Towns
hend, 500,000/. was lavished in reducing the power of the oli
garchy through the corruption of parliament; and by the extrava
gance of parliament in granting premiums and bounties, united with
that of the viceroy in procuring adherents for government, a re
dundancy of about 500,000/. was within twenty-three years con-

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE HI. «9
verted into a debt of nearly 1,000,000/. When the country was
so deeply embarrassed, the public revenue became insufficient for
the expenditure, and the government was reduced to the ruinous
expedient of successive loans (1). It was not to be expected but that
Ireland would share in the sensations excited by the American con
test, from the state of its finances, and the disposition of its people :
during the government of lord Harcourt, strong parties were form
ed, and accounts were frequently transmitted of the defection and
migration both of laborers and manufacturers : but for the last few
years no important transaction had occurred ; and when lord North
brought in his bill for restraining the commerce of New England,
among other measures taken to counterbalance the inconveniences
that might ensue, he granted bounties to Irish ships engaged in
the fisheries of Newfoundland and Greenland ; and removed some
restraints, which in other respects affected the Irish commerce : as
the American contest however advanced, the parliament and the
citizens of Dublin began again to harass government with cabals
and remonstrances.
On the tenth of October, 1775, the lord-lieutenant met the two
houses ; when, after recapitulating the benefits lately derived from
the liberality of the British government, he reprobated the rebel
lious spirit of the colonists, and recommended attention to the
discharge of arrears. A money bill was transmitted to England ;
but, having been altered in council, was on its return rejected ;
which prevented an immediate supply.
On the twenty-third of November, lord Harcourt sent a message
to the commons, requiring, in his majesty's name, 4000 troops for
the American service, to be taken into British pay ; and offering, if
it were the desire of parliament, to replace them by continental
auxiliaries. The house with reluctance consented to this diminution
of their national force ; but, leaving the ministerial party in a
minority, refused to admit the foreign substitutes : opposition,
however, unsuccessfully attempted to obtain an act for embodying
the militia.
As the message proposing the employment of Irish troops ob
viously meant that they were to be paid by Britain, which was
nothing less than an engagement by the crown to dispose of public
money without the consent of the commons, Mr. Thomas Townshend
moved, on the fifteenth of February, that the lord-lieutenant's
message was a breach of privilege. The arguments by which he
supported his motion, were drawn from the principles and practice
of the constitution concerning pecuniary grants, and the designs
which such attempts to counteract them displayed : he also com
mented on the folly of taking 8000 men into pay when 4000 only
were required. The debate was animated ; nor did the ministerial
speakers all take the same ground : some contended, that the Irish
(I I Miller's History philosophically Illustrated, vol. iv. p. 4S6.

70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
speaker had mistaken the viceroy's message, which only meant that
his majesty would pay the 4000 foreigners ; others, that when the
Irish establishment was increased, the king had engaged to maintain
12,000 troops in that kingdom, except in case of invasion or rebellion
in England ; and the present demand not being within those excep
tions, it was necessary that his majesty should be absolved from his
promise : an application to the English house of commons would
have been a violation of that promise.
On the other side, it was said, that the message was an experiment
made to establish a pernicious precedent : that it was the aim of
government to habituate both countries to certain notions, which
might destroy the independence of parliament in each. The scheme
had a tendency to invest the crown with a power of taxing both
countries: in Ireland, the minister was to ask some favor; then
England was to be pledged : in England, Ireland was to be taxed,
in order to maintain the supremacy of the British legislature. The
various modes of defence used by the ministerial party were very
successfully ridiculed ; and in answer to an insinuation by Mr. Dun
ning, that although this message had been disavowed here, the
lord-lieutenant would not have risked it on his own judgment,
lord North acknowledged that his majesty's servants in England
acted in co-operation with those in Ireland, though they did not
consider themselves responsible for their conduct : he however
justified the message on the ground of expediency, though averse
to a discussion of the right. Mr. Thurlow, who had for some time
been the tool of ministers, treated the motion as a party squib,
denying that the preamble to an Irish law was binding on the British
parliament. The motion was negatived.
On the twentieth of February, Mr. Fox's motion came on, to
inquire into the causes of the ill-success of our arms in North Ame
rica, and the defection of the Canadians. Avoiding every extraneous
subject, he confined himself to an inquiry whether the proceedings
of ministers had produced the desired effects. Beginning with the
Boston-port bill, he pursued a detail of ministerial operations ; and
placed in the strongest light, what he called folly in the cabinet, and
inability in forming their plans : at the same time he inveighed
against the disgraceful servility of parliament; and concluded by
observing that none objected to inquiry, but those who were cul
pable themselves.
Unable to resist Mr. Fox's reasoning, ministers attempted to elude
it, but exhibited a want of coincidence in argument. Lord North
was much less decisive in his defence than were many of his coad
jutors, who more than once endeavored to recall him from his tone
of moderation. As in his measures he had betrayed a disposition
to conciliate, which was counteracted by his more violent abettors ;
so in discussion he frequently endeavored to palliate rather than to
defend : his hesitation probably arose about some doubts as to the

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE HI. 71
wisdom of the plan pursued. On the present occasion, he admitted
that miscarriages had happened ; but it was impossible to foresee
every event : he was ready to resign his office, whenever the house
should withdraw its confidence : there was no danger, however, of
this extremity ; for an appeal to the candor of the house produced
a rejection of Mr. Fox's motion by 240 to 104.
On the twenty-ninth of February, copies of treaties were sub
mitted for the purchase of troops, made by his Britannic majesty
with the duke of Brunswick, the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, the he
reditary prince of Hesse Cassel, and subsequently with the prince
of Waldeck. These potentates stipulated to supply a force of
17,742 men ; but the terms appeared to be extravagantly high : levy
money was to be paid at the rate of 11. 4s. kd. a man : all extraor
dinary losses in battle, or otherwise, to be compensated by the
king. Each of the despots was to receive, in addition, an annual
subsidy in proportion to the number of men ; the duke of Brunswick
15,519/. so long as his troops received pay, and double that sum
for two years after; the landgrave of Hesse 108,281/., and also to
have twelve months' notice before payment was discontinued, after
his forces returned to his dominions : to the princes of Hesse and
Waldeck, who contributed near 700 men each, were assigned
6017/. The dominions of all were guarantied against foreign at
tack. On moving to refer these compacts to a committee, lord North
dilated an the fairness of the terms : men were thus raised more
speedily, and at a less expense, than was possible in this kingdom.
His statements, however, were combated by the opposition, who
represented Great Britain as disgraced in the eyes of Europe ; im
poverished, but still extravagant; and reduced to apply in the most
humiliating manner to petty German states. What, it was asked,
would be the expenses of a contest, of which they had now such
a specimen? Nor did the principle of fighting national battles by
foreigners escape severe strictures.
The employment of any foreign mercenaries was deprecated, as
precluding all possibility of reconciliation ; but German troops were
represented as peculiarly improper on the present occasion : they
would be sent for the purpose of enslaving numbers of their own
countrymen, who had fled from tyrants to the protection of Britain;
but most of them would be induced to desert, by the offer of land
in the country. The question for referring the treaties to a com
mittee was carried by 242 to 88 ; and that for agreeing to the re+
port by 120 to 48 : on receiving it, however, an address was voted
to the king, on the motion of colonel Barre, to clothe all the Ger
man troops with British manufactures.
In the lords, the duke of Bichmond moved for an address to
countermand the foreign troops, and to suspend hostilities, He
entered into a detail of the treaties with the landgraves of Hesse

72 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
from 1702 to 1761 ; and having pointed out a regular advance in
extortion, he computed the charge of the mercenaries at the un
precedented sum of 1,500,000/. Towards the close of the Cana
dian war, Mr. Maoduit, an ingenious calculator, found tha^ every
French scalp had cost 10,000/. His grace then animadverted on the
large proportion of officers employed, the danger of keeping so
many foreigners under their own generals, and the situation of this
country if France or Spain should attack it. These observations
were ably enforced by other peers : violent censures were expressed
against the power reserved to a foreign prince of administering justice
within the British dominions ; to effect which, as the terms of the
treaty itself declared, an executioner, with his train of attendants,
formed part of the Hessian establishment. The stipulation to assist
these powers was also reprobated ; and it was asked, how, if the
dominions of Hesse were attacked by a decree of the imperial cham
ber, we could either enter into war, or excuse our breach of
treaty ?
In reply, the treaty was stated to be drawn up in the usual forms.
On the latter part of the motion, for discontinuing hostilities, the
old topics were advanced with additional violence. The wantonness
and ruinous expense of the contest were denounced by lord Camden
and the duke of Grafton : the population of America was pom
pously displayed ; and the termination of all connexion between Eng
land and her colonies predicted. The advocates of ministry sup
ported their measures by tracing the history of the colonies, and
showing their constant disposition to factious resistance. Lord
Temple reprobated the intemperance of opposition. ' The next east
erly wind,' said his lordship, ' will convey to America every ex
pression used in this debate ; and I would not that the nakedness
and weakness of my country should stand confirmed by the sanc
tion and authority of such testimony. It is time to act, not to talk ;
for the die is cast, the sword is drawn, and the scabbard thrown
away. Past experience certainly will not justify confidence in minis
ters ; but I will not, by declaring our utter inability to reduce the
colonists, furnish a golden bridge for an ignominious, ruinous, and
disgraceful peace. I have heard the war called unjust : who in this
house have a right to call it so ? Not those who voted for the de
claratory act : those only who denied our right of taxation ; and how
very few were they ! I cannot approve of recalling troops, and pub
lishing the terms to which you will yield, until there is reasonable
assurance of their not being rejected. When the happy moment for
conciliation shall arrive, I hope ministers will seize it : I wish them
success: at least, at such a crisis I will not hang on the wheels of
government, rendering that which already is but too difficult the
more, impracticable.' The motion was negatived by 100 to 32 ; bul
the proposed address was entered on the journals, with the names
of ten peers protesting against its rejection.

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE HI. 73
On the fourteenth of March, the last grand effort was made to
avert this unnatural contest by the duke of Grafton, who moved
for an address, beseeching his majesty to issue a proclamation,
declaring that if the revolted colonies, within a reasonable time be
fore or after the arrival of the troops, should present a petition to
the commander in chief, or to the commissioners appointed under
the late act, setting forth what they considered to be their just rights
and real grievances, hostilities should be suspended, and the said
petition referred to parliament.
In debating this proposition, the greatest latitude of discussion
was taken, and every matter connected with the affairs of America
amply investigated. Among other arguments to promote it, his
grace stated, that he had received intelligence of messengers having
been sent by France to general Washington and the American con
gress ; and he argued that this conciliatory measure would induce
the colonists to decline foreign alliances : besides, it was the only
method left to extricate ministers and the country from the present
embarrassing situation of affairs. The system of conquest and coer
cion must be considered as romantic ; and even if it should succeed,
who could expect long to retain America in subjection? The only
plausible objection was, that by receding, Britain would encourage
America to advance more extravagant demands : in that case, how
ever, the ground of contest would be understood ; administration
would acquire stability j and the only subject of debate would be,
whether it were best to conquer or to abandon. Ministers, how
ever, and their adherents, contended that conciliation had now
become impracticable, and that nothing could more certainly pre
vent it than concession : the honor of the king, the parliament, and
the country, demanded that hostilities should not cease, till Ame
rica should so far submit as to acknowledge the authority of the
legislature ; and this acknowledgment would be speedily brought
about by the rigorous measures now adopted. France, it was said,
would not interfere between us and our colonies : if she had any
such intention, it was an additional argument for employing force
to subjugate them, before they could be joined by so powerful an
ally : at all events, we had now passed the Rubicon ; and it was no
time for us to be considering plans of conciliation. In this point
of view indeed ministers were right, and seemed to know the dis
position of their antagonists better than the opposition. After lord
Sandwich had vindicated the state of the navy from some imputa
tions, and lord Hillsborough had explained his letter to the Ame
rican governors in 1769, lord Dartmouth moved the previous
question, in preference to a direct negative. The duke's molion
was lost by thirty-one against ninety-one.
Mr. Hartley afterwards presented the form of an address to the
commons for empowering the commissioners to offer terms to the
Americans, instead of demanding unconditional submission ; and

Vt HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ Chap. XVII.
proposing that they should be placed on the same footing with Ire
land, in regard to procuring grants. In conformity with this sug
gestion, Mr. Sawbridge, the lord mayor, made a motion on the
tenth of May : during the debates Mr. Temple Luttrell displayed
violent language, declaring that the king's speech was a sanguinary
parole, the ministry an infernal administration, and that future ac
quiescence in their measures would be highly criminal ; quoting also
the observation of Thales, 'that of all wild beasts, the worst was
a tyrant ; of tame ones, a flatterer.' He was called to account for
this breach of decorum; by Mr. Rigby ; and the motion was negatived.
During this session, a bill was proposed for establishing a militia
in Scotland, which was patronised by members from that country,
but opposed by English senators as unnecessary : since Scotland
paid only one fortieth of the land-tax, on which the expenses of
the militia lay, and her population was only a fifth of that of Eng
land, it was considered unreasonable in her to apply for a militia,
in the maintenance of which her proportion of the expenses would
be so small, compared with the advantages received. After a
warm contest, in which the minister was left in a minority, the
motion was rejected. Alderman Sawbridge made his annual mo
tion respecting the duration of parliaments : and Mr. Wilkes not
only attempted, as usual, to reverse the decision on the Middlesex
election, but brought forward a project of parliamentary reform.
Having expressed a wish that every free agent in the country should
be represented, he demanded that the number of members for
London, Middlesex, and Yorkshire should be increased ; that the
mean boroughs, called ' the rotten part of the constitution,' should
be cut off, and their electors thrown into the county constituency ;
finally, that the populous trading towns, such as Birmingham,
Manchester, and Sheffield, should send representatives. The mo
tion was rejected without a division. Soon afterwards the upper
house was engaged with the trial of the duchess of Kingston for
bigamy, in which she was convicted ; but pleading the privilege of
the peerage for exemption from corporal punishment, she was dis
charged on paying the fees.
Abundantly as the affairs of America had been discussed, an in
effectual attempt was made by general Conway, on the day before
the prorogation of parliament, to carry a motion for laying before
the house the pacific powers with which the commissioners were
invested ; and at the moment when his majesty was expected in the
lords, the indefatigable Mr. Hartley proposed an address against
the prorogation of parliament, in order that, sitting by adjourn
ments during the summer, they might be at hand to provide for
contingencies. The supplies for 1776 were 9,000,000/. In providing the ways
and means, a loan of 2,000,000/. was found necessary; but the
funds for paying the interest being taxes on articles of luxury, the

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE IH. 73
minister maintained his reputation in the department of finance :
after passing a vote of credit for another 1,000,000/. parliament was
prorogued on the twenty-third of May. The king, in his speech,
represented the country as engaged in a great national cause, at
tended with much difficulty and expense : but as the essential rights
and interests of the whole empire were deeply interested in the
issue, and as no security could be found but in the constitutional
subordination contended for, he thought no price could be too high
for the preservation of such an object : he also dwelt with pleasure
on the assurances he had received from the different European
powers, which promised a continuance of tranquillity.
At this very time France and Spain were preparing armaments
under various pretences, and the queen of France was under the
influence of Choiseul, the enemy of England, both nations still smart
ing under the disgrace of the late war. Frederic of Prussia could
scarcely stifle his resentment against us ; Catharine of Russia had
refused her promised aid ; and almost every other state was look
ing with anxiety to the diminution of our naval superiority. The
emperor of Austria alone seemed steady in approving the part
taken by Britain, as being in accordance with the monarchical prin
ciples of that court : 'je suis par metier royaliste,' was his answer to
one who ventured to ask on which side his wishes were inclined.
In England, however, the colonists had the most powerful allies :
their advocates in parliament outstepped the limits of sober discus
sion, and gave encouragement to their cause both in England and
America : the dissenters generally declared for them ; and the press
teemed with publications in their favor. The most conspicuous of
these was from the pen of Dr. Price, entitled ' Observations on the
Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, etc. ; ' in
which he strove to depreciate the British government, while he ex
tolled the spirit which gave rise to the American revolution. ' In
speaking of England,' says Mr. Adolphus (1), 'he never assumed a
grand or expansive view of the constitution or government, but
guided the attention of the reader to some isolated part, some soli
tary proposition; which being taken separately from its intimate con
nexions and relations, afforded subject of exaggerated censure or
unqualified misrepresentation. In speaking of America on the con
trary, he rarely descended to particulars, but took an extensive
range among abstract principles ; and treated government, liberty,
and colonisation, not as practical topics, but as subjects of theo
retical examination.' One of the most noted works on the other
side came from Dr. Johnson, entitled 'Taxation no Tyranny:'
it embodied most of the arguments employed in the senate to
establish the supremacy of the British legislature ; but like the
work of a partisan, its views were sometimes narrow, and its opi
nions clouded by prejudice. To the sensible view of the ques-
|l) History oflhe relsn of George III. vol. Ii. p. 317.

70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
tion taken by dean Tucker, — that our gains would be the same and
our expenses less, if we yielded up every claim, and left the Ame
ricans independent— the doctor thus replies : — ' It is however a little
hard, that having so. lately fought and conquered for their safety,
we should govern them no longer : by letting them loose before the
war, how many millions might have been saved ! One wild proposal
is best answered by another. Let us restore to the French what
we have taken from them : we shall see our colonists at our feet,
when they have an enemy so near them : let us give the Indians
arms, and teach them discipline, and encourage them now and then
to plunder a plantation : security and leisure are the parents of sedi
tion.' Strange, that he did not see how many millions might have
been saved on the present occasion !
The factious disposition which had long reigned in the livery of
London grew at length so languid, that alderman Wilkes, exaspe
rated at having twice failed in an attempt to be elected city cham
berlain, vented his honest indignation in a furious philippic against
the whole corporation, declaring that ' the moment had arrived, so,
ardently wished by every arbitrary administration, when a majority
of the livery appeared to have sold and surrendered the capital to
the ministry.' A dissolution of the empire, ruin, and slavery, he
feared, were advancing with giant strides; we were ripe for de
struction ; and our salvation almost entirely depended on^the cou
rage and noble spirit of our American brethren, whom neither the
luxuries of a court, nor the sordid lust of avarice in a rapacious
and venal metropolis, had hitherto corrupted.
Among the domestic events of this year may be noticed the birth
of prince William of Glocester on the fifteenth of January, and
that of the princess Mary on the twenty-fifth of April. On the
twenty-first of March, the duke of Bridgewater's grand canal to
Liverpool being completed, vessels went through it to Manches
ter : to make this junction, a mile of ground was cut, and four ca
pital bridges built between January 22d and March 22d ; in which
time there were twenty-one days of hard frost and very bad
weather (1). On the tenth of June Drury Lane theatre closed with
the comedy of the Wonder, in which the celebrated David Garrick
made his last appearance, giving the profits of the night to the
charitable fund for the support of decayed actors. After sustain
ing the character of Don Felix with inimitable perfection, and de
livering a very feeling address, he retired amidst the blended tears
and acclamations of a brilliant audience. He had, some months
before, sold his share in the theatre to Mr. Bichard Sheridan and
others for the sum of 35,000/.
The great professors of other arts generally leave monuments
of their skill and glory behind them, by which their distinguished
excellence is known to posterity :
HI Annual Register for 1770, p. 237.

A-D. «776.] GEORGE III. 77
The actor only shrinks from Time's award :
Feeble tradition is his memory's guard.
Tradition, however, is so strong and uniform in its testimony to
Garrick's merits, that we may well believe his excellence to have
been far beyond any competitor for histrionic fame. His versati
lity appeared almost miraculous : in tragedy, in genteel and low
comedy, nay, even in pantomine, he was equally unrivalled. Few
persons could be endured by an audience in a descent from the
lofty aspirations of the tragic Muse to the personification of those
low and despicable characters which English comedy loves to brina
on the stage : but Garrick had the power to embody any character
to a degree of reality which carried with it a temporary oblivion
of all his other efforts. It is related, that a young lady of great
beauty and large fortune, having fallen in love with him on seeing
his representation of Chamont, Lothario, and other such charac
ters, offered him her hand in marriage through the intervention
of a duenna, who promised to call again, and fix a day of meeting:
in vain however did Garrick wait for the performance of this pro
mise ; but having met the old woman in the street, and asked the
reason why she failed in her appointment, he received the follow
ing answer: — '0 dear! it is all over: the young lady has since
seen you in Abel Drugger, and her love is quite gone.'
A powpr of moulding the countenance into the most vivid ex
pression of an assumed passion was his to a degree far beyond
any thing on record ; of which the well-known story of his per
sonating the mad father before a French company at Mademoi
selle Clairon's is a proof. He used to say, that he learned to play
King Lear from witnessing the madness of a man who lived near
Goodman' s-fields, and was fondling his infant at an open window,
when it sprang out of his arms on the pavement below. The shock
was so great to the horror-struck parent, that he lost his senses,
and displayed his insanity by going to the window, and fancying
that he was again playing with his child ; when after a time he ap
peared to drop it ; and again acted, because he again suffered,
all the pangs he felt at the real catastrophe. This scene Gar
rick sometimes beheld, and drew from it that representation of
insanity in Lear, which is said to have been more forcible, ter
rible, and true than any similar delineation ever given on the stage.
We must now revert to a different theatre, where no mimic sor
rows were to be represented ; but war in its fiercest mood was
preparing to sever all those ties that bind together kindred na
tions. .
We left the British army blockaded in the city of Boston, its
commander contented with predatory expeditions and the confla
gration of towns, whilst his enemies were almost totally unprovid
ed with the materiel of war. The difficulties of Washmgton's si
tuation were so great, that his cause must have been hopeless had

7S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
he been opposed with vigor. As the time of service expired, the
American forces were to be replaced by new levies in presence of
a highly- disciplined enomy. To raise another army even for one
campaign, was accompanied with many difficulties : the enthusiastic
ardor which had brought the first into the field had abated ; visions
of domestic comfort began to prevail over a sense of public duty;
the troops gradually melted away as the year declined ; and at the
beginning of 1776, the new enlistments scarcely equalled the num
ber of British troops in Boston. Meanwhile, the public, as well
as the enemy, deceived by exaggerated representations of Washing
ton's offensive means, were impatiently looking for active measures
on his side : but the dangerous situation of affairs induced this
great man to suffer all attacks on his character in silence, rather
than vindicate himself, by exposing his wants : he was not insen
sible to the effects of his apparent inactivity on the public mind, but
an explanation of the cause would have been ruin. Still he was deter
mined, if possible, to expel the British troops from Boston, having
been authorised by congress to attempt it in any way he might
think expedient, even though the town might be destroyed : in Fe
bruary, therefore, the general summoned a council, and submitted
the project of attacking Boston by marching over the ice, since he
had not powder enough for a bombardment : his proposition how
ever being negatived, a different plan of operations was adopted :
this was to take possession of Dorchester heights, which command
ed the harbor. To conceal their design, a bombardment from
other quarters was carried on for three days. On the night of the
fourth of March, a covering party of 800 men led the way, follow
ed by 1200 under general Thomas, with 200 carts loaded with fas
cines and hay : they marched in silence, whilst the cannon were play
ing ; and before daybreak they had completed the lines of defence,
which appeared to the garrison like works of enchantment. The Eng
lish admiral having sent intelligence to general Howe, that unless the
enemy were driven from these intrenchments he could not keep a
ship in harbor, it was determined to attempt their dislodgement ;
in which case Washington was prepared to have forced his way into
Boston with 4000 men, who were to have embarked at the mouth
of Cambridge river.
A violent storm, however, prevented the attack on the heights,
which were almost perpendicular ; whilst hogsheads of large stones
Were prepared by the enemy to annihilate their assailants. These
difficulties determined the British commander to evacuate the town ;
and an intimation was sent to the American general, that it would
be spared from the flames if the troops were suffered to embark
free from molestation : this notice determined Washington to ab
stain from hostilities ; and after ten days, the British troops quitted
the place on the seventeenth of March, after destroying Castle Wil
liam, but leaving their barracks uninjured, with a quantity of can-

A-D- <"6.] GEORGE IH. 79
non and ammunition, to the value of 30,000/.; all which were of
service to the provincials.
The fleet was detained nine days in Nantasket-roads before it
could sail ; after which it proceeded to Halifax, with the troops, and
about 1500 of the inhabitants of Boston, whose adherence to the
royal cause had rendered them obnoxious to their countrymen :
as the rear embarked, Washington marched into the town with
drums beating, colors flying, and all the pomp of victory : he was
received with gratitude by the remaining inhabitants, as well as by
the refugees, who now recovered their ancient possessions : nor
was the provincial assembly less zealous in their acknowledgments.
The estates of the emigrants were seized, and the effects of some
royalists who remained, and were tried as betrayers of their coun
try, became confiscated. These however were not the sole advan
tages gained by the evacuation of Boston ; for many vessels which
arrived after that event, some laden with valuable stores(l), fell
into their hands, although ships had been stationed off the coast to
prevent such occurrences. Thus was Boston, the very cradle of
the revolution, and the grand object of debate in the British legis
lature, left in possesion of the revolters.
Some time before this event, the Oneidas, and some other Indian
tribes, had sent to the provincial assembly a deputation of their
chiefs, who with native eloquence thus disclosed the purport of their
mission: — 'Brothers, we have heard of the unhappy differences
and great contention between you and Old England : we wonder
greatly, and are troubled in our minds. Brothers, possess your
minds in peace respecting us Indians: Ave cannot intermeddle in
this dispute between brethren : the quarrel seems to us unnatural ;
and we bear an equal affection to both. Should the great king
apply to us for aid, we shall deny him ; if the colonies apply, we
shall refuse : we Indians cannot find or recollect in the traditions
of our ancestors a case similar to this. Brothers, if it were an
alien that had struck you, we should look into the matter: we hope,
through the wise government and good pleasure of God, your
distresses may be soon removed, and the dark clouds be dispersed.
Brothers, as we have declared for peace, we desire you will not
apply to our Indian brethren for assistance : let us Indians be all
of one mind ; and you white people settle your disputes between
yourselves.' It would have been fortunate for the fair fame of
Britain, had the Indians adhered to this wise policy proclaimed by
their chiefs : but many of the savage tribes bordering on the great
lakes and rivers were soon prevailed on, by solicitations and irre
sistible presents from our agents, to take up the hatchet in behalf
of the ' great king.'
|,| The most valuable of these was the Hope, load- sorts ot tools A transport also „llh 700 «*
edvvlth 1500 barrels of powder, as well as carbines, lieutenant-colonel A. Campbell, had the misfortune
bayonets, travelling carriages for cannon, and all to run Into Boston harbor.

80 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cdap. XVII.
Since the death of general Montgomery, American interests had
declined in Canada: the intelligence of his first success had inspired
congress with the most lively hopes ; and even after his fall, mea
sures had been taken to give effect to his plans : some reinforcements
had been sent, which were retarded and diminished by the insup
portable hardships of their march : an address had been framed by
congress ; and Dr. Franklin headed a deputation to induce the Ca
nadians to join the common cause, by promises of participation in
all the advantages of the confederacy : failing in this enterprise,
Franklin next wrote, by direction of congress, to M. Dumas, an
American agent in Holland, urging him to sound the several go
vernments of Europe, through their ambassadors at the Hague,
respecting any assistance which they might be disposed to give
to America in case of her declaring herself an independent na
tion (1).
Colonel Arnold still kept his station on the heights near Quebec,
and before the breaking up of the frost, was joined by six "com
panies of a newly-raised regiment under Arthur St. Clair; but his
resources were inadequate to his wants; while the misconduct of
his troops alienated the natives from his cause. The small-pox-
also spread among his troops to such an extent, that out of 3000
only one third were fit for duty. Under such circumstances, this
active officer, being determined to make one attemptbefore he aban
doned the siege, raised some batteries on the St. Lawrence to fire
the shipping, and prepared for a general assault : the project failed
though boldly undertaken : his troops were at one time drawn up,
with scaling ladders, to storm the town during the distraction that
by was expected to ensue from the operation of the batteries, assisted
some fire-ships : they even penetrated into the suburbs, burnt some
houses, and obliged the garrison to pull down many others, to
prevent the conflagration from spreading ; but the vigilance and
cool intrepidity of general Carleton baffled all their designs.
It was not long before the American commanders determined
on a general retreat ; nor could even this be effected without great
precipitation and some loss, on account of the sudden appearance
of the Isis man of war and two frigates, which in the beginning of
May had forced their way through the ice. The governor, availing
himself of the enemy's consternation, now made a sally on their
retreating forces ; when the confusion became general, and they fled
on all sides, leaving their artillery, ammunition, and stores : a few
of the sick fell into the hands of the victor ; and many wretched
fugitives came and surrendered themselves to general Carleton ;
who being as humane as he was brave, extended to them pro
tection, and safe conduct to their places of residence : this example,
however, was not generally imitated by the Americans, whose
ID Memoirs of B. Franklin, vol. II. p. 12.

A-D. 1776.] GEORGE III. 81
treatment of their captives was harsh, and sometimes cruel. At
this time a small party of British and Indians, under captain Forster,
proceeded against a strong fort called the Cedars, defended by
400 Americans, and situated thirty miles west of Montreal: it surren
dered after a spirited attack, on condition that the lives of the gar
rison should be preserved from the brutal ferocity of the savages :
a detachment of provincials had also been taken prisoners on their
march from Montreal to the relief of the Cedars, and their lives
were with difficulty saved by the resolute and conciliating conduct
of captain Forster: this brave officer next advanced to Vaudreuil,
six miles north of the Cedars, whence Arnold made an effort to
dislodge him, but was obliged to retreat. Forster being now en
cumbered with prisoners, released them, in consequence of a car
tel arranged with Arnold, to return an equal number of the royal
troops within two months, and to send four captains to Quebec,
as hostages: this cartel, however, was shamefully broken by the
congress, on a false pretence that Forster, a man of singular hu
manity, bad treated his prisoners taken at the Cedars in a barba
rous manner (1).
In the mean time, the expected reinforcements, consisting of se
veral regiments from Ireland and England, another from general
Howe, and the Brunswick troops, having arrived in Canada be
fore the end of May, general Carleton soon adopted measures for
totally expelling the enemy from his province. Having divided his
army, consisting of 13,000 men, into detachments, he directed
tliem to concentrate themselves at Trois Bivieres, half-way be
tween Quebec and Montreal. A considerable body under brigadier-
general Frazer had already taken their station at this place, whilst
another under general Nesbit lay near them on board some trans
ports; when the provincials, who were under general Thompson,
being joined by a reinforcement, made a desperate but rash attempt
to surprise the British forces. Thompson proceeded with the ut
most caution, coasting in the night, and concealing his troops by
day; but on landing, he found general Frazer, who had received
intelligence of his movements, prepared to receive him, whilst
Nesbit was enabled to post a detachment in his rear. After a fu
rious but ineffectual attack, the provincials fled : Nesbit's corps
kept the river side, to prevent their escape to the boats ; while
Frazer's in pursuit galled them with their field-pieces. Between
both they were driven for some miles through a deep morass, till
the British were tired by the pursuit; and the woods afforded a
shelter to the fugitives, after the first and second in command, with
200 others, had been taken prisoners. Colonel St. Clair extricated
• .i > t ,-,11 lint God who roust Judge all things lo station In life be what It will, is an enemy to peace,
ii It noin man living could have used more and a fallacious disturber of mankind.' Thus wrote
n Itness luai nui Uiancaptaln Fors- captain Sullivan, one ot the American hostages, to
^'TdlCr the surrender of that part? to which his brother, a major-general tn the service of.oon-
iMonged ; and whoever says the contrary, let his grass.

82 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
his countrymen from their perilous situation with great skill and
intrepidity; and in a few days brought them safe to their main body
under general Sullivan at Sorel. Carleton, who had come up with
his forces, pursued them to that place; but found it evacuated, and
the batteries dismantled.
The American commander, having abandoned Montreal, retreated
before general Burgoyne, who was charged with the pursuit; and
leading his troops through a dangerous tract of country, effected
their safety, after burning every thing at St. John's and Chamblee .-
he also preserved his cannon and stores, and brought off a body of
sick. Having burnt such of their vessels as could not be dragged
up the rapids in their way to lake Champlain, they embarked directly
on that water, and proceeded to Crown Point, which they reached
early in July. Here they employed themselves, under colonel Ar
nold, in equipping sixteen vessels, to be worked either by sails or
sweeps ; and by this means for a time they had the command of lake
Champlain, and kept their pursuers at bay.
Carleton, however, was not to be checked by common obstacles :
he also occupied himself in the creation of a fleet ; having, in con
templation of such a measure, sent to England for the frame-work
of several vessels, so constructed that they could be taken to pieces :
these being arrived before the end of the summer, he had them
conveyed by land-carriage, where the river was too shallow for
their draught ; and launched them on lake Champlain, assisted by
the zeal of general Philips, captains Douglas and Pringle of the royal
navy, with several other officers of distinguished merit. Having
thus with great industry and ingenuity prepared thirty vessels, all
carrying cannon, he himself embarked on board that of commodore
Pringle in October ; while the land forces, under Burgoyne, were
instructed to await the result of naval operations at Cumberland-bay.
Early on the eleventh of October, the British armament discovered
the enemy's flotilla drawn up in a line between Valcour Island and
the eastern shore of the lake : a warm but undecisive action en
sued, and an American brig was driven on shore ; but the British
ships of greatest force were prevented by unfavorable winds from
taking part in the engagement : the firing, however, continued till
sunset, during which time three American vessels were destroyed,
and seventy men killed or wounded ; the British losing one gun
boat and twenty men. Arnold, anticipating the destruction of his
fleet when the other ships could act against him, dexterously escaped
in the night, by sailing between the British ships and the shore ; but
being pursued, was brought again to action within a few leagues
of Crown Point, when he lost one of his largest ships and a gon
dola : such of his vessels as were most ahead now deserted him, and
escaped to Ticonderoga; some others, dispersed by a gale, were
captured ; and at length the Washington galley, carrying brigadier-
general Waterbury, having struck, Arnold ordered his own vessel

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE III. 85
and five others to be run ashore, where he landed his men in safety,
and blew up the ships, notwithstanding all the efforts of his anta
gonists to prevent him. He himself remained on board his galley
till she was enveloped in flames, and with nice attention to the point
of honor left his flag flying to the last moment.
Crown Point was immediately abandoned by the provincials, who
concentrated all their forces at Ticonderoga : but that fort being
judged too strong to be successfully attacked at this advanced
season of the year, Carleton evacuated Crown Point, of which he
had taken possession ; and having strengthened the British fleet so
as to ensure the command of lake Champlain, withdrew his forces
to Canada ; when Burgoyne returned to England.
While nothing but the extreme rigor of a Canadian winter seemed
to stop the progress of the British arms in this quarter, the expe
dition sent against the southern states, from which great conse
quences were expected, totally failed. The command of the forces
destined for this service was given to general Clinton, and admiral
Sir Peter Parker ; but a fatal delay in Ireland (1), and bad weather,
prevented the arrival of this latter officer with his fleet until the
season was considerably advanced. In the mean time, governor
Martin, stimulated in his exertions by information of these intended
operations, strenuously exerted himself to recover his lost pro
vince of North Carolina : for this purpose he collected a consider
able corps of Scotch emigrants under colonels Macdonald and Mac-
leod, and a daring setof independent colonists, called regulators, who
lived principally by the chase : to oppose this force, the American
colonel James Moore collected a regiment of the provincials, which
was joined by 500 men under colonel Caswell. Both parties were
stationed near Moore' s-creek, and an engagement was expected ;
when colonel Moore, during the night, feigning a retreat, drew
the enemy into a place of ambush beyond his camp, in which co
lonel Macleod, with most of his followers, was slain ; some fled,
and the rest, with colonel Macdonald, were taken prisoners. Sir
Peter Parker, with lord Cornwallis, arrived, in. the beginning of
May, off Cape Fear, in North Carolina, where they were anxiously
expected by general Clinton, who immediately took the chief com
mand of the troops, and tried the effect of a proclamation, inviting
the inhabitants of the southern colonies to return to their alle
giance : the republicans, however, were so resolute, and the loyal
ists so disheartened by their late defeats, that no public avowal of
returning duty could be obtained or expected.
An expedition was now undertaken by the combined military
and naval forces, against Sullivan's Island, by which the commerce
of Charlestown, the capital of South Carolina, was protected. The
( I | This was occasioned by the scruples oflhe lord and much time was lost In gelling a clause for that
lieutenant about the propriety of permitting the purpose Inserted In a bill afterwards passed by the
Hoops to embark wllhout leave of (he legislature ; Irish parliament,

8i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
whole fleet came to anchor off the bar on the fourth of June ; but
previously to its approach the city had been put into a state of de
fence, and strong works, capable of holding 1000 men, thrown up
on the island : these being mounted with thirty cannon, which
commanded the channel leading into the harbor, were placed under
the command of colonel, afterwards general Moultrie, one of the
bravest officers in the American service. 'At this time,' says
colonel Moultrie, in his Memoirs, ' it was the general opinion, that
two frigates would be sufficient to knock the town about our ears,
notwithstanding our batteries of heavy cannon: the sight therefore
of the British fleet alarmed us very much: all was hurry and confu
sion ; the president with his council, busy in sending expresses to
every part of the country, to hasten down the militia ; men running
about the town, looking for horses, carriages, and boats, to send
away their families, and as they were passing through the town gates
towards the country, meeting the militia from the country march
ing into town: traverses were made in the principal streets'; fleches
thrown up at every place where the troops could land ; lead taken
from the windows of churches and dwelling-houses to cast into
musket-balls; and every preparation made to receive an attack,
which was expected in a few days.' On the fourth of June, general
Lee arrived from the northward, to assist in the defence of Charles-
town, and took the chief command of the troops : when he came
to Sullivan's Island, he disliked that post, said there was no retreat,
and called it a ' slaughter-pen ;' but president Rutledge insisted on
its retention, being encouraged by the confidence which colonel
Moultrie placed both in the works and in his men. This officer,
when told that the ships would knock the fort about his ears in half
an hour, calmlyreplied, ' then we will lie behind the ruins, and pre
vent their men from landing.' On the morning of the twenty-eighth
of June, as he was on a visit to his advanced posts, he observed
the British fleet getting under weigh ; and had scarcely time to re
turn and man his guns, when the ships were abreast of the fort; and
having let go their anchors with springs on the cables, began a fu
rious attack about ten o'clock, a. m., which continued till eight in
the evening. The garrison made a gallant defence, firing delibe
rately, taking aim, and seldom missing their object ; so that the
ships were almost torn to pieces, whilst the killed and wounded on
board exceeded 200. The following is from colonel Moultrie's
account of the action:—' The ships engaged were, the Bristol, of
fifty guns, commodore Sir Peter Parker ; the captain of which had
his arm shot off, forty-four men killed, and thirty wounded : the
Experiment, of fifty guns ; the captain of which also lost his arm,
with fifty-seven killed and thirty wounded : the Active, of twenty-
eight guns, had one lieutenant killed, and one man wounded : the
Solebay, twenty-eight guns, two killed, and three wounded : the Ac-
taeon, twenty-eight guns, was burnt, and one lieutenant killed : the

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE III. 83
Sphinx, twenty -eight guns, lost her bowsprit: the Syren, twenty-
eight guns, the Friendship, twenty-six, and an armed vessel taken
into service : the Thunder-bomb had the beds of her mortar soon
disabled ; she threw her shells in a very good direction, and most
of them fell into the fort ; but we had a morass in the middle that
swallowed them up instantly. At one time, the commodore's ship
swung round with her stern to the fort, which drew the fire of all
the guns that could bear on her. The words passed along the plat
form by officers and men were, ' Mind the commodore! mind the
two fifty-gun ships ! ' During the action, thousands of our fellow-
citizens were looking on with anxious hopes and fears ; while the
hearts of many, who had fathers, brothers, and husbands in the
battle, must have been pierced at every broadside. After some
time, our flag was shot away ; their 'hopes then vanished, and they
gave up all for lost ; but sergeant Jasper, seeing that it had fallen
without the fort, jumped from one of the embrasures ; brought it
up through a heavy fire ; and having fixed it on a sponge-staff,
planted it again on the ramparts (1). Our flag, once more waving in
the air, revived the drooping spirits of our friends, and they con
tinued looking on till night closed the scene : at length, the British
gave up the conflict ; the ships slipped their cables, and dropped
down with the tide beyond the reach of our guns ; when our
friends were relieved from their unhappy suspense by a despatch-
boat, which I sent up to the town (2).' The fortress itself, being
built of palmetto wood, was little damaged ; for the shot which
struck it were buried in its soft materials ; and the loss of the gar
rison did not exceed ten men killed, and twenty-two wounded.
Before the engagement took place, general Clinton landed with a
considerable force on Long Island, which had been represented to
him as communicating with Sullivan's by a ford passable at low
water ; but to his great mortification, he found the channel upwards
of seven feet in depth, and the opposite landing-place on Sullivan's
Island occupied by a strong force under colonel Thompson ; which,
as he had not boats to transport more than 700 men, effectually
kept him in check. During one period of the attack on the fort,
it was for a short time evacuated, on account of the want of pow
der, a quantity of which was afterwards brought from the main
land: if general Clinton's offer of putting troops on^board^the
ships had been accepted, it was supposed at the time.jfthat the
British might in that interval have taken possession of the] works ;
but Sir Peler Parker, from an excessive confidence in the powers
of the fleet, rather undervalued, and therefore declined, the co
operation of the army (3). By the repulse of this armament, the
Ml For Ibis acllon he was presented wllh a sword w ho soon afterwards came Into (he regular line of
t>l the congress. I he army as a brigadier-general.
(2| The fort so gallantly defended was afterwards (3| Adolphus, vol. II. page 33V
mimed Fort Moultrie, In honor of Its commander,

86 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap, XVH-
southern states obtained a long respite from the calamities of war ;
but, what was still more important, that spell which had long at
tached itself to the British navy was broken ; and the minds of the
colonists recovered from the depression into which they at first
fell, on hearing of the powerful expeditions preparing to crush
them. After the evacuation ofBoston, the ministerial plan of operations (1)
had been directed to three principal objects : two of these having
already engaged our attention, it only remains to notice the grand
armament destined to act against New York. Washington, with
the main body of his army, arrived at that city on the fourteenth of
April, and earnestly pressed forward its defences : many of the
inhabitants were disaffected to the American cause; and, in addition
to his embarrassments, a part of his own guard was seduced to seize
his person, and deliver him over to the enemy : but the plot being
discovered, several of the conspirators were executed (2). From
a successful attack on New York great advantages were expected
by the British government : its central position would enable their
generals to carry on the war with equal facility in the northern and
southern provinces, varying the scene of action as they pleased ;
while its maritime situation, being mostly enclosed with islands,
promised not only success in the capture, but future defence and
protection through the means of our ships of war.
The command of the British forces in this expedition (3) devolved
on general Howe ; who, in waiting for the protracted arrival of
his brother lord Howe, commander of the fleet, experienced the
truth of an observation often urged by the opponents of American
taxation in parliament — that it would be found very difficult for
Great Britain to stretch out her arms across the Atlantic to coerce
her rebellious children. Having in vain waited two months at Hali
fax for the expected reinforcements, and being impatient of farther
delay, he set sail on the tenth of June for New York, and arrived
near the end of the month off Sandy Hook, where he was soon
afterwards joined by his brother.
The British general, on his approach, found every part of the
island on which New York stands, and the most exposed parts of
Long Island, well fortified, and defended by artillery; but he effected
a landing on Staten Island, which had not been attended to with so
mucb care: here he was joined by Mr. Tryon, late governor of
the province, and a body of loyalists, who had taken refuge with
him in an armed vessel ; also by about sixty persons from New
Jersey : and as the inhabitants, from fear, affection, or policy,
expressed great satisfaction at the arrival of the royal forces, 200 of
(1) It Is believed that these were principally laid army, of about 30,000 men, supported by a power-
down by lord George Germatne. ml fleet ; a force superior to any that America had
(2) Lire of Washington, In American Portrait Gal- yet seen : the troops were also provided with artil
lery, lery, slores, and warlike materials of every blud.
(3| To this service was allotted a well-disciplined

AD. 1776.] GEORGE III. 87
them were embodied as a national militia. From these appear
ances, hopes were entertained, that, as soon as the army was in a
condition to advance into the country, and protect the loyalists,
such numbers would flock to its standard, as might tend greatly to
facilitate success.
In the mean time a bold and decisive measure was taken by their
opponents, which gave a new complexion as well as a very impor
tant issue to the contest : though from its beginning the bulk of the
people had acted on no fixed principles; and though addresses from
different colonies had been filled with professions of loyalty to the
sovereign, breathing the most ardent wishes for reconciliation;
yet a large party in America had long been preparing the public
mind for the doctrine of independence, and for embracing their
views of a separation from the parent state. The powerful mind
of Franklin had been zealously active in this cause, seconding the
indefatigable zeal of Patrick Henry in Virginia, of Adams and
Hancock in Massachusetts, and many other such characters in the
various provinces of North America. Congress at length deeming
it advisable to ascertain the opinions of the people on this great
question, issued a manifesto, stating various causes which rendered
it necessary that regal authority should be abolished, and the
powers of government assumed by the different states : in parti
cular, they instanced the prohibitory act, by which they were ex
cluded from the protection of the crown ; the rejection of their
petitions for redress of grievances ; and the intended exertion of
the whole force of Great Britain, aided by foreign mercenaries, for
their destruction. As soon as the public mind had been thus
drawn strongly to the subject, various productions issued from
the press, among the most conspicuous of which was the cele
brated pamphlet, entitled ' Common Sense,' by Thomas Paine ; in
the composition of which there is good reason to believe that
Franklin had no inconsiderable share (1J : this work, replete with
rough sarcastic wit, and calculated to flatter the prejudices, as well
as to inflame the resentment of the American people, produced an
extraordinary effect, bringing over multitudes to the cause of in
dependence, who but a few months before would have regarded
the proposition with abhorrence. Lesser arts were not neglected ;
and the lower classes in all the provinces were taught to clamor
for this favorite object, and to treat as friends or enemies those
who favored or opposed it : in short, during the interval preceding
the discussion of this topic, intrigue was never at rest. Many of
the higher orders were restrained by fear, interest, or conscience,
from advocating a plan of final separation ; but those who felt
such scruples were mostly of a mild and patient character, whilst
their opponents were violent, energetic, and precipitate : some even
III Memoirs of Franklin, vol. 1'vPfTs^

88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
in the congress adhered resolutely to their first instructions, and
could not be brought to believe that extreme measures would be
sanctioned by their constituents. The moderation of Washington
induced him to think that his countrymen were going too far ; that
their resources were insufficient ; and that the different states would
not coalesce so firmly under the control of congress as to meet
the danger with due energy and perseverance : he wished that an
opening for honorable terms should be reserved; and he aimed
at colonial freedom rather than republican independence : but as
the majority of the assembly preferred the latter, he acquiesced in
their decision, and consented to retain the command of that army
which was destined to secure it. The revolutionary leaders now
clearly saw that the period was arrived when it became necessary
to try the experiment: the commissioners appointed by the British
government (1) to attempt a reconciliation were on their passage;
and unless the provincials were committed by some authentic act
to the rejection of their proposals, the prospect of independence
might be closed for ever.
Pursuant to the instructions received from his constituents, the
motion for declaring the independence of America was made on
the seventh of June by. Bichard Henry Lee, of Virginia : long and
vehement debates ensued on this measure, which found its prin
cipal supporter in the celebrated John Adams, and its great op-
poser in John Dickinson. On the question being put, six colonies
voted in the affirmative, and six in the negative, the delegates from
Pennsylvania being equally divided : the debate therefore was re
sumed on the ensuing day, when Mr. Dickinson relinquished the
principle which he had so strenuously maintained, and by his vote
decided the conquest. Congress then assuming a new title, and
styling themselves representatives of the United States of America,
published on the fourth of July a declaration, or act of indepen
dence (2), in which they assigned reasons for withdrawing their al
legiance from the king of Great Britain. From this document they
discarded that constitutional language in which complaints are usu
ally addressed to the throne by loyal subjects, and directed their
charges in the most unqualified terms against the throne itself, no
longer complaining of a British parliament, or a British ministry,
but of a British king ; summing up the whole by declaring, ' that
a prince, marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit
to be the ruler of a free people : consequently, congress, in the name
and by the authority of the good people of America, had solemnly
published and declared that the colonies were free and indepen
dent states, absolved from allegiance to the British crown ; that all
(I) In conformity wllh the act of parliament pass- peace, etc., lord Howe was on May 3rd declared join!
ed In the beginning of this year to prohibit and re- commissioner wllh his brother general Dowe for
strain the trade and intercourse of the refractory co- the latter purpose.
lonles, and enabling persons appointed by the king (2| For this act see the Appendix.
to grant pardons and declare any district In the king's

AD. 1776.] GEORGE HI. 89
political connexion between them and Great Britain was broken;
and they, as free and independent states, had full power to levy
war, conclude peace, contract alliances, and establish commerce.'
This decree, extolled in some quarters as a noble effort of hu
man wisdom and manly independence, but stigmatised in others as
an arrogant, intemperate, ungrateful act, vindicated by shallow
and feeble sophistry, was received with silent contempt at the court
of Great Britain. With respect to foreign powers, it afforded, as
might have been expected, a pretext to some for gratifying their
malice against England by preparing for hostilities, or pursuing
their private interests in commercial connexions with the revolted
provinces : in America itself, where the press was enslaved by the
popular party, it met with great applause, as being well adapted to
their taste, and calculated to give a new impulse to their desires.
On the fourth day after the British arrived off Sandy Hook, con
gress ratified this declaration : it was published at the head of the
American troops ; and though they were eye-witnesses of the im
mense fprce prepared to act against them, both officers and men
testified their hearty concurrence in the decree, and submitted it to
the decision of the sword, whether they should be free states or
conquered provinces.
Lord Howe, though much chagrined to find so powerful an ob
stacle raised against his mediatorial commission, resolved neverthe
less to make such efforts as were still practicable to bring about an
accommodation. On the fourteenth of July he sent ashore, by a
flag, a circular to the late governors of the colonies, acquainting
them with his civil and military powers ; desiring them to publish, as
generally as possible, a declaration which accompanied his letter,
explanatory of his commission to grant pardons, to proclaim the
restoration of any colony or district to the king's peace, by which
the effect of the restraining act would cease ; and to encourage mea
sures conducive to the establishment of legal government and good
order : but both his circular and declaration were artfully publish
ed in all the newspapers by congress, with a preface or comment
calculated to destroy their effect. His lordship opened at the same
time a direct communication with general Washington ; but that
officer, taking advantage of a deficiency of form in the address of
a letter (1), raised a cavil on this ground to prevent a conference
which would have been very embarrassing to him at so critical a
period ; which conduct of his was highly commended by congress.
As a last resource, the British admiral entered into a correspon
dence on the subject with Dr. Franklin, with whom he had been
well acquainted in England ; but the little probability of any satis
factory result appeared clearly from the doctor's answer to his
lordship's first letter, in which he observes ; — ' The official de-
(I) Dlrecled to 'George Washington, Esq.'

90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVH.
spatches, to" which you refer me, contain nothing more than what
we had seen in the acts of parliament, — offers of pardon on sub
mission ; which I am sorry to find, as it must give your lordship
pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business. The directing
pardons to be offered to the colonies, who are the very parties in
jured, expresses indeed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness,
and insensibility, which your uninformed and proud nation has long
been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other effect
than that of increasing our resentment. It is impossible we should
think of submission to a government, which has, with the most
wanton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our defenceless towns in the
midst of winter, excited savages to massacre our farmers, and slaves
to murder their masters ; and which is even now bringing foreign
mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. These atrocious
injuries have extinguished every remaining spark of affection for
that parent country which we once held so dear : but were it pos
sible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for you
(I mean the British nation) to forgive the people whom you have
so heavily injured : you can never confide again in those as fellow-
subjects, or permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you
know that you have given such just cause of lasting enmity : this
must impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavor
to break our spirit by the severest tyranny, and obstruct, by every
means in your power, our growing strength and prosperity.' After
intimating, that if, by the mention of a lasting peace in his lord
ship's epistle, is meant a peace to be entered into between Britain
and America as distinct states now at war, this he ventures to say,
though without authority, would be practicable ; but he feels per
suaded that his lordship has no such powers entrusted to him.
Disclaiming the vanity to think that he shall intimidate Great Bri
tain by predicting the effects of the war, knowing that this will
have the fate of all his former predictions, not to be believed until
verified by events, — he goes on to say ; — ' Long did I endeavor,
with unfeigned and unwearied zeal, to preserve from breaking that
fine and noble China vase, the British empire ; for I knew, that
being once broken, the separate parts could not retain their share
of the strength or the value which existed in the whole, and that a
perfect reunion of those parts could scarcely ever be hoped for.'
Towards the conclusion, he adds the following sensible and judi
cious observations : — ' To me it seems that neither the obtaining or
retaining of any trade, however valuable, is an object for which
men may justly spill each other's blood ; that the true and sure means
of extending and securing commerce, is the goodness and cheap
ness of commodities ; and that the profit of no trade can ever be
equal to the expense of compelling it, and of holding it, by fleets and
armies.' In reply, his lordship acknowledged that the powers with
which he was invested were not calculated to effect a reunion with

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE III. 91
America, but as subject to the crown of Great Britain ; and seeing
the inutility of any farther efforts at negociation, he prepared for
the decision of the sword.
The British army, having received large reinforcements of Ger
man troops, passed over the Narrows to Long Island on the twenty-
second of August, pushing their detachments across the country
through Flatlands towards the Sound : these being opposed by an
American division under generals Sullivan, Putnam, and lord Stir
ling, a severe contest ensued; but the British right, under Sir
Henry Clinton, having dexterously outflanked the left of the ene
my, whilst the Hessians vigorously attacked the centre, the Ame
ricans were put to flight. Lord Stirling, who commanded their
right wing, finding that the English had penetrated to the rear,
gave orders for a retreat ; and to secure it, boldly attacked the
division under lord Cornwallis; but being assailed by general
Grant, he was repulsed and taken prisoner. The lines of Brooklyn
received the shattered troops of the provincials, who left 2000
slain on the field, or drowned in a morass, into which they were
driven at Gowan's Cove ; about half that number, including ge
nerals Sullivan, Udell, lord Stirling, with ten other field-officers,
were taken prisoners ; whilst of the British and Hessian troops
not more than seventy were killed, and about 200 wounded. This
was a very inauspicious commencement of the campaign on the
American side : it might probably have decided the contest, had
the English general known how to take advantage of success,
or the American commander in chief possessed less fortitude to
bear defeat, or less sagacity to repair his losses. The lines of
Brooklyn were not formidable, and might easily have been forced
in the consternation of the moment ; but Howe, a general fitter for
the parade than for the field, with cold and dilatory caution checked
his brave troops in the full career of victory. ' It was apparent,'
he said, ' that the lines must become ours at a very cheap rate by
regular approaches ; I would not therefore risk the loss that might
have been sustained in the assault, and ordered the troops back to
a hollow way out of the reach of the musketry.' Washington,
who had passed over from New York during the battle, is said to
have burst into the most poignant exclamations of anguish at the
inextricable fate which had overtaken some of his best troops, and
hung over the remainder : suddenly, however, he saw a gleam of
hope through the surrounding gloom : while the British general,
therefore, was preparing his regular approaches, and breaking
ground with due form within 600 yards of the nearest redoubt, he
effected a masterly retreat by night, across the East river, with
such order, secresy, and silence, that the English were only aware
of it when the rising sun showed them the rear guard already in
their boats and out of danger. From the commencement of the
action on the twenty-seventh until the last boat left Brooklyn, it is

92 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
said that Washington was without rest or sleep, and during most
of that time on horseback : within musket-shot of the British army,
he embarked 900 men with their arms and ammunition, also the
greatest part of their provisions and cannon, and conveyed them
across a river half a mile in breadth, without any confusion or in
terruption. Such signs of coolness, intrepidity, and skill in their
general, were worth more than a victory to the Americans.
Soon after this transaction, general Sullivan was despatched on
his parole, with a verbal message from lord Howe to congress,
importing, that although he could not at present treat with them as
an authorised body, yet he had pacific proposals to make, which
he was very desirous of laying before some of their members in
the capacity of private gentlemen. Congress knew well that the
admiral could have no terms to offer which they would accept ; but
as the people might entertain a different opinion, and be uneasy
if he were not heard, they appointed a deputation, consisting of
Messrs. Adams, Butledge, and Franklin, to meet his lordship on
Staten Island, which he had himself selected as the place of con
ference. The committee being arrived at Amboy, a little town of
New Jersey, were conveyed over to the island in the admiral's
barge, one of his principal officers being directed to remain as a
hostage for their security : Franklin however well knew that lord
Howe's soul was the very seat of honor, and with due considera
tion carried back the officer in the barge. The admiral met them
at their landing, and conducted them through his guards : he ex
pressed some surprise at their confidence in bringing back his
hostage, but more at the little estimation in which they appeared
to hold his offers of pardon and of inquiry into their grievances.
He seemed to have flattered himself that congress, humbled by the
late defeat, would have been more submissive and compliant ; but
he was mistaken : the committee told him that if he had nothing else
to propose, he had come too late : the humble petitions of congress
had been rejected with contempt; independence was now pro
claimed, and the new government formed: and when his lordship
expressed his affection for America, and his concern at viewing
her dangerous situation, saying that to see her fall would give him
as much pain as to see a brother fall, they answered, 'that it was
kind; but America would endeavor to spare him that pain (1).' A
report of this conference having been made to congress, was pub
lished; and it materially assisted their views, by confirming the
people in their determination to seek for independence in the contest
of arms.
But it was not to the contest of arms alone that the sagacious
leaders of the American cause looked for success. The history
indeed of this revolution is commonly read in the operations of
armies and the local acts of congress ; but these, humanly speaking,
(1) Memoirs of Franklin, vol. II. p. 21.

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE III. 95
must have failed against the obstacles to be encountered in their
inexperienced and distracted counsels, their imperfect constitution,
their ill-paid, changing, and partially disaffected army, and the
powerful enemy which commanded the ocean, and was firmly fixed
on the strongest point of their coast, had not their diplomatic agents
with consummate address seconded the efforts of their com
manders and patriots at home. A rare combination both of persons
and things was requisite for the safety of the United States ; and it
was found. In the assistance of other powers, and above all in
that of France, lay their ultimate hopes of success. Without the
subsidies and supplies obtained from that country at an early period
of the revolution, and without the subsequent co-operation of her
fleets and armies, the cause of independence would have been hopeless
in America. France at this time had in great part recovered from
the effects of her disastrous contest with Great Britain; but still
smarting under the disgraceful terms of peace imposed on her, she
was charmed by the prospect of humbling her hated rival : during
the latter period of the reign of Louis XV., no tone or direction from
the court or cabinet was given to this feeling ; for all were absorbed
in sensualities, or engaged in low and vile intrigues : but when his
successor ascended the throne, and such impurities were no longer
tolerated, it had free scope for development; and a different spirit
appeared in the French counsels, of which the American siatesmen
very skilfully took advantage (1).
The first measures for organising the foreign diplomacy of the
United States in 1775, arose out of the personal connexions of
Americans, who had been, or still were, resident in Europe : among
these the principal were Dr. Franklin, who had lately returned to
America; and Arthur Lee, a Virginian, who had been educated in
England, and still resided there as Franklin's successor, in the
office of provincial agent for the assembly of Massachusetts. The
peculiar position which Dr. Franklin had occupied as agent for
some of the principal states in America, the footing of intimacy on
which he stood with many leading characters in England, his great
knowledge of mankind, and skill in matters of business, added to the
dignity of age, the reputation of a virtuous life, and the fame he
had acquired for science and philosophy, contributed to bring him
forward as leader of the diplomatic band, through which the
American congress gained access to the public mind of Europe.
A good deal of important business, directly and indirectly connected
with foreign diplomacy, in petitions, memorials, and addresses, had
been transacted by the whole body of congress, before its regular
organisation, and separation into distinct departments : but soon
after its second meeting, in 1775, a committee of five members (2)
(I) See Marshall's Lire of Washington, vol. III. Franklin, Mr. Johnson of Maryland, Mr. Dickinson,
p i03, etc. and Mr. Jay.
(2| These were Mr. narrlson of Virginia, Dr.

9i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
was appointed for the sole purpose of opening a correspondence
with friends of America in England, Ireland, and other countries,
for the advancement of commercial and political objects. The ope
rations of this body were considerably embarrassed : the undecided
state of the colonists themselves tended to render all application
to foreign powers ineffectual ; whilst the countenance of those
powers was required by congress to direct its policy regarding the
great question of independence : the first efforts therefore of the
committee of correspondence were directed to obtain some accurate
information on this latter point. Accordingly, on the twelfth of
December, 1775, they addressed themselves to Mr. Arthur Lee,
then in London; and at the same time informed him, that they had
written to M. Dumas (1), at the Hague, on this important business,
with whom they requested Mr. Lee also to correspond, urging on
him the necessity of great circumspection and impenetrable se
cresy (2) : they also forwarded 200/. to pay present expenses.
Mr. Lee applied himself diligently to the execution of this commis
sion, and his political connexions gave him great facilities of ascer
taining the views of the British ministry, and their preparations for
the ensuing contest: his intelligence concerning them proved of
material service to his employers (3) : nor did he neglect to obtain
interviews with the French ambassador, who manifested a lively
interest in the proceedings of the colonists, and a desire to gain as
much information as possible about their present state and future
prospects ; all which he carefully forwarded to his own court : in
consequence of this, a French agent, who turned out to be M. de
Beaumarchais, the celebrated author of the Mariage de Figaro, was
despatched to London for the purpose of prosecuting inquiries.
This gentleman visited Mr. Lee at his rooms in the Temple, when
he informed him that the cabinet of Versailles proposed sending
200,000/. sterling to the aid of America, in specie, arms, and
ammunition ; but that there was a difficulty in discovering a proper
channel through which the remittance could be made : St. Eustatia,
Martinique, and Cape Francois were mentioned, and the latter was
fixed on as the most suitable place. Mr. Lee's visitant then said,
the goods would be ready there, and might be received by inquir
ing of the commandant for M. Hortalez : he also requested, that a
small shipment of tobacco might be sent from some American port
to give a color of mercantile business to the proceeding, and prevent
suspicion. This arrangement was made early in the year 1776 ; and
as soon as it was settled, M. de Beaumarchais returned to Paris (4).
|1) A Swiss gentleman of great learning and poll- closed In on envelope with a fictitious address, coni-
tlcal knowledge, whose acquaintance Dr. Franklin monly directed to lieutenant-governor Colden, of
had made In Uolland. He published an elaborate New York, who was a royalist : In case of accident
edition of Vattel In 1770. therefore they would have been forwarded to him,
|2) North American Review, vol. xxxlll. p. 4G0. without any suspicion of their origin.'— North Ame-
(31 ' His letters were usually entrusted to a conh- rlcan Review, vol. xxi. p. 4C1. note.
deutlal person, who was to deliver them with his (4} See North American Review, vol. xxi. p. 403.
own hand : they were wlLhout signature, and en-

A-D- "76.] GEORGE III. 95
In pursuance also of instructions received, M.Dumas approached
the French ambassador at the Hague, and laid before him the wishes
of his American correspondents, together with a memorial, show
ing how important it was to France to prevent the subjugation of
the colonies by her great rival.
His excellency having demanded specifically what course the co
lonists wished France to pursue, it was answered, 1, to inter
pose her good offices for the purpose of bringing about a reconci
liation with England, so as to secure their liberties to the Ameri
cans ; and, 2, railing in this, to admit them to an alliance with the
house of Bourbon, for the sake of exclusive commercial advan
tages (1). The reply of the French ambassador, after having taken
the instruction of his court, was in the following terms : — 'As to
your first demand, the mediation of the king of France cannot take
place, while the colonists are subjects of the king of England, who
would not accept it : as to your second, the king is a true knight ;
his word is sacred ; he has given it to the English, to live in amity
with them, and he will hold to it. While France is at peace with
England, he will not ally himself against her with the colonies, and
will not furnish aid to the latter : but for the same reason, the
Americans will have the same protection and liberty, as all the
other English, to resort to France, to export thence merchandise,
arms, and munitions of war ; without however forming magazines
of them in France, which is not permitted by any nation : besides,
he added, the colonies have no need that either France or Spain
should enter into this war : commerce alone will furnish the Ameri
cans with all they want to defend themselves (2).'
France in fact had now adopted her line of conduct ; not indeed
a very ingenuous one — to maintain an apparent neutrality, whilst
she gave secret assistance to the colonists. It was some time be
fore the cabinet of Versailles decided on this policy; as there was a
party, with the king himself at their head, who could not reconcile
it to the faith of treaties : but Maurepas and Vergennes, men of
talent and decision, unequivocally declared their opinion that the
interest of France required her to* promote a separation between
England and her American provinces ; and by a constant discussion
of the question, and the employment ofingenious and able writers (3),
they succeeded in bringing over the majority to their views, and
removing many scruples among the rest.
Meantime the committee of secret correspondence in America,
seeking a more extensive and substantial intercourse with Europe,
had appointed Silas Deane, one of the members of congress, to
proceed to France as a commercial and political agent. Arriving
at Bourdeaux on the sixth of June, 1776, he assumed the character
II) North American Review, vol. xxxlll. p. ',Gl, |2| Correspondence of M. Dumas, vol- ix. p. 2GS.
where the Reviewer observes, (hat by the house of 13) l'artlcularly Messrs. Favier and Pfefrcl, whoso
Bourbon. M. Dumas probably meaul to comprehend papers had a great erfect.
ihe governments of France aud Spain.

!>6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
of a merchant from Bermuda, and waited some time for the ar
rival of several vessels, which were to be sent out by the com
mittee, with a view of supplying him with means to effect the mer
cantile objects of his mission :but receiving no intelligence of these,
he proceeded to Paris in the beginning of July, under the pretext
of purchasing goods for the Indian trade in America (1). But he
had copious instructions for his intercourse with the French mi
nistry ; and being supplied with letters of introduction to the friends
of America by Dr. Franklin, he soon obtained an audience of the
count de Vergennes. That minister held to him language similar in
its import to what has been detailed from the correspondence of
M. Dumas ; advising him to continue for the present in his assumed
character of a merchant ; informing him also that the British am
bassador knew of his being in Paris, and would carefully watch his
motions. It was Mr. Deane's next task to look round for a credit in the
name of congress, and endeavor to procure such articles as he
wanted : but here he met with unexpected difficulties : news had
arrived of Montgomery's defeat in Canada, and the British ambas
sador took great pains to spread abroad the rumor of an approach
ing reconciliation (2) ; so that no merchants or capitalists could be
found, who would give a credit to congress without adequate secu
rities : these the American agent was unable to command ; no re
mittances had yet been received ; and the bills he had brought with
him, had been for the most part protested, and returned on his
hands. In this state of perplexity, he became acquainted with M. de
Beaumarchais, the same who had visited Mr. Lee in England ; and
who now proposed to furnish the supplies, allow a reasonable time
for payment, and take the security of congress pledged by its agent.
Astonished at this extraordinary proposal from a man of M. de
Beaumarchais's character, Mr. Deane took the precaution of con
sulting the count de Vergennes ; who assured him that he need en
tertain no doubt respecting the character and means of M. de Beau
marchais, who would unquestionably fulfil all his contracts and
promises. The proposals therefore were accepted, and a list of
articles made out, which included clothing for 20,000 men, 30,000
muskets, 100 tons of powder, 200 brass cannon, twenty-four mor
tars, and a large quantity of other stores : these M. tie Beaumar
chais undertook to procure, saying that he could purchase most of
them from the king's arsenals, and procure a credit of eight months :
in the end, however, he was not so successful as he expected ; for
he obtained little, except the cannon and mortars, from the royal
stores. The next difficulty was the mode of shipping these supplies
to America; since the moment they began to move, spies were
ready to give notice to lord Stormont, and thus excite an alarm in
II) North American Review, vol. xxi. p. 463. (2) Ibid. p. 505.

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE III. 97
the French cabinet, lest it should be charged with a breach of
treaty. Accordingly, orders were given to stop the issue of all
such articles, and then counter orders to let them move, all tend
ing to perplex the agents and to increase the expense ; and when
at last they were conveyed to the coast, new orders came to stop
their embarkation. Spies, stationed at all the ports, sent continual
intelligence to lord Stormont, whose remonstrances caused this
wavering conduct ; insomuch that Beaumarchais was obliged to go
himself to Havre about the end of November, with a view to
despatch two of the ships from that port. With ¦great difficulty,
and in the face of a prohibition sent from Paris, he succeeded in
getting the Amphitrite to sea, ordering her to be cleared out for the
West Indies. She arrived at Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, in
the month of April following, with a seasonable supply, for the
ensuing campaign, of about 10,000 stand of arms, sixty cannon,
and a large quantity of clothing ; but her captain, when he returned
to France, was imprisoned for violating the tenor of his papers (1).
Another part of Mr. Deane' s diplomacy consisted in his engaging
the marquis de la Fayette, the baron de Kalb, and other officers,
in the cause of independence, with a promise of specific rank and
pay in the American service. This indeed was an unauthorised as
sumption of authority, and was much censured by congress; as it
deranged their plans with regard to the army, and produced much
uneasiness and dissatisfaction in the American ranks. His excuse
was, that he was solicited in strong terms from the highest quar
ters to receive these offers ; that the state of his affairs rendered
influence among the higher classes of society essential to him ; and
that it was deemed important in France to send out such officers
with the military articles : his own impression also was, that able
and experienced men would be highly serviceable to the American
cause. The time however had now arrived, when congress, having de
clared the independence of the states, and established a separate
government, began to seek for still more intimate relations with
foreign powers : accordingly, in the month of September, 1776, three
commissioners were appointed to meet in Paris, for the purpose of
proposing a treaty of commerce, and soliciting aid to carry on the
war : the first chosen were Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Mr. Jef
ferson ; but the latter gentleman declining the appointment, Mr. Ar
thur Lee was substituted in his place. Franklin set out from Phi
ladelphia on the twenty-seventh of October, and embarked in the
Reprisal sloop of war, carrying sixteen guns, which was frequently
chased by British cruisers during her passage, and several times
prepared for action ; but as often escaped by her superior sailing.
On the twenty-ninth of November she ran into Quiberon-bay, when
|1) North American Review, vol. xxi. p. 4G8.
II. 1

98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
the commissioner landed and proceeded to Nantz, where he stayed
some time to recruit his health ; and arrived in Paris about the end
of December (1).
The deputies had an early interview with the count de Vergennes,
to whom they presented articles of a proposed commercial treaty,
which were received with a promise of being taken into due consi
deration. On the fifth of January, 1777, they laid before that mi
nister a memoir, drawn up at his request, containing the substance
of their instructions ; whence it appeared that they were required
to apply to France for eight ships of the line, to be equipped and
manned at the expense of the United States, either in the way of
loan or purchase, as might best suit the French court ; also an im
mediate supply of 20,000 or 30,000 muskets and bayonets, with a
large quantity of ammunition and brass field-pieces : it was hinted,
that without such assistance, they would probably be unable to
maintain the contest with Great Britain ; nor did they forget to set
forth the extent and value of American commerce, and its impor
tance to France. A copy of the above communication was sent to
count d'Aranda, the Spanish ambassador ; for the commissioners
seemed to consider the interests and views of the two courts as the
same, and were themselves authorised to treat with both.
The language of the minister, in reply to these representations
and requests, was nearly the same as he had all along used to Mr.
Deane; — that the king was prohibited by existing treaties with
Great Britain from entering into one with America, or taking any
part in the contest ; but he was friendly to the States, and would
give them all the commercial privileges in his ports that were en
joyed by other nations ; also that they might consider themselves
under the protection of the government while in France, and com
municate freely with ministers on the subject of their mission.
Such being the tone of the French cabinet, it was evident to the
commissioners that all of them need not remain in Paris : besides,
certain indications leading them to believe that a visit to Spain
might prove advantageous to their cause, Mr. Lee undertook a
mission to that country, being fortified by a letter to the court of
Madrid from the count d'Aranda : he was however stopped at Bur
gos, and there met by the marquis de Grimaldi, one of the Spanish
ministers of state, with M. Gardoqui as interpreter : by them he was
given to understand that sound policy required him to abstain from
going on to Madrid ; and he was earnestly requested to proceed to
Bayonne, and there wait the determination of the Spanish court. In
Spite of his remonstrances, he was obliged to acquiesce in this plan :
but at Vittoria he had a second conference with the marquis de Gri
maldi, who, having listened to Mr. Lee's exposition of the ad
vantages to be obtained by Spain, in seeming the friendship of a
(1) Memoirs of Franklin, vol.11, p, 50.

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE HI. 99
rising nation, and humbling the power of England, made the fol
lowing brief and explicit reply : — ' You have considered your own
situation, but not ours : the war with Portugal (France being un
prepared, and our treasure from South America not yet arrived)
makes it improper for us to declare our intentions immediately z
these reasons will probably cease within a year, and then will be
the moment (1).' It seems however to have been resolved, before
the commissioner's arrival, lo afford secret assistance to the Ame
ricans ; and a plan for effecting it was settled at these interviews,
as is clearly shown in Mr. Lee's correspondence. The promises
made on the part of Spain were faithfully performed; more than
one shipment being made by M. Gardoqui, of articles procured by
him at the gratuitous expense of government, and secretly de
spatched to confidential agents in the United Stales, for the service
of congress : also 375,000 livres were remitted by the king of Spain
to Mr. Lee as a free gift, and expended by him in the purchase of
supplies (2). When he joined his brother commissioners in Paris,
he found them busy in getting off as secretly as possible the stores
which had been furnished by Beaumarchais before their arrival ;
and they gradually effected the shipment of the whole, as well as
of a large quantity which they continued to purchase in other quar
ters. The French ministry winked at these transactions; but oc
casionally threw obstacles in their way, as heretofore, whenever
the English ambassador remonstrated or complained. In the mean
time new perplexities arose from the American cruisers, which
began to harass the English coasting trade (3), and to send prizes
into French ports ; some of which were sold by order of govern
ment, others ordered off, and others detained for legal adjudica
tion : indulgences were sometimes granted in a concealed manner,
and orders of release obtained ; but the commissioners had a dif
ficult part to play, in aiding as much as possible the enterprise and
activity of their own privateers, whilst every motive of policy and
interest required them to study the disposition, and conform to the
will, of the French court. Nevertheless substantial assistance was
afforded to them by that court : soon after their arrival in Paris,
they were told that two millions of livres would be appropriated to
the use of congress (4), and paid by quarterly instalments : the
first payment of 500,000 livres was advanced immediately; and
this money the commissioners determined to reserve for the ex
clusive purpose of paying the interest of a loan in the United States,
occasioned by the emission of paper money ; and they wrote to
congress, that bills might be drawn on them from time to time for
this purpose, to the full amount of the money granted by the French
king : their own expenses they expected to discharge by the pro
ceeds of cargoes to be sent by congress to France ; though it turned
l| North American Review, vol. xxi. p. 472. (3) Memoirs of Franklin, vol. II. p. 57.
(2) Ibid. p. 273. C'l North American Review, vol xxi. p. 474.

100 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIL
out that few shipments of this kind were successful, or even at
tempted. The commissioners also increased their resources, by a
contract with the farmers-general for 5000 hogsheads of tobacco
to be sent by congress ; receiving one million of livres in advance,
and another as soon as the first ships with the cargo arrived.
With these funds they purchased military stores, and began to
build a frigate at Amsterdam, and another at Nantz (1). Such
were the general operations of the commissioners during the first
year of their residence in Paris, where they lived as commercial
agents, but not recognised by the government as holding any of
ficial situation : the time for assuming that character was not yet
arrived. We left general Washington in a very critical position at New
York ; part of his army being stationed in the environs of the city,
and part at Kingsbridge on the extremity of York Island, next the
continent. Apprehensions being entertained, that the British ge
neral, by landing his forces in the centre, might cut off the com
munication, a resolution was taken to evacuate the city and retire
on Kingsbridge, were they had erected some strong works. The
British troops, which had already disembarked at New York, were
now put on board the vessels again, with a view of landing at West
Chester, gaining the rear of Washington's encampment, and enclos
ing him on all sides within his fortresses : had the English general
taken this resolution earlier, he might have reduced his adversary
to the necessity of defending the island, or of forcing his way through
the British lines. The American commander, alarmed by the re
monstrances of general Lee, who had recently joined him, perceived
the necessity of a movement to counteract this project ; and imme
diately decamping with his whole force, he took up a strong posi
tion extending from Kingsbridge on the right to White Plains on
the left, with the deep river Brunx covering his front.
Before the surrender of New York, Washington had proposed to
congress that the city should be burned, rather than left in the hands
of the English. In our own days we have seen the execution of a
similar project suffice for the destruction of the most magnificent
arriiy that Europe ever saw collected on its plains. In the present
case, congress, more pusillanimous than their chief, gave a decided
negative to his proposal, and probably sacrificed a thousand times
more property, as well as a multitude of lives : but notwithstanding
this injunction, the city was set on fire, whether by accident or
design, in several places, and about one third of the buildings con
sumed : a few incendiaries fell a sacrifice to the rage of the soldiers ;
and nearly 200 individuals were arrested on suspicion : but though
large stores of combustibles were found concealed in cellars no
thing led to the detection of any conspirators ; and the affair remains
tl| North American Review, vol. xii. p. 475.

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE III. 101
involved in a mystery which probably will never be disclosed.
Washington was attacked in his new position, on the twenty-eighth
of October, by the royal army, which advanced within cannon-shot
of the lines, driving before them several detachments, and thereby
creating considerable alarm in the camp. The centre of the enemy
was easy to be assailed ; but general Howe, neglecting that point,
ordered a strong detachment of the left wing under general Mac-*
dougal to attack an eminence, on which 4000 men were advanta
geously posted, probably for the purpose of covering a retreat, if ne
cessary. The importance of this place was mistaken ; and the attack
was hardly less hazardous, or the action less severe, than it would
have been if the lines had been assaulted : it was however carried ; but
the right and centre of the British did not move, aud the victory gained
had very little effect ; for the Americans after the battle remained tran
quil in their intrenchments, and for several days both armies were
employed in strengthening their positions : the provincials endeavored
to render their lines impregnable; and the British general, desirous
of taking up a strong position in their rear, so as to cut off a retreat,
waited till his reinforcements could come up. When they arrived,
he made dispositions for storming the intrenchments on the last
day of October ; but incessant rains prevented the execution of this
plan, and the Americans completed their fortifications. Washington
however did not feel confident in his defences ; for having learned
that an assault was intended next morning, he drew off his troops
across the Croton, and took a stronger position among the high
lands, having his front defended by the river, and his rear by woods
and heights.
General Howe, perceiving that from the nature of the country,
he could not force the American commander to join battle, now
made a retrograde movement, and invested Fort Washington, an
important and strongly fortified post on York Island, which se
cured the communication with New Jersey : colonel Magaw, the gal
lant commander of this fortress, refusing to surrender at general
Howe's summons, on the fifteenth of November, it was carried by
a furious assault next morning, when the whole garrison were made
prisoners : the loss on the side of the British was 800 in killed and
wounded ; that of the enemy in killed, wounded, and prisoners,
exceeded 3000. Immediately after this success lord Cornwallis ad
vanced against Fort Lee, on the Jersey shore ; but as this was an
unimportant place after the capture of Fort Washington, it was
abandoned by the garrison, who retired with such precipitation, as
to leave behind them all their artillery, provision, and stores. The
American commander, who had crossed the Hudson with a view
to protect New Jersey, found himself compelled to retreat with a
very diminished force to Newark ; whence he fell back to Bruns
wick on the approach of lord Cornwallis.
It was now late in the year : most of the New England militia

102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
had returned home, their term of service being expired : the Mary
land and Jersey levies availed themselves of the same right at
Brunswick, even while the enemy was in sight: the loss of bag
gage, with fatigue and sickness, overcame every other considera
tion; until the grand army, on which hung the destinies of Ame
rica, was reduced to about 3000 men, deprived of tents and camp
equipage, half naked and barefooted, disheartened by misfortunes,
and almost without hope. The spirit of the commander, sustained
by the resolution and firmness of his officers, particularly of ma
jor-general Greene, enabled him to pass through this scene of
misery with a calm undaunted countenance, and saved his army
from immediate dissolution.
As the van of lord Cornwallis's army advanced by forced marches
to New Brunswick, general Washington retreated to Princetown,
having first demolished the bridge leading to the former place
over the Bariton. As his lordship had received positive or
ders not to advance beyond Brunswick, he sent an earnest request
to the commander in chief to revoke them ; but in vain : he was
ordered to wait for a junction of their forces. In this interval
Washington escaped with his heavy artillery and stores, and
crossed the Delaware on the eighth of December, having secured
all the boats to prevent the passage of his pursuers : the British
army, as if calculating the time necessary for the enemy's escape,
entered Trenton as the last boat of the Americans left it. He^e
general Howe abandoned the pursuit until the ice should afford a
passage over the river : meanwhile he cantoned his army in detach
ments along the left bank of the Delaware, at Trenton, Princetown,
and New Brunswick. Had general Clinton accompanied lord Corn
wallis in this campaign, or been sent, according to his own earnest
entreaty, with lord Howe's fleet to attack Philadelphia, a very dif
ferent result would in all probability have ensued. As if anticipat
ing such an attack, and dreading the consequences, congress broke
up its meeting, and fled to Maryland: dissensions began to prevail
among its members, some of whom applied to the commissioners
for protection : but Clinton was despatched on an expedition against
Rhode Island, because lord Howe thought its occupation necessary
for the fleet: the attack was successful, for it was conducted by a
man of energy and talent ; but the opportunity of striking an early
and decisive blow against the colonists was lost.
During the late career of victory, lord Howe and his brother
issued a proclamation, recapitulating their former offers, and pro
mising free pardon to all, who, within sixty days, should appear
before any governor, or military commander, and engage to con
tinue peaceable and loyal subjects of his majesty; the lenity of
which measure, added to the success of the army, produced such
an effect, that if the British troops had been able to march at once
to Philadelphia, it is certain that capital would have surrender-

«.*>. mw,J UEiUnVjI, All. 105
ed, and would perhaps have drawn the whole continent after it.
The partisans of congress were also much disheartened by the
capture of general Lee, whose talents were equally admired by
the colonists and dreaded by the English: his discernment had
already saved an American army from destruction ; and Washington,
though he viewed him with no friendly eye, was still anxious to
have his presence and assistance. On the thirteenth of December,
as this able officer was advancing to join the commander in chief,
he quitted his camp before Morristown on a reconnoitring expe
dition, and stopped at a place called Basking-ridge to breakfast :
in this situation he was surprised by colonel Harcourt, who with
a party of light horse was watching his movements, and had re
ceived intelligence of his position. Having made every possible
disposition to prevent escape, colonel Harcourt rode up to the
house, disarmed the sentinels, forced open the door, and took the
general prisoner, who was instantly mounted and conveyed with
great celerity to the British camp. This gallant exploit caused
deep regret in the provincial army; and Washington, not having
at this time any prisoner of equal rank with general Lee, proposed
to send to the British head-quarters six field-afficers for his ex
change ; but as general Howe chose to consider him in the light of
a deserter rather than a prisoner, though he had resigned his com
mission before the commencement of hostilities, no offer or soli
citation could procure his release; and he was put under strict
confinement : this conduct so exasperated congress, that they depriv
ed several British officers of their parole, and declared that the
treatment experienced by general Lee should form the model of
their conduct with regard to prisoners of war. At no period of
this distressing series of events did the firmness of that body de
sert them ; nor did they ever lose sight of their grand object, in
dependence and separation from Great Britain. Soon after their
declaration to this effect, they voted articles of union and confede
ration for the ' United States of America,' and reserved the general
dependence of each state for the decision of delegates in congress,
without depriving any of their freedom of action in the regulation
of their own internal government. They passed a vote for raising
by loan, at four per cent., 80,000 dollars, for which certificates
were to be given, and the faith of the United States pledged to the
lenders for principal and interest: these certificates, which were
transferable, were not only made a legal tender ; but the refusal to
accept them in the course of exchange was made punishable by a
heavy penalty. Another mode of raising money was by a lottery
of 400,000 tickets, in which 5,000,000 of dollars were distributed
in prizes. To reanimate the drooping spirits of the people, they
published an address, recapitulating every grievance and complaint
against the mother country, fabricating new charges out of the
manner in which the war was conducted, boasting of the aid already

104 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
obtained and still expected from foreign powers, speaking con
temptuously of British valor, and decrying the terms of submission
offered by our commissioners. Even when congress was compel
led to abandon Philadelphia and take refuge in Baltimore, by no
act did they testify despair, or want of public spirit : on the con
trary, their conduct assumed a high degree of moral dignity : they
merely adjourned the assembly from the twelfth to the twentieth
of December, and in the mean time appointed a solemn fast.
The army at this period was in a miserable state, its enthusiasm
being nearly vanished, and the troops looking with eager expec
tation to the expiration of their term of service; so that their
commander, after having formed a few soldiers, felt the mortifica
tion of being obliged to train a new army. This second differed
in many respects from the first : the men were raised chiefly at the
instigation of others, and brought with them sordid views and per
sonal animosities, which threatened ruin to the cause of freedom :
the parsimony of congress neither allowed sufficient bounty to re
cruits, nor pay to officers; so that these latter had recourse to low
arts for the purpose of eking out their miserable subsistence ; some
even exercised their trades for this purpose ; and it is said that one
of them was seen, in the presence of several persons of considera
tion, shaving his own corps (1) : local animosities were violent; and
the militia were backward, undisciplined, and refractory.
Washington continually represented to congress the improvidence
of raising a military force for so short a period as one year ; and
pointed out the necessity of vigor and generosity, by enforcing the
levies, extending the time of service, and augmenting the bounties.
It was long before that body could divest themselves of their fear
of a standing army, or cease to regard its great commander with
out a degree of suspicion : at length, however, they yielded to his
representations ; and on the sixteenth of September, passed a vote
for raising eighty-eight battalions to serve during the war, fixing a
proportion for the different states : a bounty also of twenty dollars
was offered to each private, and portions of land promised both
to officers and soldiers, with a reversion to their widows or re
presentatives, at the end of the war; to a colonel, 500 acres, and
to a non-commissioned officer or private, 100 (2). All officers,
except generals, were to be appointed by the governments of dif
ferent states ; but some mean deductions were made from the pay
of the soldiers : orders also were issued to prevent a monopoly of
military stores, and for a better supply of gunpowder. These
measures were not adequate to the increasing exigences. Wash
ington still remonstrated against the parsimony of congress, and
advised that instead of 88 battalions, 110 should be raised; but even
the former number could not be completed : the militia could not
(I) Adolphus's History of George HI. vol. II. p. 307.
|2) To a' lieutenant-colonel 450, a major 400, a captain 300, a lieutenant 200, and an ensign 150.

A.D. 1776.] GEORGE ID. 105
be stimulated to exertion; and the general saw reason to fear that
ten days more would terminate the existence of his army (1).
In this emergency, he decided that something must be attempted,
to raise the drooping spirits of his followers : accordingly, when
general Arnold visited the camp, and suggested a daring manoeuvre,
Washington readily gave into the scheme, and adopted a plan for
putting it in execution (2) . The commander, while gathering strength
by calling in his distant divisions and volunteers, had himself re
marked the detached corps of British and Hessians, far distant
from each other, in a line of nearly eighty miles from the Hacken-
sack to the Delaware : it also happened that the posts of Trenton,
Bordenton, and Burlington, where the Hessians lay, under colonel
Rhalle and count Donnop, were unprovided with any works of
defence; while the other posts, as if in defiance of reason, were
made stronger in proportion to their distance from the enemy.
Having obtained by Arnold's assistance a sufficient number of boats,
he determined to cross the river ; and, dividing his troops into
three parties under himself and generals Irving and Cadwallader,
he ordered them to meet on the banks of the Delaware on the
twenty-fifth of December, when it was believed that the enemy
would be enjoying the festive anniversary in confident security.
The division conducted by the commander in chief was alone suc
cessful : the night was dark and very cold ; and the passage was
so retarded by a high wind, a swift current, and floating masses of
ice, that it was four o'clock in the morning before they could be
formed on the Jersey shore : no difficulties, however, or delay
disheartened Washington : he formed his detachment, consisting
of 2500 men, into two divisions, each of which took a different
road; but as the distances to Trenton were equal, they arrived
there within three minutes of the same time. The attack was made
at day-break, a violent storm of snow driving in the faees of the
assailants : the outer guards in their retreat kept up a running fire
from behind the houses; and the main body attempted to form
in the principal street, which was prevented by six pieces of artil
lery under captain Forrest, the fire of which was directed by
Washington himself. At length, colonel Rhalle, with several other
officers, being wounded, and the Americans beginning to surround
them on all sides, twenty-three officers and about 900 men laid
down their arms ; but a troop of British light horse and about 500
infantry effected their escape to Bordenton : these also would have
been captured, had not the disembarkation of the other divisions,
under generals Irving and Cadwallader, been prevented by the ice.
The prisoners, with their artillery and baggage, were all safely
conveyed across the Delaware ; and being marched to Philadelphia,
were there paraded in a species of military triumph, in order to
II) Adolphus, vol II. p. 308.
['-) From Adolphus's private Information.

106 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVH.
animate the minds of the provincials, and to show them that the
dreaded Hessians were not invincible.
The American commander, finding that the scene of his late
exploit was not re-occupied by the British forces, took advantage
of this dilatory conduct in his antagonist, by again crossing the
Delaware, undeterred by the quantity of ice formed on it, or the diffi
culties and dangers of a winter's campaign : but at this time so slight
was his authority, that only by dint of strong persuasions, and an
advance of ten paper dollars to each man, could he engage his
troops, whose term of service was expired, to continue in the field
six weeks longer. This re-appearance of the enemy on the left
bank of the river alarmed the, British general ; and lord Cornwallis,
who had reached New York on his road to England, was ordered
back to take the command in the Jerseys. Having effected a junction
with general Grant, he found Washington posted on some high
grounds not far from Trenton, where he attacked him with a severe
cannonade, on the second of January, 1777 : he was met with
firmness by detachments of the provincials, whose great object
was to wear away the day, without the risk of a general engage
ment: night at length suspended the fight; and the hostile armies
were separated only by the narrow stream, over which the last
division of the Americans had been forced : their watch-fires were
lighted ; the guards were doubled ; a party was set to work at an
intrenchment within hearing of the British sentinels; and every
appearance kept up of a determination to abide the result of a
battle on the morrow : but at midnight the American commander
silently retired before superior numbers, and by a circuitous route
moved his little army on Princetown, where a detachment of three
British regiments and three troops of light horse were posted : this
manoeuvre was not discovered by his opponents till the morning,
when a distant firing announced that their enemy was nine miles in
their rear, and that the magazines at Brunswick were in danger of
destruction. About sunrise, Washington surprised the British
troops at Princetown under colonel Mawhood, who had just begun
his march to join lord Cornwallis : the colonel at first mistook the
American advanced guard for Hessians ; but soon recognising his
error, gallantly charged, and threw them into disorder : the seven
teenth regiment under captain Scott drove the enemy with fixed
bayonets into a ravine, but was almost annihilated by superior
numbers : a part forced their way through them, and pursued its
march towards Trenton; the other two regiments, after a fierce and
obstinate struggle, in which Washington charged at the he,ad of a
close column, retreated, though with considerable loss, towards
Brunswick : that town, however, with its important magazines, and
military chest containing 70,000/., was saved through the gallant
resistance made by colonel Mawhood. Lord Cornwallis, apprehen
sive for its safety, when he discovered the retreat of the Americans,

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE HI. 107
hastened to its relief. Washington called off his fatigued troops ;
and having broken down the bridge over Stony-brook to prevent
pursuit, retired unmolested to Pluckemin. The fruits of this
victory were some stores of blankets and shoes, two brass field-
pieces, and 800 prisoners, among whom were fourteen British
officers. Lord Cornwallis found it necessary to halt at Brunswick, for the
purpose of refreshing and reposing his army; and Washington
took this opportunity to overrun all East and West Jersey, pene
trating as far as Essex county, where he made himself master of
the coast opposite to Staten Island, by occupying Newark, Eliza
beth Town, and Woodbridge. He fixed his head quarters at Mor-
ristown, a place difficult of access, with a fine country in his rear ;
whence he could draw supplies, and through which he could al
ways secure a passage to the Delaware. With about 1000 regulars
and 2000 militia, he recovered the greatest part of the Jerseys,
and saved Pennsylvania, in defiance of a large and well-furnished
army, which he kept at check in their line of posts from Brunswick
to New York. Thus ended a campaign, so glorious to the fame
of Washington (1).
But the spirit of New Jersey was now roused to exertion, not
only by unlooked for success in arms, but by the insults, injuries,
and shameful licentiousness of their foes, particularly the Hessian
troops, who had overrun the midland counties of that state : de
tails of each specific wrong were taken on oath, and published by
congress in the newspapers, to irritate the inhabitants against the
king and British nation : thus the determination of the loyalists be
gan to waver, and many of them joined the republican cause.
Taught by better experience of the evils of war, the militia watched
every opportunity to strike their enemies, wherever their recon
noitring or foraging parties appeared; and their frequent success
greatly relieved the commander in chief, until he could repair the
mischief arising from short terms of enlistment.
The British parliament met on the thirty-first of October, when
the king declared that nothing would have given him so much sa
tisfaction as to be able to state that the troubles in America were
terminated, and the unhappy people returned to their duty; but
so daring and desperate was the spirit of their leaders, that they
had openly renounced all allegiance to the crown, and rejected with
circumstances of insult and indignity every attempt at conciliation,
(() ' No adequate vindication,' says Mr. Adolphus, command, omllted the Important dntles of visiting
'appears for the strange manner In which the Brl- his posts, giving his orders, and personally lnspect-
tlsh troops were posted In the Jerseys. General Ing their execution. After the events at Trenton,
Howe ( he speaks from private Information ) adopted the British army seems to have been paralysed by
Ihe measnre In contradiction to bis better judgment, alarm ; Incapable of resolute measures for assailing
but his error was lu every point of view Inexcusable, a foe who still held them In terror ; or for pruden t
Equally culpable was the neglect of caution and dts- defence of a province, which no force possessed by
clpllnc which facilitated the surprise at Trenton, for the Americans could have wrested from them.'—
nhlchcolonel Rhalle paid with his lire ; bul be alone History of George III. vol. It. p. 374.
was not blamable: general Grant, his superior In

108 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
presuming to set up their rebellious confederacies for independent
states. If their treason were suffered to take root, much mischief
must thence arise to the safety of the loyal colonies, the commerce
of the kingdom, and indeed to the present system of all Europe ;
but though the success of the British arms gave the strongest
hopes of a happy result, still it was necessary to prepare for an
other campaign. He recapitulated, as usual, the pacific assurances
of the European powers, and added, that in this arduous contest
he could have no other object than to promote the true interest
of his subjects. To the revolted colonists he was desirous of re
storing the blessings of law and liberty enjoyed by every British
subject, which they had fatally and desperately abandoned for the
calamities of war and the tyranny of their leaders.
Addresses, which were as usual echoes of the speech, were
brought forward in both houses ; but an amendment, which was
in reality an address in a totally different strain, was moved in the
commons by lord John Cavendish, and seconded by the marquis
of Granby. In this and the debates that ensued, it was affirmed
that the disaffection and revolt of a whole people could not have
taken place without great faults committed against them ; and these
were imputed to a want of sufficient information in parliament,
and too implicit a reliance on ministers, whose schemes for the
reduction or chastisement of a factious party had driven thirteen
large provinces to despair. The rejection of petitions and com
plaints, the improper instructions given to commissioners for the
purpose of reconciliation, and the remissness shown in sending out
even these, formed subjects of vehement reprehension : the endea
vors made to break down the spirit and independence of any por
tion of the British empire were reprobated ; and the project of
extirpation by the sword was designated as a most dangerous pre
cedent. The mention of the word ' treason,' as applicable to the
Americans, called forth violent animadversions, especially from
Mr. Wilkes ; and the interposition of the Bourbons was pronounced
to be inevitable : all reliance on their pacific assurances was ex
posed with extreme ridicule; and colonel Barre peremptorily as
serted that a war of the most serious kind with France and Spain
was impending over the country : in short, his majesty's speech,
or, as it was now termed, the minister's speech, was reprobated
as a compound of hypocrisy and tyranny; holding out law and li
berty at the point of the sword, and, like a deceptive mirror, re
flecting a false image of truth.
The cause of ministers was defended by lord North and lord
George Germaine : the former strenuously denied a charge which
had been alledged against him, of withholding information ; declar
ing that he invariably communicated to the house as much as could
be divulged with safety : he also indignantly repelled the charge of
hypocrisy advanced against that part of the king's speech which

AD. 1777.] GEORGE IH.

109

stated his desire to restore law and liberty to the colonists : law and
liberty, he said, had fled from America ; but the day's debate fully
proved their existence in this country. The latter asserted, that
even the American statements of lord Howe's propositions proved
that he was eager to employ means of peace and reconciliation; but
Washington was adverse. The forcible asseverations of France, he
said, must be taken as proofs of her pacific intentions : should it be
otherwise, Great Britain was prepared to cope with any enemy. ' But
would the Bourbons, blind to their own interests, wish the spirit of
independence to cross the Atlantic? could they be exempt from fear
lest their own colonists should catch fire at the doctrine of the unli
mited rights of mankind, and prefer them to slavery and digging of
gold? And would not great danger arise from the vicinity of power
ful states, freed from European control?
The amendment was negatived by a majority of 242 against 87.
In the upper house, lord Carlisle moved the address, and the marquis
of Bockingham an amendment, similar to that of lord John Caven
dish, which was followed by debates of equal violence. The earl
of Shelburne designated the speech as a tissue of sophisms ; a com
position of unqualified absurdity, treachery,' cruelty, hypocrisy, and
deceit : in descanting on its different paragraphs, he pronounced
them all utterly false, differing only in this ;— that some of the
falsehoods were fallacious, some specious, some gross and no
torious. The duke of Bichmond declared that America was irretrievably
lost to this country ; and that our best policy would be to make the
people our friends, even at the price of acknowledging their inde
pendence. This doctrine was considered by lord Sandwich as de
rogatory to the honor, and-destructive to the interests of England :
he would hazard every drop of blood, as well as the last shilling
of the national treasure, rather than allow Great Britain to be de
fied, bullied, and dictated to by her disobedient and rebellio us sub
jects : even lord Shelburne declared, that he never meant this
country to give up its right of commercial control over America,
which was the very bond of connexion between them. It was
strongly asserted by the friends of administration, that the open
and daring hostilities which preceded the declaration of indepen
dency would never have occurred, had not a disobedient spirit been
fomented by a party at home, which had shamefully sacrificed its
country's interests to personal views of faction and ambition : as
opposition had been heretofore grounded on the notion that the
Americans did not aim at independency, so now there ought to be
a complete unanimity in resisting their acts ; and this would be the
most decisive method of restoring peace to a distracted and divided
empire. Great Britain, it was said, deprived of her colonies, would
lose her importance in the European system, and might eventually
become a province of the first ambitious power that attacked her.

110 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVII.
England and Ireland, divided by the sea, and inferior in population,
could not withstand the power of France, if divested of the sources
of wealth and strength derived from her colonies, which must be
the result of tamely permitting America to become independent.
A few days after these debates, lord John Cavendish, having pro
duced a copy of the proclamation issued on the capture of New
York, proposed, that in conformity with its tenor, the house
should resolve itself into a committee for revising the acts by
which the colonists thought themselves aggrieved. Ministers how
ever contended, that this inquiry into grievances had been prof
fered only to those who should return to their duty : a disavowal
of independence and an acknowledgment of British supremacy were
requisite, before any measures of reconciliation could be adopted
by Great Britain. The proclamation was stated to be conformable
to the spirit of all our proceedings ; assuring the preservation of
their constitutional rights to all that should return to their duty,
but vindicating the authority and dignity of the parent state. To
revise or repeal laws, for the sake of a people, who, denying (he
authority of such laws, could not be aggrieved by their existence,
would be grossly absurd : if they persisted in their assertion of in
dependence, our present force and recent success made it evident
that we could soon reduce them to submission. In the course of
the debate, ministers, though they agreed in opposing the motion,
took somewhat different grounds : lord North dwelt still on concilia
tion, which he seemed to think might be effected by the commis
sioners ; lord George Germaine and others trusted principally to
compulsion. Opposition did not fail to remark and comment on
this diversity of sentiment ; though that body itself, distinguished
as it was by the extraordinary eloquence and abilities of several
among its speakers, labored still more under this defect, and lost
much of its power in counteracting the schemes of government by
a want of unanimity and concert. On the present occasion, this
difference of opinion concerning American independence, though
discernible, was not so distinctly manifested as it afterwards be
came, when it produced a schism among lord North's political op
ponents. Mr. Burke and the Bockingham party early intimated a
wish to treat with America without questioning her independence;
to which opinion Mr. Fox acceded, avowing it with hisusual open
ness, and supporting it with his characteristic energy : Mrt Dunning,
colonel Barre, lords Camden, Shelburne, and Temple, with other
connexions of the earl of Chatham, were anxious to conciliate the co
lonies by redressing their grievances, but to maintain the supremacy
of Great Britain. The motion, which was complained of by ministers
as a surprise and an unexpected manoeuvre, (no business of impor
tance having been expected before the recess) was negatived by a
majority of 109 to 47.
After its rejection, many members of opposition, particulary those

A.D. .777.] GEORGE HI. Ill
of the Rockingham party, withdrew from the house whenever any
question relative to America came on for discussion : they attended
on ordinary business, and then retired, after making a formal bow
to the speaker; alledging that they were weary of opposing reason
and argument to the deaf insolence of power and numbers. This
secession was blamed by the majority of opposition itself, who con
tended that a member of parliament cannot, consistently with his
duty, desert the interests of his country merely from an opinion that
he will be outvoted : he cannot infer from thence that his atten
dance will be useless ; for a respectable minority, though it cannot
carry its own measures, may often modify injurious laws and coun
sels by exposing their pernicious tendency. It was useless to say
that such a secession might operate in_certain cases as a call to the
people, and awaken them to a sense of danger hanging over the
constitution ; for no great body could be expected to bend to a
mode of conduct, which would appear to be dictated by caprice,
or sullenness, or the mortification of party spirit. The resolutions
on the army and navy estimates were voted without much opposi
tion ; and on the thirteenth of December both houses adjourned for
the Christmas recess.
During the transaction of these affairs, circumstances occurred
which enabled the ministers still farther to excite the hatred of the
people against the Americans. The story of a conspiracy in 1775,
on account of which Mr. Sayre had been sent to the Tower, had
failed in its intended effect, and by no means increased their popu
larity : the present occurrence, from the mystery in which it was in
volved, and the probable guilt of the party, proved more favorable
to their views. At the close of the year 1776 a conflagration took
place at the rope-house in the royal dock-yard of Portsmouth ; but
the flames were fortunately prevented from extending to the other
magazines : a fire also broke out on the seventeenth of January at
Bristol, and destroyed six or seven warehouses. These circum
stances excited much alarm in the mind of the public, and suspicion
at length fell on John Aitken, an obscure Scotchman, by trade a
painter, who was said to have lived many years in America, and who
had been in Portsmouth and Bristol when the fires occurred at those
places : he was arrested for a burglary in Hampshire ; when seve
ral suspicious articles being found on his person, he was sent up to
London to be examined before the lords of the admiralty, and
committed to prison. The principal evidence against him was that
of another American painter, who had been employed to draw from
him a confession of his guilt, by apparently sympathising with his
misfortunes : on the testimony of this man, John the painter was
condemned and executed. Before his death, he is said to have con
fessed his guilt to a commissioner of the admiralty, and to have
accused Silas Deane, the American agent at Paris, of encouraging
him to make the criminal attempt. A bill was soon afterwards

112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVKI.
brought into parliament for the more effectually securing his ma
jesty's dock-yards. Anew expedition was this year set on foot, for
exploring a north-west passage, not on the plan of former voyages,
but through the Pacific ocean into the North sea : on this subject
the king felt a warm interest ; and though from delicacy towards
the veteran captain Cook, who was considered as resting from his
labors, he would not permit the admiralty to ask him to take the
command, yet he most graciously accepted the services of that great
navigator when voluntarily offered. His majesty gave orders, not
only that every comfort should be supplied to the voyagers them
selves, but that all sorts of useful cattle, poultry, plants, seeds, and
utensils should be provided for the benefit of the various lands
heretofore discovered, and such as might be now discovered or re
visited. The issue of this expedition is well known ; the unfortunate
captain Cook fell a sacrifice to the fury of the Sandwich Islanders, in
executing what he thought was required by duty and policy. His
majesty did not neglect to alleviate the sorrows of his widow, whilst
he took the promotion of his sons under his especial care.

CHAPTEB XVIII.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1777.

Sleeting of parliament— Letters of marque granted— Lord North's bill for detaining in pri
son persons charged with high treason— Debates on it— Carried, with certain amendments
— Warm debates on the accounts of last year— Additional demands of the landgrave of Hesse
— Augmentation of the revenue of the civil list— Debates on it— Protest, etc. in the house
of lords — Speech of Sir Fletcher Norton to the king — Thanks of the house to him— Subse
quent discussion thereon— Lord Chatham's motion for an address to the king— Rejected-
Supplies for 1777— King's reply to the speaker when he presented the bills for royal assent
— Lord North's exertion of patronage— Memorial presented to the States General — Views
of the house of Bourbon not generally suspected— Trial, etc. of Dr. Dodd — Affairs of the
East Indies — Mr. Hastings's administration in Bengal— Embarks for England — Affairs at the
presidencies of Bombay and Madras— Extraordinary eonduct of the latter in the case of
lord Pigot — Parliamentary proceedings on it— Trial of the conspirators before lord Mans
field. On the meeting of parliament after the recess, a bill was brought
into the house of commons, on the sixth of February, for enabling
the admiralty to grant letters of marque to privateers against ves
sels belonging to the revolted colonies ; and it went through both
houses without opposition. On the same day also lord North in
troduced a bill 'for enabling his majesty to detain and secure
persons charged with, or suspected of, the crime of high treason,
committed in North America or on the high seas, or the crime of
piracy.' By its enactments, every one so charged or suspected

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE IH. 113
was liable to be committed to any place of confinement appointed
by the king, under his sign manual, within any part of his domi
nions, without bail or mainprize, and there detained without trial
during the continuance of the law. On the second reading, Mr.
Dunning expressed much surprise, that a bill, which struck directly
at the habeas corpus act, that pillar of British liberty, should be
brought in without notice, and in so thin a house : he therefore
moved that it should be printed ; which was granted. The alarm
thus excited brought back to the opposition benches several of the
seceders ; and a spirited discussion of the measure ensued, in which
it was characterised as a bill for the production of spies, informers,
and false accusers ; furnishing means of gratification, emolument,
and safety to the most profligate of mankind ; and enabling any
revengeful minister or mercenary villain to satiate his revenge or
replenish his purse at the expense of the virtuous. ' Who knows '
said Mr. Fox, ' but that ministers, in the fulness of their malice,
may take into their heads that I have served on Long Island under
general Washington ? What would it avail me to plead an alibi,
that I was never in America, or on any sea but that between
Dover and Calais? All this may be true, says a minister, or a
minister's understrapper ; but you are for the present suspected
and that is sufficient : this is not the time for proof; this bill cares
not whether you are guilty or innocent : I know you are fond of
Scotland, and I will send you under the sign manual to study the
Erse language in the isle of Bute; and as soon as the operation
of the bill is spent, you will be at liberty to return, or go whither
you please: you may then call on your accusers to prove their
charges against you of treason in America or on the high seas, or
of piracy ; but they will laugh in your face, and the act of parlia
ment will serve as a complete plea in bar.' Ministers, he went on
to observe, were credulous in the extreme, because fearful; and
they were fearful from a consciousness of their crimes. Mr. Thurlow
ridiculed the absurd and preposterous idea that the bill was in
tentionally framed to reach disaffected persons within this realm ;
though, if it did operate to that extent, he should hardly consider
this as a fault.
The commitment of the bill was carried by a majority of 195
against 43 ; but as it was found that some of the clauses were open
to serious objections, Sir Grey Cooper, secretary to the treasury,
moved an amendment, proposing to substitute for the clause ' in
any part of his majesty's dominions,' the words ' within the realm :'
this however by no means satisfied the opposition ; and a petition
was presented from the city of London, praying that the bill might
not pass, or at least might not extend to persons resident in Great
Britain ; and this limitation was ultimately carried, principally by
the efforts of Mr. Dunning : a clause was also introduced which ex
cluded certain minor acts of piracy from the operation of the bill;
n. 8

H4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII.
opposition members being very anxious to obtain every qualifying
explanation, though they strenuously resisted its whole principle.
In the house of lords it passed without opposition, but with a
protest signed by a single peer, lord Abingdon.
Some warm debates arose when the accounts of unprovided ex
penses for the preceding year were laid before the committee of
supply : the debts for extraordinary and unprovided services of
the war were stated by the minister as more than 2,000,000/.; a
sum which exceeded the demand under the head of extraordinaries in
any year of the last war : the rate at which transports had been
engaged, and the army in America supplied with rum, were described
as instances of a wanton waste of the public money; and deservedly
severe strictures were passed, not only on the manner of making
contracts, but on the mischief arising from such contracts being made
with members of parliament.
In addition to the sum granted to the landgrave of Hesse Cassel
for the hire of troops, it appeared that a new demand was made
by that potentate of 44,000/. for levy money; he having discovered
that the treaty of 1755, which was considered as the basis of the
present contract, warranted such a claim; and his demand was
acknowledged by the minister to be fair, though unexpected. Nor
was this the only requisition made by that prince, in consequence
of the humiliating state of dependence into which Great Britain was
brought by the necessity of obtaining his assistance ; for lord North,
some time afterwards, moved for and obtained the payment of
above 40,000/. to the landgrave'for the expenses of foreign hospitals
in the last war ; — a claim, which had been rejected as extortionate
by the commissioners at that time appointed to settle questions of
this kind. In the midst of the severe and continued debates to
which these subjects gave rise, the minister's task of defence was
rendered still more embarrassing by the necessity imposed on him
of introducing into the house a message from his majesty, desiring
that he might be enabled to discharge a second debt of the civil
list, amounting to upwards of 600,000/. ; and expressing his reliance
on the loyalty and affection of his faithful commons to make some
farther provision for the better support of his household, and the
honor and dignity of the crown.
The opposition were divided in opinion on this occasion : some
were willing to discharge the present debt, without making any
augmentation of the revenue; while others demanded that the
whole business should undergo a full investigation before any money
was voted. They instanced the preceding reign, in which no such
application was made to parliament, and no complaint made of the
insufficiency o/ the sum at which the civil list was fixed : they declared
that the revenue of the crown was not only sufficient to support its
dignity and magnificence , but that it even exceeded those bounds
which were warranted by a limited monarchy and a free constitution.

A.D. 1777. ] GEORGE HI. 115
it appeared , by papers laid before the house , that half a million had
been expended under the head of the board of works, without any
specification of persons or purposes ; and that enormous extra
vagance had taken place under the heads of cofferer's office and
foreign ministers; above all, that 285,000/. of secret service money
had passed through the hands of the two secretaries of the treasury,
who, having no intercourse with foreign states, could only be agents
for misapplying such large sums to the purposes of bribery and cor
ruption. Mr. Wilkes took this opportunity of venting his spleen against
his majesty and ministers :—' The nation,' said he, 'cheerfully gave
800,000/. for the trappings of royalty : the proposed augmentation
was a violation of public faith ; and it was cruel to fleece the people,
involved as they were in an expensive, unnatural war, and bur
dened with an enormous debt.' He reviewed the expenses of all the
monarchs since the revolution, extolling their magnificence to the
disparagement of the court of George III. Alluding to his own suf
ferings, he mentioned an article in the account of secret services for
money paid to Samuel Martin, Esq., in 1763, and said that he himself
had been plundered in one year of 1000/. in two fines : he attacked
with great asperity the literary pensions bestowed on two Jacobite
doctors, Shebbeare and Johnson ; on Hume for attacking Christianity
and Beattie for defending it : he also spoke with much acrimony of
the disagreements in the royal family ; contrasting the kindness of
Louis XVI. to Monsieur and the comte d'Artois, with the harshness
of the king towards the dukes of Glocester and Cumberland.
Lord North having rested the propriety of the proposed aug
mentation on the plea that the expenses with which the civil list
was charged had exceeded the yearly allotted sum of 800 000/.
by upwards of 100,000/. each year, — which was the additional sum
required, — some members in both houses maintained, that if the
revenues proceeding from Wales, Cornwall, the duchy of Lan
caster, Ireland, the West Indies, American quit-rents, etc. were
taken into consideration, the crown would be found to have pos
sessed for several years a revenue of more than a million sterling ;
and though the proceeds from Hanover and Osnaburg did not
come Avithin the cognisance of parliament, yet they were to be con
sidered as objects of attention in all questions relative to the in
creasing power and dangerous influence of the crown.
Mr. Burke asserted that nothing but a confidence in the servility
of the house, and a knowledge of its carelessness, could have ren
dered ministers desperate enough to assert that sufficient provision
was not made for the splendor of the crown. He objected, and
with great justice, to the futile argument drawn by lord North from
the experience of the whole reign, that 800,000/. was not sufficient
for the civil list expenses ; because, if admitted, the propriety of
every person's practice would be judged by the practice itself; a
man's extravagance would become the measure of his supply ; and

116 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII-
because he had actually dissipated a large revenue, he ought to be
furnished with another still larger to dissipate also. This would
establish a principle of public profusion; would make it the interest
of ministers to be prodigal; since their extravagance, instead of
lessening, would be the certain means of increasing their estate.
The minister however lost none of his usual friends on this try
ing occasion : Sir Bobert Wal pole himself was not more industrious
than lord North in procuring adherents in the lower house by all
those arts which work on the principle of self interest; and before
the close of the last session ten new peers had been called to the
upper house, three barons advanced to earldoms, and one to the
dignity of viscount (1). Such therefore were the prevailing senti
ments of loyalty, that not only was the deficient sum voted out of
the sinking fund, but an addition made to the civil list of 100,000/.
per annum.
These grants however did not pass without warm debates in the
house of lords : the marquis of Bockingham moved an amendment
to the address; which, being rejected, was entered as a protest on
the journals, signed by fourteen peers : in this document they re
corded their opposition to the measure, not solely from motives of
economy, but from a dread of the effect which such an augmentation
might have on the honor and integrity of parliament; vesting, as it
did, such large sums of money, without responsibility, in the hands
of ministers. Assertions were also made, that there was a prevalent
opinion regarding the civil list revenues, that they were employed
in creating an undue parliamentary interest; and therefore the pro
posed increase of the overgrown influence of the crown would be a
treacherous gift even to the crown itself; since it would enable
ministers to carry on what the protesters considered delusive
schemes, which infallibly tended to the destruction of the empire.
The most remarkable circumstance attending this extraordinary
grant, was the speech of Sir Fletcher Norton, when he presented
it for the royal assent : — 'In a time, sire,' said he, ' of public dis
tress, full of difficulty and danger, their constituents laboring under
difficulties almost too heavy to be borne, your faithful commons,
postponing all other business, have not only granted to your ma
jesty a large present supply, but also a very great additional reve
nue, great beyond example, great beyond your majesty's highest
expense : but all this, sire, they have done in a well-grounded con
fidence that you will apply wisely what they have granted liberally ;
and feeling, that under the direction of your majesty's wisdom, the
affluence and grandeur of the -sovereign will reflect dignity and
honor on his people.' The countenance of the king is said to
have indicated how little acceptable to royal ears was such an un
usual freedom of speech (2) : on the return of the deputation, the
(I) Lord North's Administration, p. 257.
|2| Other authorities however declare the contrary.

AJD. 1777.] GEORGE HI. m
thanks of the house were voted to the speaker ; yet not without ex
citing secret and acrimonious resentment among the king's friends ;
one of whom, Mr. Bigby, look occasion, in a subsequent debate,
to arraign Sir Fletcher's honest conduct as insulting to his majesty,
and misrepresenting the sentiments both of parliament and of the
nation. The speaker appealed to the vote of thanks which he had
received, as a proof that he had not been guilty of the misrepre
sentation now ascribed to him ; and the minister, uneasy at the al
tercation, intimated his wish that the discussion might be dropped :
but Mr. Fox, immediately rising, declared that a serious and di
rect charge having been made, the question was now at issue :
either the speaker had misrepresented the sense of the house, or
he had not: he should therefore move, that the speaker, in his ad
dress to his majesty at the bar of the house of peers, did express,
with just and proper energy, the sentiments of the house. The
speaker himself declared, ' that he would sit no longer in that chair
than while he was supported in the free exercise of his duty : he
had discharged what he conceived that duty required of him, in
tending only to express the sense of the house ; and from the vote
of approbation with which he had been honored, he had reason
to believe that he was not chargeable with any misrepresentation.'
Ministers now found themselves in so unpleasant a dilemma, that
they earnestly pressed the withdrawing of the motion ; and this
being refused, Mr. Bigby moved an adjournment ; but the house
appearing on this occasion alive to its own dignity, he at length
thought fit to make some concession, declaring ' that he meant no
reflection on the character of the speaker ; that he merely ex
pressed his own private opinion, according to the 'privilege pos
sessed by every member of that house ; and if what he had
advanced was not agreeable to its members, he would readily
withdraw his motion of adjournment;' which being done, Mr.
Fox's motion was carried unanimously.
Towards the close of the session, lord Chatham, after a long ab
sence from the house of lords, moved for an address, advising his
majesty to take speedy measures for terminating the war with Ame
rica by the removal of accumulated grievances ; and the house, at
lord Camden's request, was summoned for the express purpose of
deliberating on this motion.
Lord Chatham began by declaring the country unequal to sup
port the contest. Alluding to the taking of Louisburg in the former
war by the Americans, who were now termed rebels, he excused
their excesses on account of the injustice which they had long suf
fered : he also decried the efforts made to conquer them ; declaring
that none would avail against the spirit of British freemen. ' We
have tried,' said he, * for unconditional submission : let us now
try what can be gained by unconditional redress. The door of
mercy has hitherto been shut against them : every corner of Ger-

J18 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVHI.
many has been ransacked for boors and ruffians to invade and ra
vage their country ; since to conquer it, my lords, is impossible :
you cannot do it : I may as well pretend to drive them before me
with this crutch. Our armies, if dispersed, will be cut off; if col
lected together, will be starved. We have obtained nothing dur
ing three years but stations ; and have, in fact, been teaching our
opponents the military art, with forces too numerous for peace, and
too limited for war.' He continued to urge strongly a redress of all
grievances, and an acknowledgment of the right possessed by the
Americans to dispose of their own money : this, he said, would be
the herald of peace, and would open the way for treaty: if we con
quered now, it would be under the cannon of France; under a
masked battery ready to open and sweep us off. Less dignity
would be lost in repeal and redress, than in submission to the de
mands of petty German princes ; especially as we had been the
aggressors. The present moment, he declared, was the crisis ; for
whenever France and Spain should enter into a treaty with America,
Great Britain must declare war against them : he would be among
the first to advise it, if we had only five ships of the line in our
ports : besides, if it were even practicable, after a long course of
success, to conquer America, no advantages could be obtained but
from the good will of the inhabitants, which depended entirely on
measures of conciliation and justice.
In a subsequent part of the debate his lordship more fully ex
plained his views, by urging the repeal of every oppressive act
passed since 1763 : — ' I would put our American brethren,' he said,
' in the very situation they were in at that period ; leaving them to
tax themselves, and expecting that they would in return contribute
to common burdens, according to their abilities. Concession ought
to come from us, who have been the aggressors by burning their
towns, plundering their country, confiscating their property, and
imprisoning their persons : the affections of the people have been
estranged from their sovereign, who would be again enthroned in
their hearts by this concession ; and your lordships, by contributing
to so great a work, would merit and receive the prayers and bene
dictions of the people in every part of the British empire.'
The peers who supported administration insisted that the original
aim of America was independence, which the partisans of lord
Chatham strongly denied; and the assertion, that Great Britain was
the aggressor, met with as decided a contradiction. Several col
lateral topics of discussion protracted the debate ; but it appeared
that, unless the house had changed its opinions, the present mo
tion must be rejected, since it held out nothing new : lord Chatham's
ideas respecting France were considered as very extravagant, and
his picture of our national imbecility as inviting other nations to
take advantage of our distress : besides, strong representations
were made of the anarchy prevailing in America, and of all the

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE III. 119
unjust and cruel acts committed against their loyal brethren by
rebels, who to the horrors of war added the brutality of savages
and the treachery of cowards. An abandonment of our rights,
lest France should attack us when our strength and resources be
came weakened or exhausted, was represented as pusillanimous
advice not worthy of attention ; and the motion was negatived by
ninety-nine against twenty-eight. Among other transactions of
the session, was a grant of 3000/. to the British Museum : an act
was also brought in by the solicitor-general, for restraining, and
subjecting to several judicious regulations, certain grants of an
nuities. The supplies for the service of the year 1777 amounted
to 12,895,543/. (1); for the raising of which the land-tax was con
tinued at four shillings in the pound ; the usual duties were con
tinued on malt, etc. : the sinking fund to January 5th, 1777, after
the appropriation of the last year, yielded a surplus of 295,832/.,
and the next quarter ending the fifth of April produced 760,363/. :
the growing produce of that fund was charged with 1,939,636/.:
1,500,000/. in exchequer bills was continued : 5,000,000/. were
raised by annuities, and 500,000/. by a lottery : 200,000/., which
had been brought into the exchequer by the executors of the late
lord Holland, formerly paymaster of the forces, was applied to the
current service ; and some savings in the exchequer, which amount
ed to 7,701/., completed the ways and means (2).
In presenting the bills to the king at the close of the session,
the speaker again stated to his majesty the hope of the house, that
speedy means would be discovered to stop the ravages of war,
which otherwise might be attended with consequences ruinous to
the prosperity, and perhaps dangerous to the safety of the country.
The king expressed his approbation of the conduct of parlia
ment, thanking them for their attachment to his person and go
vernment, and their steady perseverance in maintaining the true
interests of the country and the rights of its legislature : he trusted
in Divine Providence, and a vigorous exertion of the great force
in his hands, to suppress rebellion, and re-establish that constitu
tional obedience to the laws, which is due from all the subjects of a
free state. Parliament rose on the sixth of June.
In the debates of this session considerable jealousy of the in
creasing power of the crown appears to have existed : nor was this
wholly without reason; for in addition to the vast accession of
influence resulting from the augmented revenue of the civil list,
the minister had shown himself determined to make a desperate
use of the prerogative in the creation of peers, ten of whom had
already been called up to the English house : this however was
|l| NaT? 4,210,305/., army 4,366,383/., mlsccllone- tery or the year 1770, 500,000/., deficiencies on land
ous ferrlcc 141,602/., exchequer bills discharged 230,000/., on malt 200,000/., on the fund In 1758,
1,500,000/., last year's Tote ot credit discharged 44,000/., and on grants for 1776,61,288/.
1.000,000/., arrears and debts on the civil list on Ja- I2| lord North's Administration, p. 273,
nnary 9, 17T7, 018,340/., to pay off prtioB In the lot-

130 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII.
only a prelude to future operations. It was in Ireland, a country
at that time famed for the conversion of high-flown patriotism into
official zeal ; a country where a deficiency of revenue was com
pensated by a superabundant supply of orators, ready to rally
round governmental any salary and at all hazards, — that lord North
determined to dazzle the eyes of opposition at home by a display
of ministerial munificence. On the second of July this year the
Irish peerage found itself reinforced in numbers by -eighteen new
barons, and augmented in splendor by the elevation of seven ba
rons to the dignity of viscount, and five viscounts to that of an
earldom. What party could retain its fidelity against a minister
so gifted and so prodigal of favors? He now acquired as strong
an influence in the upper house as he had long held among his
faithful commons : in this latter assembly his success in making
converts by the talismanic influence of official emolument, was
equal to that of Sir B. Walpole himself : his address was far su
perior ; for he acted with such decent secresy, that although the
public continually beheld him making proselytes, it was generally
supposed that he had convinced, not corrupted them.
During these deliberations of parliament, the conduct of the Dutch,
especially in the West-Indies, induced Sir Joseph Yorke, our mi
nister at the Hague, to present a memorial to the States General :
in this he particularly complained of M. Van Graaf, governor of
St. Eustatia, who had permitted an American privateer to cap
ture a British vessel within cannon-shot of that island ; had re
turned the salute of a rebel frigate ; and whilst he promoted an
illicit commerce, had connived at the hostile equipments of Ame
ricans : attestations of these charges were added, and the recall of
the governor demanded.
The States, offended at this imperious language, but acting with
their usual caution, ordered their envoy in London to deliver a
counter-memorial to the king, complaining of the menacing tone
adopted by his ambassador towards an independent power, so long
united by the ties of harmony and friendship with Great Britain : at the
same time they disavowed the acts attributed to their governor, and
acquainted his majesty that they had ordered him home to give an
account of his conduct. It does not however appear that he was
suspended from his authority : the English ministry pretended to be
satisfied, though they secretly meditated retaliation whenever a
favorable opportunity should arise. Previously to the interchange
of these memorials, offence had been taken by the British court
at the refusal of the States to part with the Scotch brigade in their
service, though the king had signified his wishes on the subject to
their high mightinesses in a letter written with his own hand.
The views of the house of Bourbon at this period have been
already detailed : its acts, like those of all double-dealers, were
full of inconsistencies, subject to perpetual remonstrance, and con-

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE HI. 121
sequently requiring perpetual explanation ; but its answers were
always conciliatory, sometimes humble ; so that even the most sa
gacious observers were deceived by its manifestation of frankness
and sincerity : a profound politician, who was at Paris, in the very
centre of information, even declared, that ' far from taking any
step to put a speedy end to this astonishing dispute, he should not
be surprised if the French next summer were to lend their cordial
assistance to England as the weaker party (1).'
During this summer the trial and execution of the celebrated Dr.
Dodd took place ; a melancholy instance of a man possessing high
attainments, and many estimable qualities, brought to a disgraceful
end by a system of extravagance, to which pride and a fatal love
of pleasure led him. Having committed a forgery to a large amount
on the earl of Chesterfield, who had been his pupil, he was tried
for this offence, found guilty, and executed at Tyburn, on the
twenty-seventh of June. Greater influence was scarcely ever exerted
to save the life of a criminal than that which was now made for
Dr. Dodd (2) ; and as some obloquy has been cast on George HI.
for turning a deaf ear to every petition for mercy, in this case the
historian is bound to vindicate the character of a monarch, whose
heart was not dead to that quality, though he had the good sense
to perceive that it is a very pernicious one, if suffered to inter
fere with ,higher duties. The conduct of the sovereign might be
left safely to rest on the plain circumstances of the case ; that of a
man, who with greater inducements to keep the path of virtue
than the generality of men possessed, in the advantages of educa
tion and the nature of his profession, had committed a crime for
which his life was forfeited to the laws of his country. Was the
aggravation of his guilt to be made a plea for the remission of his
punishment ? But in fact a case had occurred in the preceding year,
which rendered it imperative on the king to let the law take its
course in the present instance. Similar applications for mercy had
been made for the two brothers Perreau, the first persons convicted
under the new forgery act ; more especially for the younger, who
was considered as a dupe rather than a criminal. His majesty was
inclined to pardon him; but the privy council thought that one
brother could not justly be reprieved if the other suffered, and
both were left to their fate. On this account therefore the king
was induced to withhold his privilege of mercy from Dr. Dodd ,\and
it is well known that lord Mansfield observed, when the case came
under the consideration of the council, that ' if Dodd should be
pardoned the Perreaus were murdered.'
As the affairs of India now began to divide parliamentary atten-

Hl Gibbon, Posthumous Works, vol. I. p. 520. 20,000 inhabitants ot Westminster, beside letters
|2| Besides a petition from the city ot London to from Dr. Johnson and other eminent individuals to
his majesty, there was another from the Magdalene Influential persons at court, etc.
charity to the queen, and a third from upwards of

122 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIU.
tion with those of America, it will be proper to revert to the
transactions of that important part of the empire.
In the spring of 1772 the presidency of Bengal was committed
to Mr. Hastings, whose administration was marked by decisive
counsels and great events ; giving rise to discussions which diffus
ed throughout the community a general knowledge of Indian affairs,
and of those important interests which they involved. The state
of the company's government about this period is forcibly deli
neated in a document addressed by their own board to the pre
sident in the beginning of the year 1773. It begins with expressing
a wish, ' that they could refute the observation — that almost every
attempt made by them and their administrations for the reforma
tion of abuses, had rather increased them, and added to the mi
series of the country which they were anxious to protect and che
rish (1).' It then goes on to speak of destructive monopolies, of
anarchy among their servants, and oppressive jurisdictions; of
youths suffered to exercise sovereign authority over the natives,
and a variety of evils lying too deep for any partial plans to reach
or correct ; and it concludes with expressing a hope of assistance
from their new governor, on whose temperance, economy, and
application they place firm reliance ; promising him, in return, their
steady favor and support in the measures that he may adopt.
It would have been difficult for the company to find a person
more capable of recovering their affairs from a state of unexam
pled embarrassment than Warren Hastings. ' Though,' says Mr.
Mill, ' he had no genius for schemes of policy including large views
of the past and large anticipations of the future, he was hardly
ever excelled in the skill of applying temporary expedients to tem
porary difficulties :' and that eminent commander, Sir John Mal
colm, who is equally to be admired in the cabinet and in the field,
declares, ' that Mr. Hastings showed all the active energy of a
great statesman, who by his spirited exertions saved the interests
of his country from the ruin in which they would have been in
volved, had a man of less resolution, fortitude, and genius held
the reins of government.' This is great praise: nevertheless,
without '• being influenced by the heart-rending scenes of horror
delineated in the splendid orations of Burke, every unprejudiced
reader, who peruses the records of Warren Hastings's adminis
tration in the candid pages of Mr. Mill, corroborated, as it there
is, by authentic documents, must confess that in numerous acts
and measures he preferred the interests of the company, and some
times his own, to the clear dictates of probity and justice. The
only excuse that can be offered for him, if it be an excuse at all,
is, that he found the system, over which he was sent to preside,
full of abuses, and its finances utterly deranged ; so that he was in
fl) Mill's British India, vol. 111. p. U8,

A.D. 1772-85.] GEORGE III. (25
some degree obliged to follow the steps of his predecessors, in
order to repair the dilapidated revenues of the company, and to
fix its tottering power. Mr. Hastings was directed to make the
safety and prosperity of Bengal the first object of his attention ;
and on this order, the late lord Erskine, while pleading the cause
of another client (1), grounded a collateral defence of the Indian
governor. ' If,' said he, ' our dependencies have been secured
and their interests promoted, it is preposterous to bring to the
standard of justice and humanity the exercise of a dominion found
ed on violence and terror. It may be, and must be true, that
Mr. Hastings had repeatedly offended against the rights and privi
leges of Asiatic government, if he was the faithful deputy of a
power which could not maintain itself an hour without trampling
on both ; he may, and must have offended against the laws of
God and nature, if he was the faithful viceroy of an empire wrested
in blood from the people to whom God and nature had given
it ; he may, and must have preserved that unjust dominion over
timorous and abject nations, by a terrifying, overbearing, insult
ing superiority, if he was the faithful administrator of a govern
ment which, having no root in consent or affection, no foundation
in similarity of interests, no support from any one principle which
cements men together in society, could only be upheld by alter
nate stratagem and force.'
It must also be recollected that the delinquencies of Warren
Hastings stand out prominently as detached parts of his administra
tion : they are not found blended with he general system which he
pursued ; for he was popular on the whole both with the natives
and with his countrymen in India; and he effected much, against
many local and practical difficulties, in the improvement of its in
ternal government. Even Mr. Mill himself, attempting to soften
down the unfavorable picture of tyranny and injustice, which his
toric truth compelled him to draw, declares, ' that he was placed
in difficulties, and acted on by temptations, such as few public men
have been called on to overcome.' Still it must be confessed that
the man had an iron heart.
The first important change made in the government of Bengal by
its new president, was connected with the dewanee or collection of
the revenue. With a view to remedy some of its abuses, the direc
tors had determined to alter the double or ambiguous administration
established by lord Clive, 'by which,' says Mr. Mill, 'all the vices
of the ancient polity were saved from reform, and all the evils of a
divided authority were superinduced.' Grievously disappointed in
their expectations, they now resolved to take into their own hands
the collection as well as the disbursement of the revenue : the lands
of the company were let on long leases, and several oppressive ex-
11| John SiocMale, the bookseller.

124 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XV1H.
actions were abolished : when the zemindars, and other middlemen
of ancient standing, offered for the lands which they had been
accustomed to govern terms that were deemed reasonable, they
were preferred : when their offers were thought inadequate, they
were allowed a pension for their subsistence, and the lands were
put up to sale (1). But this change in the administration of pro
perty rendered a change also in the administration of justice in
dispensable ; and thus a revolution was brought about, more
deeply affecting the condition of the natives than was ever con
templated, or than had ever been effected by the most extensive
conqueror: the office of naib duan (2), held by Mahomet Bhiza
Khan at Moorshedabad, and by rajah Shitabroy at Patna, was
abolished ; a board of revenue being established in its stead at Cal
cutta. Both those officers were arrested on a groundless suspicion
of abuses in their trust, and sent prisoners to the seat of govern
ment; but after two years it was judicially declared that no guilt
was proved against them : the latter, a man of high spirit, died of a
broken heart, in consequence of this ignominious arrest, soon after
his return to Patna. The guardianship of the young nabob was
also taken from Mahomet Bhiza Khan, and confided to a female,
the second wife of Mir Jaffier, called Munny Begum : at the same
time, the revenue set apart for the expenses of the prince (3) was
reduced to one-half, agreeably to the orders of the directors.
While this revolution was taking place in the government, the
neighboring powers were preparing another scene of action for
the enterprise and ambition of the company's servants. On the
twenty-fifth of December, 1771, the emperor Shah Allum, having
yielded to the extravagant demands of the Mahratta chiefs, entered
his ancient capital of Delhi with all the pomp and display which his
impoverished circumstances would permit : but from those scenes
of repose and pleasure he was soon hurried away into the field by
his imperious allies. The Rohilla country, which, under the ad
ministration of Nujeeb u Dowla, had been rendered one of the
most florishing districts in India, held forth a rich prospect for
spoliation. Saharunpore, the jaghire of that minister, now under
the government of his son Zabita Khan, was the first object of
attack: the emperor yielded to it through motives of policy, fearing
the resentment of Zabita Khan, who, by the invasion of Delhi,
had been dispossessed of that government. Although Zabita Khan
made a spirited resistance, he was unable to withstand the united
forces of the mogul and his savage allies ; and after a severe de
feat, he made his escape to the camp of Sujah Dowla, vizir of
Oude, leaving his fine territories a prey to the Mahrattas, who
instantly seized on them in spite of the emperor's remonstrances.
(I I Mill's British India, vol. ill. p. 400. Hon, management of his household, representation
(2) He also held the ofllce of nolb subah, comprc- of his person, and administration of Justice, etc.
bending tho superintendence of the nabob's educa- (3| Thirty-two lacs of rupees.

A.D. 1772-85.] GEORGE ni. 123
The situation of the Rohillas now became very alarming : they
had every reason to regard with suspicion and dread the rapacity
of the vizir, who had long cast an eye of desire on their country;
but pressed by the superior force of the Mahrattas, they were in
duced to propose an alliance with him, as the less evil of the two :
little exertion however was made to expel these formidable ene
mies, who, after having ravaged the country, recrossed the Ganges
as soon as the rains commenced. Having extorted from Shah
Allum a grant of the provinces of Corah and Allahabad, at the
proper season they resumed offensive operations ; and being anx
ious to penetrate into the vizir's dominions, offered very advan
tageous terms of alliance to the Rohillas : these latter, however,
unfortunately for themselves, thought it less dangerous to rely on
the faith of the vizir than on the promises of the Mahrattas ; while
the nabob himself, being seriously alarmed, invoked earnestly the
aid of the Benga*! government. But though his forces, in conjunc
tion with the English, passed into Rohilcund, and encamped near
the Ganges ; a large body of the Mahrattas crossed the river ; over
ran a great part of the Rohilla territory ; and having destroyed the
cities of Moradabad and Sumbul, continued their ravages till the
end of March. The British general was restrained by peremptory
orders from passing the river ; and in May the Mahrattas were
drawn off by domestic affairs into their own country.
The departure of these marauders opened at once a field to the
ambition of the vizir, and to the cupidity of the Bengal government :
a treaty was formed for the purpose of subjecting Bohilcund to a
deceitful and cruel tyrant, in order that he, when gorged with plun
der, might be squeezed for the benefit of the company's finances.
' I found the vizir,' says Mr. Hastings, in his report to the direc
tors, ' still bent on the design of reducing the Rohillas, which I
encouraged, as I had done before, by dwelling on the advantages
which he would derive from its success : the situation of the com
pany urged it on the board as a measure necessary to its interest
and safety.' ' All our advices,' he continues, ' both public and pri
vate, represented the distresses of the company at home as ex
treme, calling for ample remittances and a reduction of our military
expenses : at the same time, such was the state of affairs in this
government, that for many years past the income of the year was
found inadequate to its expense ; and to defray it a heavy bond debt
had accumulated (1).' Accordingly, Warren Hastings, by his own
confession, sold the Rohillas to their atrocious (2) enemy, bargain
ing to receive forty lacs of rupees on the accomplishment of the
enterprise, beside a monthly allowance for the British troops en
gaged in this odious service.
As the council at Calcutta sanctioned this measure, colonel
II) See Mill's British India, vol. III. p. 499. cowardly, cruel, and lustful wretches that ever dls-
(2) The epithet Is too mild for one of the most graced sovereign authority.

126 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII.
Champion with his brigade was ordered to put it into execution ;
and on the seventeenth of April, 1774, the united forces of the
company and vizir entered the devoted territories of the Rohillas.
That gallant people, under their leader Hafiz, offered, according
to the British commander's own report, a noble resistance. ' They
made repeated attempts to charge ; but our guns, being much better
served than theirs, kept so constant and galling a fire, that they
could not advance ; and where they were closest was the greatest
slaughter : numerous were their gallant men who rushed forward
and pitched their colors between both armies to encourage their
troops ; and it was not till they saw the whole British line moving
to charge them, after a canronade of two hours and twenty minutes,
that they turned their backs and fled : the gallant Hafiz Bhamet fell
as he was bravely rallying his people to battle.' ' I wish,' says
colonel Champion, ' I could pay the vizir any compliment on this
occasion, or that I was not obliged to express my indignation at
his shameful pusillanimity : ' the fact is, that cowardly tyrant sur
rounded himself with his cavalry and artillery in the rear of the
army during the fight, having relays of swift horses to favor his
escape if necessary ; but when he heard of the enemy's defeat, he
rushed on with his troops, and plundered the camp with a cruel
avidity : ' so that we have the honor of the day,' says the colonel,
' but these banditti the profit.' Besides, the whole ferocity of
Indian depredation was let loose on the wretched inhabitants ; and
as the tyrant's intention, repeatedly declared to Warren Hastings,
was to exterminate the nation, all that bore the name of Rohilla
were either butchered, or found safety in exile (1). The provinces
of Corah and Allahabad, which the naib subah, or superintendent
of the emperor, had nominally placed under English protection at
the time when they were claimed by the Mahrattas, were now de
livered up to the infamous Sujah Dowla for the sum of fifty lacs of
rupees : nor was this the whole measure of injustice dealt out to the
unfortunate mogul ; for his error in flinging himself into the hands
of the Mahrattas was seized on as a pretext for resuming the grant
or pension allotted to him out of the revenues of Bengal : this
spoliation however was suggested by the directors ; and though
these gentlemen condemned the use made of their troops in sub
duing the Rohillas, yet they gave their unqualified approbation lo the
treaty of Benares, in which the shameful bargain was adjusted and
concluded. Our pity indeed for Shah Allum is much diminished
by the fact, that he also had given his sanction to the reduction
«f Bohilcund, in a treaty with Sujah Dowla, on condition of shar
ing in the plunder : the struggle however had been decided by the
activity of the British troops before his forces could come up ; and
(I) For 60me account of the atrocities In this dread- were witnesses of them, see Mill, Biitlsb India,
ful scene, the worst of which, colonel Champion vol. I1L p. 509.
says, cannot be described, though the whole army

A.D. 1772-85.] GEORGE HI. 127
the vizir made no scruple of breaking his engagements with this
impoverished descendant of the mogul emperors.
The above-mentioned transactions occurred previously to the es
tablishment of the new council (1), which did not assemble at Cal
cutta before the nineteenth of October, 1774, when the existing go
vernment was immediately dissolved by proclamation. The party
which arrived from England, and their colleagues whom they found
in India, did not meet with minds under the happiest frame for
unanimity and co-operation: the behavior of Mr. Hastings was con
sidered by the new comers as cold and supercilious ; and his repre
sentation of the Bohilla war presented too many appearances of a
doubtful complexion not to excite a desire of elucidation in the
breasts of liberal men. An obvious objection lay in its direct op
position to the frequent and earnest orders of the directors, discou
raging all offensive wars, and confining the line of defensive ope
rations to the territorial limits of the company and their allies. When
the new government assumed the exercise of its authority, intelli
gence had not arrived of an accommodation which had taken place
between the vizir and Fyzoolla Khan, one of the Bohilla chieftains,
who still held out with a considerable body of troops in a strong
position ; so that a continuation of the existing war seemed to re
quire its earliest deliberations. In order to gain some knowledge of
preceding transactions, the council requested a copy of the gover
nor's correspondence with Mr. Middleton, his confidential agent at
the court of Oude : this however was refused ; and the refusal,
added to the known facts of the Rohilla warfare, gave to his rivals
that advantage in their opposition, which long rendered his admi
nistration a proper punishment for his many cruel and unprincipled
aggressions. It was not till the death of colonel Monson in 1776,
that Mr. Hastings obtained an ascendency in the council (2) ; and
this event induced him to retract his resignation, which he had
transmitted to Europe, and to remain at the seat of government. In
the beginning of the year 1775 the infamous Sujah Dowla expired,
and was succeeded as subahdar of Oude by his only legitimate son,
Asoff u Dowla : the council of Bengal instantly took measures to
render this change as profitable as possible- to the company ; and
on the twenty-first of May a treaty was arranged, by which they
guarantied to the young prince the provinces of Corah and Allah
abad, which had been sold to his father ; in return for which they
exacted from him the territory of the rajah Cheyte Sing, zemindar of
Benares, yielding an annual income of 2,210,000 rupees; also an in
creased allowance for the service of the company's brigade, so as
to make it 260,000 rupees per month; while they exacted the
payment of all pecuniary balances due by the engagements of his
|l| It was composed or Ihe governor, and Mr. Bar- (2] Mr. Borwell always acted wllh the governor,
well, general Claverlng, Htr. Monson, and Mr. Fran- who had a casting vole.
r!s. The three latter were sent on this occasion
from England. »

128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII.
predecessor (1). The charge of peculation made against the go
vernor himself, and the judicial murder ofNuncomar, his chief ac
cuser, may be passed over as not necessary for the connexion of
our history: it will be convenient however still farther to anticipate
events in the presidency of Bengal, in order that they may not in
terfere with the detail of important affairs in southern India, which
soon became the theatre of a most destructive and extensive war.
In 1780, the disputes between Mr. Hastings and Mr. Francis ter
minated in a duel ; when the latter gentleman was wounded, and
soon afterwards returned to England : the governor-general was
then left to prosecute his designs without control against rajahs or
nabobs, and to levy contributions at his own will and pleasure : his
government was arbitrary ; but as it was far less violent, unjust,
and oppressive than that of the native princes, it became softened
by the contrast ; and whilst he pleased all orders by condescending
to their customs and their prejudices, he threw a lustre over his
sway by acts of private liberality, and patronage of the arts. Such
was the man, who, by his bold exercise of power, gave occasion
to the most splendid effusions of eloquence that ever yet have dis
tinguished the British senate.
After having effected great changes in the financial and judicial
departments, Mr. Hastings took the extraordinary resolution of
visiting the upper provinces in the year 1781 : though a most im
portant contest was raging in the Carnatic, and the supreme coun
cil was so reduced in numbers that his absence left a single mem
ber (2) to conduct the affairs of state ; yet, as the government was
distressed for want of money, he saw no better way of replenish
ing its coffers than that of personally enforcing fresh exactions on
the rajah of Benares and the nabob of Oude. It has been already
observed, that the sovereignty of Benares, that ancient seat of
brahminical superstition, had been transferred from the latter po
tentate to the company : the present rajah had faithfully kept his en
gagements to his new masters, and continued to pay his tribute with
an exactness rarely known among tributary princes of Hindostan;
but unfortunately he was supposed to have accumulated treasures,
which the governor, pressed by financial difficulties, had marked
for appropriation (3) : some slight, but unguarded motions of the
rajah towards a communion with Mr. Hastings's opponents in 1777
were recollected, and served to mix up private feelings of resent
ment with the prudential motives by which he was actuated. 'He
knew,' says Mr. Mill, 'under the sentiments which prevailed at
home, by what a slender and precarious tenure he enjoyed his
place : he knew well that success or adversity would determine the
(1) It is due to Mr. Hasltngs to observe that he re- |2| Mr. Wheler.
rused his sanction to these terms, eitorted from the (3) ' Of the riches or the rajah, however,' says Br.
mere necessities of the young nabob. See Mill, Mill, ' we look in vain for the proof.'
vol. 111. p. 524.

A.D. 1772-85.] GEORGE HI. 129
question : he knew that with those whom he served, plenty of
money was success, want of that useful article adversity : he found
himself in extreme want of it: the treasure to which he looked was
the fancied treasure of the rajah ; and he was determined to make
it his own. If, under such circumstances as these, a zeal for the
government which he served could justify his actions, then may
Jefferies be regarded as a virtuous judge (1).'
Having harassed Cheyte Sing with the most vexatious inquisi
tions, answered his expostulations with menaces, and treated all
his remonstrances as proofs of guilt, he proceeded to remove the
British resident from his court, and finally to put the rajah himself
under arrest. The confinement of their prince was regarded by
the Indians as an outrage of the most atrocious description, and
provoked even persons of their timid nature to rise on the troops :
during the confusion arising from this tumult, the rajah escaped
through a wicket to the river ; and letting himself down its steep
bank by turbans tied together, made his way to the other side,
whilst the palace was occupied by the English troops. The go
vernor, not foreseeing the opposition made to his proceedings,
had neglected to provide himself with sufficient means of defence ;
and if the rajah had not been a man of peaceable inclinations and
timid conduct, he might at this time have crushed his foe. Hast
ings took refuge in the strong fortress of Chunar ; and Cheyte Sing
made repeated overtures for an amicable negociation, declaring
his sorrow for the attack on the troops and for the blood that had
been spilt, protesting his own innocence regarding the effects that
had taken place, and professing his readiness to submit with implicit
obedience to whatever conditions the governor-general might think
fit to impose. All his applications however were treated as un
satisfactory and insincere, nor was any reply made to them ; and
the rajah, collecting his forces, appealed by a manifesto to the
princes of Hindostan. The object of Hastings was to push him to
actual hostilities ; and though he long abstained from all except de
fensive operations, yet he was attacked, forced into action, defeated,
and finally stripped of his dominions : his wife, mother, and other
members of his family had retired with their private treasures and
effects to the strong fortress of Bidgegur, which yielded by capi
tulation ; and though it was finally arranged that the fort should
be given up, with its effects, on the express condition that the fe
males should be safe from the dishonor of search ; yet as Mr.
Hastings had expressed by letter a desire that they should be de
spoiled, inasmuch as the plunder was due to the troops, the capi
tulation was in this instance violated, and the unfortunate women
were subjected to the most rude and ignominious treatment. This
spoil Mr. Hastings endeavored to recover from the army by retract-
|l| Brltlsb India, vol. Iv. p. 339.

150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII.
ing his expressions ; but in vain : both officers and men refused to
surrender what they had, on the faith of the governor, appropriated
to themselves; while the amount of the rajah's accumulation deceiv
ed expectation, and was found to be no more than what any prudent
prince would endeavor to provide for the exigences of his govern
ment. A youth of nineteen, a grandson of Bulwart Sing by the
female line, was made rajah of Benares ; but scarcely any of the
functions of royalty were left to him; and his annual tribute was
raised to forty lacs of rupees (1).
Disappointed in this quarter, and still harassed by pecuniary
difficulties, the fertile genius of Hastings soon directed him to other
resources. Though the treasury of Oude had been drained by
repeated exactions and expenses for the maintenance of troops,
until the miserable nabob declared that the pressure was more
than he could bear, all his expostulations and petitions for relief
were turned against him into so many arguments for additional
severity : the governor chose to consider that an idea which the
rajah entertained of the instability of the company's government
emboldened him to complain : in consequence, it was determined
to dissolve all previous treaties, and to form a new bond of agree
ment, in which permission was given him to resume such jaghires
within his dominions as he might choose, under certain conditions.
On the face of this article nothing wrong appeared ; but it was
soon seen to point at the possessions of the mother and widow of
the late vizir: these princesses, called the begums of Oude, were
reputed to be very wealthy : considerable jaghires had been held
by them, since the death of Sujah Dowla, to provide for the state
and subsistence of themselves and the numerous families of pre
ceding nabobs placed under their superintendence. It was se
cretly agreed therefore between Mr. Hastings and the nabob, that
his highness should be relieved from the burdensome expense of
supporting English troops and civil officers, on condition, not only
of stripping the begums of their treasures, but of transferring the
proceeds of their jaghires to the governor. The nabob had be
fore contrived to plunder his aged relatives on his own account,
though he now discovered or feigned a reluctance to execute his
agreement with Mr. Hastings : the rumor of seditious movements,
on the part of these secluded females, was made a pretext for the
robbery; and the nabob at length proceeded with Mr. Middleton,
the governor's agent, to Fyzabad, where the begums resided, and
took possession of the palace. The jaghires were soon transfer
red; but in order to obtain the treasure without violating the
sanctity of female apartments, two aged eunuchs, confidential ser
vants and ministers of the princesses, were imprisoned and cruelly
|11 The defence set up by Mr. Hastings for this spo- qulsltlon made by the governor for two regiments,
llatlon was, that Cheyte Sing, encouraged by the op- when he was sending succors to the British army of
position of Mr. Francis In council, had refused a re- the Carnatlc tn a time of great distress

A.D. 1772-85.] GEORGE IH. ' 131
tortured ; nay, even the household of the zenana were subjected
to the horrors of famine, until their mistresses consented to sur
render their last rupee. This shameful transaction produced up
wards of 500,000/. for the government ; while Mr. Hastings ex
torted a present of ten lacs of rupees, or 100,000/. sterling, from
the nabob, which, with the company's permission, he converted
to his own use.
His next object of plunder was Fyzoolla Khan, the chief who
had survived the ruin of the Rohillas in 1774 ; and who, having
occupied a strong post on the hills, concluded a treaty guarantied
by the English government, by which he was invested with the
jaghire of Rampore and some other districts in Rohilcund : in re
turn, he was bound to keep up a certain military force> tributary
to his British allies, which had heretofore been made the means
of extorting supplies from his fears. At the present time, near
the end of 1782, a sum of fifteen lacs of rupees was paid by him
on condition of being exempted from all future claims of military
service : an attempt was made to procure fifteen more, for which
his jaghire was to be turned into an hereditary possession; but he
was utterly unable to raise the sum, though the improved cultiva
tion of the country and the apparent prosperity of the people,
owing to his good government, led the English to believe that his
riches were immense.
By letters from the directors, dated February 14th, 1783, the
governor's conduct with regard to the begums was indirectly censur
ed, and an inquiry ordered into the conduct of those princesses,
with a view of restoring to them their estates, if they should
appear innocent of the accusations which had been brought against
them by Mr. Hastings : the governor however opposed himself to
this inquiry; and having a majority of the council on his side, was
able to prevent it: his pretext was, that whenever in India the
views of government are known, all evidence tendered will be
sure to coincide with those views ; not reflecting, that if this were
true, all the evidence which he himself produced against the be
gums, Cheyte Sing, and others whom he pretended to punish un
der the color of guilt, ought to have counted for nothing. Not
withstanding the severities practised against the family of the nabob
of Oude, and the usurpation of his authority by Mr. Middleton, who
even issued warrants for the resumption of the jaghires on his
own authority, this agent of the governor was dismissed because
he had not adopted sufficient rigor in pressing the demands of
the English government ; and Mr. Bristow was appointed resident,
under the implied as well as declared expectation, that he would
supply what had been remiss in the conduct of his predecessor (1).
No long time however elapsed before the removal of Mr. Bristow
|1| Mill, vol. IV. p. 428.

132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII.
also took place; and in February, 1784, Mr. Hastings undertook a
second journey to Lucknow, the capital of Oude, under pretence of
settling the affairs of the country, and making such arrangements .
as would enable the nabob to fulfil his engagements : his journey
was opposed by the other members of council ; but opposition was
of no avail. In proceeding to Lucknow, he passed through the
province of Benares, which in the time of Bulwart Sing, and Cheyte
his son, had exhibited marks of the highest prosperity ; and there
he witnessed the effects of his late measures : the first deputy, sub
stituted for the exiled rajah, had been dismissed for not completing
the sum exacted by the governor; the second therefore acted on
the principle, that payment must be made: the consequence of which
was, that the whole population was plunged into misery, and deso
lation pervaded the whole country. ' From the confines of Buxar,'
says Mr. Hastings, ' to Benares, I was followed and fatigued by the
clamors of the discontented inhabitants : I have seen nothing but
traces of complete, devastation in every village : the administration
of the province is misconducted, and the people oppressed; trade
discouraged, and the revenue in danger of a rapid decline from the
violent appropriation of its means.' The arrangements for the go
vernment of Benares were entirely his own, and for the effects of
them he alone was answerable ; but in order to remove the blame
from himself, he transferred it all to the unlucky deputy, whom he
removed from his office.
The governor-gStneral arrived at Lucknow in the end of March,
1784, and had some success in obtaining money from the minister
isto whose hands the government was transferred : he now par
tially restored the begums to their estates, in compliance with the
wishes of the directors ; but reported that those personages had
made a voluntary concession of a large portion of their respective
shares. After a residence in Lucknow of five months, he arrived
at the presidency on the fourth of November ; and on the eighth
of February, 1785, resigned his office, and embarked for England.
Maddoo Bow (1), the warlike chief, or peishwah, of the Mahrat
tas, having died in 1772, was, after a short interval, succeeded by
Bagonaut Bow, better known under the name of Bagobah ; whose
authority however was not fully acknowledged, and who was soon
afterwards deposed : the presidency however at Bombay took this
opportunity of concluding an alliance with him, by which he con
sented to yield up to them Bassein, with the island of Salsette (2),
on condition of being supported by an English army : in pursuance
of this agreement, the allies fought ; and having gained a victory
over the Mahrattas of Poonah, expelled them from Guzerat. This
advantageous treaty was strangely deprecated and counteracted by
the supreme council of Calcutta, which regarded with feelings of
|l| This word signifies In our language 'leader.' vent their tailing again Into the hands of the Portu-
|2| The English had occupied these places to pre- guese.

A.D. 1772-85. ] GEORGE HI. 155
jealousy any attempt to originate important measures independently
of its authority : colonel Upton therefore was despatched, in July
1775, to treat with the Mahratta ministers at Poonah ; and he con
cluded a treaty (1), with much difficulty, on the first of March fol
lowing, by which the cause of Bagobah was abandoned, and the
territorial cessions made to the English renounced. Intelligence
however of its conclusion had scarcely reached Calcutta, when let
ters arrived from the directors, highly approving the first treaty
made by the Bombay presidency with Bagobah, and commanding
the supreme council to co-operate towards its fulfilment: encouraged
by this approbation, the Bombay council stood on the watch for a
favorable opportunity of infringing the second treaty; and the
Poonah rulers showed no disposition to carry its stipulations into
effect. After considerable alarm had been excited by the arrival
of a French ship in one of the Mahratta ports, and the reception
of an adventurer who assumed the title of French envoy, a fresh
treaty was concluded with Bagobah, a loan advanced to him, and
an English army of 4500 men sent towards Poonah ; but the expe
dition ended in defeat and disgrace : the English commander de
clared it impossible to withdraw his troops to Bombay in face of
the enemy ; and a convention was settled, in which every thing was
conceded that the Mahrattas demanded ; Ragobah was placed in the
hands of the Mahratta chief Sindia, and two Englishmen were left
as hostages for the fulfilment of these humiliating terms. A de
tachment from Bengal, under colonel Goddard, had advanced as
far as Boorampoor, to co-operate with the Bombay army, when
intelligence of these disasters reached its commander : he accord
ingly marched on Surat, and arrived there in safety about the end
of January, 1779. Being invested with full powers by the supreme
council, he attempted to open a negociation with the Poonah go
vernment on the basis of the treaty of Poorunder ; and the dis
cordance which prevailed among the Mahratta chiefs made them
listen to his overtures. In the mean time, Ragobah again made
his escape, and took refuge at Surat : the negociations were now
broken off; colonel Goddard proceeded to Bombay to concert a
plan of operations ; whilst it was arranged at Seringapatam, between
Hyder Ali and the Poonah envoy, that the former, on condition of
receiving a confirmation of all the grants made to him by Ragobah,
should bring out his whole force, in conjunction with the confede
rates, who were at this time allied for tho purpose of expelling the
British from India.
On the side of the Carnatic, the usual course of intrigues, con
tentions, and oppression had been going on. As if the combined
system of government, carried on by the Madras presidency, the
nabob of Arcot, and the supreme council of Calcutta, subject to
|l| Cqllcd Ibc trcalr of roorunilcr.

154 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap XVIH.
the control of the directors at home, was not sufficiently compli
cated, a minister plenipotentiary, in the person of Sir John Lind
say, had been sent out by the British government in 1770 to act
with independent powers; and by his ill-advised measures, the
despicable and faithless nabob, Mohammed Ali, was elevated from
a dependent and pensioner on the company, to the rank of an ally
and fellow-sovereign with the king of Great Britain.
Mohammed Ali, being bent on a Mahratta alliance for the purpose
of overwhelming his hated enemy Hyder Ali, was supported by Sir
John Lindsay against the views of the presidency : and although this
envoy was recalled, and Sir Robert Harland sent out with similar
powers, the only difference between them was, that the latter was
still more intemperate than the former ; nor was it long before a
most disgraceful measure was concerted between them. The nabob
had long coveted possession of Tanjore, the rajah of which had
been a firm and useful ally of the English in the last French war,
and had since remained on terms of strict friendship with the Madras
government : his enemy, however, the nabob, who by his arts and
f;old had acquired an almost boundless influence in the council, at
ength overcame all their reluctance to his ambitious views (1) ; and
in 1773, without any colorable or assigned pretext for aggression,
except that the rajah's power was dangerous in the heart of the
province, this unfortunate prince was attacked, his capital stormed,
and himself with his family carried off as prisoners. Intelligence
of these transactions, which were condemned for their cruelty and
injustice wherever they were heard, naturally excited indignation
in the company, who also began to entertain fears on account of
that visible ascendency which the treacherous nabob had obtained
over their own servants : it became necessary therefore to send out
some person of high character and experience as governor of
Madras, to rectify the many abuses committed there; and lord
Pigot was selected for this important mission.
He arrived at the presidency in the latter part of 1775, and in
the ensuing year proceeded to exert the authority committed to him
for the restoration of the deposed rajah : his representations
however had no effect with the nabob, encouraged, as he was, in dis
obedience by the council, many of whom had lent to him large sums
of money on most usurious terms, for which the revenues of Tan
jore were pledged : his lordship was therefore obliged to visit that
province in person; and though he succeeded in restoring the rajah
to his ancient and hereditary throne, he attracted to himself the
mortal enmity of the nabob, and a corrupt combination of a major
ity in the council, strengthened by the dangerous power lodged
in the hands of the commander of the forces. This hostility soon
showed itself, when, in consequence of disputes and cabals with
(l| Mr. Burke observed, In his speech on the Carnallc debts, lliol the gold of this Indian chief returned
eight members even to the British parliament.

A.D. 1772-85.] GEORGE in. 155
the nabob, it became necessary to send a proper officer to Tanjore.
The governor's adversaries at first agreed with him in the propriety
of the measure and designation of the person ; but they soon al
tered their opinions respecting the latter ; and insisted, that being
a majority of the council, they had a right to act independently of
the governor's sanction or dissent : lord Pigot, under these circum
stances, took a resolution, which nothing but the extreme exigency
of the case could justify. By the standing orders of the company,
no member of the council, against whom a charge was preferred,
was allowed to deliberate or vote on any question relating to that
charge : at a meeting therefore of the council, when the majority
were preparing to send instructions to colonel Stuart, which the
governor refused to sanction, he preferred a charge against the
first two members who signed them, and these were of necessity
excluded from the council-chamber : the president then had a ma
jority by his own casting vote ; and as a resolution was carried to
suspend tho accused from their functions, he thus acquired a per
manent majority. At the next council, the excluded members and
their party refused to attend ; but sent a protest denouncing the act
of the previous meeting ; declaring themselves the governing body;
and sending the document to all the principal officers, civil and
military, within the presidency. In consequence of this outrage,
lord Pigot immediately summoned the council, when they passed a
vote suspending all the members who had signed the protest ; while
Sir Boberl Fletcher, the commander in chief, was put under arrest,
to be tried by a court martial.
Their opponents, however, were not behind them in violence ;
for they speedily assembled, declared themselves a council vested
with all the powers of government, and resolved to arrest the per
son of lord Pigot, and to confer the command of the army on colonel
Stuart, who was appointed to put their design into execution.
This gentleman, being aware that violence offered" to the gover
nor's person by the troops within the precincts of the fortress would
subject them to condign punishment by the mutiny laws, contrived a
plan to evade it : on the twenty-fourth of August, after dining with
lord Pigot, he complained of the excessive heat of the fortress ; and
observing his host also to be affected by it, he advised him to
spend the night at a villa outside the walls, offering, as his pro
fessed friend, to accompany him in the excursion. The governor
being persuaded, they set out together ; but had scarcely passed
the precincts of the fort, when they were met by an officer and party
of sepoys, by whom bis lordship was rudely dragged out of his
carriage, carried prisoner to the Mount, and kept in strict confine
ment: public orders, denouncing immediate death on all who should
attempt his rescue, were issued by the conspirators, who, after a
course of legal forms, assumed the whole authority of government.
Representations of these transactions were transmitted by the dif-

136 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XVIII.
ferent parties to Europe ; and the nabob also, who had taken so
active a share in the disturbances, sent an agent both to the com
pany and to ministers. A court of proprietors recommended the
reinstatement of lord Pigot, and the punishment of those who had
dispossessed him of his power ; but the court of directors, being
of opinion that some parts of his lordship's conduct had been re
prehensible, and ministers also having listened with favorable ears
to the arguments of his opponents, the question was, on the ninth
of May, 1777, again brought under discussion ; when it was re-
Solved that the governor should be restored, but that he and the
council of Madras should be ordered home, in order that their
conduct might undergo a legal scrutiny. From this resolution,
governor Johnstone appealed to the house of commons ; moving
that it should be rescinded, since lord Pigot had only exerted a
justifiable authority for the promotion of the company's interests.
The adherents of ministers censured the conduct of his lordship,
and contended that it was just and equitable to bring both parties
to England, where only an impartial inquiry into their conduct
could be obtained : by the restoration of lord Pigot, it was said, the
dignity of government would be supported ; but as he had violated
his trust, and the constitution of the company, his removal was
just and necessary. The opposition members justified the gover
nor's conduct; Mr. Fox strongly condemned that violent spirit
which had encouraged such outrages against so eminent a man,
that ambition which had usurped the powers of government, and
that corrupt meanness which had acted in subserviency to an artful
and unprincipled potentate. Mr. Burke also entered largely into
the character of the nabob of Arcot, and the corrupt influence
acquired by that perfidious prince, not only in the council of Ma
dras, but also in this country : the British government, by espous
ing his cause, as well as that of his factious partisans, and by coun
tenancing schemes destructive to the company's interests, had
rendered parliamentary interference necessary for the preservation
of our territorial possessions in the east. Governor Johnstone's
appeal was rejected, though by a smaller majority than that which
usually voted with ministers.
Before the orders, however, could reach India, lord Pigot was
no more : his constitution, enfeebled by age, had sunk under the
combined effects of anxiety, climate, and confinement : his oppres
sors, being taken up under a sheriff's warrant, were tried for mur
der, but honorably acquitted. Several of them afterwards coming
over to England, the matter was again brought before the house
of commons by admiral Pigot, who strenuously defended his bro
ther's conduct (1). He moved for an address, praying that his
(II He stated that lord Pigot had been offered » The crops ol Ihe current yoar seem lo have been
D ine of near ¦600,000/., to withhold only for a short mortgaged lo the usurious creditors of the nabob
time Ihe reinstatement of the rajah of Tanjore. of Arcot : vet lord l'lgot died so poor, lhat his son-

A.D. 1772-85. ] GEORGE HI. 137
majesty would be graciously pleased to order a prosecution, by
his attorney-general, of George Stratlon, Henry Brooke, Charles
Floyer, and George Mackay, Esqrs. Mr. Stratton, who happened
to be present in his place, attempted to vindicate himself and his
colleagues, but failed to convince the house of their innocence ; for
the motion was carried without a division. The trial took place
before lord Mansfield, on the twentieth of December, 1779, when
the jury found the defendants guilty, and they were adjudged by the
court to pay a fine of 1000/. each. We must now revert to the
transactions that were taking place in another hemisphere.

CHAPTER XIX.
'¦%¦
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1777.
American campaign— Expedition ot the British up the Hudson— of the Americans to Long
Island— Operations of general Howe against Washington in the Jerseys— Seizure of ge
neral Prescot on Rhode Island— Expedition of the British army against Philadelphia— Battle
of the Brandy wine— March of the British towards Philadelphia— Surprise of general W ayne
—Lord Cornwallis takes possession of Philadelphia — Two American frigates burnt in the
Delaware — Action at German Town — Opening of the Delaware— Washington takes up a
position at White Marsh— Removes to Valley Forge for winter quarters— Suffering of the
army — Representations of Washington to congress— Plan of general Burgoyne's expedition
from Canada— His advance, and proclamation— Ticonderoga fort falls into the hands of
the English— Difficulties in the way of general Burgoyne— Failure of the British against
Fort Stauwix and at .Benington — Americans retire to Saratoga— Reinforced by Arnold —
General Gates takes the command — The British advance — Attacked by general Arnold-
Repulse the enemy, but lose 600 men— 111 effects of Ibis action — Burgoyne fortifies his po
sition — Sir H. Clinton's expedition up the Hudson — Putnam retires— Capture of forts Clin
ton and Montgomery— American vessels, and Kingston burnt — Sir H. Clinton returns to
New York— Arnolds attacks his antagonisls, but suffers loss— Burgoyne is surrounded on
all sides — Capitulates to general Gates — Terms of convention, etc. — Conduct of the Ame
rican congress regarding the troops— American privateers— Meeting of parliament — King's
speech— Address, and debates on it In both houses— Duke of Richmond's molion for a
committee to inquire into the slate of the nation, and for the production of papers —
Mr. Fox makes a similar one in the lower house — Army and navy estimates — Intelligence
of Burgoyne's defeat— Lord Chatham's motions for addresses to his majesty— Debates thereon
— Royal assent given to several bills— Motion for an adjournment carried— State of public
feeling— Regiments raised by different towns, etc.— Subscription for American prisoners
—Princess Sophia born— Duty on auctions and inhabited houses.
The campaign in America began early in the spring with some
spirited enterprises on both sides : a detachment of British forces
under colonel Bird destroyed the enemy's stores at Peekskill, about
fifty miles up the North river; and governor Tryon, at the head
of 2000 men, draughted from different regiments, burned some
large magazines at Danbury in Connecticut, and reduced the town
itself to ashes. During the lime spent in this service, the American
In-law, Mr. MoncKton, was obliged lo sell all his houses end effects In India lo discharge bis deNs con
tracted during his government

158 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
generals Wooster, Silliman, and Arnold collected the militia of the
country, and greatly harassed the royal troops in their retreat : in
one of these skirmishes, Wooster was mortally wounded ; and
though the active and indefatigable Arnold, by crossing the coun
try, took up a very advantageous post in their line of march, at
Ridgefield, yet his intrenchments were forced by the courage and
discipline of the British forces ; the Americans were scattered on
all sides ; and their commander himself, after some extraordinary
acts of personal valor, had a very narrow escape : being however
only broken, and meeting with reinforcements of men and artillery,
they continued to assail the retreating troops, whenever they had
an advantage of ground ; and thus harassed the royal forces in
flank and rear, until they gained the hill of Compo, near the Hudson,
where the naval part of the expedition was left. As the Ameri
cans appeared to be preparing for a desperate assault, Sir Wil
liam Erskine, placing himself at the head of 400 picked men, charged
their advancing columns with the bayonet, and put them to so ge
neral a rout, that the British were permitted to re-embark without
any farther molestation. The success of the enterprise however
scarcely compensated for the loss of 200 men and ten officers killed
and wounded : the great exertions of general Arnold on this occa
sion procured him promotion from the congress, and the public
donation of a caparisoned charger.
In return for these expeditions, the effects of which were severe
ly felt by the Americans, the Connecticut men sent a small force
under colonel Meigs against Sag's harbor in Long Island, where
commissaries had been employed in collecting forage, grain, and
other necessaries for the British army. On the twenty-third of
May, about 150 men, crossing the Sound in whale boats, landed
on the northern branch of the island : thence dragging their ves
sels over a tongue of land, they embarked again, and landed on
the southern branch, within four miles of the point of attack. Hav
ing arrived there before day-break, they rushed on with great
impetuosity ; and notwithstanding the resistance of the guard, and
the severe fire of a schooner which lay within 150 yards of the
shore, they effectually accomplished the object of their enterprise ;
having burned a dozen vessels which lay at the wharf, and de
stroyed all the stores deposited on shore : they also carried off near
100 prisoners, including the officer on duty, with his men. This
exploit of colonel Meigs was acknowledged by the gift of an ele
gant sword from the congress.
After the British had obtained possession of New York, their
next grand object was Philadelphia; but in this they had been
hitherto baffled by the skill and intrepidity of the American com
mander in chief : from the situation of the troops under lord Corn
wallis at Brunswick and Amboy, so near to those under Wash
ington at Morristown, the duty had been severe and unremitting ; and

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE HI. 159
frequent attempts made on both sides to surprise each other's out
posts. Though the Americans were generally worsted in these
encounters, yet they became gradually inured to military service ;
until Washington, having received large supplies of men from the
different provinces, quitted his camp ; and advancing towards
Brunswick, took possession of an almost impregnable line of coun
try along Middle Brook, where he commanded a full view of his
adversary's motions. The army at New York was notable to take
the field till June, for want of tent and field equipage ; which at
length arriving, with some British and German recruits, Sir William
Howe passed over in full force to the Jerseys, and by a well-con
certed stratagem nearly succeeded in finishing the campaign by a
single blow. Feigning a retreat, and leading off all his troops to
Amboy, as if about to pass a bridge which he had thrown over
the narrow channel to Staten Island, he drew after him several large
bodies of the provincials under generals Maxwell, Conway, and
lord Stirling : even Washington himself, with all his caution, left
his inaccessible heights, and advanced to a place called Quibble-town,
to be nearer at hand for the support or protection of his advanced
parties. The British general then expeditiously marched the army
back by different routes, in the hope of cutting off his immediate
pursuers, and of coming up with Washington's main body; whilst
lord Cornwallis, with his column, was ordered to take a circuit,
and secure some mountainous passes, the occupation of which
would have reduced Washington to abandon that strong position
which had hitherto afforded him security. In the prosecution of
this part of the plan, his lordship fell in with a detachment of about
3000 provincials under lord Stirling and general Maxwell, strongly
posted, and well provided with artillery ; but the Americans, unable
long to sustain the impetuous attack of the British troops, fled, and
were pursued as far as Westfield, leaving behind them three pieces
of brass cannon, and about 200 men in killed and wounded. Wash
ington however saw his error, and quickly remedied it, by regaining
his station on the hills, and securing those passes which were the main
object of lord Cornwallis's expedition. The British general, de
spairing of any future scheme for bringing his antagonist to action,
drew off his forces to Staten Island, with the intention of convey
ing them by sea into the heart of Pennsylvania.
During the cessation of hostilities occasioned by these movements,
an American colonel, of the name of Barton, conducted a spirited
enterprise, in which he carried off general Prescot, commanding
officer on Rhode Island, who had imprudently fixed his head quar
ters near the western shore, at a considerable distance from his
troops. Having landed about midnight, and surprised the sentinel,
they seized the general in bed, and without suffering him to put
on his clothes, hurried him on board a boat, in which they passed
under the stern of the British guard-ship without being perceived,

MO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chai>. XIX
and conveyed him safely to Providence. This capture, which was a
fair retaliation for the surprise of general Lee, restored that general
in a short time to the American cause by exchange.
On the twenty-third of July the British fleet set sail from Sandy
Hook ; and after a tedious voyage, landed the troops at the head of
Chesapeake-bay ; for the navigation of the Delaware had been im
peded by obstructions of the most astonishing magnitude, under
the advice of Dr. Franklin. Washington, having received intelli
gence of these movements, took possession of some heights on the
eastern side of the river Brandywine, which falls into the Delaware
below Philadelphia, with an intention of disputing the passage. By
daybreak on the eleventh of September, the British army advanced
in two columns from the head of Elk, driving in the advanced guards
of the enemy towards Chad's-ford, where a passage was to be at
tempted : to this place general Knyphausen advanced with the second
division of the army, as a feint ; while lord Cornwallis, at the head
of the other, took a circuitous route, crossed the forks of the Bran
dywine, and fell on the enemy's right (1). As soon as the success
of his lordship's attempt was made known by the cannonade in that
quarter, general Knyphausen gallantly crossed the ford, and carried
the batteries : at four o'clock in the afternoon, the British united
forces attacked the Americans under general Sullivan, who, to the
number of 10,000, were strongly posted on the heights above Bir
mingham church : from thence they were obliged to retire to their
forests for refuge, where they obtained reinforcements, and took
up another position ; but were again driven from it by British valor,
and compelled to fly with precipitation, leaving 300 killed in the
action, 600 wounded, and 400 prisoners : they lost also several
pieces of artillery ; but Washington kept together his corps, and
retired with his cannon and baggage to Chester, where he remain
ed for the night, unmolested by pursuit (2) : next day he con
tinued his retreat to Philadelphia, where he collected as many of
his routed troops as he was able, and repaired from the magazines
of that city the losses which he had sustained in stores. As he
had to march twenty-three miles to Philadelphia, which was distant
only eighteen from the British camp, Sir William Howe was much
i L It sccrns that Washington, suspecting this cd from general Sullivan, who had been placed oo
manoeuvre, bad formed a plan of crossing ihe liver the right for the purpose of observing the enemy's
himself ut Chad's-ford, before his lordship could movement, saying that there were no troops on that
come up, Tor the purpose of attacking the British road. On what small circumstances often hong the
troops, having left their artillery and baggage be- results of a battle I The videlles sent out by gene-
hind : that the Drst New Jersey regiment, to which ral Sullivan had spent their lime In drinking at n
captain Ogden belonged, was posled in advance, and tavern; and on their return, reported that the
prepared lo make the attack ; when an answer was enemy was not oo that route : accordingly, the gene-
sent by Washington to a message from Its com- rat wrole on a drum-head his despatch, conlainlng
mander, that he wos distracted by contrary tnlelll- this contradictory Intelligence ; and Washington's
gencc; and he did nol send the expected order to light was lumcd.'-l.lfc or Ogden, In American
advance, lt seems that colonel Hamilton, one of Nationol Portrait Gallery.
Washington's alds-de-camp, bad reconnoitred the |2| The marquis de la I'aycllc, who was only nlnc-
encmy, and Informed the general that they were In teen years old, and a volunteer In the American scr-
full mareh up the river, on the other side of It, lo- vice, was wounded In this action.
wards his right : at Ihe some time au express arrlv-

AD. 1777.] GEORGE III. 14
blamed for remissness in, pursuing and intercepting him; but in ex
cuse it was remarked that the horses were in a miserable condition ;
and the men, after so long a confinement in transports, were not
capable of such great exertions as a rapid pursuit of the enemy
would have required.
The works for the defence of Philadelphia were carried on with un
remitting diligence ; while Sir William Howe advanced with caution,
and endeavored by his manoeuvres to distract the attention of the
enemy, who hovered about him, and threatened an attack. On the
twenty-sixth, Washington determined to risk an engagement to save
the place, and both armies drew up in battle array on the Lancaster
road ; but a violent storm, with a deluge of rain, parted the com
batants ; and the Americans, finding their ammunition spoiled, with
drew to a place of security : after one more vain demonstration of
attack, they finally retired, and left the roads to Philadelphia open
to the invaders.
While Sir William Howe was preparing to advance on that city;
he received information, that general Wayne, with 1500 men, had
moved into the rear of the British army, and had taken a position
in the woods, for the purpose of harassing their march : accord
ingly, major-general Grey was sent with two regiments and a body
of light infantry, to attack them ; which service he performed with
singular energy and skill. Having determined that his men should
trust entirely to the silent effect of the bayonet, and taken the flints out
of their muskets for greater security (1), he effectually surprised
the outposts; and then, guided by the light of the enemy's fire,
rushed on them with such impetuosity, that 300 were killed or
wounded on the spot (2) ; and the remainder, though they escaped
through the darkness of the night, lost all their baggage and stores.
Three days after, the British army passed the Schuylkill, and on the
twenty-sixth took post in German Town. Congress was obliged to
fly, first to Lancaster, and afterwards to York Town in Virginia ;
while general Washington withdrew to Skippach-creek, a strong
post about sixteen miles from the British head-quarters. Lord Corn
wallis, at the head of a strong detachment, took undisputed posses
sion of Philadelphia on the twenty-seventh : thus a communication
was facilitated between the northern and southern provinces ; and
nothing was required for an active co-operation between the army
and navy but the opening of the Delaware.
To effect so desirable an object, a corps under colonel Stirling
crossed that river on the first of October ; and taking possession of
Billingsport, enabled captain Hammond, of the Boebuck, partially
to remove the lower line ofchevaux de frise, though the two upper
still remained in possession of the enemy, together with the forts
that defended them. At this period lord Howe arrived with his
|1| fie acquired the name or 'No-fllnt Grey' from |3) A monument has been since erected there lo
Ibis action Ihe memory of the slain.

112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
fleet, and anchored on the western shore, from the town of New
castle to Beedy Island. The United States frigate, the Effingham,
had been carried up the river by her commander, captain Barry (1),
within a few miles of the city ; where, as well as the Washington,
she was burnt by a detachment sent by lord Howe for that purpose.
General Washington, having gained intelligence of the British
movements by some intercepted letters, and having also received
considerable reinforcements, decamped from his position at seven
o'clock in the evening of the third of October, and at daybreak next
morning made an attack on the fortieth regiment, posted at the head
of German Town. Their brave commander, lieutenant-colonel Mus-
grave, though obliged to retreat, threw himself with five companies
into Chew's-house, a large stone edifice in the village, fronting the
enemy; by which judicious movement he arrested their progress till
the British troops could get under arms, and prevented the separation
of the right and left wings. General Washington here made one of
those few mistakes which detract from his brilliant career : instead
of leaving a corps to blockade this temporary fortress, he brought
up a whole brigade, with four pieces of cannon; and wasted his va
luable time in attempting to reduce it : but the small British garrison
resisted all his efforts, pouring a dreadful and incessant fire on his
troops through the windows, till they were relieved by major-gene
ral Grey and three battalions of the left wing, supported by briga
dier-general Agnew at the head of the fourth brigade. The engage
ment however was warmly carried on : a body of troops passed
Chew's-house on the eastern side, and penetrated so far into the
British lines, that the ninth Virginia regiment was assailed at once in
front and both flanks ; when its commander, Mathews, surrendered ;
but not till nine bayonet wounds bore evidence that he had resisted
to the utmost. On the western side, the Maryland troops under
major Howard, after driving in a corps of British light infantry, and
pursuing them through their encampment, advanced about a quarter
of a mile towards the main army, Where they maintained their posi
tion until the unsuccessful attack on the house obliged them to re
treat (2). A fog, which covered the earth during this contest, enabled
the Americans to carry off their artillery ; and to that cause has
been attributed the want of renewed and concerted operations by
the American general, after so many corps had passed Chew' s-house ;
the fog being so dense, that the positions of the different divisions
could not be ascertained.
The grand object of opening the navigation of the Delaware was
eagerly pursued by one party, and no less vigorously opposed by
(1| 'An offer was made to him or 15,000 guineas, lied a lady to whom this noted house belonged, that
and the command of his frigate In the king's service. Instead of colonel Musgrave's retreat into it being a
If he would bring her in ; but the bribe was lndlg- prompt movement, on the pressure of Instant dan-
nantly rejected.'— life of Captain Barry, IntneAmc- ger, it wos only the execution or a plan previously
rican National Gallery. arranged. In case or attacfe.'-llfe of Colonel How-
|2| ' It was the opinion of that officer, who mar- ard, In the Americas National Gallery.

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE HI. U5
the other. Washington, despairing of any effectual attack on the
British army, sent strong reinforcements to the different garrisons,
and fortified Red Bank, a height opposite Fort Mifflin, between
which the naval armament of the Americans was stationed : a spi
rited attack on this post was made by a strong detachment under
count Donnop, which failed owing to the shameful want of scaling-
ladders : its brave leader expired of his wounds ; and of his fol
lowers, about 400 were placed hors de combat : two sloops of war
also, the Augusta and Merlin, which were sent up to aid in the
assault, ran aground, while they endeavored to avoid the chevaux
de frise, and were both burnt. Preparations however being com
pleted for attacking Mud Island, the chief defence of the river,
and situated about seven miles below Philadelphia, a vigorous
cannonade compelled the garrison to retire in the night of the fif
teenth of November to Red Bank, which also was abandoned at
the approach of lord Cornwallis : the ponderous chevaux de frise
were weighed, though with great difficulty; and the Delaware was
completely opened to the British.
Washington, who had been reinforced by 4000 men from the
northern army, took up an advantageous position at White Marsh,
about fourteen miles from Philadelphia : his antagonist, finding
himself restricted by this proximity of the American forces, which
shut him out from a fertile source of supplies, quitted Philadelphia,
and endeavored to bring them to action ; but was foiled in all his
attempts. Determined however to defend the country from depredation,
support the cause of congress, and restrict the influence of the Bri
tish commanders to their place of residence, the American com
mander selected Valley Forge for winter quarters; and there, while
their foes were luxuriating in the comfortable quarters of a large
and wealthy city, the Americans suffered such distress, that nothing
but the most ardent spirit of liberty could have supported them.
So unprovided were they with the most necessary articles of cloth
ing, that their march from one place of encampment to the other
might be traced by the blood which their naked feet left on the
snow. The extent of Washington's influence with his army may be
judged of, by his inducing them, not only to endure with him the
inclemency of a winter in the open country, but to build huts for
shelter in default of tents : hundreds of these brave men had not
even blankets for a cover in the night season, while the winds
blew, and the storm beat, and the snow drifted over them : naked
and shivering, they lay on the bare ground ; but their stout hearts
did not quail : those that lived endured patiently the miseries of
their lot, and those that died expired with silent resignation. Hun
ger failed not to add its lingering tortures to their sufferings : the
commissariat department, imperfectly organised, had given cause
for continual complaints : Washington had frequently and earnestly

144 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
remonstrated; but the evil could not easily be obviated without
creating great distress in other quarters. Congress authorised the
seizure of provisions within seventy miles of head-quarters ; and
though the general was once compelled by stern necessity to avail
himself of this authority, he exercised it with great forbearance, and
testified without delay his repugnance ever to have recourse again
to such an exercise of power (1).
At this time a party was formed in congress to displace the com
mander in chief (2) ; and a few officers of the army encouraged the
discontent by extolling the services of Gates above those of Wash
ington : the legislature of Pennsylvania too added their voice to
the dissension, by remonstrating against the troops removing into
winter quarters ; but the machinations of faction were fruitless.
The general possessed the confidence of the country, and was
thoroughly beloved by the soldiers ; so that the only effect pro
duced was indignation against those that were thought inimical to
the chief : but while these intrigues were going on, the sufferings
of the army were not abated ; and they at length drew from the
commander a communication to congress of unprecedented plain
ness and energy. He stated his conviction, that without some ef
ficient change in the commissariat department, the army would be
reduced to starvation or dissolution; that there was not in the
camp a single head of cattle to be slaughtered, nor more than
twenty-five barrels of flour ; that there were 3000 men unfit for
duty, because they were barefooted and otherwise naked ; besides
those confined by sickness in the hospitals and farm-houses. Even
then a considerable time elapsed before the exertions made by
congress and the state governments afforded relief, and enabled
the army to make preparations for the ensuing campaign.
From these transactions in the middle states we must now revert
to some important and contemporaneous events in the northern
provinces. A plan had been formed by the British government to
send an army by the Canadian lakes to Hudson's river, and cut off
all communication between the northern and the southern colonies :
the command of this expedition was given to general Burgoyne;
an act of great imprudence in lord North, who for the sake of
gaining parliamentary interest from the ranks of his opponents,
disgusted a highly meritorious officer, sir Guy Carleton, and occa
sioned his resignation. Nothing, however, was wanting on the
part of the ministry in other respects to promote the success of
the undertaking: 7173 veteran troops, with a detachment of artil
lery, all abundantly supplied and well-officered, were sent from
England ; and vast quantities of warlike stores were furnished for
the use of the Canadians who might enter the British service : se
veral tribes also of savages, on the back settlements and borders
HI See Washington's Letters, vol. II. p. 222.
(2| Ufa of Washington, In American National Gallery.

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE III. 145
of the western lakes, joined this force, having resolved to take up
the hatchet against the Americans. The acceptance of their ser
vices was severely censured, not only in the American congress
and the British senate, but by the public press, as abhorrent to
humanity and religion: in excuse, it was urged, that the employment
of subsidiary forces in any war, foreign or civil, is a practice in
which all nations concur ; and the Indians had been engaged in
former contests by Americans, French, and English, without ex
ception or reproach; also that from the known disposition of these
savage nations, and the anxiety of the Americans to engage them,
they would have been employed against us, if we had refused their
offers. All necessary preparations being concluded, general Burgoyne
and his army set out from St. John's on the sixteenth of June ; and
proceeding up lake Champlain, landed without resistance, and oc
cupied a station near to Crown Point : here he met the Indians in con
gress ; and in compliance with their customs, gave them a war-feast,
addressing to them a speech, which was designed to mitigate their
ferocity, and direct their energy to proper objects : he also issued a
proclamation, displaying the motives by which Great Britain was im
pelled to assume her warlike attitude ; and describing, in high colors,
the tyranny, injustice, and hypocrisy of the American congress. En
couragement was promised to all who should assist in restoring
legal government, and protection to the peaceable and industrious;
while the inflictions of war, in their most dreadful forms, were
denounced against those who engaged in active hostilities. The
high-sounding terms and impolitic menaces of this manifesto had
no other effect than that of exciting the indignation of the revolted
colonists, and impelling them to the most obstinate resistance.
The Americans had greatly strengthened the works at Crown
Point and Ticonderoga; but as they had not troops sufficient to
man them, general St. Clair called a council of war, in which it
was determined to evacuate those posts, and retire by night towards
Skenesborough, the baggage and stores being despatched in vessels
up the South river. Being pursued, as soon as the dawn revealed
their flight, great part of the naval force was captured near the
falls of Skenesborough; and brigadier-general Frazer, having
overtaken the rear of 4he retreating army, entirely dispersed
it, after a severe action, in which the Americans left their com
mander, colonel Francis, with many officers and 200 men, dead
on the field : a similar number were taken prisoners, and 600 were
supposed to have died undiscovered in the surrounding woods.
The van, under St. Clair, after a fatiguing march, arrived at Fort
Edward on the Hudson, where general Schuyler, the American
commander in chief, was stationed, who then had about 4400 men
under his orders : these might easily have been dispersed by ge
neral Burgoyne, if he could have depended on supplies; but his
n. 10

U6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
sole resource was in those that were brought from England, and
despatched through Canada with infinite labor and trouble. This
was one of the insuperable difficulties, of which ministers were
forewarned by those who deprecated a contest tyith our American
colonies. When the British troops advanced towards the Hudson, they met
with tremendous obstacles in their march through a wild country, in
a sultry season, where all the roads were obstructed by an immense
number of forest trees felled, and thrown across them: their slow
progress afforded the enemy time to recruit their forces, and to
resuscitate the enthusiasm of their countrymen : such indeed was
the alacrity of the people in flocking round the national stan
dards in this time of danger, as fully to justify the observation of
St. Clair, when he abandoned Ticonderoga—' that he had lost a post,
but had saved a province.' The reinforcements that came in from
the populous states of New England soon swelled the provincial
army to 13,000 men; whilst general Burgoyne began to be desert
ed by his allies, especially the Indians, whom his humanity had
offended, by restraining them, as much as lay in his power, from
their savage mode of warfare : he was also disappointed in the re
sult of an expedition which had been sent from Canada across
lake Ontario, under brigadier-general St. Leger, against Fort
Stanwix; that officer being obliged to retreat, after abandoning
his tents and large quantities of stores to the garrison; whilst the
Indians, disappointed in other plunder, began to pillage the bag
gage even of -their allies. At the very time general Burgoyne heard
of this disaster, he experienced one still more severe in the defeat
of colonel Baum with a large detachment of German troops at Be-
nington, where they had been despatched for the purpose of in
tercepting some supplies, of which the British army stood greatly
in need. The Americans, augmented by continual accessions of
strength, succeeded, after many attacks, in breaking this corps,
which fled into the woods, and left its commander mortally wound
ed on the field : they then marched against a force of 500 grena
diers and light infantry, which was advancing to colonel Baum's
assistance under lieutenant-colonel Breyman ; who, having spent
all his ammunition in a gallant resistance, was obliged to seek for
safety by a retreat on the main army : but the British loss in these
two actions exceeded 600 men: besides, a party of American loyal
ists, on their way to join the army, having attached themselves to
colonel Baum's corps, were unfortunately destroyed with it; — a
circumstance, which greatly discouraged that body of men, and
checked their zeal in similar attempts.
These defeats, and the failure of general St. Leger, who had been
expected not only to create a diversion of the enemy, but to join
the main army with a large additional force at the mouth of the
Mohawk river, contributed greatly to the ruin of general Burgoyne's

A.D. 1777] GEORGE III.

147

expedition: the American troops had, on the advance of the
British, retired from Fort Edward to Saratoga, lower down the
Hudson, where they were joined by a considerable reinforcement
of men and artillery under general Arnold ; and soon afterwards,
Schuyler, whose health had become much impaired, was supersed
ed by general Gates, an active and intelligent officer, whom con
gress appointed to arrest the progress of the invading army.
General Burgoyne having by unremitted exertions collected pro
visions for thirty days, resolved to cross the river: this design he
effected by means of a bridge of rafts, and encamped about the
middle of September on the heights of Saratoga, in face of the
enemy, who were strongly posted at Still Water, nearly eight miles
distant from Albany, and who showed no signs of receding
from their position. The movements of the British general were
greatly retarded by a heavy train of artillery, and the almost im
passable state of the roads, in consequence of some heavy rains :
at length, on the nineteenth, the army again advanced in several
columns ; the British taking two different roads over the heights ;
and the Germans following the main route to Albany, by the river
side, for the greater security of the baggage.
About noon, however, the Americans, under Arnold, attacked
the British corps with great spirit, and a severe conflict was kept
up till evening; when general Philips, who commanded the left
column, brought up the Germans to join in a charge, which drove
the enemy off the field : this advantage, however, was dearly pur
chased by the loss of more than 600 men ; and though the provin
cials lost an equal number, yet the check given to the invading
army, which was obliged to halt for the collection and care of its
wounded, produced all the effects of victory, which were soon
felt in the supplies of men and provisions which daily came into
the camp: besides, on the very day preceding this action, an Ame
rican detachment had surprised three 'companies of the fifty-third
regiment, and destroyed the boats on lake GeoTge, which were
employed in conveying provisions to general Burgoyne's army.
Thus, without the power of retreat, with a superior force in front,
and deserted by all but about fifty of his Indian allies, the com
mander in chief judged it prudent to wait for intelligence from the
southward: in consequence, he took a position between Still Water
and Freeman's Farm, fortifying his right wing, and extending his
left to the banks of the river.
At this crisis he received notice of a design of Sir Henry Clinton
to open a communication with him by an expedition up the Hudson,
the forts on which, while in possession of the Americans, effec
tually stopped the passage of British vessels to Albany. Three
thousand men were convoyed by commander Hotham to Verplank's
Point, where a disembarkation was effected without any opposition;
and general Putnam, deceived by this feint, hastened to occupy

148 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
the passes on the eastern shore, with reinforcements drawn prin^
cipally from the fortresses, under an idea that it was general Clinton's
intention to push through the highlands on that side of the river, in
order to join Burgoyne : the British commander, however, at
daybreak, passed over to Stony Point, on the western shore, with
2100 men, and in two simultaneous attacks gallantly carried Forts
Clinton and Montgomery ; which obliged the Americans to burn their
navy, consisting of five ships, lying in that part of the river, and
defended by a massy boom stretched from Fort Montgomery to an
opposite point called St. Antony's Nose. A flying squadron under
Sir James Wallace, ascending the river, burned many other vessels ;
and a military force under general Vaughan carried fire and de
struction before them : landing at Esopus Creek, they destroyed
two batteries, and an armed galley; after which exploit they wan
tonly reduced the beautiful town of Kingston (1) to ashes, with a
large collection of stores and provisions. In this expedition, how
ever, though prosecuted with much spirit and ability, they suffered
some severe losses ; and as general Clinton, still distant more than
130 miles from the Canadian army, was delayed by the necessity
of removing impediments, and by want of provisions, exposed also
to an attack by a strong force under general Putnam, if he should
attempt to proceed by land ; and at the same time in lamentable
ignorance of general Burgoyne's condition ; he had nothing left but
to retire on New York, after having crippled as much as possible the
resources of the enemy (2). In the mean time, general Burgoyne,
finding his difficulties daily increasing, without any prospect of relief,
resolved on a desperate effort to dislodge the enemy from their post
on the left : accordingly, he advanced with 1500 men and a consi
derable force of artillery ; but this detachment had scarcely formed
within half a mile of the American intrenchments, when they were
suddenly attacked by a superior force under general Arnold, and
driven back to their camp, with the loss of six pieces of cannon : nor
had they long gained the lines before another furious assault was
made on them, which, though it was repulsed in the English quarter,
and Arnold was wounded, yet succeeded against the Germans,
whose intrenchments were carried ; colonel Breyman being killed,
general Frazer mortally wounded, and about 200 prisoners taken :
but what was of ^rnore importance to the Americans, they obtained
from the spoils of the field a large supply of ammunition, which
they much wanted. As they had also effected a lodgment, in con
sequence of defeating the Germans, Burgoyne, to prevent himself
(!) Tbe name given to It by the Hrst Dutch settlers arrived; but he only represented, that If general
was Esopus. Burgoyne did not hear of co-operation by the tenth
(2) Soon arter his departure from New York, he of October, he should be obliged to reltre on Fort
bad received a letter requesting htm to make a diver- Edward by the want of provisions. After the des-
fllon, which the operation he was then engaged In tructlon of Esopus, general Vaughan wrote to Sir H.
was well calculated to effect : but Burgoyne, having Clinton, that he could obtalnno certain Intelligence ;
yet met with no check, did not solicit aid The day though what he did learn ailed him wllh apprehen-
after the capture of the forts, on officer In disguise Slons.-Adolphus, vol. II. p. 4S3.

A.D. 1777. J GEORGE HI. , U9
being surrounded, made an immediate change of position, and with
drew his whole army to the heights in the rear of his former position,
leaving his wounded to the humanity of general Gates and his army;
a confidence which was not misplaced. Next day these brave men
repeatedly offered battle to the enemy, but without effect : the latter
were bent on securing an easier victory, by turning the right of
the British army, and enclosing them on all sides. The moment
general Burgoyne perceived this intention, he quitted his position, and
fell back to Saratoga, where he found the passes toward the Canadian
frontiers all preoccupied by the Americans : the farther banks of the
river were also lined with troops, which, together with numerous
bateaux, commanded the navigation : no means of escape therefore
seemed left, but a rapid march by night to Fort Edward ; but while
preparations were making for this movement, intelligence was
received that the fords at that place were occupied, and the high
grounds between Forts Edward and George every where secured.
Lamentable, indeed, was the condition of the royal army. Aban
doned in the most critical moment by their Indian allies, unsup
ported by their brethren from New York, weakened by the timi
dity and desertion of the Canadians, worn down by a series of inces
sant exertions, and greatly reduced through repeated battles, they
were invested by an army nearly three times their number, with
out a possibility of retreat, or of replenishing their exhausted stock
of provisions : a continual cannonade pervaded their camp, and rifle
and grape shot fell in various parts of their lines ; nevertheless,
they still retained their fortitude, and nobly sustained the character
of British troops.
In the mean time, the American army was hourly increasing ;
volunteers came from all quarters, eager to share in the glory of
destroying or capturing those whom they considered as their most
dangerous enemies. The thirteenth of October at length arrived :
the day was spent in anxious expectation of some important result ;
but no prospect of assistance appearing, and their provisions being
nearly spent, thehope of relief could no longer reasonably be in
dulged ; and general Burgoyne thought proper in the evening to
take an account of the provisions left : as these were found barely
sufficient for three days, a council of war was called, and made so
general, as to comprehend field officers and captains. Their una
nimous opinion was that the situation of the army justified capitu
lation on honorable terms ; and a messenger was accordingly de
spatched to open a communication with the enemy. General Gates,
in the first instance, demanded that the British troops should
ground their arms, and surrender themselves prisoners of war ; to
which proposal the following reply was sent : — ' This article is in
admissible in every extremity : sooner than the army will consent
to ground their arms in their encampment, they will rush on the
enemy, with a determination to take no quarter.' After much ne-

150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
gociatton, a convention was settled, of which the following were
the principal stipulations :— ' The British troops to march out of
their camp, with all the honors of war, to the verge of the river,
where the arms and artillery are to be left : — the arms to be piled
by word of command from their own officers : — a free passage to
be granted both for officers and men to Great Britain, on condition
of their not serving in North America during the present contest;
and the port of Boston to be assigned for transports to receive the
troops, whenever general Howe shall so order : — the army under
general Burgoyne to march towards Massachusetts-bay, by the
easiest route, to be quartered in or near to Boston : — the troops to
be supplied with rations by general Gates's orders, at the same rate
as those of his own army : — all officers to retain their carriages
and bat-horses ; and no baggage to be molested or searched : — the
officers, as far as circumstances will admit, not to be separated
from their men ; and to be quartered according to their rank : —
all corps whatever of general Burgoyne's army to be included in the
above articles : — all Canadians, and other followers, to be per
mitted to return to Canada, to be conducted to the first British post
on, lake George, supplied with provisions like the other troops,
and bound by the same condition of not serving during the present
contest: — passports to be granted to three officers, for carrying
despatches to Sir William Howe, to Sir Guy Carleton, and to Great
Britain : the officers to be admitted on their parole, and to be al
lowed to wear their side-arms.' So great were the embarrassments
of the royal arniy, incapable of subsisting in its present position, or
of (making its way to a better, that these terms were rather more
favorable than they had a right to expect : on the other hand, it
would not have been prudent for the American general, at the head
of an army, which, though numerous, consisted mostly of militia
and new levies, to provoke the despair even of an inferior number
of brave, disciplined, and regular troops : he rightly judged that
the best way to secure his advantages was to use them with mode
ration. Soon after the convention was signed, the Americans
marched into their lines, and were kept there till the royal army
had deposited their arms at the place appointed. The delicacy with
which this business was conducted, reflected great credit on the
American general ; nor did his urbanity end there : every circum
stance which could appear like a triumph in the victorious army
was withheld; the captive leader was received by his conqueror
with respect and kindness ; many of the principal officers on both
sides met at general Gates's quarters, and for, a while seemed to
forget in social conviviality that they had ever been enemies : the
conduct also of general Burgoyne in his painful situation was truly
dignified ; and the historian is at a loss whether to admire most
the magnanimity of the victorious, or the fortitude of the van
quished commander.

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE III. 151
The British troops partook liberally of the plenty that reigned in
the American camp ; which was the more acceptable, as they were
destitute of bread and flour, and had only as much meat as was
sufficient for a day's subsistence.
By this convention 5790 men surrendered prisoners of war : the
sick and wounded left in camp on the retreat to Saratoga, together
with the numbers who were killed, wounded, or taken, or who had
deserted in the preceding part of the expedition, were reckoned to
be 4689 : the whole royal force, exclusive of Indians, was probably
about 10,000. The stores acquired by the Americans were consi
derable ; for all the British artillery, consisting of thirty-five brass
field-pieces, 4647 muskets, and a variety of other useful articles,
fell into their hands.
In a short time after the convention had been signed, general
Gates moved forward to stop the devastations committed by the
British on the North river ; but found that they had already re
treated. About the same time, the royal troops, which had been left in
the rear at Ticonderoga, destroyed their cannon, and retired to
Canada ; when the whole country, after having experienced for
several months the tumults of war, was restored to complete tran
quillity. As Sir William Howe was loudly and generally blamed
for deserting the northern army, it is right to mention the justifica
tion pleaded on his behalf. By his expedition to the southward, he
drew off the main armyunder Washington from general Burgoyne's
quarter, and thus effected the most powerful diversion possible :
on the other hand, had he advanced up the Hudson, Washington
with his whole force would have cut off his communication with New
York, or with the northern army : besides, by the fall of Ticonderoga
and the early successes of Burgoyne, his presence seemed to be un
necessary : had he proceeded to the assistance of a victorious gene
ral, he would have appeared as if actuated by 'a mean spirit of jea
lousy : add to this, that his instructions from England pointed to
Philadelphia as his object. One of the main sources of British mis
fortunes throughout this war arose from the extraordinary plan of
committing the direction of military operations on the other side of
the Atlantic to a member of the cabinet (1) at home. The scheme
of leading general Burgoyne's army through the impracticable
country between Canada and New York, by way of Albany, ori
ginated in that quarter ; being preferred to the more feasible and
important plan of sending it from Quebec by sea, to co-operate
with Sir William Howe (2).
Congress, it has been said, did not act toward the captive troops
in the same spirit of generosity which distinguished the American
commander : but let us do justice even to an enemy. When the
(II Lord George Germaloe.
(2) Account of Lord North's Administration, p. 280,

132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cuap. XIX.
army arrived in tfye vicinity of Boston, such unsuitable accommoda
tions were provided for its reception, owing to the ill-will of the
people, and the little authority possessed by their rulers, that the
officers presented a remonstrance to general Burgoyne; and he
forwarded it to the seat of government, with an additional remark
of his own, ' that the public faith was broken.' This declaration
strengthened an apprehension previously entertained, that the
captured troops, on their embarkation, would be sent to augment
tho royal garrisons in the colonies ; and having been made while
the general was still in the power of congress, it certainly gave them
some cause to suppose that, under all circumstances, he would
make this notice a justification of his future conduct : therefore, al
though he endeavored to explain the intention and construction of
the objectionable remark, under the signature of himself and all his
officers, congress refused to allow the British troops to embark
without a distinct and explicit ratification of the treaty of Saratoga
from the British government. As the desired ratification might have
been obtained in a few months, the long detention of the British
army ought to be referred to the counsels of our own cabinet,
rather than to the hostility of the American congress.
During this year, American privateers increased in numbers and
audacity, insulting the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland in a man
ner never before attempted : one of them even landed its men at
Penzance, to plunder the farms in that neighborhood ; and the East
India ships were ordered to take on board more men for the sake
of defence : in the French West Indian islands, the inhabitants not
only purchased their prizes, but fitted out cruisers against British
commerce under American colors and commissions. These of
fences were overlooked as far as was consistent with national honor;
but when the General Mifflin privateer arrived at Brest, and had
its salute returned by the French admiral, lord Stormont threatened
to return to England unless he received complete satisfaction.
Orders were accordingly issued, as already has been related, for
all American vessels to leave the ports of his most christian ma
jesty : but though the order was positive, so many evasions were
practised, and its execution was so much relaxed, that it produced
no permanent effect.
Parliament assembled on the twentieth of November ; its proro
gation having been extended to an unusual length, as was supposed,
to afford his majesty an opportunity of congratulating the British
senate on the splendid success anticipated from general Burgoyne's
campaign. The king's speech declared the necessity of continuing
the war ; and the probability that the land-forces must not only
be kept complete to their full establishment, but even augmented
by new contracts: of the disposition of foreign powers it spoke in
a doubtful manner. ' As on the one hand,' said his majesty, ' I am
determined that the peace of Europe shall not be disturbed by me ;

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE HI. 155
so, on the other, I shall always be a faithful guardian of the honor
of the British crown.' Addresses were moved, as usual, full of
the most lavish panegyric on the speech, and the profound wisdom
of ministers : Sir Gilbert Elliot, who seconded lord Hyde in the
house of commons, declared, in all the fervor of youth, that the
rectitude of their measures was sa demonstrable, that he was amaz
ed a single Englishman could be found hardy enough to oppose
them and justify the Americans. It was at this time made a matter
of complaint, that government disseminated, by all the powers of
influence, an opinion that the opposers of its measures were un
principled, clamorous, and seditious men, who aimed only at em
barrassing those in power, with the hope of rendering their posts
untenable, and advancing themselves (1) : and, indeed, it must be
confessed, that many men, even in the most responsible situations,
carried party spirit to such a pitch, as to make no scruple of sacri
ficing to it the best interests of their country. The marquis of
Granby, after stating and lamenting the disastrous effects of the war,
expressed an ardent desire to seize the present moment, and have
the happiness to lay the ground-work of a reconciliation : he there
fore moved an amendment to the address, the substance of which
was, ' to request that his majesty would adopt some measures for
accommodating all differences with America ; recommending a ces
sation of hostilities, as necessary for so desirable an end ; with an
assurance, that the commons were determined to co-operate with
him in every measure tending to the re-establishment of peace.'
This motion was seconded, with additional arguments, by lord
John Cavendish, and supported by the opposition generally on the
following grounds : — after three years' war, an expenditure of
fifteen millions of money, and the loss of many brave troops, we
had no more prospect of bettering ourselves than when we began :
notwithstanding the hopes of success yearly held out in the king's
speech, our progress exhibited an uninterrupted series of mortify
ing disappointments and humiliating losses ; the state of interest, of
the stocks, and of real estates, as well as the gazettes, too plainly
showed the degree in which our trade had been affected ; while the
defenceless state of our coasts, and commercial fleets, demonstrated
tliat if we were at present unable to protect the national trade, we
should be still less able when involved in a war with the house of
Bourbon ; an event, which might be considered as fast approaching.
This then was the time to extricate ourselves from difficulties, by
reversing that ruinous and absurd system of coercion, which had
irritated the colonists, strengthened the hands of our enemies, and
brought no profit to ourselves.
The address in the upper house , moved by earl Percy, caused an
interesting debate, by calling up lord Chatham, who proposed an
amendment, declaring that he would not join in congratulation on
|l) lord North's Administration, p. 289,

154 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
misfortune and disgrace: he said, the present was a perilous and
tremendous period, not a time for adulation ; and he pointed out
the degraded situation to which the country was reduced, in being
obliged to acknowledge as enemies those whom we had designated
as rebels ; in seeing them encouraged and assisted by France, while
ministers dared not to interpose with dignity and effect. He then
explicitly stated his repugnance to the independence of the colonists :
he would warmly sanction the struggle of free and virtuous patriots
against arbitrary exactions ; but a claim of independence and dis
junction from Great Britain he could not allow as an Englishman,
or commend as a philanthropist. He concluded by recommending
an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the commencement of a
treaty to restore peace and liberty to America, strength and happiness
to England, security and permanent prosperity to both countries.
'This, my lords,' said he, 'is yet in our power; and let not the
wisdom and justice of your lordships neglect the happy, and perhaps
the only opportunity.'
His lordship was ably supported by the other peers in opposi
tion. In reply to some observations on the employment of Indians
in this unhappy war, ministers strenuously defended, not only its
policy, but its justice: if the women and children of the Americans
were destroyed by these savages, it was said, they only were to
blame, who by their rebellion had brought on themselves such
calamities. Lord Suffolk had the hardihood even to assert, that the
measure was allowable on principle ; inasmuch as it was justifiable
to use all the means that God and nature had put into our hands.
The whole of these arguments, particularly the last, roused the
stern indignation of lord Chatham, who suddenly rose, and gave
full expression to his feelings : — ' To send forth the merciless can
nibal thirsting for blood! Against whom? Your protesfant bre
thren ! to lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and
extirpate their race and name by the aid and instrumentality of these
hell-hounds of war ! Spain can no longer boast pre-eminence in
barbarity: she armed herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the
wretched natives of Mexico ; but we, more ruthless, loose these
dogs of war against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by
every tie that should sanctify humanity. My lords, I solemnly call
on your lordships, and on every order of men in the state, to
stamp on this infamous procedure the indelible stigma of public
abhorrence : more particularly I call on the holy prelates of religion
to do away this iniquity : let them perform a lustration to purify
their country from this deep and deadly sin. My lords, I am old
and weak, and at present unable to say more ; but my feelings and
indignation were too strong to have said less : I could not have slept
this night in my bed, nor reposed my head on my pillow, without
giving this vent to my eternal abhorrence of such enormous and
preposterous principles.'

A.D. 1777] GEORGE HI. 155
It was not, however, in the power of eloquence to alter the de
termination of a cabinet which daily anticipated victories that would
completely silence all opposition. On the division, twenty-eight
lords only voted in support of the motion, against ninety-seven
who opposed it.
On the twenty-eighth of November the duke of Bichmond moved
for a committee of the house to inquire into the state of the nation ;
also for the production of a number of papers relative to the army,
navy, and colonies ; which motions were granted without opposi
tion. On the same day, Mr. Fox made similar motions in the lower
house, when that for a committee was carried unanimously ; but
lord North opposed a subsequent demand for papers, as liable to
make discoveries prejudicial to the interests of the country. In
the course of debates which followed, Mr. Burke vented some mis
applied witticisms against lord North, whom he compared to San
cho Panza in the government of Barataria; while Mr. Fox with
happier effect compared lord George Germaine to Dr. Sangrado.
' For two years,' said he, 'that a noble lord has presided over
American affairs, the most violent scalping and tomahawk mea
sures have been pursued : bleeding has been his only prescription.
If a people, deprived of their ancient rights, are grown tumultuous,
bleed them ! If they are attacked with a spirit of insurrection,
bleed them 1 If their fever should rise into rebellion, bleed them !
cries this state physician : more blood ! more blood ! still more
blood ! When Dr. Sangrado had persevered in a similar practice,
killing by the very .means he used for a cure, his man took the li
berty to remonstrate against a practice that was beginning to bring
their names into disrepute. The doctor answered, I believe we
have indeed carried the matter a little too far ; but you must know,
I^have written a book on the efficacy of this practice ; therefore,
if every patient we have should die by it, we must continue the
bleeding for the credit of my book.'
Mr. Dunning contended strenuously for the production of the
papers ; and the attorney-general was beginning to reply to his ar
guments, when intelligence was circulated in a whisper, that they
had been granted in the house of lords. Mr. Thurlow was for a
moment disconcerted, but he declared that whatever ministers might
do, he, as a member of parliament, would never vote for publish
ing the circumstances of a negociation during its progress. Lord
North, being somewhat irritated by a triumphant laugh among the
opposition members, was bantered by colonel Barre on the unusual
circumstance of losing his temper ; and Mr. Fox declared, that the
only argument against a compliance with his motion was invalidated
by the resolution of the upper house : disclosures need not be
dreaded, where no secret could be kept.
The debate assumed a new complexion from a judicious speech
by governor Pownal : he thought all the papers in question un-

,3(i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
worthy of attention, so far as respected the subject of peace : even
the act of parliament was of no avail on that point ; for it did not
empower government to treat with the Americans, but as subjects :
hence the inefficacy of lord Howe's negociations. Declaring him
self as uninfluenced by party connexions, as he had been nine years
ago, when he predicted the precise progress of American resistance,
he said,— 'I now tell this house and government, that the Ame
ricans will never return to their subjection : sovereignty is abo
lished and gone for ever : the navigation act is annihilated : of what
usp then are these papers ? of what import our debates ? Dispu
tation and abuse may afford amusement ; but neither America nor
England can be benefited by such discussions in the present crisis.
Until the house shall be disposed to treat with the United States as
an independent, sovereign people, schemes or plans of conciliation,
whoever may suggest them, will be found unimportant.' The pa
pers were ultimately refused.
On the twenty-sixth attention was paid to the estimates : the num
ber of seamen was fixed at 60,000, and the troops to be em
ployed in America at 55,000. These votes were not passed without
severe strictures on the mode of conducting every branch of ser
vice. During one of the debates, on the third of December, colonel
Barre asked the American secretary, what, on his honor, was be
come of general Burgoyne and his brave army ; and whether he had
not received information, by express from Quebec, of their having
surrendered to the enemy?
Lord George Germaine was obliged to confess that he had re
ceived such information ; but it was unauthenticated, and therefore
he could not declare it officially : he hoped the house would suspend
their judgment both on the general and the minister : he was ready
to submit his conduct in planning the expedition to investigation :
if it appeared impotent and injurious, let the censure fall on him.
Colonel Barre launched forth severe invectives against the cool and
easy manner in which the secretary of state had related the fate of
a brave officer with his army; and was followed by Mr. James
Luttrell, Mr. Burke, Mr. T. Townshend, and Mr. Fox. The soli
citor-general endeavored to reconcile the country gentlemen to this
disastrous intelligence, by appealing to British magnanimity under
distress, the certain harbinger of victory ; while lord North de
clared that no man had, from the beginning, been more desirous
of peace than himself: if the surrender of his place and honors
could obtain it, he would cheerfully resign them : he had reluctantly
accepted his situation ; but while in possession, he would support
it to the best of his power. On the fifth, the earl of Chatham
moved, in the house of lords, ' that an address be presented to his
majesty for copies of all orders and instructions issued to general
Burgoyne relative to the late expedition from Canada.' Holding

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE m. 157
up a paper to the view of the house, his lordship said, that ' he
had the king's speech in his hand, and a deep sense of the public
calamity in his heart. That speech contained a most unfaithful
picture of the state of public affairs : it had a specious outside ;
was full of hopes, while every thing within was full of danger. A
system, destructive of all faith and confidence, had been introduced
within the last fifteen years at St. James's, by which pliable men,
not capable men, had been raised to the highest posts: a few ob
scure persons had obtained an ascendency where no man ought to
have a personal ascendency ; and by the most insidious means the
nation had been betrayed into a war, of which they now reaped
the bitter fruits. The spirit of delusion had gone forth ; ministers
had imposed on the people ; parliament had been induced to sanc
tify the imposition ; a visionary phantom of revenue had been con
jured up for the basest of purposes ; but it was now for ever
vanished.' His lordship observed, 'that the abilities of general
Burgoyne were confessed, his personal bravery was not surpassed,
his zeal in the service unquestionable : he had experienced no pes
tilence ; nor suffered any of the accidents which sometimes super
sede the wisest and most spirited exertions of human industry.
What then is the cause of his misfortune ? — want of wisdom in our
councils, want of ability in our ministers. The plan of penetrating
into the colonies from Canada, was a most wild, uncombined, and
mad project ; and the mode of carrying on the war was the most
bloody, barbarous, and ferocious recorded in the annals of his
tory : the arms of Britain had been sullied and tarnished by blend
ing the scalping-knife and tomahawk with the sword and firelock :
such a mode of warfare was a contamination, which all the waters
of the Hudson and the Delaware would never wash away : it was
impossible for America to forget or forgive so horrid an injury.'
In the course of his speech, he animadverted in severe terms on
the language recently held by the archbishop of York. ' The per
nicious doctrines advanced by that prelate were,' he said, 'the
doctrines of Atterbury and Sacheverel : as a whig, he abjured and
detested them ; and he hoped he should yet see the day when they
would be deemed libellous, and treated as such.' Though the
motion was negatived, his lordship returned to the charge; and
next moved an address to the king, 'that all orders and treaties
relative to the employment of the Indian savages be laid before
the house : ' but in no debate did this great man appear to less
advantage. Lord Gower, rising to oppose the motion, asserted
'that the noble lord had himself employed, and acknowledged that
he had employed, savages in the operations of the last war.' This
charge lord Chatham peremptorily denied, reproaching lord Gower
with the charge of petulance and misrepresentation. Indians, he
confessed, had crept into the service during the last war; but their
employment had never been sanctioned by him officially: he chal-

158 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XIX.
lenged ministers to produce any such instructions of his ; and he
called on lord Amherst, who had commanded in America at the
time referred to, for a declaration of the truth. Lord Amherst,
not being able to evade this appeal, reluctantly owned that Indians
had been employed on both sides: — 'The French employed them
first,' he said, ' and we followed their example : but most cer
tainly I should not have ventured to do so, if I had not received
orders to that purpose.' Lord Denbigh was very severe on the
noble earl, whom he called 'the great oracle with the short me
mory ;' asserting that the returns of the army must have shown
that the Indians were employed last war. Lord Shelburne made
an ingenious attempt to extricate his noble friend from this appa
rent contradiction of his own orders, by suggesting that they were
probably sent through the board of trade, not through the secre
tary's office : lord Chatham caught eagerly at the subterfuge : he
was sure the order had not passed regularly through his office;
nor would the humanity of his late majesty have sanctioned so Sa
tanic a measure : but the fallacy of this pretence was exposed by
lord Suffolk, who observed that all instructions to governors and
commanders in chief necessarily passed through the office of the
secretary of state, and were countersigned by the king. Lord
Townshend justified the measure both in the last and present war;
and the earl of Dunmore, late governor of Virgina, declared that
he himself had been attacked by a party of Indians set on by the
people of that colony. The debate continued till eleven o'clock at
night, when lord Chatham's motion was disposed of by the pre
vious question, the majority being forty to eighteen.
On the tenth of December the royal assent was given to a bill
for continuing the suspension of the habeas corpus act in certain
cases of piracy and treason ; also to the land and malt tax bills,
those standing resources of government revenue; and after the
discussion of some motions, made with a design of embarrassing
ministers, an adjournment to the twentieth of January was proposed
by lord Beauchamp : this was strongly objected to as highly im
proper at so critical a period; and Mr. Burke proposed, as an
amendment, that the house should adjourn for a week. The reply
of ministers was short : their ostensible reasons for the original
motion were, that all business of importance was transacted; no
apprehensions were entertained of foreign powers; no material
progress could be made at present in the field, or by negociation ;
and the committee on the state of the nation, to which all important
questions were to be referred, would not sit till February. In
reality, they desired a breathing time, as a relief from the an
noyance of business under the late distressing intelligence ; they
also required leisure to deliberate on the means of repairing losses
abroad, and preparing for those inquiries which had been agreed to
by both houses of parliament. After a long debate, the proposed

A.D. 1777.] GEORGE III. 159
adjournment was carried by a hundred and fifty-five against sixty-
eight; and next day a similar motion, equally agitated in the house
of lords, was carried by a majority of forty-seven to seventeen.
During the recess, each party displayed an earnest desire to con
ciliate public opinion in its favor, and secure the success of its fu
ture schemes : but though for a time a certain degree of despondency,
produced by the intelligence from America, favored the views of
opposition, yet the ministerial predictions, that the spirit of the
nation would shake off all gloomy anticipations of the future, and
rouse itself to activity, were soon verified. Public meetings of cor
porate bodies, towns, and counties being called together, took this
opportunity of showing their attachment to the crown in the strong
est language : nor was this all ; Manchester and Liverpool each
raised a regiment of 1000 men; Edinburgh and Glasgow followed
their example; independent companies were raised in Wales and
the highlands of Scotland ; and although the livery of London and
corporation of Bristol, steady to their expressed opinions, refused
to co-operate in these schemes, yet a large sum of money was raised
in both places by subscription for the public service ; so that a body
of 15,000 men was placed at the disposal of government by these
patriotic efforts. When parliament assembled after the recess, this
mode of raising troops, without the concurrence or knowledge of
the legislature, occasioned violent debates, being considered un
constitutional and dangerous to public liberty : neither was the plan
thought consistent with economy, though calculated to serve certain
influential persons, who were complimented with the appointment
of officers to the newly-formed regiments. The purchase-money
of their commissions, it was said, would vastly exceed the amount
of the gratuities ; and their full and half pay might have been spared
to the nation by an offer of bounties to recruits entering into the
old regiments (1).
While the strenuous partisans of ministers thus supplied them
with means for carrying on the war, people of different sentiments
found another channel into which they could direct their bounty.
Complaints had been made, and noticed in the house of lords, that
the American prisoners were treated with great cruelty in British
prisons : the subject was investigated; and although it could not be
shown that government authorised any wanton exercise of power
in regard to food, fuel, or personal treatment, yet instances were
discovered, in which the hardships arising from a slender allow
ance were still farther increased by the inhumanity of keepers. To
relieve these distresses, a subscription was opened ; and the pri
soners were supplied with clothes, firing, bedding, and other ne
cessaries during the winter (2).
On the third of November the queen was safely delivered of a
HI Lord North's Administration, p. 290.
121 Ibid.

160 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
daughter, the princess Sophia. In this year the first duty was laid
on goods sold by auction, as well as on inhabited houses.

CHAPTEB XX.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1778.
Effect of general Burgoyne's surrender on the court of France— Count de Vergennes, and
Marie Antoinette— First French envoy sent to North America— American affairs in Paris
—Hints of conciliatory measures by lord North— Mr. Fox's speech in the committee on the
state of the nation— His motion rejected— Also that of the duke of Richmond— Mr. Burke's
speech against Ihe employment of Indians— Story of .Miss Macrea— Governor Pownal's
speech and humane proposal— Attempt of Mr. Fox lo slop the sending of troops to Ame
rica — Examination of evidence in the upper house — Lord North introduces his conciliatory
bills — Debates on them — Intimation of the French treaty with America — Attempt to engage
lord Chatham in the administration— Notification of the French treaty to parliament— Mo
tion of an address (hereon — Debates — Investigation of the state of the navy— Lord Sand
wich severely attacked— Motion for excluding contractors from seats in parliament—
Commiltee for Ihe revision of the Irish trade laws — Opposition of the British merchants
and manufacturers— Bill for the relief of Roman catholics — Motion of censure on lord
George Germaine — Duke of Richmond's motion in the house of lords, and last reply ot
lord Chatham — His death, etc. — Supplies, etc. for 1778 — Parliament rises — King's speech-
Admiral Rodney— Military affairs in America— Manner in which nolice of the conciliatory
bills was received— Notification of the French treaty— Unfortunate action under La Fayette
—Sir Henry Clinton takes the supreme command of the British army— Conduct of the
British commissioners, and of congress— Evacuation of Philadelphia by the British troops-
March towards New York— Affair of general Lee — His disgrace — Arrival of a French fleet
on the shores of America under count d'Estaing— The British fleet protected in Ihe harbor
of New York — Combined attack of French and Americans on Rhode Island— Its failure—
D'Estaing's conduct meets with disapprobation— Operations of the British army in the pro
vinces of New York and New Jersey— Attack of the savages on the settlement of Wyoming
under Colonel Butler — Americans take revenge — The French envoy received at Philadel
phia—Instructions sent to Franklin— French deprived of their fishery at Newfoundland—
They capture Dominica ; but lose St. Lucie— French plans regarding Canada counteracted
by the prudence of Washington— Capture of Savannah by the British— Naval operations
in the British channel— Affairs respecting admiral Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser — Domestic
matters. The capture of general Burgoyne's army determined France to
assume that hostile attitude, to which her secret intrigues in favor
of the revolted Americans were all preparatory : Spain was not so
ready to throw off the mask; but there was no doubt of her adher
ing to those plans which the elder branch of the house of Bourbon
had adopted. It may seem repugnant to every maxim of true po
licy, that nations, which had foreign settlements of their own, and
whose government at home was founded in despotism, and cor
rupted by abuses of every description, should teach a lesson, and
set an example, which might so easily be turned against them
selves ; or that a bare apprehension of that shock to the political
system of Europe, which American success was sure to produce,
did not deter the most ambitious statesmen from engaging in a
transatlantic war. But pride and avarice, with a desire of wiping

AD- 1778.] GEORGE III. 161
off the disgrace of the last contest, and securing the exclusive be
nefits of American commerce, rendered the French ministers blind
to consequences; while the king's natural indolence and moderate
abilities threw the reins of government into the hands of that anti-
pacific party, of which the queen was considered the head, and
which thought the present a favorable opportunity of rising on the
ruin of a detested rival. An appearance of neutrality, with secret
aid given to the revolted colonists, had been long kept up, and
all open declaration of hostility was still anxiously avoided ; but the
capture of Burgoyne's army, and the reports of some very conci
liatory propositions about to be submitted by the British ministry
to the American colonists, obliged the French cabinet to throw off
the mask earlier than was intended. It was well known that the
Americans, notwithstanding their success at Saratoga, labored under
such great distress for want of internal resources, while their trade
was interrupted by the British cruisers, that in all probability they
would be obliged lo submit to terms, unless foreign aid could be
obtained : by strongly insisting on these topics, Dr. Franklin gave
at length a decisive turn to the counsels at Versailles; and a
treaty was signed on the sixth of February, though not publicly
avowed, nor perhaps definitively arranged in all its terms : but the
complete independence of the United States was therein acknowledg
ed. The great friend of the Americans in this business was the
count de Vergennes ; on whose shoulders congress chiefly threw the
burden of its foreign affairs, and of many troubles at home con
nected with them : for it was a standing instruction, that the Ame
rican agents abroad were to seek advice from the French court; so
that the calls on the time and attention of this minister were inces
sant : and when we consider the novel situation of France with
respect to England, the negociations for loans and subsidies, the
disbursement of supplies, the fitting out of armed vessels for the
Americans in French ports, the discontent of French officers serv
ing in America, the clamors of neutral and belligerent powers, with
numerous other vexations, which in succession devolved on the
count de Vergennes; — we are astonished, that even the acknow
ledged patience and good temper of that statesman could sustain his
policy : nothing indeed enabled him to act, but the gratified animo
sity of the French people to England, and the decisive support
which ha received from the queen. This attachment of the unfor
tunate Marie Antoinette to the revolutionary cause is generally con
fessed by American writers (1); and is supposed to have arisen
chiefly from the impulse of family pride, or affection, inducing her
to exert all her influence to involve France in a foreign contest,
and thus prevent its opposition to the unjust and ambitious schemes
of the Austrian court regarding the Bavarian succession (2).
ID North American Review, toI. ixxlll. p. 471. sue, December 30, t777, was succeeded In his domf-
(2) The elector of Bavaria, having died without Is- nlons al large by bis heir, the elector palatine : be
II. 11

162 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
Not long after the treaty between France and America had been
signed, Mr. Silas Deane returned to the United States with M. Ge
rard, the first French envoy appointed to that country. Mr. John
Adams was Mr. Deane's successor at Paris, where the principal
business of the commissioners lay in sending out military supplies,
in fitting out privateers, effecting the sale of prizes, adjudicating
contested cases, and performing the duties usually discharged by
consuls and mercantile agents. This was less difficult now than
before the treaty, as there was less reason for concealment and dis
guise; particularly when lord Stormont quitted Paris, and his spies
disappeared. The French government immediately granted to con
gress a loan of 3,000,000 livres, which afforded an important tem
porary relief, and enabled the commissioners to meet the draughts
which came on them rather heavily from home (1).
Hints thrown out by lord North in the British parliament, dur
ing the debate on the question of adjournment, made it evident
that ministers had turned their thoughts to some new scheme of
conciliation with the colonists ; though they felt the necessity of
making such preparations for the ensuing campaign, as would en
able them to treat with dignity, and assert the sovereign rights of
Great Britain with success : in this, as already has been noticed,
they were zealously seconded by the spirit of the people ; but more
particularly by corporate bodies, and individuals of rank and in
fluence. When parliament met on the twenty-second of January,
the levying of troops by private subscription claimed its earliest
attention; but though the debates on this point were frequently
renewed with unusual heat, the opposition were foiled in all attempts
to obtain a vote of censure.
In both houses intense interest was excited by the approaching
debates in committee on the state of the nation. On the second of
February, Mr. Fox opened the business in the commons, entreating
them to divest themselves of former opinions, favorite ideas, and
long-cherished prejudices, and to abide by the fair result of the
present inquiry : he recommended an oblivion of all enmity towards
America ; and he laid it down as an axiom, that when any country
falls in a short period from the highest summit of power, there must
have been some radical fault in its government, though such fault may
be no proof of ministerial criminality.
He then took an historical review of proceedings relative to Ame-
had scarcely however entered his new capital of Mu- great electorates, alarmed the princes of the empire^
nlch, when the Austrian troops poured from all and rendered an appeal to the sword necessary.
sides inlo tower Bavaria, and seized every place to After a year's war with Prussia and other members
which they came ; anotbei- strong body advanced to of trie Germanic body, the emperor wos obliged to
the upper ralallnate ; and a 'third army of60,000 men relinquish the districts be had so unjustly seized, re-
were prepared ready to follow up success. No alter- talniog only the frontier territory appertaining to
native remained for the elector, but to lose the the regency of Bui-gliausen, which v* as ceded to the
whole of bis dominions, or resign the belter half of house of Austria, as an equivalent for her formal
hem to violence and injustice ; which latter course renunciation or all her old and vexatious claims.
he took : such a flagrant attack however on tbe H) North American Review, vol. xxi. p. 480.
rights of succession, such a dismemberment of two

AD- "78.] GEORGE HI.

163

rica since 1774, and exposed the error of ministers in mistaking a
single province for a whole continent; the state of Massachusetts-
bay for the American empire. Virginia, a colony no less tenacious
of its rights, was totally forgotten, and a union of the provinces was
deemed impossible ; but whoever should contend against ton, *when
prepared for only one antagonist, must encounter greater difficul
ties, than if aware at first of the resisting force. After observing,
that every attempt to crush an insurrection by inadequate means^
foments instead of suppressing it, he went on to show how England
had erred in this respect: on the events of the last campaign he
forbore to touch, as they demanded a separate investigation. From
the papers before the house, he contended, that to send more troops
out of this country would be highly imprudent; the conduct of
France, the state of public credit, his majesty's speech, all suffi
ciently proved the necessity of preparing for an European war: it
was time therefore to contemplate the domestic situation of the coun
try, and not leave it defenceless, for the purpose of protracting a
contest that was impracticable ; a contest, in which so much treasure
had been expended, and so many lives lost. He therefore moved
that no more troops from the old corps should be sent out of the
kingdom. No answer was made to Mr. Fox's speech; but his mo
tion was rejected by 259 to 165.
The duke of Bichmond, pursuing the same line of argument in the
upper house, founded on it a motion somewhat similar : but this
also was rejected, as amounting to a public acknowledgment by
Great Britain of ber inability to prosecute the war, and assert her
rights over the colonies ; as inviting the house of Bourbon to attempt
an invasion ; and as attacking the inherent prerogative of the crown
to raise, direct, and employ the military force of the kingdom.
During the next sitting of the committee, Mr. Burke moved for
papers relative to the employment of Indians in America, from 1774
to 1778 ; in support of which motion he made a speech three hours
in length; which, though very inadequately reported, is considered
as one of the most splendid efforts of his oratory. Governor
Johnstone declared that he rejoiced in the exclusion of strangers (1) ;
for had they heard it, their indignation and enthusiasm would have
impelled them to tear in pieces the two ministerial lords, North and
Germaine. In this harangue, Mr. Burke dwelt chiefly on the Indian
mode of warfare, which was so horrible as to exceed the ferocity
of all barbarians recorded in history. He ludicrously analysed ge
neral Burgoyne's speech to these savages; not decrying its senti
ments, but only the application of them to wretches as little likely to
be moved by them as the wild beasts of the forest. He showed, by
details of general Burgoyne's and colonel St. Leger's expeditions,
that the Indians indiscriminately murdered men, women, and chil-
(l| An order to this effect had been mode In the house of commons.

104 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
dren, friends and foes ; nay, that the greatest slaughter often fell on
those who were best affected to the government, and had been dis
armed by the revolutionists. He painted in vivid colors the story
of Miss Macrea, whose fate was very remarkable, and created a vio
lent animosity against the British army.
The father of this unfortunate young woman was strongly attach
ed to the royal cause ; and she herself was to have been married,
the very day on which she was killed, to an officer in general Bur
goyne's army : while on her way to meet her lover, she was mur
dered by two Indian chiefs sent for her protection. A deed so
atrocious called forth general indignation : a correspondence be
tween the British and American generals ensued on the subject, and
the former was much reflected on in consequence of this cruel mur
der. The excuse he made was, that the two chiefs having disputed
which of them should be her principal guard, and obtain a larger
reward, he, from whose hands she was snatched, cleaved her head,
in a fit of rage, with his tomahawk. As the murderer was not put
to death, it was thought either that these savage allies were too
powerful, or their services too highly valued, to run the risk of
offending them : the real cause, however, of pardon being extended
to the offender, was an agreement made by his tribe with the Bri
tish general, to abstain for the future from indulging in wanton cru
elties : this he considered of more consequence, than to take revenge
on a wretch, who scarcely knew that he had committed an evil act.
The arguments of Mr. Burke were strenuously supported by go
vernor Pownal ; who declared that there was not so unfair, so hell
ish an engine of war, as savages mixed with civilised troops. After
forcibly illustrating this position, that benevolent man proposed, as
a mode of putting an end to so atrocious a mode of warfare, that
the two countries should mutually agree to break off all alliance
with these blood-hounds, and treat them as enemies whenever they
should commit any act of hostility against a white person, Ame
rican or European. If government, he said, would propose the
terms of such an agreement, he would answer for it that congress
would embrace and execute them with good faith : the very over
ture might occasion the happiest effects, in producing mutual kind
offices, and leading ultimately to a perfect reconciliation : besides,
he offered to go in person, without pay or hope of any reward, and
make the proposal to congress ; and he would answer with his life
for the success of the negociation. It is pleasing to record such an
instance of genuine philanthropy in an individual : but very different
feelings are excited by the ministerial rejection of Mr. Burke's mo
tion, and of governor Pownal's auxiliary proposition.
Another effort was made, on the eleventh of February, by Mr.
Fox, to effect those regulations and restraints of military exertion,
which opposition seemed to reckon one of the chief objects in ob
taining the committee. He showed that in all the reinforcements

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE ni. 165
sent to America since 1774, we had lost full 20,000 men during the
contest ; and he concluded, that if with so vast a force so little had
been accomplished, it was useless to prosecute the war : this state
ment of loss was represented by the friends of government as greatly
overrated, and the resolution evaded by a motion for leave to
report progress.
The committee of the lords was employed in the examination of
evidence : merchants were called as witnesses, by the oppositionpeers,
who proved that great losses had resulted to their commercial con
cerns from the war ; whilst others, on the side of government,
showed not only that considerable captures had been made, but
that new and profitable sources of commerce had been opened since
the commencement of hostilities. The duke of Bichmond resisted
the arguments drawn from this testimony : the prizes taken and dis
tributed to British seamen, far from being a balance in our favor,
added to our loss ; for if we had not been at war with America, the
value of all these cargoes, in the circuitous course of trade, must
have centred in Great Britain. The propositions were disposed of,
as in the lower house, by the previous question : other motions also
made by the duke of Bichmond, for ascertaining the number of
troops sent to America, as well as the expenses incurred by the war,
occasioned long discussions to no purpose.
On the seventeenth of February lord North brought into the house
of commons two bills tending to a reconciliation with the colonists :
the first was expressly designed to remove from their minds all ap
prehensions concerning taxation by the British parliament; and it
also repealed the act which imposed a duty on tea : the second
enabled his majesty to appoint commissioners to consult and agree on
the means of quieting the disorders subsisting in certain colonies
of North America : these commissioners were endowed with very
extensive powers, and were authorised to treat with congress as if
it were a legal body ; with any of the provincial assemblies ; with
general Washington ; or with any other individual in a civil capa
city or military command : they had power to order a suspension
of arms; to prohibit the operation of all laws; to grant pardons,
immunities, and rewards of all kinds ; to restore all or any of the
colonies to the form of their ancient constitution ; and wherever the
king nominated the governor and other public officers, to appoint
such at their discretion, until his majesty's pleasure could be known.
It had been objected to the former commissioners, that their powers
were deficient : this act therefore declared that, should the Ameri
cans make a claim of independence at the outset of the treaty,
they would not be required to renounce it until the treaty was ra
tified by the British legislature. A reasonable and moderate con
tribution towards the common defence of the empire, when reunited,
was to be the object of negociation; but not to be insisted on as a
sine qua non of the treaty.

166 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
These concessions were much more ample than those brought
forward by lord Chatham and Mr. Burke, which were at the time
unhappily disapproved : expressions of disapprobation were heard
from the tory party in the house ; and some of the country gentle
men loudly complained of the deception practised against them re
lative to American taxation. On the other hand, lord North's pro
positions were generally approved by Jthe opposition, though many
members strenuously contended that they would be inefficient at the
present moment : as however there was something like a chance, they
would not obstruct a plan which had conciliation for its object. Mr.
Fox, in particular, was very severe on the minister; 'whose argu
ments,' he said, ' might be collected into one point, and his excuses
comprised in one apology, or rather in one word, ignorance ; a pal
pable and total ignorance of America : he had expected much, and
had been disappointed in every thing : necessity alone had com
pelled him now to speak out.' He also accused the.minister, with
added threats of condign punishment, of adjourning parliament,
in order to propose terms of pacification ; but neglecting the busi
ness until France had concluded a treaty with the independent states
of America. He assured the house, that he had it from unquestion
able authority, that such a treaty had been signed at Paris; and he
called on the minister to afford them satisfaction on so important a
point. Mr. Grenville joined in demanding an answer ; averring that
he had received information of very offensive language held by the
court of France, and the mareh of troops from its interior pro
vinces. Lord North reluctantly acknowledged that such a treaty was in
agitation ; though, as it was not authenticated by the ambassador,
he had no authority to pronounce absolutely that it was concluded.
Prepared by the debates in the house of commons, the lords in
opposition embarrassed the progress of the conciliatory bills with
numerous objections. The duke of Bichmond read the American
declaration paragraph by paragraph, and tauntingly asked ministers
whether they meant to subscribe to assertions such as these : —
' that the king is a tyrant,' — ' that his majesty had lost the affection
of his American subjects by the insolent, daring, perfidious, and
unconstitutional language of ministers,' etc. ? These bills, far from
regaining America, would sound the trumpet of war to all nations :
they were at once ignominious and ineffectual : they meant no
thing, or worse than nothing : they were beUer calculated to divide
than to conciliate : they empowered commissioners to treat with
America, and then called them back to Europe to consult parlia
ment. Why not renounce at once the right of taxation reserved
in the declaratory act? Why not, instead of arming commissioners
with powers, not to be regulated, and of course not properly exer
cised, repeal all obnoxious acts at once ? Such conduct would
evince sincerity.

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE HI. 167
Lord Temple expressed his indignation and contempt at the mea
sure. America had aimed at independence from the first : ministers
had raised the spirit of the nation by the new levies, and now di
minished it by disgracefully prostrating the country, parliament, and
people at the feet of Franklin and Deane, to whom they paid homage
in sackcloth and ashes.
Lord Shelburne also opposed the bills, as tending to separate
the two countries ; for he never would consent that America should
be independent of England : his idea of their connexion was, that
they should have one friend, one enemy, one purse, and one sword ;
England superintending the whole, as the great controlling power :
and this might have been procured not long since, and perhaps
even now, without the shedding of blood. In the course of the
debate, the duke of Grafton put the same question to ministers which
Mr. Fox had propounded in the lower house ; when lord Wey
mouth answered, ' that he knew nothing of any such treaty : he had
received no authentic information of its being in existence or con
templation.' The bills passed without a division, but with a protest from lord
Abingdon, embodying the principal objections urged in the debate.
At such a crisis, good policy required that an attempt should be
made to secure the assistance of the great war minister; so idolised
for his success in a former emergency, and so revered by the
Americans for his firm, but conciliatory conduct towards them.
Overtures were undoubtedly made lo lord Chatham, to form a new
cabinet ; but the treaty terminated abruptly ; and neither its terms,
nor the cause of its failure, have been sufficiently elucidated.
The conciliatory bills had scarcely received the royal assent, when
lord North delivered a message from his majesty to the commons,
and lord Weymouth to the upper house, informing them that ' a
rescript had been delivered by the French ambassador, avowing
that a treaty of amity, commerce, and alliance had been recently
concluded with the United States of America, which, it is said, are in
full possession of independence : that it stipulates for no exclusive
advantages in favor of the French nation; but professes a constant
and sincere disposition for peace with Great Britain ; and declares
that his most christian majesty will protect effectually the lawful com
merce of his subjects, and maintain the dignity of his flag. In con
sequence of this offensive communication, the British ambassador
had been instructed to withdraw from Paris; an<Uhe.king relied
on the zeal and affectionate spirit of his people to repel insult, and
maintain the national honor.'
In discussing the motion for an address, an amendment was pro
posed, requesting the king to dismiss his ministers : lord North was
reproached for a culpable neglect of the means of information and
defence : he had suffered himself to be surprised by the notification
of a treaty which appeared to have been two years under discus-

168 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
sion ; and on the eve of a war, the country was destitute of ade
quate means for its internal security.
Governor Pownal, without intending to vindicate the ministry,
detailed the circumstances and progress of the treaty, which he
said had not existed in idea six months, nor been in actual nego
ciation more than three : he afterwards observed that peace with
America was yet practicable if Great Britain would pursue the pro
per course. 'The Americans,' he contended, 'are, and must be,
independent : we acknowledge it in our acts ; and have already,
though we may try lo cover our shame with words, resigned all
dominion over them: they will never rescind their declaration; but
if parliament will extend the powers of the commissioners so far as to
acknowledge their independence, on conditions, they will, in return,
form with us a federal treaty, offensive, defensive, and commer
cial. The compact, signed at Paris, is not yet ratified by congress :
by a speedy and candid exertion, this country may still be enabled
to take advantage of the natural predilection of the Americans for
the parent state: if a federal treaty were not adopted, and the
Americans should ever be induced to treat on other terms, one of
their first demands must be a reimbursement of expenses, and an
indemnification for losses : a pecuniary remuneration was out of
the question ; but in lieu of it, government must sacrifice Canada,
Nova Scotia, and the Newfoundland fishery : this he knew would
be insisted on : but if independence were conceded, America could
only treat with us on the same ground as any other independent
pation. He did not think our force insufficient to resist the new
enemy : it was indifferent to him who were ministers ; but he
coincided with all the feelings of resentment indicated in the ad
dress.' General Conway supported these principles ; declaring that he
had seen a letter from Dr. Franklin, written since the treaties had
been signed, and offering peace if Great Britain would forego her
claims to supremacy : Mr. Dundas also thought it would be better
policy to form a federal union, than to lose America, and let her
fall into the hands of France. Many times during the debate the
name of lord Chatham was brought up, as the only statesman ca
pable of rescuing the vessel of the state in these trying circum
stances ; but lord North, after expressing, as on a former occasion,
a total disregard to office, declared that the interest of the empire,
no less than his own reputation, demanded that he should remain at
the helm. The original address was carried by 263 to 113. In the
upper house the debate was chiefly maintained by two parties in
opposition ; one of which was desirous to preserve America at all
events by the full grant of independence ; while the other consi
dered, not only that the indignities offered by the colonists to their
parent state justified immediate hostilities, but that the loss of
America would put an end to the prosperity of Great Britain. The

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE HI. 169
address was carried by a large majority; and another, in answer
to a message for calling out the militia, was passed without division
or debate.
The very important subject of the navy, which had been se
verely scrutinised in the committee of supply, now attracted more
particular attention. Whoever has read the authentic memoirs
and correspondence of eminent men (1) about this period, will
have felt that there was too much justice in the charges brought
against administration for neglecting that great bulwark of British
power : the blame, however, in this case must be divided : it at
taches itself no less to the prime minister, who so soon forgot the
use which lord Chatham had made of that grand instrument of war,
than to lord Sandwich, whose inattention to the duties of his de
partment, and deference to parliamentary influence, allowed the
ships to fall into decay, and to be commanded by officers almost
unacquainted with the rudiments of their profession. These charges
were as easily evaded, as denied, in that corrupt parliament which
was now assembled under the auspices of lord North : the truth of
them however will become evident as we proceed.
An account of the ships in the British navy having been submitted
to the committee, Mr. Fox, on the eleventh of March, submitted
a motion to the house, that this force was inadequate to the de
fence of the country : Mr. Temple Luttrell followed, and in a long
detail exposed the bad condition of the ships, the neglect of
supplies, and the deplorable state of the service in all its de
partments; nothing being clearer than its inefficiency for the
protection of the realm, except the prostitution, mismanagement,
and atrocious criminality of those ministers who had so long de
luded their sovereign. No regular answer was returned to these
statements, as the king's message respecting France was then in
preparation. In the house of lords the subject was taken up by the duke of
Bolton, who moved that the surveyor of the navy should be exa
mined : but lord Sandwich having resisted the proposal, as tend
ing to injure the country by improper diclosures, the motion was
negatived. Lord Badnor observed, that the house treated the first
lord of the admiralty with much more respect than their ancestors
had treated the husband of a queen of England.
On the thirty-first of March lord Effingham returned to the charge
on this disgraceful subject, accusing lord Sandwich of gross mis
management, and moving a series of propositions, for disclosing
the state of the navy during the last eight years, the ordinary es
timates, and ships built, repaired, and broken up. Lord Sandwich
made on this occasion a long defence ; and comparing the present
state of the navy with its condition in 1727, drew deductions.
|t) See particularly tbe Interesting IJIo of lord Rodney tv major-general Mundy.

170 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
highly favorable to his own administration; a sure sign that there
was something wrong in his conduct. In the course of debate,
many collateral topics -were introduced ; as the mismanagement of
Greenwich-hospital, improvidence in the formation of contracts,
peculation in the dock-yards ; and the first lord of the admiralty
was told to beware of popular vengeance and the punishment of
De Witt, who was torn limb from limb by the multitude. The de
bate became very tumultuous, and the motions were all negatived :
so great however was public dissatisfaction at the direction of naval
affairs about this time, that many distinguished officers of the
highest rank sent in their resignation ; and so general was the dis
like to the service, that twenty captains proposed to resign their
commissions at once, and were prevented only by the necessity
which existed for their services.
Previously to the above discussion, the attention of parliament
had been called by lord Effingham, in the upper house, to a scan
dalous neglect of economy in the transport service ; and colonel
Barre, in the commons, moved for a select committee to inspect
the public accounts, charging the minister with gross negligence
and ignorance in making contracts, and not understanding the dif
ference between currency and sterling : he also accused the house
of shameful and traitorous servility in sanctioning his evasions and
delusions. Lord North was led by such accusations to explain himself with
some warmth, and to consent that a committee should be appoint
ed : a report was accordingly presented to the house, but at too
late a period for consideration. Sir Philip Jennings Clarke took
advantage of these discussions to propose a bill for excluding con
tractors from parliament, unless their contracts were obtained by
a public bidding : during the debate many violent reflections were
made on the characters and gains of government-contractors; and
the fanatical lord George Gordon, soon about to become so noto
rious, designated the minister as the worst of all contractors ; a
contractor for men ; a contractor for parliamentary flocks ; a con
tractor for the representatives of the people ; advising him to save
his country, and rescue his own life from popular vengeance, by
calling away his butchers and ravagers from the colonies before the
king's troops were totally defeated. The bill of course was lost;
as also w»s one proposed by Mr. Gilbert, to tax, during the war,
all salaries, fees, and pensions issuing out of the exchequer or any
other branch of his majesty's revenues.
In the beginning of April a committee of the house of commons
was formed for the revision of the trade laws relating to Ireland,
which country had suffered much by the American war ; a stop
having been thereby put to expOrtations of manufactures, and a
large body of the people deprived of employment. This decrease
of trade was the more severely felt in consequence of the heavy

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE III. 171
additions recently made to the civil establishment by the increase
of pensions and other burdensome appointments. Lord Nugent,
with whom the measure originated, declared that the Irish people
were, from their unshaken loyalty, entitled to the encouragement
of a wise and grateful government: hitherto indeed oppressive
laws had been their sole reward ; but neither he nor his country
men meant to offer complaints : they saw Great Britain distressed:
their resentment was hushed ; and, forgetful of their wrongs, they
made an unsolicited offer of their fortunes and lives. From a
view of the laws which bore particularly hard on the Irish, he had
drawn up a few resolutions, which he trusted the committee would
adopt. His motion now was, that they might send on board
British vessels to the coast of Africa, and other foreign settle
ments, all home manufactures, with the exception of wool and
woollen cloth : this was agreed to without a division ; and other
resolutions were subsequently adopted, that a direct importation
be allowed of all goods, wares, and merchandise, being the pro
duce of British plantations, except tobacco ; that the direct expor
tation of glass, manufactured in Ireland, be permitted to all places
except Great Britain ; that the importation of Irish cotton yarn be
allowed in Great Britain free of duty ; as also the importation of
sail-cloth and cordage.
These apparent innovations greatly alarmed the merchants of
Bristol and Liverpool, as well as the manufacturers in the counties
of Lancashire and Nottingham ; during the Easter recess a formi
dable opposition was got up in those quarters ; and the different
members of parliament were strongly urged to oppose the admission
of Irishmen to a participation of the rights of British subjects.
Petitions flowed in from all parts of the kingdom, and from various
classes of manufacturers. The first which engaged the attention of
the house was from those of Somersetshire against the importation
of sail-cloth : on this, Mr. Burke, who had moved for leave to bring
in the bill, declared that he had committed an error ; for he had since
discovered that a law for this very purpose was in existence. If
the bill, he observed, was to produce all the consequences stated
by the petitioners, why did they not complain when they were first
hurt? from this he inferred that the jealousy entertained of the other
bills was equally ill-founded, and originated only in prejudice and
selfishness : against the arguments of their opponents, he said, they
only restored what the wisdom of parliament had on a former
occasion granted to Ireland. He then ably refuted the principle,
that Ireland could not be indulged in a free trade without becom
ing an injurious rival to Great Britain : the one country never could
vie with the other in manufactures ; which he showed from various
sources, and especially from the bill for the free importation of
woollen-yarn into England, which had been opposed by numberless
petitions, yet by experience had been found beneficial. It was

172 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
absurd to think that a participation of manufacture would be detri
mental : the woollen manufacture had been planted in different
parts of the kingdom ; yet competition had promoted the trade.
He lamented that in this instance his conscience impelled him to
oppose the wishes, though not the interests, of his constituents at
Bristol : if they rejected him on this account, he should not blame
them : the example would at all events be useful, of a senator
adhering to his opinion against interest and popularity ; and of
constituents exercising their undoubted right of rejection, not on
corrupt motives, but from the persuasion that he whom they had
chosen had acted against the judgment and interests of those whom
he represented (1). Notwithstanding both sides of the house
seemed disposed to approve these bills, the clamor of interested
persons bore down the sense of the legislature, and effected a sort
of compromise : most of the advantages proposed for Ireland were
abandoned ; though some enlargement was afforded to the linen
trade, and some openings permitted in the African and West Indian
commerce : but the way was cleared for future concessions.
On the fourteenth of May, Sir George Savile, excited by zeal for
the honor of protestantism, which he thought disgraced by the act
of 1699, and by his rooted hatred of all kind of oppression, brought
a bill into the house of commons for a repeal of the act of Wil
liam III. entitled ' an act to prevent the farther growth of popery;'
which to the many pains and penalties before established, added a
prohibition to popish priests officiating in their religious services ;
foreigners so offending being rendered guilty of felony, and natives
of high treason. By it, popish heirs, educated in foreign countries,
incurred the forfeiture of their estates, which descended to the next
protestant heir : a son, being a protestant, was empowered to dis
possess his father, being a papist, of his estate; and members
of the Bomish communion were incapacitated from purchasing
land. The propriety of granting relief to a body of men who acted
conscientiously, appeared so manifest to the house, that the motion,
which was seconded by Mr. Dunning, and supported by Mr. Thurlow
and lord Beauchamp, passed without a dissentient voice. The bill
was but slightly opposed in the upper house ; and it is well known
that the highest character in the realm sincerely rejoiced in the
opportunity of releasing this portion of his faithful subjects from
oppressive laws and restrictions, as far as he thought compatible
with the safety of the state. Thus the subjects of Great Britain,
professing the Bomish creed, were permitted to perform their
religious rites, and were rendered capable of inheriting or pur
chasing real estates, on subscribing an oath of allegiance to the king,
and solemnly disclaiming the doctrine of the pope's authority over
|l) These apprehensions of Mi'. Burlie were verilicd al Ihe general election In 1780.

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE IH. 173
this realm, or his power of absolving its people from their obliga
tions to the government by law established. It was one of the
greatest glories of the reign of George III., that theldawn;of
religious freedom rose under his auspices.
On the nineteenth of March Mr. Fox moved two propositions in
the house, without success, for censuring lord George Germaine
on the subject of general Burgoyne's disaster. This officer, by
favor of congress, was permitted to return to England on his
parole ; but a court of inquiry pronounced its authority incompetent
to an adjudication of his case under these circumstances. Havinp
demanded an audience of the king, he was refused, on the grpund
of established etiquette ; but before the end of the session he ob
tained a partial opportunity of vindicating his conduct; for a motion
was made, on the twenty-sixth of May, for a committee to consider
the transactions of the northern army, the convention at Saratoga,
and the means by which the general obtained his release. He
vindicated his conduct at great length, but the reply of lord George
Germaine was short ; and he concluded with observing, that as
military men were the most proper judges, he did not see the pro
priety of parliamentary interference. The motion was rejected ; but
in the course of debate, Mr. Temple Luttrell made a very insulting
comparison between lord George Germaine's backwardness in the
battle of Minden, and general Burgoyne's zealous, though unsuc
cessful courage, in the late enterprise : nor did he spare his lordship
on the sentence of the court-martial, and his subsequent disgrace
by George II.
Lord George Germaine in reply observed, that he never indulged
in personalities, nor by his conduct merited such an attack (1) :
much as he despised the honorable member, he would place him
self for once on a level with his wretched character and malice : old
as he was, he would meet that fighting gentleman, and be revenged.
The house called to order : the speaker reprimanded both mem
bers, and insisted on their promise that the affair should proceed
no farther : lord George apologised for his warmth ; and Mr. Lut
trell, after much reluctance, acknowledged his error, and declared
that he meant his reflections as public matter, and that they were
not to be referred to private abuse or enmity. In the sequel, ge
neral Burgoyne was ordered to rejoin his army in America; but
with this injunction, though coming from the highest authority, he
refused to comply : accordingly, he was divested of all the posts
and offices which he held under government.
On the seventh of April, the committee on the state of the nation
was brought to a close in the house of lords, by a motion of the
duke of Bichmond for an address to the king, beseeching his ma
il) It Is now generally acknowledged that lord thought arrogance In bis commander, prince Fer-
George Sackvllle's backwardness at Minden arose not dlnand.
from want of courage, but from a dislike to what he

174 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
jesty to recognise the independence of America, by withdrawing all
his forces from that country ; and to dismiss his present ministers.
As the discussion was expected to take place that day, lord Chatham,
struggling for a temporary victory over disease, made his appear
ance in the house, supported by his son Mr. William Pitt, and his
son-in-law lord Mahon : as he thus advanced, in the garb and lan
guor of sickness, the fire of his eye softened but not quenched,
and the dignity of his commanding figure abated but not destroyed,
all the peers, impressed by a sentiment Of veneration, rose up, and
continued standing while he passed to his seat. After lord Wey
mouth had made a very animated reply to the motion, lord Chatham
rose from his place slowly and with difficulty, and began by la
menting that his infirmities had so long, and at so important a crisis,
kept him from his parliamentary duties : he declared that he had
made an effort almost beyond the powers of his constitution ; and
come down to the house this day, probably the last time he should
enter its walls, to express the indignation he felt at the humiliating
proposal of yielding up the sovereignty of America. A reveren
tial awe and silence pervaded the house, while this great man de
livered his sentiments : at first he spoke in a low and feeble tone ;
but as he grew warm, his voice acquired more power and har
mony; and the charms of eloquence, flowing again from his tongue,
were rendered doubly affecting by his own situation and the im
portance of the topic. He entered into a full detail of the Ame
rican war, dilating on all the measures which he had opposed,
and the evils which he had predicted ; adding, at the end of each,
* and so it proved.' ' My lords,' he continued, ' I rejoice that the
grave has not closed on me ; that I am still alive to lift up my voice
against the dismemberment of this ancient and noble monarchy.
Pressed down as I am by a load of infirmities, I am little able to
serve my country in this most perilous conjuncture ; but, while I
have sense and memory, I will never consent to deprive the royal
offspring of the house of Brunswick, the heirs of the princess So
phia, of their fairest inheritance ; or to tarnish the lustre of the
nation by an ignominious surrender of its rights and possessions.
Shall this great kingdom, that has survived, whole and entire,
Danish depredations, Scottish inroads, the Norman conquest, and
the threatened invasion of the Spanish armada, now fall prostrate
before the house of Bourbon? Shall a people, seventeen years
ago the terror of the world, now stoop so Ioav as to tell its ancient
and inveterate enemy — Take all we have, only give us peace? It
is impossible ! I wage war with no man, or set of men : I wish
for none of their employments : nor would I co-operate with those
who persist in unretracted error ; or who, instead of acting on a
firm, decisive line of conduct, halt between two opinions, where
there is no middle path. In God's name, if it be absolutely neces
sary to declare for peace or war, and if peace cannot be pre-

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE III. 175
served with honor, why is not war commenced without hesitation?
I am not, I confess, well informed of the resources of this king
dom ; but I trust it has still sufficient to maintain its just rights,
though I know them not : any state, however, is better than de
spair : let us at least make one effort ; and if we must fall, let us
fall like men.'
The duke of Bichmond, after replying to the arguments of lord
Weymouth, addressed himself to lord Chatham, for whose person
he professed the greatest veneration, and for whose services he
retained the sincerest gratitude : but the name of Chatham could not
perform impossibilities, or restore the country to the state in which
it stood when directed by ihe counsels of that noble lord. Our
revenue was then florishing under the abilities of that able finan
cier, Mr. Pelham ; our fleet was in excellent condition under that
able naval officer, lord Anson ; the influence of the crown had not
reached its present alarming height: we had, during the greater
part of the war, France alone to contend with : when Spain became
our adversary, France was reduced to the lowest ebb : America
then fought for us ; now she would be allied with France and Spain
against us. 'If the noble earl,' said his grace, 'had pointed out
the means of supporting this unequal contest, I should readily ac
quiesce in his sentiments ; but since he has not only omitted to
point out the means, but acknowledged that he knows them not, he
will excuse me if I adhere to my former opinion. No person is
more anxious for the dependence of America ; but being convinced
of its total impracticability, I would retain the colonists as allies,
and thus prevent them from throwing themselves into the arms of
France. The noble earl, as a reason for war, has mentioned the
inherent rights of the heir apparent : to recover these possessions
by force is now impossible ; but I will readily join in calling to a
severe account those who have caused the loss of his inheritance.'
During this harangue, the duke of Bichmond, though he spoke
of lord Chatham in words of respect, regarded him with indications
of considerable asperity; and his lordship frequently denoted, by
the motion of his hand, that he remarked and would reply to ob
servations, which he considered offensive (1). Before the conclu
sion of the duke's speech, he underwent a slight convulsion; and
attempting to rise, as if excited by indignation and eagerness to
reply, he sank down, and was caught in the arms of some of the
peers next him, who helped to remove him into an adjoining
chamber. Medical assistance was obtained, and his lordship re
covered so far as to permit his removal to his favorite villa of
Hayes in Kent.
When the agitation caused by this melancholy incident had sub
sided, the house adjourned ; but the resumed debate served only
\
|l| see note In Adolphus, vol. ill. p. 76.

"6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. . [Chap. XX.
to bring into fuller view the difference of opinion between the
Rockingham and Chatham parties respecting America ; the former
contending for its independence without reserve or delay ; the latter
deprecating such a measure as one of the greatest political evils
that could befall the nation. The duke's motion for an address
was negatived by a majority of fifty to thirty-three.
The first appearances of recovery in lord Chatham were soon
found to be delusive : after lingering a short time, he expired on
the" eleventh of May, in the seventieth year of his age : his death
was announced in the house of commons, late in the same evening,
by colonel Barre; who, after a short eulogy on the deceased, and
a rapid -sketch of his public services, moved for an address to his
majesty, that 'the remains of William Pitt, earl of Chatham, be
interred at the public expense in Westminster-abbey.' The motion
was ably and feelingly seconded by Mr. T. Townshend, and seemed
to receive universal approbation : it was known, however, that for
some time past his lordship had not been looked on with a favor
able eye at court ; from which quarter some ungracious expression
of sentiment was thought to proceed, when Mr. Rigby, one of
the king's friends, attempted to get rid of the motion, by proposing
to erect a monument to lord Chatham's memory, as a more eligible
and lasting memorial of gratitude than a public funeral. The re
sult, however, of this scheme was very different from what its pro
poser intended : the opposition received it with joy; and Mr. Dun
ning combined both resolutions, adding Mr. Bigby's suggestion to
that of colonel Barre ; to which lord North cheerfully assented.
The king readily agreed to the addresses, so as to remove from
himself all imputation of ill-will to the memory of the deceased ;
and he concurred with another vote of the house, to settle a per
petual annuity of 4,000/., out of the civil list, on the earldom of
Chatham, as well as to grant 20,000/. for the payment of the late
earl's debts. All this passed in the commons without a dissen
tient voice ; but a motion made by the earl of Shelburne in the
lords, that their house should attend the funeral, was lost by a
majority of one vote : the annuity-bill also was opposed, but car
ried by a majority of forty-two to eleven, with a protest by the
duke of Chandos, the lord chancellor, lord Paget, and the arch
bishop of York. The posthumous honors paid to lord Chatham
were not confined to parliament : the common council of London
petitioned to receive his remains and inter them in the noblest edi
fice of Great Britain, the cathedral of St. Paul. This being refused,
they erected to his memory a superb monument in Guildhall.
The supplies for 1778 amounted to 14,345,497/.; the navy claim
ing 5,001,895/., and the army 5,579,961/.; of which latter sum
485,789/. was destined to the militia, and to the raising of three
fencible regiments in North Britain. Among the miscellanies, was
the sum of 105,227/. for calling in and recoining deficient gold coin;

AD- ^78.] GEORGE III. 177
12,900/. for compiling a general index to the journals of the house
of commons, and 56,680/. for the relief of American loyalists. To
provide for these expenses, besides the land-tax and duty on malt,
six millions were raised on short annuities, 480,000/. by a lottery,
and two millions by exchequer bills. The sinking-fund to April 5,
1778, produced 703,700/. : the whole produce of the lottery was
distributed into prizes, four tickets for every 500/. stock subscribed,
on paying 10/. for each ticket : the growing produce of the sinking-
fund was applied to the amount of 2,296,209/. Various duties and
savings produced 148,566/. The annual interest on the funded debt,
with the annuity, amounted to 330,000/., for the payment of which
a tax of sixpence in the pound was laid on all houses of 5/. to 50/.
a year rent, and one shilling in the pound on all above 50/. An
additional duty of eight guineas a ton was laid on French wines ;
and four guineas on all other wines imported : these two taxes
were calculated to produce 336,558/. (1).
As the French declaration was delivered only a few days after
the contract for the loan was made, the contractors became great
losers through the sudden fall of the stocks ; but though no money
had been paid as a deposit, such was their honor, that the pay
ments were regularly made: the minister endeavored to procure
for them an indemnification, but without effect (2). Parliament
rose, after an unusually extended session, on the third of June ;
but the adjournment even then was opposed in both houses, on
account of the present alarming crisis in public affairs. His ma
jesty, in his speech, thanked his faithful commons, not only for
their zeal and attention to the interests of their country, manifested
in many wise, just, and humane laws, but for the honorable sup
port they had made for the royal family ; referring to a bill passed
in this session for settling an annuity of 60,000/. on the six younger
princes, of 30,000/. on the five princesses, and of 12,000/. on the
son and daughter of the duke of Glocester ; the annuities to take
effect, in the first instance, on the demise of the king ; in the second,
on that of the duke.
Before we return to the affairs of war, let us here briefly advert
to the one great and brilliant character, whom the treaty now signed
between America and France sent from the latter nation, where
he resided as a voluntary exile, to restore the drooping fortunes
of his country, and to bear her flag again in triumph over the
ocean. George Bridges Bodney (3) entered into the British navy
at the age of twelve, and in his twenty-fourth year was appointed
by admiral Mathews to command the Plymouth man of war of
sixty guns, in which he brought home 300 sail of the Lisbon trade,
through the midst of a large French fleet, then cruising in the
|i| See lord Norlh's Administration, p. 313. dy ; one of the most Interesting pieces of biography
(2| Idem, p. 314. " In the English language ; very ably and impartially
(3| See Ihe Life or Rodney, by major-general Mun- pul together from authentic documents.
II. 12

178 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
channel to intercept them (1) ; for which exploit he received the
thanks of the merchants and a confirmation of his rank by the
admiralty. After a series of splendid services in the seven years
war, he attained to the rank of admiral, and was raised to the
dignity of a baronet : he was next appointed to the government of
Greenwich-hospital, and after four years to the chief command of
the British fleet in the West Indies ; in both which situations he
conferred very important benefits on his country. Like many other
great men, however, he experienced ingratitude from those in
power; and lord Sandwich in particular, though professing him
self his friend* and claiming great merit for advancing him to the
post of glory when success attended his steps, appears liable to
the charge of double-dealing (2). As some recompense for past
services, and to repair his ruined fortune, he applied for the gover
norship of Jamaica, but was rejected in favor of Sir Basil Keith;
and being recalled from his command, with a heart full of chagrin
he struck his flag at Portsmouth on the fourth of September, 1774.
He did not however remain long in England : possessing a very
handsome person, courteous manners, and great accomplishments,
he had always been a favorite in the highest circles of fashion ;
where, like many others, he had too eagerly taken in the draught
of pleasure. Having been led into a passion for play, the great
bane of high society in those days, this vice, added to the expense
of several contested elections, and an extravagant style of living,
increased his embarrassments to such a degree, that he was oblig
ed to take refuge in France; a country, whose government was
destined to tremble at his name. As a rupture between the two
countries now became probable, he addressed a letter to lord Sand
wich, to be laid at the king's feet, with an ardent tender of his
services ; but he received a cold, formal acknowledgment through
the official channel; whilst inferior pretenders, backed by parlia
mentary interest, were daily appointed to high and important com
mands. Bodney saw that nothing was to be effected without an
audience of the king ; but he was prevented from obtaining this by
his debts in Paris, where he was obliged to remain, until he re
ceived from the hands of a generous stranger, and an enemy to his
nation, that assistance which was withheld by his own countrymen.
During this period of suspense he was surprised by a visit from
the marechal Biron, with an offer from Louis XVI. of a high com
mand ht the French fleet, since he could not obtain employment
in that of Great Britain ; to which proposal Sir George instantly
replied : — ' Had this proposal, sir, come from yourself, I should
have resented it as one of the greatest insults you could have of-
(1) In the year 1742. there, ministers were glad enough to support him ;
(2) See the Life and Correspondence of lord Rod- for, by their own confessions, he was the main sup-
ncy, above referred to, vol. 1. Tbe true merit of port of tbelr administration. See bis correspond-
cattlng -lord tiodney to the command of tbe British ence passim.
fleets belongs lo George III. When be was onco

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE III. 179
fered me : since, however, it emanates from a personage who can
do no wrong, I shall only answer, that though my own country
has forgotten me, she alone is entitled to, and shall have, the best
services I can afford her (1).' This noble reply so forcibly struck
the generous Frenchman, that, on meeting him afterwards at lord
Dunmore's, he made him a proffer of his purse to release him from
his embarrassments; and though it was at this time refused, he
afterwards pressed it so urgently, and with such sincerity, on Bod-
ney's acceptance, that the British admiral was by these means re
stored to his country, to the presence of his sovereign, and to his
command in the British navy (2). That navy is perhaps more in
debted to him than to any single man in our annals : one other
great commander alone appears as his rival ; and his equal he was
in courage, in naval skill, in talent for negociation, and in the eagle
eye which lets no opportunity escape. The similarity between the
two in these respects is extraordinary : but Rodney preceded Nel
son in the adoption of the grand manoeuvre which led. both to vic
tory ; and he restored the British navy, in an almost incredibly
short time, from a state of rottenness, physical and moral, to as
high a pitch of glory as it ever afterwards attained.
It was not immediately on his arrival in England that Sir George
Bodney could obtain the employment which was the object of his
ambition : his friend, admiral Keppel, had been appointed to the
grand channel fleet, and the admirals Sir Hyde Parker, Barrington,
and Byron, to commands on the American and West India stations :
he obtained however an audience of the king, who gave him the
most gracious reception, and cheered him with an assurance that
his anxiety to serve his country should soon be gratified ; in earnest
of which, he raised him, on the twenty-ninth of June, to the ho
norable rank of admiral of the white.
During their continuance in winter-quarters at Philadelphia, the
British army confined their efforts to predatory excursions, several
of which were attended with considerable success. Major Maitland,
and captain Henry of the navy, destroyed a large quantity of stores,
with forty-four American vessels, which had escaped up the Dela
ware after the capture of Mud Island : but these unimportant en
terprises were not sufficient to compensate for the want of energy
displayed by the British commander, whose army spent the winter
in shameful dissipation, exhibiting a remarkable contrast of great
luxury and extreme misery : not only were the sober habits and
steady morals of the inhabitants of Philadelphia shocked by the li
centiousness of British youth ; but gaming was carried to an unwar
rantable length, being permitted by the general, and sanctioned by
111 The biographer observes, that though be cannot chat's generous conduct, they voluntarily advanced
produce any positive evidence or this fact, it is gene- the muney, and transmitted it to that nobleman by
rally credited in the admiral's family. the earliest conveyance.— Lire of Rodney, vol. i.
(2| To the credit of tbe house or Drummond It p. 185. note.
must be told, that Ihe Instant (hey knew or the mare-

180 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
his daily practice. Many officers were utterly ruined, and obliged
to sell their commissions in consequence of this fatal frenzy.
In the mean time, the brave Washington was earnestly engaged
in recruiting his army; but few could be induced to encounter the
severities of winter without any hope of service or probability of
relief: desertion among the soldiers was countenanced by frequent
resignations among the officers; nor was this calamitous conse
quence of the parsimony of congress remedied, until the remon
strances of the general induced them to grant half-pay for seven
years after the war, which was subsequently extended to the pe
riod of life. Washington also remonstrated in the strongest terms
against the detention of general Burgoyne's army ; representing it
as a national act of dishonor, injurious to their cause, in the breasts
both of foreigners and their own countrymen : but here he plead
ed in vain ; congress was determined to obtain a ratification of the
treaty of Saratoga : and the principal blame lay on the government,
which refused it.
Desirous of embracing the earliest opportunity to counteract the
views of France, the British ministry had sent draughts of their
conciliatory bills to America, copies of which were put into circu
lation by Sir William Howe. General Washington transmitted
some of them to congress, being apprehensive that the measure
might detach adherents from the cause of independence. By his
recommendation, a committee was appointed to investigate and
analyse these bills ; which task they executed in such a manner, as
to make the plans of Great Britain appear to centre in dishonesty,
and to exhibit her weakness : it was then decreed that any partial
convention with the commissioners would render the party or
parties engaged in it guilty of treason against the state : no confe
rence was to be permitted, unless, as a preliminary step, the in
dependence of America were acknowledged by a removal of the
British fleets and armies from her shores.
These measures fully verified the predictions of a party in the
British senate who forewarned the minister of his failure: nor had
the American resolutions long passed, before Mr. Silas Deane ar
rived with a copy of the treaty of alliance and commerce between
France and the United States. This intelligence occasioned great
public rejoicings, and raised the spirits of the people to the highest
pitch ; while congress asserted, that the British cabinet proposed
its conciliatory bills only in consequence of their fears. A partial
publication of the treaty was made, ascribing the most noble views
to the French monarch, and anticipating the concurrence of other
European powers, and the good will of all: in fact, the Americans
determined now to refuse, and to fight against, concession : the
object of resistance they saw would be conceded ; but they refus
ed to acquiesce in an imperfect freedom, when a more perfect
one was within their grasp. La Fayette communicated the joyful

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE IU. 181
intelligence to the American commander in chief; public thanks
to Almighty God were offered up by the army chaplains ; a feu de
joie was fired; and, on a concerted signal, the air resounded with
' Long live the king of France ! '
La Fayette, from the time of his joining the American army,
had been panting for some command in which he might have an
opportunity of distinguishing himself : on this occasion, the gene
ral yielded to his solicitations, and detached him with 3000 men
to occupy a post on Barren-hill, seven miles in advance of the
camp, and on the opposite side of the river, for the purpose of
restraining the British excursions. General Grant, being despatch
ed with 5000 select troops to surprise him in this unfavorable
position, reached a point, without discovery, between his rear and
Washington's camp. Here the road forked; one branch leading to
Barren-hill, about a mile distant ; the other to Matson's-ford across
the Schuylkill, about the same distance.
In the course of the night, another detachment under general
Grey marched along the western bank of the Schuylkill, and post
ed themselves at a ford about three miles in front of La Fayette's
right flank, while the rest of the British army advanced to Chesnut-
hill : his retreat was thus cut off from every passage but that of
Matson's-ford. The approach of the British was accidentally dis
covered by a troop of provincial horse, and La Fayette retired
with terror and precipitation towards Matson's-ford, through the
low woody grounds that flank the river. In vain was this retreat
indicated to general Grant, who obstinately persisted in advancing
to Barren-hill ; and only, when he found it evacuated by the enemy,
did he pursue in the same track which they had taken. In their
flight across the Schuylkill, the Americans had left six field-pieces ;
but so dilatory was the pursuit, that they returned, recovered their
cannon, and escaped with a loss of about forty men. At this time,
one of the greatest sources of uneasiness to Washington was the
number of foreign officers, who annoyed and embarrassed him with
their claims for rank, and importunities for service : their preten
sions could rarely be gratified, except at the expense of native
officers; and the expectants were frequently found to be more
distinguished by their own conceit than any other qualification. ' I
devoutly wish,' says the general to his friend, Governeur Morris,
'that we had not a single foreigner among us except the marquis
de La Fayette, who acts on very different principles from those
which govern the rest (1).'
Soon afterwards, Sir Henry Clinton arrived at Philadelphia, to
take the supreme command of the British army. Sir William Howe
had been for some time soliciting his recall, through feelings of
resentment for want of confidence reposed in him, and inattention
(l| Life of Governeur Morris, vol. 1. p. 173.

f82 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
to his recommendations; a charge indeed, which was scarcely jus
tified by the success of his exertions, and the result of his cam
paigns. In the month of June, the three commissioners appointed under
lord North's bills, the earl of Carlisle, governor Johnstone, and
Mr. Eden (1), arrived in the Delaware. The concessions which
they were empowered to tender were so ample, that at an earlier
period they could scarcely have been rejected : but it was the mis
fortune of the British ministers to be always out of season with
measures of conciliation. However, they were submitted to the
consideration of congress, among whom they produced consider
able debates ; and on the seventeenth of June, the president
returned an answer, in which it was remarked, that the acts of par
liament, and other papers emanating from the British administra
tion, were so framed as to imply that the citizens of the United
States were subjects of the crown of Great Britain, which never
could be admitted : it was farther said, that they would be ready
to take into consideration a treaty of peace and commerce, not in
consistent with treaties already existing, when the king of Great
Britain should demonstrate a sincere disposition to that purpose;
the only proof of which would be the explicit acknowledgment of
American independence by recalling his fleets and armies. In ad
dition to his public exertions as a commissioner, governor John
stone endeavored to compass the object of his mission by opening
a private correspondence with some of the members of congress
and other persons of influence : in a letter to general Beid, he ob
served, ' that the man who can be instrumental in bringing all to
act once more in harmony, and to unite the various powers which
this contest has drawn forth, would deserve more from the king
and people, from patriotism, humanity, and all the tender ties that
are affected by quarrel and reconciliation, than was ever yet bestow
ed on human kind.' Under an idea that attempts had been made
lo corrupt Mr. Beid and others, congress ordered that all letters
received by its members or their agents should be laid before
them ; and in consequence of this and other communications from
governor Johnstone to Francis Dana and Robert Morris, publicly
produced, resolutions were passed, declaring it to be incompatible
with the honor of congress to hold any farther intercourse with
the said George Johnstone, Esq. : a copy of those, sent by a flag
to the commissioners at New York, produced an angry declaration
from that gentleman, denying or explaining away what had been
alledged against him. The commissioners, failing in their attempts
at negociation, next endeavored to separate the people from their
rulers, by a manifesto, declaring, that as the whole contest changed
its nature when America formed the unnatural design of estranging
(I) Afterwards lord Auckland.

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE IH. 185
herself from the parent state, and mortgaging herself and her re
sources to the enemies of Great Britain, the question was, how far
the latter might, by every means in her power, destroy or render
useless a connexion contrived for her ruin, and for the aggrandise
ment of France. General pardons were proffered to all who within
forty days should withdraw from the service of congress; and to
the colonies at large, or separately, a general or separate peace,
with peculiar privileges. Congress immediately declared that the
circulators of this manifesto were not entitled to the privilege of a
flag, and advised the states to seize and keep them in close custody ;
but that they might not appear to hoodwink their constituents,
they published it in the American newspapers. The people were
also exhorted, if the king's troops should begin to burn or destroy
any town, to retaliate on the houses and property of all tories and
enemies to American independence, securing their persons, but ab
staining from wanton cruelties. Congress also issued a counter-
manifesto, extolling its own clemency, and reproaching the British
troops with devastating the open country, burning villages, and
murdering citizens; while their prisons were represented as the
slaughter-houses of soldiers, and their ships of seamen; cruel in
juries being aggravated by gross insults : in conclusion, they de
clared, that if the British army dared to execute its threats, or persist
in its barbarous career, exemplary vengeance should deter others
from similar conduct. Thus ended the last effort of Great Britain
to regain her colonies by negociation ; an effort, originating in folly
and ignorance ; which tended to cement the friendship of the new
allies, and to justify the resistance of the colonists : for by offering
to concede all which they at first required, she virtually acknowledged
herself the aggressor in an unjust war.
If the treaty with France was calculated to raise the spirits of
the colonists, the evacuation of Philadelphia tended to increase the
effect. This measure was contemplated as soon as the prospect of
a French war opened on the British cabinet ; for a more central
situation was desirable for the army.
General Clinton withdrew his troops from the capital of Pennsyl
vania about the middle of June ; and they were transported across
the Delaware without molestation : their mareh however was en
cumbered by a large body of royalists, driven to this necessity by
the cruel neglect of congress, who, contrary to the humane advice
of Washington, adopted no resolution to render their continuance
in Philadelphia secure (1). The army, thus embarrassed, and ex
tending in its march over a space of twelve miles, proceeded slowly:
Washington had sent parties forward to break down bridges and
otherwise harass them ; but he kept a respectful distance, being sus
picious of his wary and skilful antagonist. The American detach-
ll| Washington's Lcllers. vol. II. p. 28.1.

184 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
ments being reinforced by chosen men, general Gates was posted on
the opposite bank of the Bariton in front of the British army ; whilst
Washington, in the rear and on the left, behind Milestone-creek,
was ready to effect a junction: but Clinton escaped the danger of
this combination by wisely moving toward Sandy Hook, and passing
to the right, instead of crossing the Bariton. When they arrived at
a place called Freehold Court-house, near Monmouth, a vigorous
attack was made on the baggage by a detachment under general
Lee, and was as bravely repulsed : the British light troops impe
tuously pursued the fugitives until they were met and rallied by
Washington himself: to prevent their being cut off, Sir Henry Clinton
was obliged to maintain his position under a severe cross-fire ; after
which, he withdrew to his former position, leaving about 360 slain
on the field: among these was colonel Monckton, an officer so beloved
by the soldiers, that during the engagement, and in the midst of a
heavy cannonade, his brave followers dug his grave with their
bayonets, where he fell, and threw the earth over him with their
hands. The loss of the Americans in this engagement was about
equal to that of their antagonists. Some idea of the hardships which
the soldiers underwent may be formed from the circumstance, that
in this engagement fifty-nine of the British troops expired through
excessive heat and fatigue, without receiving a wound. Washington,
wrapped in his cloak, lay that night in the field in the midst of his
soldiers, ready to renew the battle in the morning ; but the British
retired. While the British general was preparing to embark at Sandy
Hook, his opponent appeared in sight : Clinton waited two days to
give him battle, which was declined ; and on the fifth of July the Bri
tish army reached New York, lord Howe with his fleet being al
ready arrived. Soon after the battle of Monmouth, the American
army took up its position at White Plains, on the borders of the
Hudson, where it remained till late in the autumn.
General Lee had been sternly reprimanded by Washington, when
they met in his late retreat ; and was strongly suspected of intending to
cause the defeat of the army, for the purpose of disgracing his rival :
in consequence of this, he wrote some petulant letters in vindication
of his character, which placed him at the mercy of the commanding
officer. Being found guilty by a court-martial, he was sentenced
to suspension from his rank for a year ; but in consequence of his
ungovernable rashness, he never afterwards attracted honorable
notice ; though his abilities were unquestionable, and he had been
of great service in disciplining the American troops.
In April a French squadron was fitted out at Toulon, consisting
of twelve ships of the line and six frigates, under the command of
the count d'Estaing, having on board a large body of troops. Had
not tempestuous weather protracted their voyage across the Atlantic
to the unusual term of eighty-seven days, the British fleet, under
lord Howe, which was inferior both in number of ships and weight

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE HI. 185
of metal, would probably have been captured ; the surrender of the
army must then have followed, for admiral Byron's fleet was wholly
dispersed and shattered by storms. The French admiral, unable to
meet his opponents in the spot most favorable to his designs, sought
them in their more defensible post at New York, where lord Howe,
who had many qualifications of a great naval commander, had
taken admirable precautions for protecting his fleet (1). D'Estaing
appeared on the eleventh of July ; but being unable to carry his
heavy ships over a bar which obstructed the approach to New York,
he directed his course toward Bhode Island, for the reduction of
which a plan had been concerted ; general Sullivan, with 10,000 men,
being ordered to pass over from the continent and attack the British
lines at Newport, in which 6000 troops were intrenched, while the
French fleet assailed them on the opposite side.
Lord Howe, being soon afterwards joined by three ships from
admiral Byron's squadron, carrying respectively seventy-four, sixty-
four, and fifty guns, determined, although still inferior to the ene
my in weight of metal (2), to sail out, and try the fortune of
Avar. On his appearance off the harbor of Newport, the French
admiral put to sea to engage him ; and whilst the two commanders
were exerting all their skill to gain the advantages of position, a
violent gale of wind came on, which greatly damaged the fleets of
each. The Languedoc, of ninety guns, d'Estaing' s own ship, after
losing her masts and rudder, had nearly fallen a glorious prize to
captain Dawson in a fifty-gun ship, when six French ships of the
line appeared, and averted the otherwise inevitable fate of their
admiral : in the same way, the Tonnant, of eighty guns, with only
her mainmast standing, was rescued from commodore Hotham, who
was in another fifty-gun ship. No capture was made on either
Side ; but though the British suffered much less than the enemy,
they were constrained to return to New York for the purpose of
refitting their ships. The French fleet came to anchor near Rhode
Island on the twentieth, with a determination to sail for Boston :
before this design was put into execution, general Greene and La
Fayette went on board the Languedoc, anxious that d'Estaing
should bring his fleet into Newport harbor : but his principal offi
cers were averse to the measure; and he had been instructed to
repair to Boston if his ships met with any misfortune : he there
fore persisted in following the precise letter of his instructions, and
on the twenty-second again set sail. Lord Howe, having repaired
his damages, soon followed him to Boston harbor ; but found the
French fleet so protected by land batteries, that he saw no pro
spect of a successful attack. The arrival of admiral Byron, no long
(II His force consisted only of six ships of sixty- |2| One of d'Eslalng's ships carried ninety glina
fonr guns, three of flfly, and two or rorty. It is as- anolher eighty, six seventy-four, and three slity-
toDishlng (hut our naval oflkers in those days could four.
make bead against the bad manjgcment of Ihe ad
miralty.

186 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
time afterwards, caused the chief command to devolve on him,
when lord Howe returned to England.
General Sullivan had already broken ground against the British
troops on Bhode Island; but the departure of the French fleet so
reduced his chances of success, that he was deserted by the vo
lunteers, of whom half his force consisted, and found it necessary
to retreat to the northern part of the island. Being pursued by
the British, a partial engagement took place, in which more than
200 fell on each side : on the thirtieth of August, as lord Howe's
fleet, with Sir Henry Clinton on board, appeared in sight, he re
tired during the night, and evacuated the island altogether.
The conduct of d'Estaing gave great offence to his allies : had he
prosecuted the plan originally laid down, the reduction of the Bri
tish station on Rhode Island would probably have ensued ; but
by sailing out of the harbor in the first instance to engage the
British fleet, and in the second by refusing to re-enter it, he frustrat
ed the whole course of operations. The Americans justly com
plained that they had incurred great expense and danger, under the
prospect of his effective co-operation ; and were abandoned on an
island, without naval protection, to a large force of their enemies
by sea and land. Still they could not hide from themselves, that
the arrival of the French fleet was of great service to their cause : be
side deranging the plans of their antagonists, it convinced the people
that his most christian majesty was seriously disposed to support
them ; and thus they were encouraged to persevere in the war, from
the hope that better fortune would attend their future exertions.
The operations of the British army at New York during this
campaign were successful, though on a small scale. Major-general
Grey destroyed, in Plymouth county, almost 100 vessels of various
sizes, with all the magazines and stores in those parts : from a small
but fertile island, called Martha's Vineyard, he carried off the as
tonishing quantity of 10,000 sheep and 300 oxen, exacted from
the inhabitants, for supplies to the British troops at New York.
This officer soon afterwards gained an unenviable trophy by sur
prising a regiment of American light horse, called Baylor's regiment,
in a detached situation near Tappan. His men proceeded with
such silence and address, that they cut off a sergeant's patrole
without noise, and came on the unfortunate regiment immersed in
sleep, and incapable of defence or resistance. The British, rushing
on them with the bayonet, put a considerable portion to death,
wounded many more, and took the rest prisoners (1).
A British squadron was also sent against Egg-harbor on the
coast of New Jersey, a noted rendezvous for privateers : the troops
were landed, and ten prize vessels scuttled by the Americans were
(l| This massacre was the subject of much com- Judgment ; bul, arier all, ltsatroefty;was greatlv ei-
plalnt : the particulars were ascertained on oath be- aggcralcd.
fore governor Livingston, and submitted lo public

AD. 1778] GEORGE HI. 187
destroyed; also some extensive salt works, and the stores and
houses of many persons belonging to what was called the whig
party. A detachment under captain Ferguson, guided by the in
formation of deserters, surprised and cut to pieces part of the
Polish count Pulaski's legion : few escaped with life, and five only
were made prisoners. On the return of the squadron to New York,
the British army was withdrawn from its forward position, and
placed in winter-quarters : Washington moved his troops to Mid-
dlebrook in New Jersey, where they built huts like those at Valley
Forge. The above instances of merciless warfare by the British troops
were far surpassed by the ferocity of the savages, induced to make
incursions against the back settlements by American loyalists or
tories. The beautiful and florishing settlement of Wyoming,
which had been peopled by the overflowing population of Con
necticut, was the first doomed to suffer from that exterminat
ing spirit which too often disgraces humanity. The fine river Sus
quehanna runs through this district, which possessed such great
advantages of soil and climate, that although occupied only since
the last war, it had become extremely populous ; insomuch that it
had sent 1000 men to serve in the American armies. The weak
state of defence in which the settlement was left being reported to
colonel Butler, who had been employed as an agent among the
northern Indians, and who had sometimes acted as their leader, he
immediately led a body of about 1500 men, part savages, and part
disguised as such, against this hitherto happy district, which was
guarded by four forts : the first of these, being occupied by a party
chiefly of tories, was voluntarily surrendered: the second was
taken by storm, and the men all murdered with many aggravations
of cruelty ; but the women and children were spared. Under pre
tence of a parley, Butler drew the principal officer and great part
of his men out of the third, into an ambuscade, where almost all
were cut to pieces : he then invested the fort, thus rendered inca
pable of defence; and to appal the spirits of the wretched garrison,
he sent them 200 gory scalps of their murdered comrades and re
lations. When the besieged begged to know what terms he would
grant them, the monster replied, ' the hatchet.' Despair caused
the place to be defended a short time longer, but it at length sur
rendered at discretion ; and the conquerors, weary of manual
cruelties, after selecting a few from the sacrifice, shut up the rest,
without distinction of age or sex ; and setting fire to the building,
enjoyed a satanic pleasure in the piercing cries of their tormented
victims. The fourth and last fortress was unconditionally surren
dered ; but most of its inmates suffered a similar fate, being put to
death with lingering tortures on the spot, or shut up in the houses,
and burned with them. All^xcept the tory families, were involved
in an indiscriminate slaughter: the very land was laid waste; and

188 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
the cattle that escaped with life had their tongues cut out, or their
bodies maimed in some irremediable manner.
On the other hand, an expedition was undertaken by some Ame
ricans from the back of Virginia, against a Canadian settlement in
the country of the Illinois, which they reduced, and exacted from
the inhabitants an oath of allegiance to the United States: the go
vernor, M. de Bocheblave, who had been very active in stirring
up the Indians to attack the back settlers, was sent prisoner to Vir
ginia. Another party, eager to revenge the desolation of Wyoming
by the savages, penetrated, with uncommon perseverance and con
tempt of danger, into the recesses whence those fiends had issued :
all their caution, however, could not prevent an alarm being spread;
so that both Indians and refugees escaped : but their habitations,
with all their property and lands, were destroyed and laid waste.
While these horrid scenes were taking place, M. Gerard, envoy
to the United States from the court of France, arrived at Phila
delphia, from whence the British commissioners had so lately been
compelled to withdraw, and whither congress had again returned.
In October, instructions were prepared to be sent to Dr. Franklin,
as minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles; and the task
of making a draught of this first diplomatic document to an am
bassador, was confided to Governeur Morris, one of the members
of congress (1), and an intimate friend of Washington.
One of the first consequences to the French from their aggres
sion on the coast of America, was the loss of their privilege of
fishing on the banks of Newfoundland : the little islands of St. Pierre
and Miquelon, granted to them at the peace of 1763, were now re
captured, and the garrisons conveyed to France : this loss however
was fully compensated to them on the seventh of September, when
the island of Dominica surrendered to the marquis de Bouille, after
the English had expended about 70,000/. on its harbor and fortifi
cations. At this time, the communication of intelligence between
England and the West Indies was so defective, that admiral Bar
rington, who was stationed at Barbadoes with a naval force, was first
informed of hostilities between his country and France, by a do
cument from Paris, published at Martinique in the middle of Au
gust. The count d'Estaing had long remained inactive at Boston; but
at length proceeded to relieve the island of St. Lucie, which was
exposed to a combined attack from admiral Mathews, and the ge
nerals Grant and Meadows. Though the French admiral carried
with him twelve sail of the line, a numerous train of frigates, and
American armed ships, with a military force of 9000 men, he was
shamefully repulsed in two naval encounters by admiral Barrington,
who had only three ships of the line, three of fifty guns, and a few
|t| Life of Governeur Morris, by J. Sparks, vol. 1. p. 188.

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE III. 189
frigates : nor was he more successful in an assault by land on the
division of general Meadows ; being obliged to retire with a loss
of 1300 men, and leave the island to its fate. A surrender was in
evitable ; and the British commander granted such favorable terms
as entitled him to the gratitude of the enemy.
The Americans soon perceived that the French, in espousing their
quarrel, chiefly sought their own interest : d'Estaing, before he
sailed on this expedition, published a proclamation to the people
of Canada, exhorting them to return to their former allegiance ;
and Washington, through the ascendency of the French party in
congress, was strongly urged to undertake the reduction of that
province, in conjunction with a French force : but that prudent
general foresaw the danger ; and instead of communicating with
La Fayette, as directed by the committee for foreign affairs, wrote
a long letter to congress, forcibly displaying the impolicy of the
measure (1).
Soon after the departure of the commissioners, while Washing
ton and Clinton watched each other's motions, and mutually for
bore a general attack, the province of Georgia was 'successfully
invaded by the British : Sir Henry Clinton despatched colonel Camp
bell with 3500 men, by sea, under convoy of admiral Parker ; and
directed major-general Prevost, who commanded in East Florida,
to co-operate with these forces. Robert Howe, an American ge
neral, had recently made an attack on the last-mentioned province ;
but being constrained to retire with loss, he had stationed his small
army near Savannah : not having force sufficient to oppose the
landing of the British troops, he directed his attention to the secu
rity of the town; but colonel Campbell, having discovered a private
path which led through a swamp round the right of the Americans,
surprised their rear, and obtained a decisive advantage : he then
succeeded in capturing the town, with an abundance of stores ; and
being as humane as he was brave, greatly conciliated the provin
cials by his lenity and moderation. Soon after this action, general
Prevost having arrived, took the chief command, and afterwards
completed the conquest of the province.
The operations of war, however, were not confined to this quar
ter of the globe : an engagement occurred in Europe which excited
no little animadversion. The high reputation and experience of
admiral Keppel having pointed him out for command, he under
took the maritime defence of the country, and sailed from Ports
mouth with twenty ships of the line : on the seventeenth of June
he discovered two French frigates, la Licorne, and la Belle Poule,
reconnoitring his fleet ; and, though no formal declaration of war
had passed, the admiral thought himself justified in attempting their
capture : being chased, the first fired both with cannon and mus-
HI See Washington's Letters, vol. II. p. 348.

190 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. LChap. XX.
ketry, struck her colors, and was taken ; the other, after having
fiercely encountered and dismasted a pursuing vessel, escaped among
the rocks on the French shore. Keppel, being apprised from the
papers of la Licorne, and other intelligence, that the enemy had
thirty-two sail of the line and twelve frigates ready for sea in Brest
harbor, returned to Portsmouth, but not without raising great
public indignation and reproaches against himself.
At this alarming crisis, the first lord of the admiralty found him
self obliged to make unusual exertions : hastening down to Ports
mouth, he sent the admiral out again to sea on the tenth of July,
with a reinforcement of four ships of the line, which were speed
ily followed by six others: by this time the French had put to sea;
and when Keppel fell in with them, four days were spent in man
oeuvring off Ushant. The French fleet was commanded by the
count d'Orvilliers, and the dues de Chaffault and Chartres; the
English by Keppel, Sir Bobert Harland, and Sir Hugh Palliser :
being on different tacks, the fleets sailed in opposite directions ;
and the engagement lasted three hours, at the end of which they
had passed each other, and the cannonade ceased ; but the French,
by firing at the rigging, had so crippled the British ships, that when
the latter wore, they were unable to stand after the enemy, until
the French had, towards the close of the day, formed their line of
battle again to leeward of their antagonists. ' This,' said Keppel,
after extolling the conduct of his officers, especially of the second
and third in command, 'I did not discourage; but allowed them
to do so without firing on them, thinking they meant handsomely
to try their force with me in the morning : but,' he added, ' they
had been so beaten in the day, that they took advantage of the
night to go off.' The French commander however declared, that
although during the action the English had the advantage, yet, after
the firing ceased, he had decidedly outmanoeuvred his opponent.
Soon after this engagement, the British admiral returned to port
to refit ; but put to sea again on the twenty-third of August, and
continued afloat till the twenty-eighth of October : but though he
had received the approbation of the admiralty, and been graciously
distinguished at court, the public agitation did not subside : various
anonymous paragraphs appeared in the journals ; first against the
commander in chief, who passed them over in silence : but Sir
Hugh Palliser having replied to an attack in a morning paper,
which fully stated the transactions of the twenty-seventh of July,
and drew obvious conclusions from them ; Keppel, though request
ed by letter, refused to authenticate the answer, and to contradict
statements advanced by an anonymous accuser. In a few days
therefore Palliser published his own case, which bore hard on his
superior officer, whom he charged with inconsistency, for having
approved his conduct in a public despatch, and now refused to de
fend him against a malignant accusation : admiral Keppel, on the

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE III. 191
other hand, strangely enough considered his official approbation
as a mere matter of form, adopted to prevent disunion in the ser
vice, and subject to explanation; also as confined to the time of
actual engagement, and not extending to acts which had frustrated
the well-founded hopes of a renewed conflict. Under these cir
cumstances, he refused to exculpate the vice-admiral ; rather choos
ing to criminate him, than incur public odium on his own account.
Such was the state of the dispute when parliament met on the
twenty-fifth of November. The speech from the throne took very
little noticeofthe war in America, but was loud in complaining of
the unprovoked hostility of the court of France ; and regret was
expressed that the efforts made for disappointing the malignant de
signs of the enemy had not been commensurate, in all instances,
with the justice of the cause, and the exertions made. The ad
dresses of both houses were, as usual, carried by great majorities :
but shortly afterwards the attention of parliament was attracted by
a molion of the marquis of Rockingham for an address to his ma
jesty, to express regret and displeasure at the dreadful threats de
nounced against the colonists by the commissioners, who had no
authority by act of parliament for their declaration. In the course
of an able speech, the noble mover addressed himself in a striking
manner to the bench of bishops ; observing, ' that the nature and
principle of the war were now entirely changed : the right reverend
bench, relying on the assurances of ministers, might originally
have believed its motives honorable and its object easily attainable :
but the same ministers now declared to all the world, that a new
policy was to be adopted : America was relinquished ; and a new
species of war denounced, tending merely and avowedly to revenge,
slaughter, and universal destruction. The votes of their lordships
on this occasion would at once fully express their detestation of
the inhuman system in question; and conjointly with those of the
temporal lords, who felt the same sentiments, would obviate its
effects.' After a vehement debate, in which the ministers en
deavored to palliate what no one dared to defend, the motion was
negatived by seventy-one against thirty-seven peers ; but thirty-
one of these latter, including the names of Rockingham, Camden,
Effingham, and Harcourt, joined in a very energetic protest against
' a war of desolation.' The right reverend bench appear to have
seen more justice in the arguments of the ministry than in the ap
peal of lord Rockingham ; for the name of only one bishop (1) was
found in the list of signatures. Mr. Coke made a motion for a
similar address in the commons, which was rejected by a majority
of 209 against 122.
In debating an amendment to the address, Mr. Fox introduced
the subject of the naval dispute, by severe allusions to the disgrace-
|l| Dr. Shipley, bishop otst. Asaph.

192 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX.
ful and dangerous situation of the grand fleet when admiral Keppel
first took the command of it; being then inferior by ten ships of
the line to that of the enemy. The contest off Ushant came more
immediately under discussion when the navy estimates Avere pre
sented ; and Mr. Temple Luttrell called for inquiry, declaring that
the nation expected an investigation of the whole transaction : the
two admirals were in the house, and were called on to give in
formation, by a regard for their own honor, as well as of the
public tranquillity.
Admiral Keppel declared that the glory of the British flag had
not been tarnished in his hands : he impeached no man ; and was
persuaded that Sir Hugh Palliser manifested no want of courage :
he hoped he should not be compelled to answer questions relative
to the action or individuals ; but was ready, if duly required, to
explain his own conduct ; for nothing was left untried to bring the
French to a decisive action : he acknowledged his surprise, at an of
ficer under his command appealing to the public in a newspaper
when no accusation was made, and endeavoring to render his su
perior officer odious and despicable : such conduct was fatal to all
obedience and command.
Sir Hugh said he was no less indifferent than his superior officer
to investigation, which it was rather his interest to obtain: he
censured the admiral's reserve, and wished him to state his senti
ments openly, that a full answer might be given to them : he com
plained, that while justice was rendered to his courage, he was still
calumniated in other respects as an officer : he had ineffectually
sought an explanation from his chief, and had reluctantly appealed
to the public in a statement of facts, by which he was ready to stand
or fall; he denied that he had refused to obey signals, and treated
all insinuations, or apparent tenderness, with utter contempt.
Admiral Keppel, in his reply, thought that Sir Hugh's appeal to
the public fully justified his refusal to sail again with him, and as
serted that the signal for coming into the Victory's wake (1) was
flying from three o'clock in the afternoon till eight, unobeyed ; yet
he did not charge the vice-admiral with actual disobedience : the
latter retorted, by charging Keppel with having neglected to arrange
his ships in order of battle ; so that a general engagement could
not be brought on ; with having neglected to tack and double on
the French with his van and centre, after these had passed the
enemy's rear; thus leaving the vice-admiral of the blue exposed
to be cut off; with having given an opportunity to the enemy of
rallying unmolested, and of claiming a victory by standing after the
English fleet ; and, lastly, with having, on the morning of the twenty-
eighth, led the British fleet in an opposite direction, instead of pur
suing the French. (I) Keppers flag-ship

A.D. 1778.] GEORGE III. 195
These charges Sir Hugh presented at the admiralty, and a court-
martial was ordered on Keppel ; though the compliance with this
requisition was very unpopular, both in and out of the house : a
memorial also was signed against it by lord Hawke and eleven
other admirals, who strongly reprobated attempts by officers to cor
rupt the public judgment, through unauthenticated statements in a
common newspaper.
After sitting thirty-two days, the court fully and honorably ac
quitted the accused ; affirming, that so far from having sullied the
honor of the British navy, he had acted as became a judicious,
brave, and experienced officer. His acquittal was followed by illu
minations, and other enthusiastic marks of joy on the part of the
public : the house of Sir Hugh Palliser was broken open and its
furniture destroyed, while he himself was hung in effigy : the dwell
ings also of lord North, lord George Germaine, and those of some
distinguished officers who had given evidence on the court-martial,
were exposed to insults ; nor were the doors and windows of the
admiralty spared : admiral Keppel received also the thanks of the
city, and of the two houses of parliament.
His acquittal seeming to cast a stigma on Sir Hugh Palliser, that
officer now demanded a court-martial on himself; previous to which
he resigned all his offices under government ; which voluntary sa
crifice frustrated a motion meditated by Mr. Fox for his removal.
This court sat twenty-one days, and then declared the behavior of
Sir Hugh Palliser in many respects exemplary and meritorious;
acquitting him honorably of all charges, except that of not making
known to his superior officer the disabled state of his own ship.
Such was the termination of this ill-judged contest, in which
both officers appear to have deserved censure : both injured their
former reputation; and neither of them ever afterwards engaged in
active service. The rejoicings on Keppel' s acquittal, and the insults
offered to Sir Hugh Palliser, evidently showed the alteration of
sentiment which was taking place in the public mind regarding the
American war, although ministers were still able to preserve their
majorities in parliament.
In January of this year, 1778, Nootka Sound and the Sandwich
Islands were discovered by captain Cook. By a return made to
parliament in February, the quantity of gold brought in for recoin-
age amounted to 15,563,393/.: the whole expense ofrecoining the
same was 700,000/. In April the Oxford canal was opened at
Banbury ; and in September the wet-docks at Hull were completed.
On the twenty-third of April, a party of adventurers from on board
an American privateer, commanded by Paul Jones, landed and
burned one of the ships in the harbor of Whitehaven : they had
just before landed near Kirkcudbright, and pillaged the mansion of
lord Selkirk, carrying off all his lordship's plate. During this year
the king attended many military and naval reviews, and paid visits
13

(94 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
to some of the nobility: he was accompanied by her majesty; and
the affable, gracious manners of both, added to the interest they
took in various institutions, as well as their public and private acts
of charity, tended to confirm and increase in all ranks of people
sentiments of loyalty.

CHAPTER XXL
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1779.
Proceedings of parliament-Attacks on lord Sandwich— Motion respecting contractors— Mo--
tion for the removal of lord Sandwich— Investigationrespecting the conduct of general and
lord Howe, involving the conduct of ministers— Consideration of general Burgoyne's conduct
—Riots in Scotland from apprehension of relief to papists— Lord Nugent's motion regard
ing the trade of Ireland— Relief defeated— Resolution of the Irish merchants— Armed asso
ciations in that country, and effects of tbem— Notice taken of them in the house of lords-
Departure of the Spanish ambassador, etc.— Junction of French and Spanish fleets— Mo
tions, etc. in parliament— Bill for the impressment of seamen— French and English fleets
in the channel— Termination of the session— Supplies, etc.— Afiairs in the West Indies-
Loss of St. Vincent's and Grenada— Tobago saved— Naval action— D'Estaing's bad con
duct—Seat of war transferred to the southern stales— Operations in Georgia— D'Estaing
arrives off the coast— Ineffectual attempt to reduce Savannah— D'Estaing returns to France
—British incursions against Virginia— Capture of Stony Point and Verplanks— Fortification
of West Point— Command given to Arnold — Expedition against Connecticut— Stony Point
retaken by general Wayne, but deserted at the approach of the British— British garrison
surprised at Paulus Hook — American disaster at Penobscot— Sir George Collier resigns Ihe
naval command— Washington's policy — American retaliation on the Indians— Spain at
tacks West Florida and the British settlements on the Mississippi— She next attacks the
logwood cutters in the bay of Honduras — Capture of Omoa by the British — Action between
Paul Jones and captain Pierson— Memorial to the States-General— Rodney appointed to
the command of the fleet in the West Indies — Prince William Henry sails as a midship
man—Action of admiral Kempenfeldt— State of British government-^Meeting of parliament
—Changes in administration— Irish affairs.
We must now return to the proceedings of parliament. Mr. Fox
followed up the acquittal of his friend admiral Keppel, by a motion
for censure on lord Sandwich, intended as a prelude to another
for his removal from office: the alledged reason for this was the
inadequacy of the force furnished in the first instance to the British
admiral, when ministers knew, or ought to have known, the supe
riority of the French fleet. It was answered, that no evidence
existed of the fact charged against them : it appeared from the pa
pers of la Licorne that the stated number of ships was in prepa
ration, not actually equipped or ready for sea ; as a proof of which,
the French did not leave their harbor till a fortnight after the
capture of that frigate. The motion was rejected by 204 to 170;
a smaller difference than had yet occurred on any question regard
ing the war. Mr. Fox made a second attack against the whole of

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE III. 19S
lord Sandwich's administration, in which he was supported by ad
mirals lord Howe and Keppel ; but the motion of censure was
rejected by 246 to 174. Great dissensions were at this time pre
valent in the navy, and serious apprehensions entertained of their
consequences : a declaration of admiral Keppel, on the last motion
of Mr. Fox, that he would not accept any command under the pre
sent ministry, tended to increase the flame ; several distinguished
officers quitted the service, or declared they could not act under
the existing system ; the political parties reciprocally accused each
other with having raised this spirit of discord, which remained till
the gallant Bodney took the command : it, for a time, impeded even
his exertions in the service of his country, and snatched the laurels
of victory from his brow ; but it was finally subdued by his power
ful mind.
In the month of February, Sir Philip Jennings Clerk, encouraged
by partial success on a former occasion, made another attempt" to
disqualify contractors from sitting in the house of commons ; but
he soon found that a change of opinion had taken place ; for his
motion was rejected by a majority of 205 to 124. On the tenth of
March, Mr. F.Montague proposed a bill for granting farther relief
to protestant dissenting ministers and schoolmasters ; which, though
opposed by the high church party, was strongly supported by
others, on views of political expediency, and passed both houses.
The chief business of this session seemed to consist in the discussion
of executive conduct: admiral Pigot now made the motion relating
to his brother, which has been already noticed ; and On the nine
teenth of April, Mr. Fox moved an address to the king for the dis
missal of lord Sandwich from his majesty's service, on account of
misconduct in office. Mr. Fox, with considerable ingenuity, en
deavored to show the difference between his former motions for
censure and the present for removal : the former was based on ju
dicial inquiries, Avhile the latter involved a deliberative question of
expediency : a motion for censure required the specification and
certainty of offences imputed ; that for dismissal from employment
might be adopted if the business of the employer could be performed
better by another. The whole of the subject lay within a short
compass — is lord Sandwich equal to the performance of his official
duties with safety and honor to the nation ? has he hitherto shown
this ? what reason is there for supposing, that he who has failed in
his past duties will act more ably for the future?
His lordship's defence was chiefly undertaken by lord Mulgrave,
who convinced the house that the first lord of the admiralty de
served praise rather than blame ; for when he was raised to his
present post, there was not a year's timber in any of the yards, no
stores in the arsenals, and the whole navy was in a decaying state :
by his activity and sagacity he had broken up an injurious mer
cantile combination ; each yard now contained timber for the con-

196 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
sumption ot three years ; the arsenals were full of stores ; and the
navy in a florishing state. The motion therefore was negatived.
A similar effort for his removal was made in the upper house by
lord Bristol, who argued that the naval service was neglected in all
its departments, and vast sums shamefully squandered, without any
adequate provision for national defence : the navy had rapidly de
cayed since the time of lord Hawke, though its expenses had enor
mously increased.
Lord Sandwich in reply observed, that he was only jointly re
sponsible for the employment of the navy, which was settled in the
cabinet, and sanctioned by the king : he was answerable only for
the use or abuse of the means placed peculiarly in his hands. He
justified the increase of expense by the increased magnitude of the
ships in the royal navy, and accounted for temporary wants by the
fires that had occurred in the dock-yards. The stores were nearly
six times as great as during the administration of his predecessor :
at that time ships were built of green timber, and were soon unfit
for service ; whereas now they were formed of the best materials,
and well equipped. The motion was rejected by seventy-eight to
thirty-three, with a short protest signed by twenty-five peers, and
a longer by the earl of Bristol.
Attacks, however, still continued to be made on the administra
tion of the navy, and the character of the first lord : in the upper
house, the duke of Bichmond made several motions, and examined
several witnesses, reflecting on his lordship's personal character
regarding the management of Greenwich-hospital ; but, as it has
been observed, parliamentary inquiries into the conduct of mi
nisters had now become mere matters of form : the grossest ne
glects or mistakes were glossed over by plausibility, and the best-
founded charges evaded by round assertions (1).
Considerable censure having been cast on general Howe, both he
and his noble brother took advantage of a committee of the house
on the American war, formed on the twenty-ninth of April, to urge
an inquiry into their conduct, as the surest means of vindicating
their character : lord North replied, that as government had ad
vanced no charge against them, no inquiry for the purpose of
vindication was necessary; but though he did not approve, he
would not oppose it ; and he readily assented to the production of
papers : in these was included the whole correspondence between
ministers and commanders in America from 1775 to 1778; also
documents tending to show the state of the army at different pe
riods; the actual movements and operations, as well as the different
plans of action.
Ministers, apprehending that their own counsels, and not the
11) Lord Norm's Administration, p. MS. With mates until Rodney was made governor.— See his
regard to Greenwich-hospital, very little attention life, vol. 1.102. -104.
seems to have been paid to the comforts of Its In-

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE III. 197
conduct of commanders, was the real object of scrutiny, now pro
posed that the examination of witnesses should be confined to mili
tary affairs; and on the sixth of May, lord Cornwallis, general
Grey, Sir A. S. Hammond, major Montresor the chief engineer,
and Sir G. Osborne were examined. The result of their evidence
was, that the force sent out to the colonies was at no time equal
to their subjugation ; that the difficulty chiefly arose from a general
hostility in the people to the British government, and the natural
obstructions of the country : their accounts of particular actions
tended to justify the conduct of the general, who also endeavored
lo prove that he had uniformly stated to the secretary for America
the utter impossibility of reducing that country without a larger
force ; that he had accompanied his proposed plan for the campaign
of 1777 with a request for 20,000, or at least 15,000 additional
troops, as indispensable ; but that the minister had uniformly over
rated the number of loyalists, and had not sent a fifth part of the
reinforcement required. Concerning the northern expedition, no
concert had been proposed between him and general Burgoyne;
nor did he suppose that any support was expected from him, until
a letter from the secretary, which reached him in the Chesapeak,
expressed a hope that he might be able to co-operate.
Ministers under these charges proposed also to call witnesses for
the vindication of their conduct; the principal of whom were major-
general Robertson, deputy governor of New York, and Mr. Joseph
Galloway, an American lawyer, who, after having been a member
of the first congress, had joined the British army. The testimony
of the former of these gentlemen rather expressed general disap
probation of Sir William Howe's conduct, than advanced particular
charges; and it appeared, from the post he held, that he had not
obtained many opportunities of observing distant operations of the
army. Mr. Galloway's accusations included the various topics of
error or misconduct which had been so repeatedly alledged against
the general ; but as he was not a military man, his opinions did not
carry with them great authority. One of his assertions, that four-
fifths of the Americans were zealously attached to the British go
vernment, tended much to weaken the credibility of the rest : had
lhat been the case, not a single British soldier would have been
necessary to put down the revolt. Respecting the proceedings of
congress, in which he had borne a part, his ignorance was remark
able. Sir William having requested leave to call witnesses who might
controvert Mr. Galloway's assertions, ministers objected to this
mode, as productive of too much delay : he was allowed however
to cross-examine the witness, and a day for this purpose was fixed ;
but, not attending at the appointed hour, the committee was suddenly
dissolved, and the question at issue left undecided.
Whatever estimate may be formed of Sir William Howe's merit

198 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXL
and exertions, the inquiry proved that ministers exhibited both
ignorance and mis-statements regarding the sentiments of the colo
nists; also, that they had not sent to America the force required
by the general; nor was it honorable to them, that Mr. Galloway
and others received pensions for the part they had taken in this
affair : if ministers thought the general innocent, it was worse than
mean so to reward his calumniators ; if guilty, they ought to have
taken farther steps to establish his delinquencies.
During these inquiries, general Burgoyne's conduct also came
under consideration. By the examination of Sir Guy Carleton, and
other witnesses, it was proved, that in his unfortunate expedition,
he had uniformly acted with bravery and skill, and had deservedly
endeared himself to his army : no attempt was made to impeach
these facts ; for ministers feared lest the complete exculpation of
the general might involve them in disagreeable consequences : they
manifested a great anxiety to get him out of the country ; and caused
repeated notices to be sent to him, that it was his majesty's pleasure
he should return to his army at Boston ; when finding it impossible
much longer to defer this sentence of exile, he emancipated himself
from their authority by throwing up all the appointments which he
held under the crown.
Biots, which had arisen in Scotland from groundless apprehen
sions concerning popery, were by the opposition made subjects of
accusation against ministers. The Boman catholic bill, which pass
ed in the last session, excited great alarm in that country, as it
was supposed to be the intention of parliament to extend relief to
the Roman catholics of Scotland : at Edinburgh and Glasgow, mobs
set fire to popish chapels and the dwelling houses of catholics, being
abetted in these acts of persecution by zealots of higher rank and
education. The sufferers applied to Mr. Burke to present a petition
to the house, praying compensation for their losses ; in promoting
which, Mr. Burke and his friends ascribed these violent proceedings
to the supineness of government, but were unable to establish proof
of their assertions.
Very early in the session lord Nugent brought the subject of Irish
affairs under the notice of parliament ; stating, that the interruption
of American commerce had driven the manufacturers and laborers of
Ireland to unexampled distress, lowered the value of lands, pre
vented the payment of rents, and endangered the whole social sys
tem : accordingly, on the nineteenth of January, he gave notice of
his intention to move for the establishment of a cotton manufactory
in Ireland, with a power of exportation to Great Britain, and an
open trade to America, the West Indies, and Africa : a committee
was afterwards formed to consider the acts of parliament relating
to the importation of sugars lo Ireland ; but the intended relief
being, as usual, counteracted by the opposition of several mercan
tile and manufacturing towns, dwindled down to a pecuniary grant,

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE HI. 199
and two acts for encouraging the growth of tobacco and hemp, and
the manufacture of linen. The merchants of Dublin, as well as of
many other towns and counties, expressed indignation at this unjust,
illiberal, and impolitic opposition of self-interested bodies ; and re
solved, neither directly nor indirectly, to import or use any British
goods which could be produced or manufactured in Ireland, until
a more just and enlightened policy should actuate those who op
posed all regulations in favor of the trade of Ireland.
But a far more effectual instrument for loosening the bonds of
Irish dependency than the vote of a mercantile assembly, was now
prepared : this was the establishment of armed bodies of volunteers,
which began to spread themselves over the whole country. Bumors
of a meditated invasion by France, the naval superiority of that
power, and the diminution of regular force in Ireland by draughts
for the American service, impelled the maritime towns to demand
protection. Government, pressed on all sides by difficulties, and
informed by the lord-lieutenant that the exhausted state of the pub
lic revenues rendered it impracticable to embody a militia, told the
people, that they must take measures to protect themselves : they
obeyed the call with alacrity ; and corps were embodied, armed, and
disciplined by the people, at their own expense ; so that Ireland,
in all its provinces, especially those of the south, exhibited the
animating spectacle of an armed nation. ' You have sown the ser
pent's teeth,' said Hussey Burgh, an orator of the day, to ministers ;
' and they have sprung up armed men.'
' The war of America,' according to an eloquent writer (1), 'was
not an ordinary contest, but a struggle for a principle ; and the sym
pathetic influence of that principle was felt by the people of Ireland,
even while they armed themselves for defence against those enemies
which the struggle had brought against their country, as a part of
the empire. ' A voice from America,' to use the animated language
of Mr. Flood, 'shouted to liberty:' the shout was eagerly caught
by an impoverished people, who saw so close an analogy in their
own calamities ; and armed as they were for their own defence, they
fell that they possessed the power of causing their interests to be
consulted by the common government.' And now were seen the
effects of that long-sighted policy, which, when lord North asked
for 4000 men from the military strength of Ireland, cheerfully grant
ed the request, but steadily refused to have them replaced by
foreign mercenaries : in fact, government, though it continued to
wield the sceptre, had transferred the sword to its own subjects,
and given them the power of vindicating their rights.
When the discussion of Irish affairs ceased in the commons, the
marquis of Bockingham introduced it in the house of lords, by
moving an address for documents which might enable the parlia-
(I) Dr. Miller, In hi.; nislory philosophically considered, vol. Iv, p. 468,

200 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
ment to pursue measures for promoting the common strength,
wealth, and commerce of both realms : he took a severe review of
the revenue, trade, and government since the year 1755, and in
veighed against ministers on the subject of military associations : the
necessity of them should have been prevented, or the people should
have been legally commissioned, and enabled to bear arms : such
combinations would probably repel invasion; but the same spirit
might be exerted in resisting oppression and injustice. The address
was agreed to ; but though two debates ensued, no effectual mea
sure was adopted : the president of the council however went so far
as to pledge himself, that a plan for the relief of Ireland should be
taken into consideration, to be laid before parliament after the
recess. At a late period of the session, when no farther business was ex
pected, the house of commons was informed that the Spanish
ambassador, count d' Almadovar, had withdrawn from London after
delivering a hostile manifesto; which, with a message from the
king, was laid before the house next day. His majesty declared
that he had uniformly and sincerely desired to cultivate peace with
the court of Madrid, and that he saw with surprise the misrepre
sented grievances alledged in justification of its intended hostility :
he relied therefore on the zeal and spirit of parliament to defeat the
intentions of those who were enemies to his crown, and to the
rights and interests of his people. For some time past, Spain,
through her ambassador, had been earnestly pressing on the Bri
tish government her good offices as a mediator ; and negociations
had been carried on, with this aim, up to the very time of the
count d'Almadovar's deparlure. Beside the absence of all provo
cation, she had the strongest political reasons against a rupture
with Great Britain, or an alliance with the free spirits of those trans
atlantic provinces which adjoined her bigoted population. She
had no view in extending her commerce, and might have secretly
assisted France in clandestine aids and supplies ; but tlie dexterity
of this latter power induced her ally to decide in favor of open
hostilities : even before the resolution of Spain was formed, France
boasted of her success in such a manner as to embarrass the ca
binet of Madrid, whose final determination was not marked by the
promptitude of vigor, but by the rashness of fear ; flying into the
arms of danger to escape the horrors of doubt. Five days before
he delivered his orders to quit the British court, the count d' Al
madovar had not the slightest suspicion that his diplomatic mission
was likely to terminate; and while the French ambassador at
Vienna loudly proclaimed the success of his court, in engaging a
new enemy against Great Britain, the Spanish ambassador unre
servedly declared that he had not received any communication
on the subject (1J. II) Adolphus, vol. 11. p. IIS.

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE III. 201
Preparations for the siege of Gibraltar, which speedily followed
this hostile declaration of Spain, showed at once the main object
of her wishes, and the bait with which her ambitious ally had
tempted her : so far, however, from benefiting her cause by draw
ing Spain into the contest, she thereby raised the spirits of the Bri
tish people, with whom a Spanish war, with its rich prospects of
plunder, was always popular. The only martial enterprise under
taken by the French in Europe was an ill-digested and inefficient
attempt on Jersey; but their fleet, profiting by the absence of the
British squadron, had gained the coast of Spain before her manifesto
was issued, and had effected ajunction with her naval armament.
In the British house of commons, the address to his majesty,
on occasion of the Spanish manifesto, was unanimously agreed to ;
and a second, moved by lord John Cavendish, requesting the king
to bring together his fleets and armies, and exert the whole na
tional force against the house of Bourbon, was rejected. In the
upper house, lord Abingdon, convinced that the grievances of the
people could only be removed by the expulsion of ministers, moved
an amendment to that effect, which was lost; as also was another
not much differing from it, proposed by tho duke of Bichmond
and supported by lord Shelburne. One of the measures proposed
by administration for the approaching crisis, was a bill for doubling
the militia, and enabling individuals to raise loyal corps. This
was combated, as a measure indicative of national weakness, and
oppressive to the country ; but though it passed the commons, the
clause regarding the militia was rejected in the lords by a consi
derable majority: when it came back, the lower house was twice
divided by attempts to reject it, as a money-bill unconstitutionally
amended by the lords ; but these efforts were ineffectual.
At a late hour of the night on the twenty-third of June, Mr.
Wedderburne moved to bring in a grievous bill for removing
difficulties in manning the navy, by resuming protections granted
to certain descriptions of seamen, watermen, and their apprentices ;
and by taking away their right of habeas corpus from all persons
of those classes impressed since the delivery of the royal message
regarding Spain : the motion at so late an hour was intended to
prevent disclosure, and obtain an ample supply of seamen for the
fleet. The principle of this bill did not escape severe animadver
sion, as a violation of sacred rights, and a treacherous irruption
into the dwelling-houses of citizens ; but it passed boih houses,
though not without two protests from that of the lords. At this
period, the impressment of seamen was often accompanied by cir
cumstances of treachery and cruelty, disgraceful, not only to civi
lised society, but to human nature. Large subscriptions were
entered into for giving bounties to sailors, especially by the East
India company ; which also undertook to build and equip three
new ships of the line for the royal navy.

202 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
But no exertions could raise the British fleet to an equality with
the combined squadrons opposed to it : these, amounting to more
than sixty sail of the line, with almost an equal number of frigates
and smaller vessels, steered for the channel, where Sir Charles
Hardy, who had been taken from the command of Greenwich-hos
pital to succeed Keppel, was cruising with a fleet of thirty-eight
ships of the line, and something less than its due proportion of
frigates. The enemy passed him about the middle of August, with
out either party discovering the other, and proceeded as far as
Plymouth, where they created general alarm, and captured the
Ardent of sixty-four guns, which mistook them for the British. It
was afterwards discovered, that a place so important as Plymouth
had been so neglected as to be utterly incapable of making any ef
fectual defence : the cannon balls were found too large for the
bore of the guns; even flints for the muskets were wanting; and the
future navies of the country were exposed to the destroying ven
geance of its rival. Supineness or powerful applications are said to
have suppressed all judicial inquiry into the causes of this neglect (1).
On the last day of August, Sir Charles Hardy endeavored to entice
the enemy into a narrower part of the channel ; but they declined a
combat : their crews were said to be sickly, their ships in bad con
dition, and their commanders influenced by jealousy. As the season
too for equinoctial gales was fast approaching, the count d'Orvil-
liers thought it prudent to quit the channel early in September,
with the disgrace of having effected no other purpose, except that
of mortifying the pride of Britain by menacing her shores. Happily,
a defect of intelligence, or of mutual confidence, in the combined
squadrons, supplied every ministerial neglect, and saved the coun
try from a calamity, which might have shaken, not only the admi
nistration, but the throne itself.
The session of parliament terminated on the third of July : the
supplies for 1779 had been stated by the ministers, earlier than
usual, on the twenty-fourth of February; so that no provision was
made for raising a force against the attacks of Spain. The services
of the year were then estimated to require 15,729,654/. The num
ber of seamen was augmented to 70,000, and the land forces to
30,346. The annual interest, payable on money borrowed, amounted
to 472,500/. ; to raise which an additional duty of five per cent, was
laid on the full produce of the excise; beer, ale, soap, candles, and
hides being excepted; a tax on post-horses of one penny per mile;
and an additional duty of five per cent, on cambrics (2) : 60,527/.
was this year appropriated to the relief of American refugees.
Meanwhile the transatlantic war was carried on with various suc
cess : the junction of admirals Byron and Barrington reduced' the
count d'Estaing to act on the defensive ; so that during five months
(I) Lord North's Administration, p. 367. (2] Idem, p. 353.

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE III. 203
no invitation or insult could draw him from his retreat at Marti
nique. In this interval both fleets received reinforcements, the
English under admiral Bowley, and tbe French under count de
Grasse : they remained however inactive, till a valuable fleet of
homeward-bound merchantmen, collected at St. Christopher's, drew
admiral Byron from his station, in order to convoy them to a certain
latitude: this gave d'Estaing an opportunity of despatching a force
against the island of St. Vincent's, where the disposition of the French
inhabitants, and of the native Caribbs, who had not forgotten past
injuries, was well known. The colony had refused all assistance
toward establishing a military force ; and the English troops were
composed, according to the governor's own expression, ' of the
scum of the earth, the refuse of the metropolis, and the sweeping
of jails.' Such heroes were ill-calculated to oppose a numerous body
of highly-disciplined French troops, who, as soon as they disem
barked, were joined by the Caribbs, and forced the governor to ca
pitulate. The good fortune of France now prevailed : la Motte
Piquet arrived about this time with another reinforcement ; which
induced d'Estaing to undertake an expedition, with his whole fleet
and 10,000 land forces, against Grenada. The fate of this island,
which had but a small garrison, and about 400 militia, principally
Frenchmen, was inevitable ; but the resolute defence made by lord
Macartney, in hope of succor, protracted it, until d'Estaing, un
willing to sacrifice time, stormed the lines, and obliged his oppo
nents to retire into the fort : having then forced a height which
commanded it, and turned their own cannon against the British, he
insisted on such insolent terms, in answer to the governor's offer
of capitulation, that the latter preferred to surrender at discretion ;
so that the conqueror, irritated by a series of adverse fortune, and
entertaining a personal hatred against the English nation (1), sul
lied his victory by allowing the troops to plunder without restraint.
The return of the British fleet, under admiral Byron, was too
late to save this valuable possession; but it interposed seasonably
for the relief of Tobago, the only possession now remaining to
England of all the islands ceded to her by the treaty of 1763. A
partial engagement ensued ; for d'Estaing, notwithstanding his su
periority, avoided a close and general conflict : many of our ships
however suffered considerable damage, and the admiral received
a slight wound ; but their antagonists were said to have had 1200
men killed and 2000 wounded. D'Estaing, foiled in all his attempts
to cut off the transports and disabled ships, retired in the night to
Grenada, to the astonishment of the British admiral, who, with a
very inferior force, had calmly awaited an attack which he con
sidered inevitable. D'Estaing's alarm was so great, that he would
not venture to take possession of two ships of the line, the Lion
|1| He had broken hh parole in the last war, and subjected himself to the severe reproaches of British
officers. i

204 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
and the Cornwall, which lay dismasted between the fleets : he af
terwards appeared off St. Christopher's, but without daring to attack
the British fleet, which was drawn out to receive him. He showed
great inattention to seize any advantage ; for there is little doubt,
but that, if he had proceeded immediately to Jamaica, he might
have detached that valuable island, which was in a very weak slate
of defence, from the crown of Great Britain, and added it to
France : he diffused, indeed, a general panic throughout the West
Indies, boasting that he was resolved to subdue every island, and
was prepared with articles of capitulation for each ; but he soon
relieved the inhabitants from their fears, by retiring to Cape Fran
cois in Hispaniola.
The contrivers of a plan, which is persisted in as practicable not
withstanding all failures, must rest their ultimate hopes on a change
of system or of means : hence it happened, that an alteration of
schemes, or a system of experiments, was one of the grand cha
racteristics of this war. The northern colonies first afforded an
arena for the conflict ; next the middle provinces ; and it was ex
pected that disappointments there would be compensated by vic
tories in the southern states : these, indeed, not only produced
the most valuable and abundant articles of commerce, but were
believed to contain a much larger proportion of loyal inhabitants
than were to be found in the northern colonies : to this quarter,
therefore, it was resolved to direct our efforts; and during the
remainder of the contest, Georgia, the Carolinas, and Virginia be
came the principal scenes of active operations.
In the former of these provinces, as we have already seen, the
first essay had been lately made; for though in itself it was neither
large nor powerful, yet it possessed importance as a granary to the
invaders, and as a road to farther progress.^
After Lower Georgia had- submitted to colonel Campbell, and a
large majority of its people had returned to their allegiance, that
able officer resolved to prosecute his success by an advance into
Upper Georgia, where many were reported to be attached to the
king's government, and only wanted the support of his troops to
declare their sentiments : in this expedition he met with few inter
ruptions : and on his approach to Augusta, the second city of the
province, a body of provincials, under brigadier-general William
son, quitted the town, and retired across the Savannah. From
Augusta he despatched lieutenant-colonel Hamilton toward the
frontiers of Carolina, to encourage the loyalists there by an as
surance of protection.
Alarmed at this rapid progress of the royal army, the provincials
made dispositions for arresting it. General Lincoln soon arrived
with a considerable force on ihe northern bank of the river ; and
colonel Campbell, not finding Augusta tenable, retired on Savannah ;
while Lincoln marched along the northern bank of the river, with

AD. 1779.] GEORGE 1TI. 205
a view to cross it and reconquer Georgia : in the mean time, general
Prevost thought this a good opportunity for surprising Charleston ;
and on the tenth of May, having reached Astley's-ferry, he crossed
the river, and appeared before that city the following day : on the
twelfth it was summoned to surrender, but to no purpose. The
general, having viewed the lines, which could not be forced with
out a great loss of men ; knowing also that the garrison was more
numerous than his troops, and that general Lincoln was hastening
to its relief, retired towards Georgia, took possession of John's
island, which was separated from tbe continent by a small inlet of
the sea, and there posted himself until ammunition should arrive
from New York. Hearing however that Lincoln was advancing
to Lower Georgia, he departed for Savannah, to defend the for
tress, leaving colonel Maitland in command of John's island, with a
mixed garrison of about 800 men. General Lincoln, being appris
ed of the weak state of this force, advanced on the twentieth of
June with about 5000 men to cut it off. An attack on the British
piquets first gave the alarm, and colonel Maitland immediately de
spatched two companies of Fraser's highlanders to observe the
motions of the enemy. The impetuous valor of these mountaineers
hurried them on too far, and their indignant courage forbade them
to retreat, though surrounded by superior forces : falling in with the
left wing of the provincials, they charged with their claymores, and
continued the conflict until all their officers were killed or wounded ;
and of the two companies only eleven men effected a retreat. This
success encouraged the Americans to attack the British lines ; and
a regiment of Hessians had already given way, when the remaining
companies of the highlanders, determined to avenge their fallen
comrades, valorously stayed the progress of the assailants, and
gave a turn to the fortune of the day. Colonel Maitland, skilfully
seizing the happy moment, rallied the retreating Hessians, and
routed the enemy; who, being dispirited by this unsuccessful at
tack, attempted no farther operations, until d'Estaing, having been
informed of the posture of affairs by the French consul at Charles
ton, and the governor of Carolina, suddenly arrived on the coast
with twenty sail of the line, two fifty-gun ships, and eleven frigates.
His appearance was so unexpected, that the Experiment, of fifty
guns, and three frigates, fell into his possession.
Informed of the arrival of this powerful auxiliary, Lincoln has
tened to join the French forces in the vicinity of Savannah, for the
defence of which general Prevost made all possible preparations,
and despatched orders for colonel Maitland to join him. D'Estaing,
before the arrival of general Lincoln, demanded the surrender of
the city to the arms of France ; but its commander, declining to an
swer a general summons, requested a suspension of arms for twenty-
four hours ; which was inconsiderately granted by d'Estaing, under
an idea that this period was required for the purpose of drawing

206 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
up terms of capitulation : meantime, colonel Maitland, having made
a rapid march, arrived at Savannah ; and the general declared his
resolution of defending the place to the utmost extremity. Lincoln
having also joined the French troops, the combined armies made
dispositions for carrying on the siege : ground was broken on the
twenty-third of September, and on the fourth of October the bat
teries were opened ; when a request was made, that the women and
children might be permitted to leave the town, to be placed on
board vessels in the river, and there await the issue of the siege :
but this request was cruelly refused by one, who now proved him
self as deficient in humanity, as he had before shown himself des
titute of honor.
On the morning of the ninth, d'Estaing made an attack on the
British lines : two feigned assaults were intended to draw attention
to the centre and left ; while the main body, in two columns, turn
ing the right of the British, should attack the rear. As operations
commenced before dayligbt, one of these columns, mistaking its
way, became entangled in a morass near the fortress and exposed
to its fire, which at daybreak was so hotly poured into its embar
rassed ranks, that immense numbers were destroyed, and the rest
unable to form ; meanwhile, d'Estaing himself, with the other column,
advanced against a redoubt ; a desperate conflict ensued, and for a
few minutes the French and American standards were planted on
the parapet : colonel Maitland then, seizing the critical moment,
ordered the grenadiers of the sixtieth regiment, with the marines,
to charge the enemy, already staggering under the obstinate fire of
the redoubt, the different batteries, and the Germaine, armed ves
sel : this well-timed movement decided the contest ; the assailants
were driven out of the fosse, and routed with terrible slaughter,
leaving behind them in killed and wounded 637 French, and 264
Americans ; d'Estaing and the count Pulaski being both wounded,
the former slightly, but the latter mortally. The issue of this battle
determined the siege : the allies immediately Separated ; the pro
vincials almost universally went to their homes ; while d'Estaing
re-embarked his troops and artillery : his fleet was subsequently
dispersed by a storm ; when he himself sailed with a part of the
ships, and very few acquired laurels, to France ; the rest returned
to the West Indies. In Africa, the French wrested from Great
Britain the important settlement of Senegal, which had been taken
from them in the year 1758 ; but this was more than counterba
lanced by our victories in the East Indies.
In other parts of America, the British fleet and army were em
ployed in desultory operations, for the purpose of cutting off the
resources of the enemy, and pursuing the resolution expressed by
the commissioners, ' of making the colonies as little available as
possible to their new connexions.' The middle provinces were
exposed to the incursions of a detachment under general Mathews,

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE m. 207
assisted by the fleet, at this time under the command of Sir George
Collier, a distinguished officer, who had succeeded admiral Gam-
bier : their first attempt was an expedition to the Chesapeak, and a
descent on Virginia, where they demolished Fort Nelson, the grand
defence of the American dock-yard at Gospon, which they burned,
with all its timber and stores : a similar scene of destruction was
exhibited at the town of Suffolk, at Kempe's Landing, Tanner's
Creek, and other places ; so that the damage done to the provin
cials in this quarter alone was estimated at half a million sterling :
they themselves, on the approach of the invaders, set fire to a ship
of twenty-eight guns, ready for launching ; also to two French
merchantmen with their cargoes on board ; beside which, eight
other ships of war on the stocks, and several merchantmen, were
burnt by the British troops ; the whole number of vessels taken or
destroyed during this short expedition amounting to 137. On the
return of the troops and squadron from Virginia, they were joined
by another detachment under general Vaughan ; and proceeding up
the North river, accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton, they carried
with great gallantry the two posts of Stony Point and Verplank,
the vast importance of which will be estimated by a description of
their position.
Immediately after the ravages committed in these quarters by
general Vaughan, Washington had taken measures for obstructing
the navigation of the Hudson against the British by an insurmount
able barrier : for this purpose, commissioners were appointed to
examine the passes of the high lands ; and a promontory on the
west side of the river, near Fort Montgomery, called West Point,
was selected : the Hudson here takes a short bend from east to west,
and is considerably contracted in its channel : this defile was accord
ingly defended by a strong boom thrown across it, and by a range
of fortifications ascending to the highest cliff, on which was erect
ed the strongest work, called Fort Putnam ; so abundantly stored
with all the munitions of war, as to be made the grand arsenal of
the provincial army : eighteen miles below West Point were erected
the two forts of Stony Point and Verplank, on the east and west
banks of the river, protecting a passage over it, called King's-
ferry : these were esteemed the dependencies of West Point, and
contributed with that almost impregnable post to form the key of
the northern provinces. The important command of West Point
had been committed to major-general Howe, a veteran officer, in
high favor with Washington, a rigid disciplinarian, and an engineer
of the first reputation ; by whose consummate skill the works had
been completed. Soon after the period of which we are now speak
ing, general Howe, being desirous of more active service under
Washington himself, the important command at West Point was
conferred on general Arnold ; who, being mutilated by wounds re
ceived in several gallant actions, wherein he had borne a distin-

208 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
guished part, was thought worthy of this high honor ; whilst the
approbation of congress and the applause of the people fully sanc
tioned Washington's choice. We have been particular in this
description, because it is connected with one of the most deeply
interesting events which occurred during the war.
About the time when the expedition against these posts took place,
governor Tryon, supported by Sir George Collier, advanced on
Connecticut, which, abounding in men and pfovisions, was a great
support to the American army : the expedition was intended to
convince the colonists that this favored province was not unas
sailable, and to force general Washington from his strong position
into the low country, for the defence of the coast. The British
troops first attacked Newhaven, where they took or destroyed the
artillery, ammunition, and stores, with all the vessels in the harbor;
but they spared the town with commendable humanity. From
thence they proceeded to Fairfield, where, meeting with a more
determined resistance, they laid the place in ashes : they also in this
excursion burned East-haven, Greenfield, and the florishing town
of Norwalk, together with numerous ships and whale-boats, either
finished or on the stocks, as well as immense stores of merchan
dise and other materials. A descent on New London was intended,
but postponed ; and the fleet fell back on Long Island, to wait for an
additional supply of troops and ammunition. Congress, on receiv
ing attestation of the ravages committed in this and other expedi
tions, directed the marine committee to take effectual measures for
carrying into effect their manifesto of October 30, 1778, by burn
ing or destroying towns in Great Britain or the West Indies ; but
the resolution was never carried into effect. Neither was the spirit
of the American revolters daunted by these losses ; though it had
been supposed, that by involving them in distress, they would be
induced to submit to a power, which possessed such terrible means
of annoyance : but the temper of the times was unfavorable to these
views ; the national mind had been worked up to so high a tone,
that property comparatively lost its value, and men began even to
glory in their sufferings for the cause of independence.
It was not long before a gallant and successful attempt was made
by general Wayne to retake Stony Point, the works of which had
been greatly strengthened by orders of Sir Henry Clinton : the
.greater part of the base of this height was washed by the Hudson,
and the remainder covered by a morass, through which there was
only one crossing-place : on the summit of the hill was a fort,
mounted with heavy cannon ; breast-works were advanced in front
of the principal defence; half-way down there was a double row of
abattis ; and in addition, several British vessels of war in the river
commanded the ground at the bottom of the height. Washington
considered the recovery of this post of primary importance; and
on the fifteenth of July, the provincial troops, having left Sandy

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE HI. 209
Beach at noon, arrived in its vicinity about eight o'clock in the
evening : their measures had been so well taken, that every per
son was secured who could give intelligence of their movements ;
and the hour of midnight was fixed on for the assault. At half-past
eleven the Americans advanced in two columns, with unloaded
muskets and fixed bayonets : a forlorn hope of twenty men preceded
each, to remove the abattis and other obstructions : the marsh was
reacbed by them undiscovered ; the troops rushed to the charge,
under a terrible fire of musketry and grape-shot ; and overcoming
every obstacle, forced their way at the point of the bayonet ; so
that without firing a gun they took possession of the fortress. In
the attack, general Wayne was wounded by a musket-ball, which
grazed his skull :he fell ; but instantly rising on one knee, exclaimed,
' Forward, my brave fellows, forward I' Supposing himself mor
tally wounded, he requested his aids-de-camp to carry him into
the fort, that he might die on the spot so gloriously conquered :
but he recovered, and for this exploit received the thanks of con
gress, with a gold medal.
Stony Point being thus taken, the captors turned its artillery
against Verplank's Point, on which they fired with such effect, that
the shipping in its vicinity cut cables and fell down the river. As
soon as news of these events arrived at New York, preparations
were made to relieve the latter post, and recover the former : it
did not however suit the cautious prudence of Washington to risk
an engagement for the sake of either ; he therefore removed the
cannon and stores, and destroyed the works, as far as time allowed ;
but Sir H. Clinton regained Stony Point three days after its capture,
and placed therein a strong garrison.
The successful enterprise of general Wayne was followed by the
surprise of a British garrison at Paulus-hook, on the Jersey coast ;
this was effected on the seventeenth of July, by 350 men under major
Lee, who killed about thirty, and took 160 prisoners : from this
post, however, they were speedily expelled, without having de
stroyed either the barracks or artillery. ' Their retreat,' as Sir H.
Clinton observed in his despatch, 'was as disgraceful, as their at
tack had been spirited and well conducted.' But all these trifling
advantages were more than counterbalanced by the disaster which
befell the American troops at Penobscot. General Maclean had
been despatched with 650 men from Halifax ; and on the sixteenth
of June, he began to construct a fort on the Penobscot river : this
occasioned such alarm at Boston, that the executive government,
by an embargo and large bounties, collected a squadron of nine
teen armed vessels, with twenty-seven transports, carrying 3000
troops, to attempt its destruction : the British commander was ap
prised of their intention only four days before their arrival off Pe
nobscot ; and though his works were very incomplete,|he succeeded
in keeping his formidable antagonist at bay for the space of twenty
n. 14

210 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
days; while he not only pushed on his fortifications, but harassed
the enemy by continual attacks and alarms. At length he obtain
ed information from a deserter, that on the ensuing day a general
attack was intended: every preparation was made to receive it;
but in the morning, the garrison had the satisfaction to perceive
the enemy deserting their works, and shipping their artillery. The
cause of this sudden movement, was the appearance of Sir George
Collier, in the Baisonnable, of sixty-four guns, with five frigates.
The Americans at first made a show of resistance, in order to al
low their transports time to move up the river and land their troops ;
but Sir George easily took or destroyed the whole of their armed
vessels; whilst their troops, being landed in a desert country, with
out provisions, and near 100 miles from any human habitation, suf
fered the most distressing calamities : proceeding to contentions
among themselves, they lost fifty or sixty of their number in civil
strife ; and a large proportion perished miserably in the woods.
This exploit terminated Sir George Collier's career. At the period
when admiral Arbuthnot arrived to take the command, a report
that d'Estaing meditated an attack on New York, induced Sir H. Clin
ton to concentrate his forces, and even to evacuate Bhode Island.
In the midst of these various operations, general Washington
was frequently called on for troops ; but he had few to spare ; and,
had he divided his army, conformably to the wishes of each in
vaded and distressed colony, he would have subjected his whole
force to be cut up in detail : besides, he apprehended that a main
design of his antagonist in these movements was to draw off a large
portion of his army from West Point, and favor an attack on that
important position. The American general Parsons, though closely
connected with Connecticut, where the inhabitants were almost in
a state of revolt, through the apparent neglect of Washington and
congress, instead of pressing the commander for troops, wrote to
him in the following patriotic terms : — ' The British may probably
distress the province exceedingly by the ravages they will commit ,*
but I would rather see all the towns on the coast of my country
in flames, than the enemy in possession of West Point.' In fact,
whatever position Washington selected during the contest for his
head-quarters, on that appeared to hang the destinies of his
country. *
In the mean time, the war of devastation was carried on between
the Americans and their Indian neighbors : the former had much
to revenge ; and the retribution they now took was not inferior to
the occasion of it. General Sullivan was placed at the head of
5000 men for this purpose, and the savages marched boldly towards
the frontiers of their country to meet the invaders ; but after an
obstinate and bloody conflict on the twenty-ninth of August, they
found themselves unable to resist such a force, and abandoned
their settlements to the havoc that ensued : eighteen of their towns

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE 111. 211
were laid in ashes, and more than 150,000 bushels of corn de
stroyed : their gardens were all laid waste, and even the fruit-trees
cut down : nothing was suffered to remain that could serve for
human sustenance. While this terrible chastisement was inflicted
on the tribes northward of Pennsylvania and New York, similar
expeditions were sent out, for the same purpose, from the southern
provinces. As Spain had acted very insidiously in Europe, concealing her
hostile intentions until her preparations were completed, it was not
surprising to see her commencing hostilities on the other side of
the Atlantic, with all the advantages of early information and pre
vious design. As soon as war was announced, Don Bernardo de
Galves, governor of Louisiana, made an incursion into West Flo
rida, and invested a fort built to defend the frontier, near the mouth
of the Ibberville : this he captured after a siege of nine days ; and
in its fall was involved the fate of all the British settlements on the
Mississippi (1).
With similar alacrity the Spaniards commenced hostilities against
the British cutters of logwood in the bay of Honduras, taking many
prisoners, whom they treated with great barbarity, while they ex
pelled the remainder from their principal settlements at St. George's
Key. Governor Dalling despatched captain Dalrymple to the Mos
quito shore to collect assistance in men and arms ; and when this
officer had completed that part of his task, he met at sea a squa
dron of three frigates, under commodore Luttrel, with whom, as
St. George's Key had been already retaken, he concerted an at
tack on Omoa, the very key to the whole settlement of Honduras.
With about 500 men they attempted to surprise the fortress ; but
being discovered, they were driven to the necessity of making re
gular approaches : after some days of fruitless labor, they deter
mined to attempt an escalade ; but were again discovered, and ex
posed to a tremendous fire : one ladder was destroyed ; but by
means of the others, two seamen gained the summit of the wall,
and presented their pieces, without firing, till the rest ascended.
No persuasions of their officers could keep the terrified Spaniards
at their stations; and the governor, humbly supplicating for the
lives of himself and his garrison, surrendered his sword with the
keys of the fort : the treasure had been removed ; but a galleon
and other vessels captured in the harbor were valued at 3,000,000
of dollars. The Spaniards offered to redeem at any price 250
quintals of mercury, an article necessary for the purification of
their silver ore ; and they also made liberal offers for ransoming
the fort : but the captors, preferring the public good to private
emolument, refused all terms ; though they generously restored the
plate found in the churches, to procure the ransom of their coun-
|l| In tbe ensuing year the Spaniards made a second Incursion, and captured Fort Mobile, after aa
bonorable resistance.

212 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
trymen taken at George's Key. Their disinterested views, however,
for the good of their country were frustrated, owing to the sub
sequent evacuation of the fort, more on account of its unhealthy
situation than the efforts of the enemy.
In general, the commerce of Great Britain was amply protected,
while her enemies suffered great losses. The most active Ame
rican partisan was the celebrated Paul Jones, who, on the twenty-
third of September, attacked the Baltic fleet, convoyed by the Se
rapis of forty-four guns, commanded by captain Pierson, and the
Countess of Scarborough, of twenty guns, under captain Piercy:
the enemy's squadron consisted of the Bon Homme Bichard of
forty guns, commanded by Jones, two frigates of thirty-six and
thirty-two, a brig of twelve, and an armed cutter : when this ar
mament appeared in sight, captain Pierson made a signal for his
convoy to disperse and gain the nearest ports, while the two brave
commanders encountered the overwhelming force of the enemy.
Paul Jones's ship and the Serapis were brought into such a situation
that the muzzles of their guns came in contact : the desperate con
test lasted three hours ; during which the Serapis was several
times set on fire, and all her officers and men stationed abaft the
mainmast were blown up by an explosion of cartridges ; while the
guns in that quarter were rendered unserviceable, and the ship
raked fore and aft by another frigate : in this" state, captain Pierson
was obliged to strike his colors; and the Countess of Scarborough,
after a conflict no less resolute, also surrendered. The loss on
board the Serapis was very great; but that of the Bon Homme
Bichard was terrific : all the guns on her lower deck were dis
mounted; she had seven feet of water in the hold; and her deck
streamed with the blood of 336 men, who were killed or wounded
in the action : she sank in two days ; and her brutal commander
suffered several of the wounded to be buried with her in the deep.
The prizes were carried by their captor into the Texel; and the
king of France disgraced the order of merit by conferring it on this
bravo : congress, with more propriety, acknowledged his services
by a vote of thanks, and promotion to the command of a new ship,
called the America. A very strong memorial was presented to the
States General by Sir Joseph Yorke, who urged in the most press
ing terms, ' That those ships and their crews might be stopped and
delivered up, which the pirate Paul Jones, a rebel subject and cri
minal of the state, had taken.' Their high mightinesses, in reply,
strongly indicated their partiality to the American cause ; declaring
' that they would in no respect whatever pretend to judge of the
legality or illegality of the actions of those who on the open 'seas
have taken vessels not belonging to the republic, and brought them
into its ports ; also that they were not authorised to pass judgment
on those prizes, or on the person of Paul Jones.'
An avenger however was nigh at hand, who soon brought the ene-

A.D. 1779.J GEORGE IH, 215
mies of Great Britain to tremble at her superiority by sea. On the
first of October Sir George Rodney was appointed commander in
chief of his majesty's Leeward Islands and Barbadoes ; and as great
anxiety began to be entertained by government for the fate of Gi
braltar, besieged by the French and Spanish forces, and reduced
to great straits for want of provisions, the admiral proceeded with
all haste to Portsmouth in order to expedite the equipment of his
fleet ; having previously addressed a letter to lord Sandwich, con
taining many useful suggestions very modestly and unostentatiously
offered(l). At this time an unusual gloom overspread the public
mind, chiefly on account of the humiliating state of our navy, which
had so long been accustomed to ride triumphant on the ocean : even
the king himself, notwithstanding his many private virtues, began
to participate in the unpopularity of ministers, over whose delibe
rations and plans he was supposed to exert a more than ordinary
influence. Under these circumstances, their desire for Sir George
to proceed on his mission was naturally great. ' For God's sake,'
says lord Sandwich, in his correspondence, ' go to sea without delay :
you cannot conceive the importance it is to yourself, and to me, and
to the public, that you should not lose this fair wind : if you do,
I shall not only hear of it in parliament, but in places to which I
pay more attention (2).' It was a circumstance highly gratifying to
the admiral, that he was on this occasion selected by his majesty
to introduce his third son prince William Henry, our present gracious
sovereign, to the naval service of his country. His royal highness
was placed as a midshipman on board the Prince George, bearing
the flag of rear-admiral Digby, in order that he might acquire a
thorough knowledge of his profession by a practical experience of
its duties ; learning how to obey, as well as to command. The wind
proving favorable on the twenty-ninth of December, the admiral
got the fleet under sail ; and ere ten days had elapsed, he had the
good fortune to find himself in contact with the enemy. During the
time that he was detained in port, an action, which was well-cal
culated to raise the drooping spirits of the nation, was fought by
(t| See Life of Rodney, vol. I. p. 195. ' On assum- tain over the. enemy : and he had not only, already
lug his command,' says bisblographer, 'his patience conceived, but had delineated on paper, tbe naval.
was put to a 6evere trial by tho extroordlnory wont manoeuvre of breaking and Intersecting tbe line, to
of diligence In tbe different public departments at which bewasafterwardsindebted In an.emlnenlde-
Portsmoutb and Plymouth, as well as by the absence gree for his brilliant victory over de Grasse.' vol. I.
of proper zeal and activity In tbe orUcers of bis fleet; p. 319.
many of whom behaved to blm with a marked dls- (2| Life of Itodney, vol. I. p. 205. let us be Just
rcspectand wunl of cordiality ; which, soon after the towards all, even public defaulters. Tbe following
arrival of the fleet In tbe West Indies, produced the passage In this very letter, will sbow how difficult at
most serious consequences ; and had they not beau that lime lt must have been for a man In power to
checked In lime by the firmness of the commander, do bis duly :— 'There Is another young man of
might have produced results most disastrous to tbe fashion now In your squadron, concerning whom I
nation.' p. 203. Sir Nathaniel Wraiall, In bis enter- am tormented to death : I connot do any thing for
lalnlng Memoirs, gives the following account of his him at home ; therefore ir you could contrive, by
Interviews with Sir George Rodney at this precise some means or other, to give blm rank, you will In-
period :-' I possed much time with him at his resl- llnltely oblige me : I mean lord Ilobert Manners,
dence In Cleveland-row, down to the very moment who is a lieutenant on board the Alcide.' This how-
of his departure. Naturally sanguine and confident, ever was a most gallant young nobleman, who Tell
be anticipated In bis dally conversation, wllh a sort gloriously In his couulry's cause at the early age of
of certainty, the future success which he should ob- twenty-four.

214 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI.
admiral Kempenfeldt. That intrepid officer, whose skill in man
oeuvring a fleet could hardly be surpassed, while cruising with only
twelve sail of the line, on the twelfth of December, fell in with the
French fleet under the count de Guichen, consisting of nineteen sail
of the line, beside two armed en flute : having gallantly engaged
them, he succeeded, by a masterly manoeuvre, in cutting off fifteen
of the convoy, having on board 1062 soldiers and 548 seamen :
only two of the French ships of war made good their voyage to
the West Indies : the rest returned into harbor at Brest.
Although, by not preventing the American contest, the British
government gave to the houses of Bourbon an opportunity to
display their ambitious designs ; yet by many of its measures, under
calamitous circumstances, it had the merit of lessening and coun
teracting the evils to which it was exposed. In the late campaign,
the most threatening which Great Britain ever experienced, she had
warded off the dangers that beset her ; and her spirited resistance
to a mighty combination commanded the respect of European na
tions : her resources seemed to grow with her necessities ; and her
present exertions tended to inspire hopes of conquest, which were
kept alive by indignation and resentment.
Parliament met on the twenty-fifth of November. During the
recess some partial changes had taken place in administration :
earl Gower, lord president of the council, having resigned that
office in disgust, was succeeded by earl Bathurst; the earl of
Hillsborough was appointed secretary of state for the southern
department, in the room of lord Weymouth ; and lord Stormont
for the northern, as successor to the earl of Suffolk : but the three
chief ministers who presided over the treasury, American affairs,
and the admiralty, still retained their offices. Mr. Thurlow had re
ceived the great seal, with a peerage, last session ; and Mr. Wed-
derburne obtained the vacant seat of attorney general, to whom
Mr. Wallace succeeded as solicitor general. The earl of Carlisle
was nominated first lord of trade and plantations.
The most important consequences resulting from the powerful
combination formed against Great Britain appeared in Ireland. The
insults offered to our coasts, and the alarm excited in the public
mind, afforded great encouragement to the volunteer associations
in that kingdom : the popular leaders of Irish politics gave every en
couragement to these establishments ; the duke of Leinster accepted
the command of the Dublin corps ; aud the earl of Charlemont,
whose political life was devoted to the interests of his country,
became the leader of the whole : in the mean time, the eloquence
of Grattan supplied all that was wanted to confirm the new-born
patriotism of many who had been habitual supporters of govern
ment : by him the glowing ardor of national sentiment was poured
into the senate in its most concentrated form ; and all the specula
tions of private interest withered before it.

A.D. 1.779.] GEORGE HI. 215
The prevailing wish was a free trade with all the world; and
in support of this pretension public resolutions were passed, and
arguments abundantly supplied by the press ; while the conduct of
the British government, and the commercial spirit of the nation,
were reviled in the most acrimonious terms.
On the twelfth of October, the lord lieutenant opened the session
of parliament with a very conciliatory speech ; assuring the members
that his majesty, amidst all his cares, had directed his attention to the
interests and distresses of Ireland ; that he had remitted a large sum,
in specie, for the defence of the kingdom ; and would cheerfully co
operate in promoting the common welfare of all his subjects. While
the decline of the revenue and the arrears of government were
noticed, the volunteer associations were approved; and the atten
tion of the legislature was directed to various domestic regulations ;
among others, to the protestant charter-schools, and the linen ma
nufacture. The address was debated with great vehemence ; the speech being
declared by Mr. Grattan to promise much, while it offered nothing ;
and some members disclaimed the authority of the lords and com
mons of Great Britain to interfere at all in the legislation of Ireland :
an amendment was carried, ' that in the present posture of affairs
temporising expedients were of no avail ; for the nation could only
be saved by the grant of free unlimited trade to all her ports.' The
address was carried up with great parade and popular acclama
tion : the duke of Leinster escorted the speaker from the house of
parliament to the castle; the streets being lined with volunteers,
armed and in uniform.
Inquiries were next instituted into the pension list, secret service,
national debt, money voted for defence of the realm, and the pro
duce of the hearth tax : a committee also was appointed to take
the whole state of government into consideration : but fearing some
impediment, either from the British privy-council, or its supporters
in Ireland, regarding the main object of obtaining a free trade,
the popular party proposed to keep government in a state of de
pendence, by passing a money-bill to supply the exchequer for six
months only. As this proposal met with strong opposition, the
most violent riots ensued ; an immense mob surrounding the par
liament house with clamors for a free trade and a short money-
bill, insulting the members as they returned from the house, and
forcibly binding some by an oath to support their favorite measures :
but the fury of this popular storm fell chiefly o:« Mr. Scott, the at
torney general, whose mansion was broken open and reduced to a
state of ruin ; while he himself was threatened anonymously with
destruction, if he gaAe his vote against the short money-bill. The
civil arm of the law was unable to restrain the tumult : the military
force had been superseded by the volunteer associations ; and these
latter declined to interfere, except by an unarmed deputation from

216 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXH.
one of their corps : the attorney general met with little sympathy
from the members of the house of commons ; though, after a tu
multuous debate, they agreed to address the lord lieutenant for a
proclamation to apprehend the rioters : but the short money-bill
passed, and even received the sanction of the English privy-council.

CHAPTEB XXII.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1779.
Meeting of parliament— King's speech— Amendment moved to (headdress— Systematic atlack
on administration arranged — Efforts of Burke, Dunning, and Fox— Change of principles In
lord Lyttleton and Mr. Adam— Duel between the latter and Mr. Fox— Atlack on the king's
speech by lord George Gordon— Lord Shelburne attacks ministers in the case of Ireland-
Communication of papers respecting that country by lord North— Introduces three pro
positions for the relief of Ireland, etc. — Fails in giving satisfaction— Cry for economy —
Cause of economical reform — Duke of Richmond's motion on the subject in the house of
lords rejected — Mr. Burke introduces it into the lower house — Meeting in Yorkshire aud
other counties, etc., to petition for reform — Mr. Burke's motion in the houses — His scheme,
comprised in five resolutions, is rejected — Lord Shelburne's motion for a commission of
accounts rejected — Colonel Barry's motion for a committee of accounts passed with lord
North's approbation— Bill for excluding contractors, etc. from parliament rejected — Other
motions regarding places and pensions, etc. — Duel between Mr. Fullarton and lord Shel
burne— Altercation between lord North and the speaker— Reception of petitions by the
house — Debates on them — Mr. Dunning's motions on the increase of crown influence, etc.
carried — Illness of the speaker— The house adjourns— Reassembles with altered sentiments
— Mr. Dunning's motion for an address to the king — Mr. Adam opposes it— Answered by
Mr. Fox— Motion rejected— Subsequent debates, etc.— Change of sentiments in the house
accounted for — Lord North's proposal respecting the East India company — Motion by ge
neral Conway, etc.— Protestant association— Lord George Gordon— Steps taken to procure
i a repeal of ads in favor of papists— Riots in London— Meeting of parliament— Conduct of
the king — Discussions respecting the interference of the military — Lord Mansfield's opinion
—The petitions taken into consideration bylthe commons— Bill against catholicschoolmasters
passed by the lower, but rejected by the upper house— Supplies, etc. for 1780 — Rioters tried
— Lord George Gordon tried, and acquitted — Dissolution of parliament— New elections —
The armed neutrality — Coalition against us in India — State of domestic affairs — Sir George
Rodney's success against the jSpaniards— Defeats admiral Langara— His humane conduct
regarding the prisoners— Relieves Minorca and Gibraltar, etc. — Sails for the West Indies
— His action with the French fleet, etc. — Proceeds to the coast ot North America— State
of American affairs — Expedition against South Carolina— Capture of Charleston, and re
duction of the province, etc.— General Gates appointed to the American command— Battle
of Camden— Conduct of lord Cornwallis— Affairs at New York — Treason of general Arnold,
and fate of major Andrg, etc. — Rodney returns to the West Indies — Maritime losses sus
tained by the British— Domestic affairs.
The king, when he met his parliament, alluded in his speech to
the character of his people as well as that of the war; and trusting
in their spirited resistance to the designs of their common enemies,
professed his resolution of persisting in the contest, and his expec
tation of defeating the projects of ambition and injustice : he recom
mended the state of Ireland to consideration, praised the exemplary
conduct of the national militia, and returned his cordial thanks to

A.D. t779.] GEORGE IU. 217
all his loyal subjects who had stood forward in these momentous
times of trial.
An amendment of an extraordinary nature was moved to the
address ; its purport being to contrast the glorious condition of the
country at his majesty's accession, with its present gloomy prospects ;
and, imputing the alteration to a change in the plans of government,
it proposed a return to the old system : the present difficulties,
dangers, and disgraces of the country were pointedly brought
forward; and it was asserted that nothing but new counsels and
new counsellors — a real change, not mere palliatives— could prevent
the consummation of public ruin. Opposition, not content with
employing all the powers of vituperation against ministers, attacked
the throne itself in terms that fell but little short of treasonable
menaces. Such intemperate conduct could only be referred to that
mortification which they felt at the late ministerial changes, in
which his majesty's favor had been confined to those on whom he
could rely for co-operation in the plans which he had adopted, and
in which he was determined to persist. The speeches of opposition
in support of the amendment contained outlines of proceedings which
occupied them during the session : a systematic plan of attack on
the administration was arranged ; and the principal leaders of it
were the three distinguished orators, Burke, Dunning, and Fox :
the first of these brought all the powers of his expanded and
philosophic mind to bear on schemes of political economy; the
vigorous and acute intellect of the second, enriched as it was with
legal knowledge, and sharpened by forensic contention, was engaged
in correcting constitutional abuses, or in supporting constitutional
law and practice ; while the comprehensive genius, the penetrating
sagacity, and the impressive eloquence of Fox, were actively em
ployed in canvassing the executive conduct of the ministry. The
preliminary debates on the address in both houses, producing an
extensive discussion of the whole political system, were characterised
by efforts of the highest oratorical powers ; but the result was
unfavorable to the ablest speakers; opposition being outvoted by
a majority of 233 to 134 in the commons, and eighty to forty-one
in the lords.
This preliminary contention was distinguished by a remarkable
desertion of party in each house. Lord Lyttleton, who for the last
seven years had been one of the most violent partisans of adminis
tration, now appeared in the ranks of opposition, and vied with
the most bitter railers against the friends whom he had forsaken : in
the lower house, Mr. Adam left the minority, to take his place
under the ministerial standard : after stating his reasons for chang
ing his political sentiments, he declared that ' he could not concur
in the pretended necessity of new counsels or new counsellors ;
since, among those gentlemen who stood candidates for office, he
was unable to single out one by whom the state was likely to be

218 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXH.
better served than by its present rulers.' Mr. Fox's reply, as
reported in the newspapers, being thought to convey a personal
reflection on Mr. Adam, that gentleman demanded from him a dis
avowal of it through the same channels of public intelligence ; but
such a concession not appearing consistent with Mr. Fox's notions
of propriety, a duel was the consequence, in which the latter was
slightly wounded.
The audacious virulence displayed by lord George Gordon would
scarcely deserve notice, had it not been a prelude to those dis
graceful scenes in which he soon afterwards bore so conspicuous a
part. He insisted that the king's speech was full of impropriety,
and deficient in common sense ; that the ministry were no less odious
in Ireland than in England ; while the people of Scotland were
almost equally prepared to rise in opposition. Adverting to a
refusal of government to permit the arming of the inhabitants of
Dumfries-shire, he read a letter on that subject to the duke of
Queensbury from the secretary at war : then, suddenly apostrophising
that minister, — ' and you, Charles Jenkinson,' he exclaimed, ' how
durst you write such a letter? Bobert Bruce would not have dared
to write such a one ; yet the secretary of an elector of Hanover has
had the presumption to do so : the royal family of Stuart were
banished for not attending to the voice of their people ; yet the
elector of Hanover is not afraid to disregard it. Sir Hugh Smithson,
(earl Percy) armed cap-a-pie, marches at the head of all the cheese
mongers and grocers from Temple-bar to Brentford, and the
great Douglas of Scotland is not to be trusted with arms. The
Scotch are irritated at this partiality ; and in point of religion they
are exasperated, as they are convinced the king is a papist.' This
intemperate ribaldry was arrested by the speaker's interposition ;
but unlimited acrimony prevailed during the whole debate.
Frequent allusions having been made to the state of Ireland, the
members of administration in both houses gave positive assurances
that satisfactory plans of relief were in contemplation ; but before
these could be brought forward, the earl of Shelburne, having pro
cured a summons of the house, recapitulated the proceedings of
last session, blamed the delay of ministers, and to that cause attri
buted the disaffection prevailing in the sister kingdom. ' The go
vernment there,' he said, ' having been abdicated, the people had
resumed their powers ; in which they were fully justified : in the
last session of parliament, moderate concessions and reasonable
expectations of future relief would have satisfied them : but now
the incapacity and inattention of ministers had brought England to
the melancholy dilemma of submitting to the dictates of Ireland, or
of losing America.' He attributed much of this evil to lord North,
who was always asleep when he should be awake, and attentive
only when alacrity led to error : he concluded a long and able
speech with a molion of censure on ministers. They were de-

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE III. 219
fended by lord Hillsborough, who proved that no delay could be
justly imputed to administration : measures for the relief of Ireland
could not be at once adopted by government ; they must flow from
the legislature, and could not be entered on without proper infor
mation. Much extraneous matter was introduced into the debate,
tending to throw blame on the cabinet ; and a transaction regard
ing the purchase of a sinecure place from Mr. Fox, to bestow it on
Mr. Jenkinson, by which the Irish establishment was loaded with
a pension of 3000/. per annum, was severely reprobated by the
noble mover of the resolution ; earl Gower also, who had lately
retired from administration, reproached his former colleagues in
bitter terms. ' He had presided,' he said, ' for some years at the
council-table, and had seen such things pass of late, that no man
of honor or conscience could sit there any longer.' The motion
was negatived. Lord North, however, on the same day commu
nicated to the commons additional papers respecting the state of
Ireland ; promising the remainder with all convenient despatch, to
gether with a plan for the redress of grievances. This intimation did
not prevent the earl of Ossory from proposing a vote of censure,
which, like that in the upper house, was rejected, after it had given
birth to highly-applauded speeches from Fox and Burke; the latter
of whom remarked, ' that what had been at first requested as a favor,
was delayed till angrily demanded as a right ; till threats .extorted
what had been denied to entreaties; till England had lost the moment
of granting with dignity, and Ireland of receiving with gratitude.'
In accordance with his promise, on the thirteenth of December,
lord North introduced three propositions for the relief of Ireland ;
allowing a free export of wool, woollens, and wool-flocks ; of glass,
with all kinds of glass manufactures ; and a free trade with the
British plantations on certain conditions, the basis of which was an
equality of taxes and customs. The first two bills passed without
delay ; and the third, as soon as the sentiments of the Irish on it
could be ascertained : about two months afterwards, his lordship
perfected his plan, by repealing the prohibitions on the exportation
of English gold coin, and the importation of foreign hops ; also by
enabling the Irish to become members of the Turkey company, and
to engage in the Levant trade.
These regulations appeared to satisfy the Irish nation ; but the
appearance was delusive : in the midst of concessions which were
confessed to be as liberal as ihe jealousy of British traders would
permit, the craft of statesmanship was still visible, and a political
manoeuvre was practised of altering bills in a period of excitement ;
but this eventually turned against the projectors. ' The bills altered
on this occasion,' says a philosophic historian (1), ' were not, as
in the former case, money-bills : that folly, the minister did not
III Or. Miller , Modern History, vol. iv. p. 471.

220 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXH.
venture to repeat : but one of them was a bill involving the dearest
interests of the people; and the alteration was such, as gave to the
public mind the only impulse which it then required, for aspiring
to constitutional independence. The Irish parliament, not choosing
that its military establishment should be longer regulated by a
British mutiny-law, transmitted a bill of similar import: the minister,
as if eager to indemnify himself for commercial concession by con
stitutional spoliation, introduced an alteration, by which the law
was to be rendered perpetual ; and the Irish parliament, though it
passed the bill thus altered, was taught to look to freedom of
constitution as the necessary safeguard to freedom of trade ;
to assert its own independence, while it unfettered the commerce of
the country. When the minister had first, by the altered money-
bills, alarmed the constitutional jealousy of the guardians of the
public purse, he then, by another alteration rendering the mutiny-
law perpetual, manifested a desire of securing to government the
uncontrolled direction of the military power. Language could not
more forcibly exhort the people of Ireland to be satisfied with no
concessions merely commercial ; but to insist that it should be ac
knowledged as an independent, though not a separated state.'
While the minister was endeavoring to tranquillise Ireland, a
spirit of disaffection arose in England from a cause which never
fails to interest the feelings of a nation in distress ; the expenses
of government, and the necessity of economy. Few subjects are
more difficult to handle than this ; for while one party declaims,
with apparent justice, against the expensive trappings of royalty,
and the profusion of ministerial patronage, as unduly extending
court influence, and endangering popular rights ; others speciously
argue, that a systematic frugality is inconsistent with the nature of
our government, which cannot be carried on without parliamen
tary interest; and that interest cannot be secured without the ex
pensive appendages of pensions, sinecures, and lucrative employ
ments. Two methocls only, it is said, have as yet been discovered
to rule mankind ; force and bribery : if we choose to live under
a free government, where public employments are open to the
honorable ambition of all, and where every man's house is his
castle, into which the foot of tyranny cannot enter, — we must be
content to pay for such privileges ; must bear with minor evils for
the sake of higher advantages.
• Without attempting to controvert these principles, or denying
that to possess a guarantee for good government, the services of
the best men must be secured by liberal remuneration; we ought
not to shut our eyes against the necessity of checking that lavish
expenditure, which, by encouraging the bad, corrupting the indif
ferent, and disgusting the virtuous, lends to bring on a paralysis
of the body politic: for while the reasons for supporting a system,
notwithstanding its expenses, are generally abstruse and philoso-

A.D. 1779.] GEORGE III. 221
phical, the abuses of that system are evident and glaring ; so that
the evils are easily seen by the many, while the advantages are
comprehended only by the few; and the dangers arising thence
are doubled by a free press. The efforts therefore made by Mr.
Burke, in the cause of economical reform, to bring back the con
stitution to its first principles, were highly meritorious. The cor
ruptions of that aristocratic power, which had so long predomi
nated in the British government, had begun to bring obloquy on
the monarchy itself ; and Mr. Burke wisely endeavored to combine
with the maintenance of ancient institutions and established rights,
the correction of real abuses, the pure administration of public
patronage, and a prudent management of the public expenditure.
He had long labored in his country's service ; and for the entire
surrender of his uncommon talents to the interests of the nation,
he had as yet received but few tokens of public approbation : this,
however, abated not his zeal; while the present season seemed
most propitious to his exertions, inasmuch as parliament had now
entered on its sixth session ; and the members of the lower house
began to recollect that they must soon render an account of their
political conduct to their constituents.
The first attack, however, on the profuse system of adminis
tration was made in the upper house by the duke of Bichmond,
who moved an address to his majesty for the reduction of all use
less expenditure ; in support of which he recounted our large war
establishment, the immense expense with which it was attended,
and the frightful increase of the national debt. He contrasted the
state of this country with the wise system of economy adopted by
France under Necker ; and though he did not wish to make a de
duction from the stipends settled on those who hadjivasted their
fortunes in their country's service, or to abridge the dignity and
splendor of the crown, yet he thought the king should set an
example of retrenchment, which he had no doubt the nobility
would cheerfully follow.
It was objected to this motion, that the facts which it recited
were unauthenticated : a considerable reduction conveyed no spe
cific meaning ; a minister could not advise the king under such a
vote, nor was his majesty bound to pay any regard to it; the civil
list was established by act of parliament, and could not be retrench
ed by the decision of one house. Chiefly it was considered as
an attempt to serve the temporary interests of a political party,
by effecting the removal of ministers ; and it was accordingly re
jected by a majority of seventy-seven to thirty-seven.
The subject was introduced into the lower house on the fifteenth
of December by Mr. Burke, who gave notice of his intention to
propose certain important resolutions after the recess: he also
extolled the financial system of Mr. Necker, to which he attributed
the reproduction of the French marine out of the wrecks and frag-

222 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
ments of the last war. He anticipated a cool reception of his
propositions, since their tendency would be to weaken court in
fluence : men, however, out of office could only make an offer ;
the people must achieve the rest : if they were not true to them
selves, no other power could save them. All the grievances of the
nation arose from the overgrown influence of the crown; and that
influence itself from the enormous prodigality of the commons. For
merly its operation was confined to the superior orders of the state ;
but of late it had insinuated itself into every creek and cranny of the
community : there was scarcely a family, so hidden and lost in the
obscure recesses of society, which did not feel that it had something
to keep or to get, to hope or to fear, from the favor or displeasure
of the crown. Government should have force adequate to its func
tions, but no more : if it had enough to support itself in abusing
or neglecting them, they must ever be abused or neglected : men
would rely on power for a justification of their want of order, vi
gilance, foresight, and all the other virtues or qualifications of states
men. The minister might exist, but the government was gone.
'It is thus,' he exclaimed, 'that you see the same men, in the
same power, sitting undisturbed before you, although thirteen co
lonies are lost : thus the marine of France and Spain has grown and
prospered under their eye, and been fostered by their neglect : thus
all hope of alliance in Europe is abandoned : thus three of our
West India islands have been torn from us in one summer ; while'
Jamaica, the most important of all, has been neglected, and all in
quiry into that neglect stifled : thus Ireland has been brought into
a state of distraction which no one dares to discuss : our parlia
mentary capacity is extinguished by the difficulty of our situation :
the bill has been mumbled over with rapidity, and it passes in the
silence of death. Did the administration possess any degree of
strength, could this have happened ? ' The disease of government,
he observed, was a repletion : the over-feeding of the stomach had
destroyed the vigor of the limbs : he had long ascertained the na
ture of the disorder, and its proper remedy, but had restrained
his thoughts, for he was not naturally an economist ; and was cau
tious of experiment, even to timidity : but the temper of the times
was now favorable to reformation ; and though he would not dis
close all the particulars of his plan, he would state its end, objects,
and limits.
He proposed then a regulation which would give to the public
service 200,000/. a year, and annihilate a portion of influence equal
to the places of fifty members of parliament : such a reform was
much more to be relied on for removing the means of corruption,
than any devices to prevent its operation : an abrogation of the
sources of influence would render disqualifications unnecessary;
but while the sources remained, nothing could prevent their ope
ration. With regard to the limits of his plan, nothing would be

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE III. 223
invaded which was held by any individual under a legal tenure :
equity and mercy also would be remembered in those cases where
innocent persons had been decoyed, as it were, into particular si
tuations through the prodigality of parliament : the alterations would
chiefly affect those who held offices from which they might be re
moved by ministerial arrangements : no employment really useful
to the public would be abolished or abridged of its emoluments ; a
fund fully adequate to the reward of merit would be left; and an
ample provision secured to the crown for personal satisfaction,
and for as much of magnificence as was suitable to the burdened
state of the country. However presumptuous his attempt might
appear, it was made with humility and integrity : he trusted it would
give confidence to the people, and strength to the government ;
that it would render war vigorous, and peace truly refreshing.
Mr. Burke's plan received much commendation from several
members on his own side of the house, but was passed over in si
lence by the ministerial speakers. During the Christmas recess, a
large meeting of the freeholders of Yorkshire was held, and a strong
petition voted to the house of commons, for an inquiry into the
abuses of the public expenditure, and for the reduction of all ex
orbitant emoluments : a permanent committee also was appointed
for carrying on the correspondence necessary to promote the ob
ject of this petition, to support a laudable reform, and to restore
the freedom of parliament. This example was followed by many
other counties and cities, where public meetings were convened,
in which violent harangues were delivered against the administra
tion ; although in some instances protests were signed, and counter-
petitions framed.
On the eleventh of February, 1780, Mr. Burke introduced his
memorable plan into the house of commons, with an eloquent speech,
free from passion, purified from party views, and tender to personal
interests ; for though zealous to promote reform, he was yet cautious
against the intemperate pursuit of it. The whole scheme was in
cluded in five bills, comprising the sale of forest lands ; the aboli
tion of the royal jurisdictions of Wales, Chester, Cornwall, and
Lancaster ; that of treasurer, comptroller, and many other officers
in the household ; of treasurer of the chamber, of the wardrobe, etc.;
of the boards of trade, green cloth, and works; of the office of
third secretary of state; of the keepers of the royal hounds; of
many civil branches of the ordnance and the mint, with the patent
offices of the exchequer ; the regulation of the army, navy, and
pension pay-offices ; and more especially a new arrangement of the
civil list, by which all future encumbrances of debt might be avoid
ed , without any undue encroachment on the royal prerogative. The
plan of reforming so many offices, of reducing or regulating so many
sources of influence, and of applying appropriate remedies to griev
ances, could only have been contrived by a person of eminent talents

224 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cbap. XXH.
and unwearied zeal (1) ; but the very extent of the bill, involving
as it did such numerous interests and enemies, was almost certain
to ensure its failure : besides, the utility of economy in the various
cases now selected, was not so evident, as it would have appeared,
if applied to the more important departments of public expenditure :
all parties indeed joined in applauding the depth of financial know
ledge, and the acute discrimination displayed by the mover ; but the
ministerialists were ingenious enough to oppose in detail what they
commended in the gross. The bills were fiercely argued during
the months of March, April, and May, eliciting from their proposer
many speeches distinguished by great force of argument, fertility of
invention, and liveliness of wit : but in the end all met the fate which
might have been expected. Nevertheless, the object of opposition
was obtained by the celebrity of the attempt ; for the popularity of
the measure was of importance to their cause : its triumph pro
bably would have excited their regret.
While Mr. Burke's project was yet depending, several auxiliary
propositions were made in both houses ; among the more promi
nent of which was one for a commission of accounts, to investigate
the expenditure of the public revenue. This subject was introduc
ed to the house of lords by the earl of Shelburne, who in a long and
able speech exposed the shameful profusion pervading all branches
of government, declaring that his main object was to destroy
that undue influence which affected both houses of parliament; and
which, if not eradicated, would bring ruin on the country. The
motion was supported by the duke of Grafton, and the marquis of
Bockingham ; the latter of whom declared, that a system had been
established, at the accession of his present majesty, for governing
this kingdom under the forms of law, but really by the immediate
influence of the crown ; and to this he ascribed all our national mis
fortunes. The motion having been strongly opposed by lords
Stormont, Mansfield, and Thurlow, who maintained that it was a
violation of the exclusive privileges of the other house, and intend
ed only to embarrass government, was lost by the votes of 101
against 55 ; but the minority, thirty-five of whom entered a protest
on the journals, was the largest that had for a long time appeared
in opposition to the court interest.
In the house of commons, when colonel Barre suggested the ne
cessity of some addition to Mr. Burke's propositions, and intimated
his intention of moving, at a future day, for a commission of ac
counts, he was surprised to find lord North heartily coinciding
with him, and sanctioning the measure : his lordship accordingly
moved for the appointment of such a committee, which might in
quire, not only into past expenditure, but current accounts : it was
|1) 'Mr. Burke's reform hill,' says Gibbon, 'was light wllh which that diffusive and Ingenious orator
framed with skill, Introduced with eloquence, and was heard by all sides of the house, and even by
supported by numbers. Never can I forget the de- those whose existence he proscribed.'

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE HI. 225
indeed strongly opposed during its whole progress, and decried,
as tending to create new. sources of patronage, while the people
were petitioning for its reduction : but it passed ; and six indepen
dent gentlemen of great respectability and talent were appointed
commissioners, whose reports, drawn up with much industry and
ability, conveyed to parliament and to the public very valuable
stores of political information. The bill for excluding contractors
from sitting in parliament, and suspending the votes of revenue of
ficers, passed the commons, but was rejected by the lords, as an
illiberal stigma cast on a respectable body of men, and as a mean
compliance with popular prejudices.
During these debates, petitions were daily received, enforcing
the necessity of economy, and of diminishing the influence of the
crown : in the midst of the debates, on a motion made by Sir George
Savile, for an account of all places with salaries, and all pensions
payable at the exchequer, or out of the privy purse, a short sus
pension of business took place on account of the indisposition of
the speaker. When the sittings were resumed, lord North carried
an amendment, that the pensions payable at the exchequer only
should be published : at the same time, a motion was introduced
into the upper house, by the earl of Effingham, for a list of all pen
sions enjoyed by peers of parliament : in the debates which ensued,
the state of the Scottish peerage was severely handled ; but the pro
position was lost by a large majority.
During the whole of this session personal invective was carried
to a high pitch; which caused a hostile meeting not only between
Mr. Adam and Mr. Fox, but also between Mr. Fullartonand the earl
of Shelburne, the latter of whom had reflected in very contemptuous
terms on the appointment of the other to the command of a regi
ment which he had lately raised . These transactions induced Sir James
Lowther to declare in the commons, that if questions of a public
nature were to be thus tried by appeals to the sword, the British
parliament would soon resemble a Polish diet. A different alter
cation occurred on the thirteenth of March between lord North and
the speaker, Norton, who was dissatisfied at the disappointment of
a supposed claim, depending on a promise made to him by the duke
of Grafton, of being appointed to the office of chief justice in the
court of common pleas ; negociations being now in progress for
promoting the attorney general to that office. The minister very
justly denied that he was responsible for the promises of his prede
cessors ; and Mr. Wedderburne, with great force and severity, ex
posed the arrogance of Sir Fletcher Norton's pretensions : but from
this time the speaker joined the ranks of opposition, and repeated
their cries of crown influence, abuse of prerogative, and rights of
the people; starting up a patriot, when his unjustifiable demands
were disallowed.
During these disputes, petitions were daily laid before the house:
n. 45

226 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXH.
that from the county of York was presented on the eighth of February
by Sir George Savile, who stated that it had received the signatures
of above 8000 freeholders, after being moved in a meeting, not of
incendiaries, but of 600 gentlemen, possessing more property than
those who were assembled within the walls of the house of commons.
'To this,' said he, 'the administration will not dare to refuse a
hearing, however the arts of ministerial finesse may be employed to
defeat its purpose.' Mr. Fox used similar language in presenting
the Westminster petition ; and Sir James Lowther, in offering that
from Cumberland, forgot himself so far, as to say, 'that if the house
should turn a deaf ear to so respectable a body, they would do
themselves justice by withholding the taxes.'
The discussion of these petitions, fixed for the sixth of April,
was anticipated with eager expectation, and met with all the zeal
and address of party : a numerous meeting of the inhabitants of
Westminster was convened by direction of the corresponding com
mittee ; which being represented as an attempt to overawe the pro
ceedings of parliament, government stationed a large body of troops
in the vicinity. A call of the house had been ordered, and petitions
continued to be received before the commencement of the debate,
until the speaker's table was almost buried beneath the folds of
parchment. The house having resolved itself into a committee,
Mr. Dunning took the lead in the memorable debates of this day;
exhibiting, in a continued series, the history and philosophy of
constitutional law, and animadverting on measures which endan
gered British rights and liberties in former times : afterwards, he
drew a highly-colored picture of ministerial conduct at present,
and endeavored to prove that it tended to produce mischief similar
to what had been produced by the counsels of the house 6f Stuart;
and he concluded by stating, that he should frame two proposi
tions, abstracted from the petitions on the table, and take on them
the sense of the committee: the first of these was, 'that the in
fluence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be
diminished.' This fact, he observed, was notorious; nor could
there be a stronger proof of alarming and corrupt influence, than
the readiness shown by many members in that house to support
measures, which out of doors they reprobated as absurd and ruinous.
He could point out more than fifty who adopted such strange lan
guage and conduct.
Ministers defended themselves by calling the resolution an abstract
proposition, which ought not to be entertained by the house : in
other respects it was useless, being not calculated to avert any evil,
or to remedy any abuse : it was unsupported by facts ; and the
allegations of the mover rested on no foundation.
The speaker now added his influence to that of opposition,
insisting strongly on the exorbitant power of the crown, and the
increase of corrupt influence; observing. also, that it was doubtless

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE HI. 227
galling to the house to be instructed in their duty by the petitioners ;
but they ought to recollect that it was their own fault ; for what these
petitioners demanded, oughtto have originated within their own walls :
they were representatives of the people, and pledged to the faithful
discharge of their duty.
Such an effect had the arguments of Dunning and the authority of the
speaker with the country gentlemen, that ministers became alarmed.
The lord advocate, Mr. Dundas, attempted to stifle inquiry, by moving
that the chairman should leave the chair ; but failing in this, he pro
posed an amendment, by prefixing the words, ' it is now necessary
to declare,' to the original proposition ; and this was acceded to by
Mr. Fox, though its aim was to convert a general declaration into a
temporary assertion, which might at any future period be retracted.
The amended resolution was carried by a majority of eighteen ; and
Mr. Dunning, pursuing his success, proposed and carried his second
proposition, 'that it was competent to the house at anytime to exa
mine and correct abuses in the expenditure of the civil list.' A third
motion, strongly deprecated, like that preceding it, by lord North, was
also carried by Mr. Thomas Pitt, affirming ' that it was the duty of the
house to provide immediate and effectual redress of the abuses com
plained of in the petitions.' Lastly, it was moved by Mr. Fox, at
past one in the morning, that the resolutions should be immediately
reported : lord North in vain opposed the motion, as violent, arbi
trary, and unusual; the report was brought up, and the house ad
journed. On the tenth of April, the committee being re-assembled, Mr.
Dunning, after congratulating the house on the late decisions, moved
and carried a resolution for producing an account of all sums of
money paid to members of parliament from any portion of the pub
lic revenue : he next proposed a resolution for rendering certain
officers, such as the treasurers of the chamber and of the household,
clerks of the green cloth, and others, incapable of sitting in the house
of commons ; but this met with a strenuous opposition, and was
only carried by a majority of two. Thus far the patriotic party
had triumphantly proceeded ; when the sudden illness of the speak
er, on the fourteenth of April, obliged the commons to adjourn
to the twenty-fourth : on that day Mr. Dunning moved for an ad
dress to his majesty, deprecating 'the dissolution or prorogation
of parliament before proper measures were adopted to fulfil the
objects of the petitions.' He sarcastically alluded to the unusual
fulness of the house, hoping that the new comers would increase
the majority of the sixth of April ; and Mr. Thomas Pitt, who se
conded the motion, after reading some resolutions of the Cambridge
county meeting, approving the late decisions, conjured the house
not to repress the budding confidence of the nation, or inflame po
pular resentment.
The most conspicuous opponent of this motion was Mr. Adam, a

228 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
young member of high promise, who, in a speech o.f extraordinary
ability, exposed the danger of impelling the multitude to an active
interference in matters of government. He drew a striking ex
ample of the progress from popular agitation to revolution and
anarchy in the time of Charles I., allowing that the opponents of
the court began from justifiable and generous motives. Mr. Fox
made a spirited reply, and gave a different interpretation to that
period of history ; ascribing the fate of Charles and the national
calamities, to the obstinacy and insincerity of that monarch's cha
racter, who by rejecting the wishes and deceiving the expectations
of his people in the early part of his reign, provoked them to a
resistance which ended in his own destruction. Ministers, he said,
had spared no pains, and abstained from no artifices, to induce
members to abandon their own glorious vote of the sixth of April;
to carry which into execution the present motion was absolutely
necessary : the house was pledged to the people, and he cautioned
them against violating such a pledge. The motion, having been
reprobated by lord George Germaine, and ridiculed by Mr. Dundas,
was finally rejected by a majority of 254 to 203.
After the division, Mr. Fox rose up to speak; but the ministerial
party, dreading the castigation which his eloquence might inflict,
endeavored to prevent him from being heard ; when an extraordi
nary scene of uproar and confusion ensued. As soon, however,
as order could be enforced, the deserters were condemned to hear
their treachery reprobated in one of the severest philippics that was
ever delivered within the walls of the house ; and it was predicted
that such gross tergiversation would meet with the punishment it
deserved at the approaching election. Lord North endeavored to
throw the shield of his wit and eloquence over those who had sub
jected themselves to Mr. Fox's reproaches : a proposition of ser
geant Adair to withhold the supplies, was negatived without a
debate; and a motion for the chairman's quitting the chair was car
ried on the twenty-sixth of May by a majority of forty-three. Such
was the termination of one of the most critical struggles which had
taken place during this reign.
Much astonishment was expressed, not only at the encouragement
which Mr. Dunning's motion received from a large party who had
so warmly taken up the American war, but at the sudden change
of sentiment which was now exhibited. Some historians have as
cribed this to influence and corruption, inconsistency and treachery ;
others deduce it from the peculiar temper of the times, the state of
the ministry, and the violence' of opposition.
The distracted condition of Ireland, the unsuccessful progress of
the war, and the degraded state of the British navy, it is thought,
excited general alarm and indignation : divisions in the cabinet, the
easy temper of lord North, and the unpopularity of lords Sandwich
and Germaine, increased the national ferment, and induced several

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE HI. 229
independent members to second the efforts of opposition ; while
the^known integrity of lord Bockingham and Sir George Savile, the
manly spirit of Fox, and the splendid talents of Burke, inspired
many with hope and confidence, inclining them to measures that
were likely to substitute an efficient for a distracted administration :
but when Mr. Dunning brought forward his second resolution, the
violence of opposition had already disgusted many of their new ad
herents, and it was carried only by a majority of two. In this si
tuation of affairs, the illness of the speaker occasioned an adjourn
ment, and allowed time for reflection : after the recess, opposition
being too eager to pursue their advantages, alarmed all moderate
men by a proposition which appeared to aim at annihilating the
power of the crown, and reviving the tyranny of the long parlia
ment: hence the majority of fifty-one, which threw out Mr. Dun-
ning's last motion (1).
On the twenty-third of March, lord North informed the house,
that the East India company not having made satisfactory pro
posals for the renewal of their charter, he would move that the
speaker should give them the three years notice, ordered by act of
parliament, previous to the dissolution of their monopoly ; and that
the sum of 4,200,000/., due from the public to the company, should
be paid on the twenty-fifth of April, 1783, agreeably to the tenor of
the said act. Mr. Fox inveighed against this measure, as tending to
deprive us of our East Indian, as well as our American possessions :
but lord North answered, that he intended nothing more than to
prefer a legal claim, in behalf of the public, to the reversion of an
undoubted right; and the proposed notice did not preclude ulte
rior arrangements. The company, as established, was certainly the
best medium for drawing home the revenues of the East Indies ;
but if its members were so unreasonable as not to offer a fair bar
gain to the public, a new corporation might be formed, and mea
sures taken to prevent or remedy the threatened evils. These re
presentations appeared so reasonable, that the motion was carried
without a division.
On the fifth of May, general Conway offered a plan of reconci
liation with the American provinces, by removing all just causes of
complaint, without acknowledging their independence ; but it was re
jected as degrading and ineffectual. Bepeated motions were made
in both houses, inquiring into the army extraordinaries, and other
articles of public expenditure, as well as for the removal of minis
ters; but all were ineffectual : in the mean time, associations con
tinued to be formed in the metropolis, and other parts of the coun
try, as well for the reformation of abuses, as for a change of men
and measures.
But in the midst of anti-ministerial hostility, and of associations
(II SeoAdolphus. vol. III. p. 220.

230 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXH.
for storming the citadel of power through the co-operation of the
people, an occurrence took place, which tended to damp the spirit
of opposition, and to promote unanimity among all ranks, by dis
playing the dangers of popular violence, and the atrocities to which
the multitude is liable to be impelled, whatever may be the mo
tives which induce them to assemble. The successful resistance
made by Scottish zealots against admitting on that side of the Tweed
the late acts in favor of the Boman catholics, encouraged some
fanatics in England to expect that, by efforts equally vigorous, a
repeal of the obnoxious ordinances might be procured. Accord
ingly, a protestant club was instituted, which contained some well-
meaning, but many ill-informed persons, who, by a false estimate of
the present state and prospects of popery, gradually worked them
selves up to that intolerant spirit which distinguished papists them
selves during the worst eras of clerical usurpation. The active ge
nius of fanaticism being once let loose, politics mingled themselves
in the question ; eighty-five corresponding societies were established
under the specious pretext of supporting protestantism; and the pa
rent institution soon acquired consequence in the eyes of the mul
titude, by a titled president being placed in its chair. The person
who conferred and received this distinction was lord George Gor
don, a young man of eccentric disposition, dissipated habits, vola
tile fancy, and weak judgment. Endowed with some talent for
speaking, and ambitious of notoriety, he had taken an active share
in the Scotch proceedings, and now entered eagerly into the views
of these English fanatics, over whom he obtained unbounded in
fluence, engaging them to adopt his inflammatory propositions as
resolutions of the society. On Monday, the twenty-ninth of May,
a meeting was held at Coachmakers-hall, to consider a mode of peti
tioning for a repeal of the act in favor of papists; when lord George,
in a furious harangue, described the alarming progress made by
the church of Borne ; urging his hearers to obstruct its march by
approaching parliament with a resolute tone, and showing to their
representatives a determination to uphold religious freedom at the
hazard of life itself: he professed himself ready to head them in the
cause of conscience and of their country ; but if they meant to waste
their time in mock debates and idle opposition, he recommended
them to choose another leader.
A speech so consonant to the passions and prejudices of his
hearers produced a resolution that the whole association should
meet, on the following Friday, in St. George' s-fields, and thence
proceed to the house of commons. Accordingly, at ten o'clock in
the morning of that day, more than 40,000 persons, wearing blue
cockades, inscribed with the words ' No Popery,' marched from
the place appointed in four divisions ; and having assembled be
fore the house of parliament, they blocked up its avenues, insulted
many of the members, and even attempted to force their way into

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE III. 251
the passages. When lord George moved that the commons should
take into immediate consideration a petition which he had present
ed, they refused, under the plea that no act of theirs could be free
while they were surrounded by a clamorous and licentious mob.
During the discussion on this subject, his lordship frequently ad
dressed the multitude, exhorting them to persevere in urging their
application; and many members began to fear that they would
break into the house ; when general Murray, a veteran officer, and
uncle to the duke of Athol, addressed the demagogue : — ' If one
of your lawless followers enters, I shall consider rebellion as be
gun, and will plunge my sword into your bosom as its promoter.'
This resolute speech is supposed to have restrained the violence
both of the leader and his followers, and to have prevented the
audacious intrusion of the latter. In the evening, some troops ar
rived, and the multitude retired from Palace-yard ; but proceeded
to demolish two chapels belonging to the Sardinian and Bavarian
embassies. On Saturday they remained quiet ; but being encouraged
by the timidity and negligence of the city authorities, they re-as
sembled on Sunday; and directing their course to Moorfields,
where many catholics dwelt, they destroyed both their chapels and
dwelling-houses. On Monday, these furious bigots renewed their outrages, being
j oined by a number of those profligate and disorderly wretches,
who are always found among the dense masses of a populous city.
Lawless atrocity being now united to religious frenzy, the ferocious
multitude added plunder to conflagration, destroying the houses of
protestants as well as of catholics : in the mean time, the constituted
authorities, as if paralysed, remained passive spectators of thescene,
and a panic pervaded all the respectable classes of society. A
proclamation indeed was issued, offering a reward of 500/. for the
discovery of the incendiaries who set fire to the chapels of the am
bassadors ; and some persons charged with this crime were sent to
Newgate, under an escort of soldiers, who were exposed to the
insults of the rabble in the performance of their duty. On Monday,
the chief vengeance of the mob was directed against the mansion
of Sir George Savile, who had introduced the obnoxious bill into
the house of commons: frequent attempts were made toset it on
fire; but it was saved by the interference of friends, who rallied
round him in this hour of difficulty and danger. On Tuesday, which
day had been fixed by the commons for considering the petition of
the association, the mob again surrounded the house and insulted
the members, who, after passing some resolutions adapted to the
occasion, immediately adjourned. All the troops in town were this
day distributed to assist the civil powers in protecting the lives and
properties of his majesty's subjects ; but the precaution of minis
ters had been neither proportionate to the danger, nor adopted
when the first appearance of tumult demanded vigorous measures :

i!S2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXTI.
robbery and destruction therefore rapidly increased. In the even
ing, after many private houses had been burnt, the insurgents at-
t acked the prison of Newgate, which they set on fire, and liberated
more than 300 ruffians to augment their ferocious bands. Flushed
with success, they now directed their attacks against the most active
magistrates ; and with peculiar exultation destroyed the house and
effects of Sir John Fielding : rushing from thence to Bloomsbury-
square, they assailed the residence of the illustrious lord Mans
field ; plundered and destroyed the valuable furniture, pictures,
statues, and other ornaments with which it was decorated ; and,
proceeding to the library, committed to the flames, not only his
books, but the inestimable manuscripts which contained the trea
sures of his judicial and legislative wisdom. A party of the guards
fired once or twice on the rioters without checking their progress ;
but the earl and his lady effected their escape by a back door, and
were received by royal hospitality into Buckingham-house. On
Wednesday, proceeding to Holborn, the mob set fire to Mr. Lang-
dale's great distilleries, which contained an immense quantity of
spirituous liquors; and many of the intoxicated wretches perished
in the flames which they had lighted : different gangs now under
took and effected the demolition of the various prisons : all trade
was at a stand ; houses and shops were closed ; men and women
were flying in consternation, trying to secure their most valuable
effects, or to deposit their helpless infants in places of safety ; yells
of barbarous triumph were mingled with shrieks of horror and
the discharge of musketry ; masses of flames were seen issuing from
the King's-bench and Fleet prisons, New Bridewell, the toll-gates
of Blackfriars-bridge, the distilleries in Holborn, and houses in
all quarters ; so that the terrified inhabitants augured, with unspeak
able horror, destruction to the whole metropolis.
In this .great emergency a full privy council had been convened,
at which the king was present; but irresolution prevailed, nor was
any thing decisive suggested. The members were rising, when his
majesty anxiously asked if no effectual measure could be recom
mended. The attorney general replied, that he knew only one ; —
that of declaring the tumult rebellious, and authorising the military
to act without the license or presence of a magistrate : the council
still hesitated to adopt this advice, though several members acknow
ledged its propriety : but the king, with a noble effort of moral
courage, took the responsibility on himself, and desired the at
torney general to make out the order, which he immediately signed.
The proclamation to this effect was not issued till the evening, but
the advantage of it soon appeared. A detachment of militia, under
colonel Holroyd, first checked the outrages ; and the guards soon
dispersed the rioters at Blackfriars-bridge, after many had been
pushed over the balustrade into the river.
This resolution to employ military aid was adopted just in lime

A.D. 1780. ] GEORGE 1H. 253
to avert national ruin: the infuriated multitude had attacked the pay
office, and were directing their attempts on the Bank ; while a strong
detachment was sent to co-operate with the incendiaries by cutting
the pipes of the New Biver. The soldiers, however, were now
assembled in such force, and inspired with such resolution, as ef
fectually to resist, and finally to overpower the assailants at all
points. On Thursday, the inhabitants began to recover from their
consternation, though the shops continued shut, and detached parties
still created disturbance : no attempt, however, was made to rally
at night ; so that on Friday tranquillity was restored ; and lord
George Gordon, being apprehended by a warrant from the secre
tary of state, was committed to prison.
It was fortunate for the country that this insurrection began with
out any settled or concerted plan ; and that private houses were
the first objects of popular fury, before rapacity, added to fanati
cism, impelled the mob to attack the Bank and other public offices :
it was also fortunate that the king determined to exert that moral
courage which so eminently distinguished his character, and which
saved the capital from destruction. The effects resulting from this
outrage on civil authority were of a mixed nature. Though un
connected with the great object of the petitions, it disheartened
the friends of reform, emboldened the tories to circulate gross ac
cusations against their political opponents, and materially increased
the influence of the crown : but the credit of a mob, as a test of
public opinion, was lessened ; the dangerous consequences of its
rash determinations became more evident ; and government was in
duced in future more readily to oppose the commencement of po
pular violence by military force. Thus the tumult passed away,
but the lessons which it inculcated were not forgotten : they were
remembered with peculiar advantage, when the revolutionary
tempest was heard in France, and its clouds began to cast their
shade on the shores of Britain.
On the sixth of June, more than 200 members of the house of
commons having had the courage to force their way through the
banditti that occupied the avenues, passed several spirited resolu
tions, asserting their own privileges, and appointing a committee
of inquiry, as well as an address to his majesty for the prosecu
tion of offenders by the attorney general, and an indemnification to
the foreign ministers for their losses : they afterwards met on the
eighth ; but the city of Westminster being under the operation of
martial law, they judged it expedient to adjourn to the nineteenth,
that order and tranquillity might be completely restored. On that
day, his majesty was pleased to meet his parliament, and exhibit a
general view of the measures which had been employed during
the suspension of regular government; when all parties concurred
in applauding their sovereign's conduct, though some members
censured the tardy conduct of ministers in providing for the de-

234 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
fence of the metropolis. In the house of lords, when the question
respecting the legality of military interference was introduced, this
important point was accurately examined and constitutionally settled
by lord Mansfield, whose sufferings in the late unhappy tumults in
creased the interest with which his high character and attainments
were regarded by the house. The sympathy of his hearers rose
to the highest pitch, when with much feeling he declared, that he
had been obliged to form his opinion without consulting any books
on the subject. 'Indeed,' he added, 'I have now no books to
consult.' Disembarrassing the question from all doubts relative to construc
tive treason, his lordship proved that the insurgents were guilty
both of high treason and of felony : every man might, and if requir
ed by a magistrate, must interfere, to prevent acts of felony,
treason, and rebellion • what therefore an individual might do, was
lawful to any number of persons lawfully assembled. A private
man, seeing another commit an unlawful act, might apprehend the
offender, and by force compel him to submit, not to the assailant,
but to the law; and so might any number of men assembled, or
called together for the purpose : this doctrine, with all the conse
quences that might flow from it, was indisputable, and was the true
foundation for calling in military aid : the persons so called in were,
in the eye of the law, mere private individuals, not differing in
this instance from their fellow-citizens, because they wore red coats.
'If a military man,' said his lordship, 'exceed the powers with
which he is invested , he must be tried and punished, not by the martial
code, but by the laws of the realm : consequently, it was an ill-
founded apprehension, that the metropolis was under martial law,
or that the military had more power since the riots than before.'
The house of commons having resolved itself into a committee*
the petitions for repealing the bill which had been made the occasion
of so much mischief were taken into consideration ; but as no evil
appeared to have proceeded from the relaxation of that penal law
which had been mitigated, the house adopted five resolutions, on
the motion of Mr. Burke, expressing satisfaction in the law as it now
existed, together with an abhorrence of the late tumults, and of
the misrepresentations which led to them. As the protestant asso
ciation, however, still continued to press their demands on the
legislature, a bill was brought in, by way of compromise, to deprive
Boman catholics of the right of keeping schools in which protestants
were taught : it passed the commons ; but the lords threw it out,
as carried by the fear of popular outrage, and therefore derogatory
to the dignity and independence of parliament.
The supplies for 1780 amounted to 21,196,496/.: the number of
seamen and marines employed was 85,000; and 35,000 British
troops, besides the forces abroad : the extraordinaries of the army
amounted to 2,418,805/. To provide for these expenses, in addition

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE III. 235
to the usual resources of land and malt, exchequer bills were re
newed to the same amount as last year. The sinking-fund was to
provide two millions and a half; 12,000,000/. were borrowed on
annuities, and 480,000/. raised by lottery. Increased duties were
laid on malt, spirits, wines of Portugal and France, Newcastle
coals, exported salt, licenses to sell tea and coffee, legacies, and
advertisements in newspapers : a vote of credit also for 1,000,000/.
was passed in addition to these supplies ; and on the eighth of July
this long and important session closed.
The rioters in London and Middlesex were tried at the Old
Bailey, a special commission being issued for those in Surrey ; the
principal commissioner being Mr. Wedderburne, as chief justice of
the common pleas, who was raised to the peerage by the title of
lord Loughborough. All proceedings were conducted on the most
humane principles ofBritishjurisprudence;no man being convicted
but on the fullest testimony, and no plea of extenuation disregarded.
Lord George Gordon, after having in vain petitioned the house of
commons for his discharge, was injudiciously tried for high treason,
instead of being indicted for high crimes and misdemeanors : his
acquittal was principally due to the talents and eloquence of his
counsel, Messrs. Kenyon and Erskine, who argued that his motives
were not treasonable or malicious. He soon afterwards fell into
general contempt, renounced the Christian for the Jewish faith,
and died in Newgate, where he had undergone a long imprison
ment for various libels on foreign potentates, on the first of No
vember 1793.
As the nation was now relieved from all danger of internal
commotion, as well as from any apprehension of foreign invasion,
and as it was not the intention of government to yield to the petitions
of the people, it became necessary to provide means for defeating
their applications : accordingly parliament was dissolved in the
autumn, and a new one summoned to meet on the thirty-first of
October. The elections, except in a few instances, were not strongly
contested : Mr. Fox, after a severe struggle with lord Lincoln, was
returned for Westminster, and Mr. Burke was rejected at Bristol.
The charges against him were four : his not visiting the city more
frequently ; his support of lord Beauchamp' s insolvent debtors'
bills; the Irish trade acts; and the relief granted to the Boman
catholics. Each of these he defended with great ability ; rendering
the common and temporary affair of an election a medium of pro
pagating great and permanent political truths. ' The charges against
me,' said he, ' are all of one kind ; that I have pushed the principles
of justice and benevolence too far ; farther than a cautious policy
would warrant, and farther than the opinions of many would go
along with me. In every accident that may happen to me through
life, in pain, in sorrow, in depression, and distress, I will call to
mind this accusation, and be comforted.' He declined a contest,

256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
and was again chosen, as its representative, by the borough of
Malton. At this period William Pitt the second was an unsuccessful
candidate to represent the university of Cambridge ; but in January
following he was returned for the close borough of Appleby, by
the interest of Sir James Lowther. We must now direct our at
tention to the military and naval affairs of Great Britain, which this
year presented no very favorable appearance.
We were not only involved in a war with our colonies, assisted
by France and Spain ; but a strong combination was formed against
us by several powers, constituting what has been called 'the armed
neutrality.' This association originated with the court of Peters-
burgh, which had been at first regarded by the ministry as their
best ally in the present crisis: but though it had its origin in the
north, its influence soon spread over the rest of Europe, and was
not likely to be again lost sight of. By it the contracting parties
pledged themselves to maintain the principle, 'that free ships make
free goods, with the exception of arms and munitions of war;' —
a principle inconsistent with the right hitherto acknowledged, as
belonging to belligerent powers, of searching the vessels of neu
tral states. At this time also the native powers of India had entered
into a formidable coalition, under French influence, for driving us
from their territories; while repeated failures both by sea and
land had weakened public confidence both in our commanders and
our resources: public credit, too, was much depressed; the value
of landed property was diminished ; trade and manufactures lan
guished ; and there was a considerable deficiency in the produce of
the revenue.
The first cheering sign of returning fortune arose on that ele
ment which seems peculiarly our own. Admiral Rodney having
been despatched with a squadron for the relief of Gibraltar, which
was sorely distressed for want of provisions, the Bourbon cabinets
expected that he would leave his transports, in a certain latitude,
to make their own way to the fortress : under this impression, they
ordered admiral Don Juan de Langara to proceed with eleven men
of war and two frigates to intercept the supply. Bodney had the
good fortune, soon after he quitted port, to fall in with a valuable
Spanish convoy with" stores for the fleet at Cadiz ; when he captured
not only fifteen merchant-men, but a new sixty-four gun ship, four
frigates, and two corvettes. Soon afterwards, on the sixteenth of
January, he encountered Langara near Cape St. Vincent ; and having
the superior force, he directly bore down on the enemy, taking
the lee-gage, in order to prevent them from retreating into their
own ports : this mode of conflict threatened peculiar danger to his
fleet, as the action commenced about four o'clock p. m. in a violent
gale of wind, and lasted through a dark and tempestuous night.
In the first hour of the engagement a Spanish ship of the line blew
up with a tremendous explosion, and all on board perished: at six,

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE IH. 237
another struck her colors ; and by ten in the morning, the Monarca,
which was the hindmost of all the enemy's ships, struck to the
Sandwich, Bodney's flag-ship ; when all firing ceased. Four cap
tured ships of the line reached Gibraltar in safety ; one that had
been taken went on shore, and the English seamen on board be
came captives ; another was lost on the breakers ; and several Bri
tish ships were in great danger among the shoals of San Lucar ;
but all escaped. About 2400 of the enemy, with Don Juan de Lan
gara himself, were made prisoners. Even in this successful action
Bodney discovered among the superior officers of his fleet those
seeds of insubordination, which soon afterwards ripened into a
disobedience little short of mutiny, and occasioned him the deepest
mortification : he deemed it, however, prudent in the present in
stance to abstain from censure ; and the British public were not
aware of the circumstances under which he had achieved so bril
liant an action (1). Bodney also took this opportunity of doing
another great service, not only to his country, but to the cause of
humanity. Hitherto British prisoners in Spain had been treated
with great severity ; and the strongest constitution could not sup
port for any length of time the hardships of a Spanish prison: when
Langara therefore fell into the hands of Rodney, his officers and
men expected to meet with a similar fate; but were astonished at
receiving from the British admiral the most kind and compassionate
treatment. Having made a strong impression on the minds of the
Spaniards by this courteous behavior, he represented to them the
miserable condition of his countrymen, and obtained a promise,
that Englishmen, when prisoners in Spain, should be made as com
fortable as their situation would permit? At this period indeed,
the name Of Bodney, like that of Nelson in later times, filled every
breast with hope and confidence ; the press teemed with effusions
in his honor ; and ministers themselves began to look on him as
the main stay of their power (2).
On the thirteenth of February, Sir George relieved Minorca;
and having landed provisions and stores at Gibraltar, he sailed to
fulfil the ulterior object of his commission, after sending home his
prizes with a detachment of the channel fleet under admiral Darby.
That officer, on his passage, had the good fortune to capture the
Prothee, a French ship of sixty-four guns, and three vessels laden
with military stores intended for the Mauritius.
(1) In a teller to bis wire, he says, 'one thing I addressed to her husband after tbe victory, 'lode-
con say without dread of reproach ; that I defy envy, scribe the general applause that Is bestowed on you :
malice, or vlllany lo tax me with not having done lt Is not only a source of gratification to Individuals,
ray duty to the utmost extent : but without a tho- but to tbe nation In general; and the ministerial
roughchange In our naval affairs, the discipline of people reel it very sensibly, lt Is a lucky stroke for
our navy will be lost. 1 could say much, but will them at this juncture. I congratulate yon on tbe
not : you will hear It from themselves. 1 have done thanks of both houses of parliament. I hear the
them all like honor ; but It was because I would not king Is exceedingly pleased with you : he said at tbe
have the world believe that there were orflcers slack drawing-room, that he knew, when Rodney was out,
lutbelrdnly. Keep this to yourself.' Life of Rod- every thing would go well.' Lire of Rodney, vol. 1.
ney, vol. I. p. 230. p. 250. 2ES.
(2) ' It Is impossible,' says lady Rodney, In a letter

238 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
Rodney arrived at St. Lucie on the twenty-eighth of March, with
twenty-one ships of the line; and soon afterwards encountered the
French fleet of twenty-three, under count de Guichen. By one
masterly manoeuvre, he gained the wind of his opponent, with the
power of choosing his distance ; and by another, he contrived to
bring his compact line of battle against about half the enemy, sail
ing in a parallel line on the same tack : so that the two fleets being
very near, with the weather-gage in favor of the British, they had
the prospect of gaining a decisive victory, by putting before the
wind, getting alongside that half opposed to them, and overpowering
it before it could be succored by the other. Signals were accord
ingly made for close conflict, and for each ship to attack the op
posite one of the enemy ; but both were disobeyed : the leading
ship, instead of putting up her helm and bearing down, made sail
on the same direction ; construing the signal to mean, by opposite,
not that immediately to leeward, but the corresponding ship, that
is, the headmost of the line. Many other captains were guilty of
the like error ; while several kept at a great distance, neglecting
repeated signals for lying close ; so that the whole advantage of
the day was lost, though Bodney himself set a noble example,
beating three of the enemy's ships, successively out of the line, and
then bearing down on the French admiral, whom, even when as
sisted by two other ships, he fought for an hour and a half with
unremitting , fury : but though he drove him also out of the line,
which then became wholly broken in its centre, the great distance
between the British van and rear, with the crippled state of Bod
ney s own ship and some others, stopped him in the career of vic
tory, and the French fleet escaped into Fort Boyal Bay. Never
perhaps was a commander placed in more trying circumstances : it
was impossible to measure accurately the degrees of delinquency
among his officers ; or to know whether ignorance, cowardice, or
disaffection operated most : this made him indulgently ascribe their
conduct to the first and least culpable cause of failure ; and having
singled out one of them (1), who had most flagrantly disobeyed
signals, he put him under arrest, and on the first convenient op
portunity brought him to a court-martial, which sentenced him to
dismissal from the service. This example had a good effect in
restoring discipline, which was farther promoted by the evolutions
in which the admiral determined to exercise his fleet, and for which
the enemy soon gave him an opportunity, by stealing round to
windward of Martinique. The British fleet sailed from St. Lucie
on the sixth of May, and continued to turn for six days and nights,
before they could clear the passage, and get sight of the enemy ;
during which time there was a continual tacking, sometimes all to
gether, but oftener in succession ; — an arduous manoeuvre for twenty
[I) Caplaln Balcman, of tbe Yarmouth

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE III. 239
sail of the line (1). The enemy, having the advantage of the wind,
were able to hazard or avoid an engagement at pleasure, and chose
the latter alternative. Bodney endeavored to gain the lee-gage,
but was unable to succeed : by feigning flight, on the fifteenth, he
had almost drawn them to a battle ; but after a partial cannonade
between the extreme ships on each side, the French retired. On
the nineteenth, the British admiral endeavored to turn the enemy's
fleet; and from his movements, both lines became so entangled, as
to render a conflict unavoidable between the British van and the
rear of their opponents ; when the latter, after suffering consider
able loss, bore away to Martinique ; having manifested a conscious
inferiority, by firing wholly at the rigging, in order to avoid a ge
neral engagement.
The arrival of a Spanish squadron of twelve line-of-battle ships,
with frigates, transports, and 10,000 troops, under Don Solano,
seemed to portend ruin to the fleet, as well as to the possessions
of the British in those seas (2) ; but this accession of strength proved
eventual weakness. A pestilential disorder broke out among the
Spanish forces, and a dissension between the commanders, which
prevented their co-operation : after remaining inactive for several
weeks in Port Boyal, the combined squadrons set sail on the fifth
of July for St. Domingo : there they separated ; the Spanish ad
miral proceeding to the Havannah, and the count de Guichen to Cape
Francois, where he remained till the French homeward-bound fleet
was ready to sail for Europe. Rodney, supposing that he meant
to convey this fleet to a certain latitude, and then proceed to the
continent of America, hastened thither, with eleven ships of the
line and four frigates, to anticipate his arrival ; but though he met
not his old enemy, who was actually on his way to France, he had
no reason to regret his voyage; for it saved his squadron from
one of the most terrific hurricanes that ever desolated the unfor
tunate islands of the West Indies. Thus, although Rodney had
not the satisfaction of carrying the enemy's fleet into a British port,
yet by the promptitude and vigor of his movements he completely
baffled their designs, obliged them to relinquish whatever enter
prises they might have contemplated, and with his very limited
means provided for the safety of the widely-extended colonies of
II) 'At the beglnnlDg of these evolutions, there tlsh navy have been left at this most critical junc-
was a frequent missing of slays, which the admiral turel Had not Sir George captured the Spanish
lost no opportunity of rebuking; but after the prac- ships of Langara. which proved an important acces-
tlceofa few daysaud nights, uo such thing occurred.' sion of force to Great Britain ; or bad tbe admiral
Lire of Rodney, vol. 1. p. 27G. sustained any reverses in the West Indies, which
|2| At this time, tbe danger was most imminent, nothing bul his extraordinary skill and good con-
not only from tbe slote of tbe officers, but of the duct prevented, the consequences might have been
ships, as appears from the following passage In a most fatal to this country, lbe safety of which
letter from lord Sandwich himself to the admiral : mainly, If not entirely, depended on tbe wisdom and
— ' For God's sake, contrive to send home your bad courage of one man.' (vol. I. p. 317. | That this n as
ships : we cannot bear lo lose any of the line : our the case, appears very evident from the following
present list Is too small ; and we shall be open lo confession of lord Sandwich :— ' I know not what to
much censure if we surfer any farther diminution.' do to find a good second in command for you ; but
' In how fearfully low estate,' says tbe author of you may depend on my having that matter in my
Uodney's life, ' as lo ships of Ihe line, must the Sri- very serious consideration ' p. 347.

240 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cbap. XXII.
Great Britain in those seas. He then turned his thoughts towards
North America, in conformity with a plan proposed by him to go
vernment, and sanctioned by a declaration of lord Sandwich ; —
' that unless our commanders in chief take the same line, and con
sider the king's whole dominions under their care, our enemies must
find us unprepared somewhere, and carry their point against us.'
While Bodney was thus supporting the honor of the British flag
on the ocean, the cause of the parent state seemed equally pro
sperous on the continent, where the affairs of congress were at a
very low ebb : the wretched policy of short enlistments led Wash
ington under the necessity of raising a new army every year, un
der circumstances of such increasing difficulty, that it soon be
came almost impossible to levy one at all. The alliance with France
had raised a delusive notion in the public mind that the war was
in a measure finished; and that, as the independence of America
had been recognised by so powerful an ally, it could not long be
disputed by Great Britain : hence the enthusiasm of the people had
greatly subsided ; they no longer viewed the contest as one in which
each individual had to act in person, but as a common cause for
which all were called on to pay : -besides, numbers began to make
a private gain of the public distresses ; while the pernicious divisions
and factions in congress were arrived at such a pitch, that the pro
spect of a happy issue appeared to the commander in chief much
more gloomy than at any former period (1). This situation of the
American affairs induced the British general to direct his force
against the less populous states of the south, where friends and foes
were more equally balanced, and where assistance from the other
provinces could not be obtained by the enemy without great ex
pense and loss of time.
The reduction of South Carolina being determined on, Sir Henry
Clinton sailed with a force of about 5000 men, under convoy of
vice-admiral Arbuthnot; and after a most unfavorable voyage of
seven weeks, landed on St. John's island, and proceeded to the vi
cinity of Charleston, situated between the rivers Ashley and Coo
per, and defended by a dangerous bar or sand-bank, behind which
the deep water formed a convenient station for the American ships
ill ' t have seen without despondence,' said be, In labor for their benefit; and from being In a state of
a private letter, ' even for a moment, tbe hours absolute despair, and on the point of evacuating
which America has styled her gloomy ones; but I America, are now on tiptoe : nothing, therefore, In
have beheld no day since the commencement of bos- my Judgment, can save us but a total reformation
tlllties, wben I have thought her liberties in such In our own conduct, or some decisive turn of affairs
ganger as at present. Friends and foes seem now In Europe. Tbe former, alas 1 lo our sbame be It
to combine to pull down tbe goodly fabric we have spoken, is less likely to happen than the latter ; as ft
hitherto been raising at tbe expense of so much is now consistent with the views of tbe speculators,
time, blood, and treasure ; and unless tbe bodies various tribes of money-makers, and stock-jobbers
politic will exert themselves to bring back things to of all denominations, to continue the war for their
first principles, correct abuses, and punish our In- own private emolument ; without considering that
ternal foes, inevitable ruin must follow, indeed, this avarice and thirst for gain must plunge every
we seem to be verging so fast to destruction, that 1 thing, including themselves, In one common ruin.'
am Oiled wllh sensations, lo which 1 have been a — Llfeof Washington, In American National Portrait
stranger until Ihcse three months. Our enemies Gallery.
behold with exultation and joy how effectually we

A.D. 1780. ] GEORGE HI. 241
of war, the largest of which carried forty-four and the smallest
sixteen guns. The inhabitants, in great consternation, conferred
on their governor, John Butledge, almost dictatorial powers ; and
with the assistance of French engineers, strengthened their works
wherever the town was considered assailable ; while general Lin
coln, placing the whole chance of saving the province on the fate
of the capital, shut himself up in it with 7000 men. Sir HenrY
Clinton, with due regard to the safety of his troops, made regular
approaches, and broke ground at the distance of 800 yards from
the works ; but the command of the harbor being a requisite pre
liminary, admiral Arbuthnot prepared to pass the bar, from which
the enemy's squadron of nine sail retired, after having sunk eleven
vessels of different descriptions across the mouth of Cooper river.
Fort Moultrie, although it opened a severe and impetuous fire
did not long retard his progress; and he cast anchor before the
town, near to Fort Johnstone.
A resolute refusal being given to the British summons, batteries
were opened on the place, and strong bodies despatched, under
colonels Tarleton and Webster, to cut off all intercourse between
the garrison and the country. Tarleton had the good fortune to
disperse a large force of the enemy at Monk's Corner, capturing
all their stores and baggage, with 400 horses ; an acquisition of
great importance to the British army, while the conquest secured
the passage of Cooper river. By the arrival of a reinforcement
from New York, Clinton was enabled to send another detachment
across that river, under the command of lord Cornwallis.
The approaches were now carried on with great vigor ; the se
cond parallel was completed on the nineteenth of April, and the
third on the sixth of May ; the last of these had been pushed so
near to the enemy's works, that the canal to a considerable extent
was drained of its water: by this time also the British flag was
flying on Fort Moultrie; preparations were made to batter the
town ; and the besieged were summoned to surrender ; but they
were not yet sufficiently humbled to comply with the terms pro
posed. Hostilities were then recommenced ; the batteries on the
third parallel were opened, and the works pushed up to the ditch,
when a capitulation was agreed to on conditions sufficiently mortify
ing to the provincials. The whole naval force at Charleston was
taken or destroyed, with 400 pieces of ordnance and a large quan
tity of naval stores ; while near 7000 prisoners, including the go
vernor, council, regular troops, militia, and about 1000 French
and American seamen, fell into our hands. The whole province
being subdued by some farther operations, in which colonel Tarle
ton particularly distinguished himself, Sir Henry Clinton retired to
New York with the main body of his forces, leaving about 4000 un
der lord Cornwallis. That nobleman strenuously seconded the
efforts made by general Clinton lo re-establish loyalty in the mass
n. to

242 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
of the people, and effect a perfect submission to the government
of the mother country : his exertions seemed to be attended with
success ; and numbers flocked lo Charleston with professions of
attachment, which, however, were found in most instances to have
been the dissimulation of policy or the extortion of fear. Being
left at liberty by his instructions to make a move into North Caro
lina, if it could be done without danger, lord Cornwallis sent some
trusty emissaries into that province, informing the loyalists of his
intentions to proceed thither, and advising them to reap their
harvest, collect provisions, and remain tranquil till his arrival.
These prudent instructions, however, were disregarded : a body of
loyalists, under colonel More, having assembled prematurely in
Tryon county, were attacked and routed ; while this insurrection
was made a pretext for so violent a persecution, that a body
of 800 loyalists were compelled to leave the province, and join
major M'Arthur in South Carolina.
The Americans, however, were encouraged by the certainty of
speedy aid from Virginia, and a detachment from Washington's
army of 6000 men ; beside which, the legislature of Virginia had
ordered 5000 men draughted from the militia, to act as a corps of
observation : the people also of South Carolina began to manifest
a change of disposition : the disloyal, who had accepted protection,
complained of compulsion, and plainly manifested their antipathy to
the British government; while those who, through principle, had
availed themselves of Sir Henry Clinton's proclamation, were in
dignant at seeing these dissemblers enjoying immunities and advan
tages, which they were ready to turn against the English on the
first opportunity. At length, treachery began openly to show itself ;
and one Lisle carried over to the enemy a battalion of militia, with
their arms and ammunition : in the mean time, news of the hostile
confederacy of neutral states, and of the political dissensions pre
vailing in England, gave additional spirit to her enemies in the
colony ; and congress resolved to make the most strenuous efforts
to recover this important member of the union.
The high reputation which general Gates had acquired at Sara
toga obtained for him the chief command in the southern depart
ment; and his arrival at the scene of action tended to revive the
hopes of the provincials. Having collected an army of 4000 men,
he prepared at once to drive the British force from their line of
posts across the state of South Carolina, and carry the war up to
the gates of Charleston. The renewal of hostilities was begun by
colonel Sumter, who had retired, after the capture of Charleston,
to raise troops in North Carolina, and was now joined by the trai
tor Lisle ; but he was repulsed with very considerable loss in se
veral attacks on Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock. Intelligence of
the enemy's formidable preparations induced lord Cornwallis to re
pair to Camden, though his effective scarcely exceeded 2000 ; while

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE III. 243
that advancing under Gates, together with the militia, led by baron
de Kalbe and other officers, amounted to 6000 men. Notwith
standing this disparity, the British general set out two hours before
midnight to attack the enemy, having received intelligence of Gates's
intention to advance. At two o'clock in the morning of the six
teenth of August, the advanced parties met in the woods, and a
Maryland regiment was entirely discomfited in the skirmish which
ensued : after this temporary conflict, both armies, as it were by
compact, betook themselves to rest, and waited for Ihe morning
light. Lord Cornwallis, on reconnoitring, found his situation ex
tremely eligible : a swamp on either side preserved him from being
outflanked, and the narrowness of his front lessened the disadvan
tage of inferior numbers.
At dawn, after both armies had formed in two lines, general
Gates attempted to change the position of two brigades ofmilitia,
when lord Cornwallis commenced a quick and effective attack. The
militia immediately gave way, fled in disorder, and threw the whole
pressure of the conflict on the other division, which maintained an
obstinate contest ; until being attacked on the flank by the cavalry
under major Hanger and colonel Tarleton, they were driven into
some swamps, and utterly routed. The reserve, consisting of about
2500 regulars, stood their ground firmly for near an hour; but
were at length thrown into irretrievable confusion. Gates, who had
retired with the militia, endeavored to rally them ; but finding all
his efforts vain, gave up every thing as lost, and scarcely thought
himself secure till he got to the distance of 180 miles from the
scene of his misfortune. Allthe baggage, stores, and camp equipage,
together with seven pieces of cannon, fell into the hands of the
victors, who lost but 350 men in killed and wounded ; while the
enemy left 800 dead on the field, and near 1000 prisoners. The
young lord Bawdon (1) particularly distinguished himself in this
battle, the advantages of which were completed in the surprise of
the bold partisan Sumter, near the Catawba Fords, whose corps of
800 men colonel Tarleton almost annihilated, taking an immense
quantity of stores, and recapturing 250 British prisoners.
This victory at Camden was succeeded, on the part of lord Corn
wallis, by acts of questionable severity : he not only sequestered
the estates of all who opposed the re-establishment of the royal
government, but denounced death against those who, after receiv
ing British protection, should join the enemy; and he actually exe
cuted some of those whom he had taken in arms : by these means
he greatly inflamed the animosity of the provincials, and afforded
them a pretext for retaliation which they did not overlook. His
lordship then marched to reduce North Carolina, and seized on
Charlotte-town ; but hearing of the defeat of a body of loyal mi-
(1) Afterwards lord Molra, ond marquis of Hastings.

244 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ Chap. XXII.
litia under the gallant major Ferguson, who were attacked at King's
Mountain by 1500 backwoodsmen, mounted and armed with rifles;
and being also annoyed by the inveterate hostility of the natives ;
he retreated to his southern station, deferring the prosecution of
his enterprise till reinforcements should arrive from New York.
General Greene, the confidential friend of Washington, being ap
pointed by congress to supersede Gates, arrived at Charlotte-town
on the second of December, where he found the southern army a
mere skeleton, without artillery, baggage, or stores : in his front
was an enemy flushed with .conquest; around him an exhausted
country, and the inhabitants, divided into hostile parties, plunder
ing each other with little less than savage fury : money he had
none ; but he had with him a number of active and devoted of
ficers, on whose exertions he could rely, and the promise of rein
forcements from the states through which he had passed on his route.
No transaction of importance marked the remainder of the year.
During the absence of Sir Henry Clinton from New York, gene
ral Knyphausen adopted judicious measures for its protection : but
though the city was, by the extreme severity of the winter, de
prived of the defence arising from its insular situation, Washington
was not in a condition to venture an attack. No enterprise of im
portance was attempted by the British before the breaking up of
the frost, when general Knyphausen made an ineffectual attempt in
New Jersey to re-establish the ancient government. Being joined
by Sir Henry Clinton, on his return from Charleston, they burned
the town of Springfield, and then retired to New York.
Early this spring the aspect of American affairs began to change,
and the hopes of the colonists to revive. La Fayette, after serving
with Washington from the battle of Brandywine to that of Mon
mouth, had returned to France to quicken the exertions of his
countrymen ; and he now presented himself in the American camp
with a promise from the French king of speedy assistance. In
July, a French squadron under M. de Ternay, with 6000 troops,
commanded by the count de Bochambeau, arrived at Rhode Is
land ; and to prevent all jealousy, a commission was sent to Wash
ington, appointing him lieutenant-general in the French armies, and
investing him with the chief command in America.
While the French ships lay at Newport, waiting the arrival of
reinforcements, Sir Henry Clinton proposed to admiral Arbuthnot a
plan for attacking Ternay, while the troops proceeded up the sound
to co-operate by land. The admiral at first declined it, in hopes
of meeting the enemy at sea ; and deferred his co-operation till the
enemy had strongly fortified their position. Sir Henry proceeded
with 8000 men to Huntingdon-bay on Long Island : but Washing
ton, having received reinforcements, put his army in motion, crossed
the North river, and, rapidly advancing towards Kingsbridge, obliged
them to desist from their enterprise.

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE HI. 245
About this time it was expected by the French and American com
manders, that they would speedily be joined by de Guichen, with a
large reinforcement of troops and ships ; in which case New York
was to be subjected to a combined attack : but intelligence of the
count's flight before the genius of Rodney disconcerted all these
schemes, and rendered it necessary for Washington and Rocham-
beau to have a meeting half-way between their respective camps,
in order to consult on new measures. While the former was ab
sent from his army on this service, general Arnold, who com
manded at West Point, and Who had entered into a secret corres
pondence with Sir Henry Clinton for betraying that impregnable
post to the British, requested that a trusty person might be sent to
expedite the plot.
The person who was selected, or rather who volunteered his
services, for this important transaction, was the celebrated major
Andre, adjutant-general of the British army ; a young man of high
spirit and undaunted courage, in whose ability, prudence, and ad
dress Sir Henry Clinton reposed unlimited confidence. He was
conveyed by night, under the assumed name of Anderson, from
the Vulture sloop of war, to the foot of a hill called the Long
Clove, where he found Arnold concealed among some firs, and
held a conference with him till the approach of day. It was then
thought impracticable for Andre to return on board the sloop, not
only from its distance, with an ebb tide, and the hands greatly fa
tigued ; but from the hazard of discovery by the people on shore>
who were constantly watching all movements on the river : with
a melancholy kind of presentiment therefore, he accompanied the
gentleman (1) who had conducted him to this interview, to his
house, situated on the bank of the Hudson. It unfortunately hap
pened, that during the day which he spent there, the Americans at
Gallows-Point directed their fire against the Vulture, and obliged
her to fall lower down the river : some other difficulties also oc
curred with the boatmen ; and the major was obliged to attempt
reaching New York by land. Having gone ashore to meet Arnold
in a military uniform, he borrowed a great coat from his host, and
departed, still under his guidance, in the direction of White Plains,
till he arrived at Pine's bridge on the river Groton. Here his
guide, after having given him directions regarding the road which
he was to pursue, returned to his house at Fish Kill (2) ; and on
H) Joshua Belt Smllh, Esq. This gentleman wos of 100 horse, to meet his fate as a spy ; and unless
Involved In great calamities through the share he you confess who were your accomplices, I shall
had In the transection, and very narrowly escaped suspend yon both on yonder tree.' Mr. Smith hav-
wlth his lire. On Ihe discovery ot Andre, he was Ing been subjected to much reproach, afterwards
arrested In bed by a French officer, and immediately published a narrative of the whole afralr. In which
carried before general Washing/on, whose address he accounted for the part he had taken by declaring
lo him wos as follows :-'Sh\do you know that that he was wholly Ignorant of Arnold's plot, and
Arnold has fled; and thot Mr. AnderBon, whom vou had been Imposed on by tbe representations of that
have piloted through ocir lines, proves to be major officer, under whose passport he conveyed Andre lo
John Andre, adjutant-general of the British army, the conference.
now our prisoner? lexpect him hero under a guard |2l ' ne was affected,' seys Mr. Smith, ' at parting.

246 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
that very evening supped in company with Washington, who had
just returned from visiting the count de Bochambeau.
Major Andre had not proceeded more than six miles, when he
was stopped by three men of the New York militia, John Paulding,
David Williams, and Isaac Van Vert, who seized his horse by the
bridle in a narrow part of the wood. In this moment of surprise,
the unfortunate man, instead of producing the passport given him
by Arnold, asked his interrogators whence they came ; and to their
reply, 'From below,' he imprudently added, 'So do I;' declaring
himself, as it were, a British officer, and requesting that he might
not be detained, as he was on urgent business. The men, how
ever, whose suspicions were excited, resisted all his entreaties,
though backed by the offer of his purse and watch, as well as by
the promise of a large reward : taking him, therefore, aside lo
search him, they found several secret papers lodged in his boots ;
after which they conducted him to lieutenant-colonel Jamison, a
provincial officer, who had the command of about 900 militia.
The unfortunate major still passed himself under the name of An
derson, lest any discovery should be made which could involve
Arnold, before he had time to provide for his safety : with this
view, he requested and obtained permission to send a letter to
that officer, informing him of Anderson's detention : at the same
time, the papers discovered in Arnold's own hand-writing, all re
lating to the forces and defences at West Point, were forwarded
to Washington, accompanied by a letter from Andre, avowing
himself to be the adjutant-general of the British army, but exculpat
ing himself from the imputation of being a spy, as he had come
on shore under the sanction of a passport or flag of truce, trans
mitted to him by Arnold, who was, at that period, a general in the
American army, and of course authorised to grant it. Washing
ton at this time was on his return from the conference with count
Rochambeau at Hartford, and the messenger missed him by taking
a different route from that of the general ; so that the letter to Ar
nold, giving information of Anderson's capture, reached him first.
Immediately on the receipt of it, he sprang on the messenger's
horse, and dashed down a steep hill to the river, where boats were
stationed for the passage to West Point ; when, leaping into one
of them, he ordered the crew to row him instantly to the Vulture,
and had scarcely passed Verplank's Point, when colonel Hamilton
arrived there with Washington's order to stop him : but he was now
in safety ; and on his arrival at New York, received the commis
sion of a brigadier-general in the British service. The life of
Andre, however, became the forfeit of his zeal. Being brought
before Washington, he neither concealed nojr palliated any thing
relating to himself, but observed the most guarded caution on every
and ottered me a valuable gold walcb In remembrance of him, which I refused. '-Narrolive, p. '18

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE IH. 247
subject that might criminate others ; while the candor and magnani
mity of his conduct, united to the ease and dignity of his deport
ment, inspired a strong sympathy for him in the American army.
His case was submitted by Washington to a board of general
officers, of which the baron de Stuben and La Fayette were mem
bers, and Greene was president : no precise charge was exhibited
against him, the board intending to govern itself entirely by his
answers to their interrogatories : by means of these, reiterated and
modified, they extracted from the unfortunate prisoner something
like an acknowledgment, that he could not return on board the
Vulture under the sanction of the flag which brought him ashore :
hence they inferred, that he did not conceive himself under the
protection of that flag, after he was once landed within the Ameri
can lines; and on this inference, they adjudged him to suffer
death as a spy, agreeably to the law and usage of nations.
From the moment of his capture, no exertions were spared by
Sir Henry Clinton to preserve a man to whom he was sincerely at
tached ; and after promulgation of the sentence, he deputed lieute
nant-colonel Bobertson to lay before Washington such facts as
could not be stated to the board ; urging it as a point of the highest
concern to humanity, that he should fully understand the whole
business, before he proceeded to carry their judgment into execu
tion. General Greene was deputed by Washington to receive the
statement; but no argument or solicitation, no offer to exchange
any prisoner for the major, no proposal of referring the case to
disinterested foreigners, no threat of retaliation, or appeal to hu
manity, had the slightest effect: Washington justified the decision
of the board ; Greene was strongly disinclined to revise the sen
tence ; and La Fayette is said to have urged on the fate of the un
fortunate captive with a malignity hardly to be reconciled with his
chivalrous character.
The compassion, which seemed banished from the breasts of
their superiors, was amply displayed by the subalterns and privates
of the American, and by all ranks of the British army: they were
unable to contemplate without emotion, so amiable and accom
plished a young man doomed in the prime of life to an ignominious
death, for an act which they could not connect with any dishonor
able motive, and which appeared only by a forced construction to
bring him under so dreadful a penalty.
The conduct of this unfortunate officer corresponded with the
most honorable principles and the finest feelings : during his exa
mination, he studiously avoided every disclosure that could impli
cate others, and heard the sentence of his judges without alarm or
dejection ; acknowledging the polite attentions that he had received,
and only begging that he might die the death of a soldier. From
the day of his trial to that preceding his execution, there was a con
stant transmission of flags on this unhappy subject ; during which

248 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXn.
interval, he calmly composed his mind with christian fortitude for
the result of the negociation ; and, when he was informed that the
die was cast, and his destiny fixed by the usages of war, he wrote
a letter to Washington, replete with dignified and pathetic senti
ments ; imploring him, that if aught in his character impressed
that general with esteem towards him ; if aught in his misfortunes
marked him as the victim of policy (1), and not of resentment ;— he
might experience the operation of those feelings in his breast, by
being informed that he was not to die on a gibbet. This letter
was not answered, though Washington consulted the board of offi
cers on the subject (2). At length, the appointed day arrived ; and
on the second of October, this unhappy victim of martial law was
led out to the place of execution, whither he proceeded arm in
arm with, the officers of his guard ; exhibiting a manly firmness, a
dignity of deportment, and a serenity of countenance, which drew
tears of sensibility from many an eye: when he approached the
fatal spot, and beheld the preparations which announced the dis
grace attached to his last moments, he paused, as if absorbed in
reflection ; then, turning to the officer next him, he exclaimed —
' What ! must I die in this manner ? ' Being told that it was so
ordered, he quickly recovered his fortitude, and said ; — ' I am re
conciled, and submit to my fate : it will be but a momentary pang.'
With great composure, he performed the last sad offices for him
self, and requested all around him to bear witness to the world,
' that he died like a brave man.'
Arnold, in vindication of his conduct, published an address to the

HI Unfortunately for major Andre, ho was almost were given to him by La Fayette In the following
the necessary victim of policy -, ond this is tbe only terms : ' That he should, If possible, get within tbe
apology that can be made for Washington's unre- British Hoes at Paulus-hook, and continue there
tenting se\erlty towards so amiable a young officer, during the night; ond that he should privately as-
No one can be acquainted wllh the character of sure the commanding officer there, without taking
Washloglon, who thinks that resentment had any him aside, that be, captatn Ogden, was instructed to
place in bis mind on ibis sad occasion. In fact, tbe say, tbat if Sir Henry Clinton would In any way
American army at this time was thinned by deser- whatever surfer Washington lo get Arnold Into bis
tions ; spies were In all their quarters , plots were power, major Andre 6bould be Immediately releas-
entered Into against their most distinguished men ; ed.' Captain Ogden so managed as to get Into the
and If tbe treachery of Arnold bad succeeded, pro- post, where he was politely offered accommodation
bably the cause of American Independence had been for tbe night. No opportunity presented Itself till
lost. He felt lt necessary to make a great example ; supper, when he sat next the commanding officer,
and the effect of It Is sold to havo been complete, into whose ear the communication was whispered :
The following anecdote, however, If lt can be relied on recelvlngit, be Immediately rose from table, and
on, as given In tbe life of Aaron Ogden, In the Ame- returned in about two hours from New York, the
ricsn Portrait Gallery, shows that Ihere was one bead quarters of Str nenry Clinton, with a laconic
condition on which the life of Andre would have answer, which was communicated In the same prl-
been spared; but tn that case tho example would vale manner ;— 'that a deserter wos never given
have been made still more effective. Captain Ogden, up:' be then added aloud,— ' Captain Ogden, your
then commanding a company lu tbe light infantry horse will bo ready for your departure early in tbe
under the marquis La Foyette, received an order morning.'
rrom tbe commander in chief, to attend at head (2| It Is said, Ihot, overcome by remorse ond sor-
quarters next morning, at eight olclock; hB was row, mingled with esteem, they were for granting
there met by Washington alone at his tent door, who this request ; till Greene, the president, inslsled that
put Into bis band a packet addressed to Sir Henry his crime was that of a common spy, and that the
Clinton at New York, directing him to carry It, wllh service and good of the American cause required tbe
a flag of truce, under an escort of twenty-five dro- most excmplory punishment : ' for,' said be, ' If be
goons, to the nearest post of the enemy, and deliver is shot, mankind will Iblnlc there ore circumstances
It to tbe commanding officer; and that he should In his cose which entitled blm to notice and Indul-
take tbe best horse he could obtain, and coll on the gence.'— Smith's Narrative, p. 166.
marquis La Fayette for special Instructions. These

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE HI. 249
Americans, in which he displayed the factious and false pretences
by which congress had effected the separation of the colonies from
the mother country, and had changed the whole nature of the war,
by an alliance with France, their natural enemy. He declared, that,
preferring the sincere overtures of Great Britain to the insidious
offers of France, he had long determined to retain his command
only till an opportunity should occur of surrendering it ; and of
accomplishing some decisive action, which would prevent the farther
effusion of blood.
In a subsequent proclamation, addressed to those officers and
soldiers of the provincial army who had the real interests of their
country at heart, and were resolved to be no longer dupes of con
gress or of France, he made a strong appeal, but without effect :
his account of his own conduct and motives was examined with great
severity ; and when he complained of the insults and hardships he
had undergone, the wounds he had received, and the little hope he
entertained of receiving any recompense from an ungrateful country,
no one allowed this to be a sufficient justification of his attempt to
betray his country's cause : it was impossible that he could deceive
himself by such an illusion ; the very efforts which he made to ex
cuse his conduct, showed how the stings of conscience were rank
ling in his heart ; and there can be little doubt but that Washington
was right, when he wrote in a letter to a friend as follows : — ¦' An
dre has met his fate with that fortitude which was expected from
an accomplished man and a gallant officer; but I am mistaken
if Arnold is not undergoing at this time the torments of a mental
hell.' The day after Andrews execution at Tappan, the continental army
broke up from that vicinity, and removed first to Piramus, and soon
afterwards to the neighborhood of the Passaick Falls ; but no im
portant military transaction distinguished the remainder of the cam
paign. Washington's great aim was accomplished, while he kept
Sir Henry Clinton in constant apprehension of an attack on New
York, and prevented him from sending reinforcements to lord Corn
wallis, whose situation in the south was becoming very critical.
In fact, the greatest pains and the most admirable finesse were em
ployed by the American commander for this purpose ; letters, ex
pressive of such an intention, were written with a design that they
should be intercepted ; pretended deserters also gave false informa
tion to the British general, who by these measures, and a variety
of judicious military movements, was completely deceived.
Sir George Bodney's observations, while he remained od the
American coast, regarding the manner of carrying on the war, were
not very favorable to the British commanders : — • I must freely
confess,' he says, in a despatch to lord Sandwich, November 13,
1780, ' that there appears to me an inconceivable slackness in every
branch of the war : and that briskness and activity, which are so ne-

250 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXII.
cessary, and ought to animate the whole, to bring it to a speedy
conclusion, have entirely forsaken it.' Soon after this declaration,
he left the American shores, and returned to his old station in the
West Indies. In the European seas, British commerce suffered
some blows so severe as to spread a general gloom over the nation :
admiral Geary indeed, who had the channel fleet under his command,
made prize of twelve French merchant-men from Port-au-Prince ;
but while he proceeded to the southward, in hopes of falling in with
a detached squadron of French and Spanish ships, of which he had
received intelligence, near fifty sail of outward-bound Eastand West
India ships were taken by the combined fleets of the enemy, and
carried into Cadiz : beside the immense value of the merchandise,
many of the ships were laden with stores for the different settle
ments to which they were destined. This loss, together with that of
near 3000 men taken prisoners on board, so increased the public dis
satisfaction at the mode of employing the channel fleet, that admiral
Geary soon afterwards resigned the command, which was conferred
on admiral Darby. The Americans also had their share of naval
success in the capture of fourteen valuable ships belonging to the out
ward-bound Quebec fleet, off the bank of Newfoundland ; and these
concurrent losses, in their nearer or more remote consequences,
affected all classes of people.
The domestic affairs of this year demand but a short notice. On
the ninth of June, the earl of Surrey, afterwards duke of Norfolk,
and hereditary lord high marshal of England, renounced the er
rors of popery before the archbishop of Canterbury ; and on the
fifteenth of June, the dukes of Cumberland and Glocester, being re
conciled to the king, went to court for the first time since their
respective marriages : on the twenty-second of September, her
majesty was safely delivered of prince Alfred, whose death
took place August 20, 1782 : on the first of November, his royal
highness prince Frederic was raised by brevet to the rank of co
lonel in the British army; and on the thirtieth of December, set
out to travel on the continent, accompanied by colonel Grenville.
The royal attention was at this time much engaged by the first de
velopment of the plan for Sunday-schools ; and when Mr. Baikes
of Glocester was soon afterwards at Windsor, the queen sent for
him to the Lodge, and honored him with a long audience, in which
he explained to her his whole system : at the conclusion, her ma
jesty graciously observed, 'that she envied those who had the
power of doing good by thus personally promoting the welfare of
society ; a pleasure, from which by her station she was debarred.'
She not only sanctioned the benevolent plan of Mr. Baikes, but
was throughout life an active encourager of the various institutions
around Windsor for the instruction and amelioration of the lower
classes.

A.D. 1780.] GEORGE III. 251

CHAPTEB XXHT.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— (780.

Meeting otthe new parliament— Mr. Cornewall elected speaker— King's speech— Fox's attack
on lord Sandwich — Lord North's reply — Rupture with Holland — Notice ot it in the session
of 1781— Associations appoint delegates— Mr. Burke brings forward the rejected bills of
last session— Mr. Pitt's first speech in the house of commons— Other popular efforts— Al
tered principles of whigs and tories — Supplies, etc.— Other popular subjects discussed in
the house— Mr. Sheridan's first speech— System of associations and delegates reproved—
Evils in the marriage act corrected— nebates on it — Different opinions of Fox and Burke
on the subject — Fox's motion respecting the war— Pitt's speech, and defence of his father's
principles — Committees on East Indian affairs— Temporary bill continuing the company's
monopoly— End of the session, etc.— East Indian affairs in the Deccan from 1778 to 1 786— At
tack on Jersey— Gibraltar relieved — Attacked by the Spaniards — Attack on Minorca — Com
bined fleets in the English channel — Naval action with the Dutch — Commodore Johnstone
attacked by de Suffren — Capture of St. Eustatius— Confiscation of property— Farther ope
rations of the fleets in the West Indies — State of affairs in America — Arnold's expedition to
Virginia— State of the American army, etc. — Washington's resources — Lord Cornwallis's
Virginian campaign — Large naval force despatched from France under de Grasse — Siege
of Cornwallis in York-lown— His surrender lo Washington— Reflections on the events of the
campaign. The new parliament met on the thirty-first of October, and it was
soon found that the returns were sufficiently favorable to the ad
ministration. The first debate was occasioned by the election of a
speaker ; for the hostility shown to ministers by Sir Fletcher Norton
during last session precluded him from the hope of nomination by
them. Lord George Germaine lamented that the declining health
of the late speaker incapacitated him for so laborious a situation,
and proposed William Wolfran Cornewall to fill the chair: Sir
Fletcher replied to this insincere condolence, that his health was
perfectly re-established ; and complained of unkind treatment from
those, forwhose sake he had retained so arduous an office, during two
sessions, at the hazard of his life. Opposition insisted that he was
sacrificed to ministerial and royal resentment, and divided Ihe house
on his re-election, but were left in a minority of 134 to 203.
The king's sentiments, in his speech to parliament, regarding the
American contest and the interference of the house of Bourbon,
remained unchanged ; and he augured the happiest results from the
late successes in Georgia and Carolina. The motion for the address
excited a warm opposition to the continuance of the war ; but the
courtiers, particularly lord George Germaine, still affected to believe
that the enemy would be speedily reduced to submission. Their
opponents, after reviewing the events of the last campaign, insisted,
that although the victories were most honorable to the British
forces, they did not advance the professed ohject: ministers had

252 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXHI.
often predicted that certain successful operations would bring the
war to a termination: but as often as these predictions were made,
they were falsified. Mr. Fox refused to acknowledge the blessings
which the nation was said to have enjoyed under his majesty's
government; and he asked, 'how long shall the sacred shield of
majesty be interposed for the protection of a weak administration?'
He acknowledged fully the sovereign's personal virtues; but de
clared that his whole reign had been one continued series of dis
grace and calamity : he also descanted with great severity on the
manner of dissolving the late parliament ; and compared the famous
vote respecting the influence of the crown, to the death-bed con
fessions and mock penitence of other abandoned profligates, who
in their last moments admonish others to avoid courses which may
lead them to an untimely end.
Carrying on his accusatorial functions, he gave notice, that, after
the holidays, he would move; first, that the earl of Sandwich
should be dismissed; and, next, that he should be brought to
condign punishment : that he would found these motions on two
distinct causes ; for advising his majesty to promote Sir Hugh Pal
liser to the government of Greenwich-hospital, and for shameful
neglect of the navy. On the fourth of December, the day fixed for
taking the navy estimates into consideration, the subject of Sir
Hugh's appointment was introduced ; on which occasion lord North
displayed one of his greatest, parliamentary excellences, a readiness
of reply : the appointment, he said, was not the act of lord Sand
wich alone, but of the other ministers in conjunction with him.
Mr. Fox's principal objection to the nomination was, that the court
martial on admiral Keppel had imputed unworthy motives to his
accuser : in this it had exceeded its jurisdiction, sitting on Keppel,
not on Palliser, whom they did not hear in his own defence. The
second objection was, that Sir Hugh had been barely acquitted :
but this interpretation was confuted by the sentence itself, which
declared that his conduct on the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth
of July was so far from being reprehensible, that in many parts it
appeared exemplary and meritorious : now, exemplary conduct
meant such as was fit for imitation ; and that which was fit for imi
tation was surely an object of requital ani reward. On the sixth
of December the recess took place.
There had long been a latent hostility between this country and
Holland : ever since the commencement of the American contest,
the Dutch had shown a partiality for the republicans, even beyond
what might have been expected from the avidity of a mercantile
people. Frequent memorials and remonstrances had passed on
both sides; and the breach gradually expanded, till matters came
to an extremity, by a discovery that the city of Amsterdam was
about to enter into a commercial treaty with the American pro
vinces. This discovery took place in September, through the cap~

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE III. 255
ture of an American packet, on board of which was Mr. Laurens,
late president of congress, who was empowered by that body to
conclude the treaty. His papers, which had been thrown over
board in the moment of danger, were recovered, and submitted
to the inspection of the British cabinet : Mr. Laurens himself was
committed to the Tower, on his refusal to answer interrogatories ;
and a spirited remonstrance was made to the States of Holland,
requiring a disavowal of the transaction, as well as the punishment
of the pensionary, Van Berkel, and his accomplices in the French
faction, which was driving the nation to the espousal of an un
certain cause against an old and powerful ally. This memorial
producing no redress, Sir Joseph Yorke presented another in terms
still more cogent and definitive; which also failing in effect, a royal
manifesto was issued on the twentieth of December, declaring hos
tilities against the States, and exhibiting a clear statement of his
majesty's motives.
When parliament re-assembled in the month of January, 1781,
it was announced that letters of marque and reprisal had been is
sued against the States-General and their subjects; and the various
charges against them were summed up by lord North in his speech
on that occasion. His lordship lamented the necessity of a war with
Holland ; but it appeared to him an unavoidable measure : he con
fessed that the situation of this country was truly alarming, though
the public prospects were less gloomy than some gentlemen thought
proper to represent them. Our difficulties were great, but he
trusted not insuperable : he was neither desirous of concealing their
magnitude, nor afraid to meet them ; for the force of this nation,
when fully exerted, was equal to the contest ; and the only means of
obtaining a just and honorable peace was to show ourselves capable
of carrying on the war with vigor.
Notwithstanding the destructive consequences of political fury,
as exemplified by the scenes which occurred last year in the metro
polis, the associations formed in various parts of the kingdom did
not dissolve ; but still endeavored to stimulate opposition, by in
flammatory resolutions, not only against fancied invasions of public
rights, but against the licence supposed to be now granted to mi
litary authority. The danger of these meetings was much increas
ed by the new and unconstitutional measure of appointing dele
gates to transact their business in the capital, and to promote the
object of their petitions. Mr. Burke received from many of these
bodies complimentary addresses for his efforts in the cause of
reform ; and, in compliance with their requests, he again brought
forward the rejected bills of last session, introducing his motion
by reading the famous resolutions regarding the increased influence
of the crown, the power of the house to correct abuses in the civil
list, and the duty of the commons to afford the redress required
by the petitions of the people : he considered these bills as a va-

254 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cbap. XXIII.
luable legacy from the late parliament, and an atonement for its
previous criminal servility : they were the result of long and deli
berate debate ; and he trusted the new parliament would make it
a point of duty to carry the wishes of the people into effect. He
then described the fate of his former bills, and lamented the ver
satility of parliament, through which his labors had been lost to
the country : he defended himself against all imputations on the
revival of an unsuccessful proposition ; and vindicated his plan, as
no less useful to the king than salutary to the people. After again
adverting in high terms of praise to the system adopted in France
by Necker, he implored the house not to treat his proposition with
respect at the outset, and then put it to a lingering death ; and he
urged lord North, if he meant to deal the blow, to save the time
of the house, and prevent much public anxiety and disappointment,
by settling the matter at once, and becoming, for one day at least,
a decisive minister. Four able speeches were expended by Mr.
Burke on this measure, but in vain. Much of his illustration. and
reasoning was new ; and his reply, on a subject seemingly exhaust
ed, so brilliant, that the commendations given to his industry, elo
quence, and wit, even by the ministerial side of the house, were
unprecedented : it became a common remark, that he was the only
man in the. country capable of forming and effecting an able and
systematic plan of reform.
In support of this measure, Mr. Pitt made his first speech in par
liament. His rising on the occasion was almost accidental; for
while lord Nugent was speaking against the bill, Mr. Byng, mem
ber for Middlesex, asked him, whether he intended to address
the house : he at first hesitated, but concluded with a determina
tion to remain silent. However, at the conclusion of lord Nugent's
speech, Mr. Byng called out his name : the call was echoed by the
house ; and Mr. Pitt, perceiving that he was expected to speak,
rose up for that purpose. Immediately the whole house was fixed
in mute attention ; the genius of Chatham was recollected ; and the
most intense curiosity was excited, to ascertain how great a por
tion of it had descended on his son : and never, perhaps, were
expectations more completely answered, than when the youthful
orator, standing up amidst a circle of the most skilful speakers
and statesmen, delivered himself in favor of the bill, with such faci
lity and animation, with a voice and language so harmonious and
energetic, with so much of his father's fire, combined with closer
reasoning and clearer arrangement, — as to extort unqualified praise
from both parties in the house.
Several other popular measures, proposed in the last session,
were now revived ; as the bills against contractors and revenue-
officers, and for imposing a tax on places and pensions : but all
met with a similar fate. In this struggle between government and
the people, it was remarked, that the principles on which the dis*

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE III. 255
tinctions of whig and tory had been founded, appeared to be lost;
and the parties possessing them, to have changed sides ; for the
sentiments of the latter in the two preceding reigns were utterly
repugnant to a corrupt influence of the crown over the two houses.
If it be said that the body of the whigs were at this time as clamo
rous against the power of parliament as they once were against the
power of the crown, and that the tories became as yielding to
the influence acquired by the crown as formerly to the claims of
prerogative, it may be answered, that still the political principles,
to which each party attached itself, were very different from those
which divided their forefathers (1).
The public service of this year demanded the sum of 22,458,337/.;
to provide for which, beside some extraordinary aid from the
East India company and the Bank, with 480,000/. from a lottery,
12,000,000/. were borrowed on a new plan ; while it seemed as if
the continuance of the war served only to increase the ability of the
nation to maintain it : to lessen the immediate weight of interest, the
minister added a great load to the funded debt. Subscribers to the
loan, for every 100/., obtained 150/. in annuities, after the rate of
three per cent. ; and an additional annuity of 25/. at four per cent.,
to be continued till the annuity should be redeemed : so that this
year added 18,000,000/. to the three per cent, stocks, and 3,000,000/.
to the four per cent.
The interest on this loan amounted to 660,000/. ; to pay which
most of the excise duties were increased by an addition of five per
cent. : a farther duty was laid also on the importation of tobacco and
sugar. Several regulations were made in the duty on paper; and
an additional stamp was laid on sheet almanacs ; from the produce
of which 500/. per annum was granted to the universities of Oxford
and Cambridge, in lieu of a sum formerly paid to them by the Sta
tioners' company for the privilege of printing almanacs. A vote of
credit for a million completed the financial arrangements.
The sudden rise in the value of scrip to more than ten per cent-
above the original purchase, through Avhich immense fortunes were
made by several of lord North's friends and adherents (2), pro
duced many serious imputations and motions against the minister.
Mr. Fox proposed that the lists of both subscribers and proposers
should be laid before the house ; but his lordship would not con
sent to the application of that test : cautiously avoiding a detailed
answer to Mr. Fox, he declared generally that he had made the best
bargain he was able to make ; and this conduct, injurious as it was
both to the financial and political interests of the country, was de
fended and sanctioned by the house. Nor were these the sole at
tempts made by opposition to gain popularity from the discussion
of questions interesting to the public. The interference of the mi-
(II See Lord North's Administration, p. 308.
(2) ills favorite contractor, Mr. Atkinson, made an Immediate pro8t,af j)S0,jJ0?l. i

256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXI1L
litary in the late riots was introduced to the notice of the house by
Mr. Sheridan, whose splendid talents were first exhibited in par
liament this session. He delivered a very severe philippic against
administration, adorned with glowing language, and abounding in
pointed invectives ; but after a long debate, in which the conduct
of government, in the suppression of the tumult, and the indictment
of lord George Gordon, was strenuously defended, all the motions
on this subject were negatived.
The principle and legality of associations, particularly the dan
gerous system of delegates, had before engaged the attention of
the house ; and had been stigmatised by Mr. Adam, as spreading
baleful effects over the country, and affording encouragement to its
enemies : they now came more fully into discussion, when a petition
for reform, signed by thirty-two of these mock representatives,
was offered to the house by Mr. Duncombe on the second of April ;
and a motion was afterwards made by Sir George Savile for re
ferring it to a committee. This was rejected by a majority of 212
to 135, after the contents of the petition and the unconstitutional
character of the delegates had been severely reprobated.
The re-election of Sir Hugh Palliser to a seat in parliament fur
nished a topic for several motions; and the transactions of the
courts martial on him and admiral Keppel were frequently discuss
ed, but without interesting the public.
In this session, an inconvenience, which had arisen from the
marriage-act of 1751, occasioned a clause in that law to be cor
rected. It had been enacted that no marriage could be valid, un
less solemnised in a church, or some other place wherein the ce
lebration of nuptials was lawful before the act. A pauper, with a
large family, who had been married in a chapel erected after that
period, was refused a settlement by his parish, on the plea of his
not being a married man ; and the court of king's bench, though
lamenting the hardship of the case, was obliged, in conformity
with the statute, to justify the recusants. Through ignorance or
inadvertency, many married persons were in the same predicament;
and great numbers of innocent children were consequently bastar
dised : lord Beauchamp therefore proposed an act of retrospective
operation, which passed unanimously, to render such marriages
valid and their issue legitimate. The consideration of this particular
clause led many to take a review of the whole act ; and Mr. Fox
brought in a bill to repeal it, which was rejected without a division.
The motion excited much notice, by bringing forward Mr. Burke
as its principal opponent; the two friends supporting their respec
tive views with great ability. Those of Mr. Fox, who considered
the inclination of the contracting parties as the sole criterion of pro
per marriages, were thought to be too general, and savoring of a
democratic spirit : Mr. Burke contended, that during the minority
of parties, the sanction of parents, or of nearest relations, was re-

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE III. 257
quisite in so important a case. ' The marriage-act,' he said, ' hit
the just mean between a mischievous restraint, and that laxity
which formerly occasioned so much social disorder.' Dr. Bisset
observes (1), that 'concerning the control to which natural liberty
should be subjected for the sake of general expediency, those two
illustrious men manifested, on this occasion, a diversity of opinion,
which was not much regarded at the time ; but from subsequent
proceedings and events, it has been carefully noted by those who
have examined the series and system of their respective principles
and conduct.'
Late in the session, Mr. Fox moved for a committee to take the
American war into consideration ; intimating his intention to pro
pose a resolution, for concluding peace with those whom it was
now impossible to subdue. This motion was a kind of test to the
new members ; and most of the speeches, in the long debate which
ensued, contained some general principles or professions of poli
tical faith. In answer to certain observations reflecting on lord
Chatham, whose opinions were stated to have been favorable to
the principle of those measures which had given rise to the war
with our colonies, Mr. Pitt felt it necessary to rise and vindicate
his father. It was at a late hour; the house was fatigued, and the
question loudly called for : but the moment it was perceived that
he was about to speak, all noise and impatience ceased ; and he
was heard with that silent attention, which the recollection of his
previous display of talent could not fail to command.
He declared that the noble person, whose name had been so
often mentioned in the course of the debate, heartily reprobated
the American war in its principle, its progress, and its ultimate
objects ; and that he never gave a vote or opinion opposed to those
sentiments : this was well known to those who had acted with him ;
and there were living witnesses and other innumerable circum
stances to confirm it. The only opinion expressed by lord Chat
ham, from which a contrary inference could be deduced, was, that
the British legislature had a right to impose on the colonists duties
for the regulation of commerce ; duties incidental to the extension
of trade, for the mutual benefit of both countries ; but not a single
tax or duty of any kind for the purpose of raising a revenue in
America to be remitted home, and to be disposed of by the British
parliament. This however was only a speculative opinion, totally
distinct from those doctrines and measures from which the war
originated. After this exposition of his father's sentiments, Mr. Pitt took the
opportunity of stating his own. ' In whatever point of view he
considered the American war, it confirmed him in the opinions
which he had early formed concerning its origin and tendency : it
II) History of Ihe Belgn or George III., vol. III. p. 262.
II. 17

258 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXHL
was conceived in injustice ; it was brought forth and nurtured in
folly ; its footsteps were marked with blood, persecution, and de
vastation : its mischiefs, however, recoiled on this unhappy coun
try, which became drained of its vital resources in men and treasure.
And what had the British nation received in return ? Nothing but
a series of ineffective victories, or severe defeats ; victories, cele
brated only by a temporary triumph over our brethren, whom we
were attempting to trample down and destroy; which filled the
land with mourning for the loss of dear and valuable relations,
slain in vain attempts to enforce unconditional submission, or with
narratives of the glorious exertions of men struggling under every
difficulty and disadvantage in the sacred cause of liberty. Where
was the Englishman, who, on reading the accounts of these san
guinary and well-fought battles, could refrain from lamenting the
loss of so much British blood spilled in such a contest ; or from
weeping, on which ever side victory might be declared? Add to
this, the melancholy consideration, that to whatever quarter we
looked, we could perceive nothing but natural and powerful ene
mies, or lukewarm and faithless friends, rejoicing in our calamities,
and meditating our ultimate downfall.' After dwelling with great
energy on the evils already occasioned by the war, he concluded by
warning ministers of the still more disastrous and fatal events which
must inevitably attend its farther prosecution.
The lord advocate Dundas (1), a uniform supporter of the war,
and one of the ablest debaters in favor of ministers, replied to
Mr. Pitt; and he concluded by observing, with a kind of prophetic
eulogy, ' that however unwilling he might be to say in the honor
able gentleman's presence, what truth would exact from him if he
were absent, that he found himself compelled to rejoice in the
good fortune of his country and his fellow subjects, who were
destined at some future day to derive the most important services
from so happy a union of first-rate abilities, high integrity, and
persuasive eloquence.' Mr. Fox's motion was lost by a majority
of 172 to 99.
East Indian affairs also came before the house this session.
Petitions were presented from various parties in Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa, complaining that the supreme court of judicature, estab
lished in 1773, had greatly exceeded its powers, and unlawfully
extended its jurisdiction. A select committee was, at the instance
of general Smith, appointed to discuss the affairs of India ; the
proposer being nominated chairman : to this committee the petitions
were referred ; and their investigation produced a variety of in
formation, which afterwards extended the objects of inquiry to
deliberative and executive, as well as to judicial acts. Though all
parties agreed on the necessity of caution and delicacy, yet it ap-
|t| Denttcninrds ntlached himseir strongly to the rising fortunes ot Pitt, ond was raised by blm lo the
peerage under the lltle of lord Melville. ' . J ' ¦

A.D. i778-86.] GEORGE IH. fjr 259
peared to them that there were among the company's servants
counteracting interests that materially injured the value of Indian
possessions. The committee had prepared a long report, when
intelligence arrived that affairs were in such a state throughout the
Carnatic, as induced the minister to propose a secret committee,
including an inquiry into the general management of our Indian
territories : this was carried, and Mr. Henry Dundas appointed
chairman. Lord North submitted various propositions to the house,
as subjects for discussion only : of these, the most important were,
' whether it would be expedient to throw open the trade to India;
to grant a monopoly to another company ; or to bestow a new
charter on the present, and reserve to the public a share of its
profits ; whether the crown ought to take the territorial posses
sions and revenues into its own hands, or leave them to the ma
nagement of a mercantile association ? ' These topics, amply dis
cussed, turned the attention of members towards Indian affairs,
and prepared them for understanding the nature and tendency of
such plans as should be afterwards proposed. The minister intro
duced a temporary bill, continuing the company's monopoly for a
limited time, until a more comprehensive and permanent plan
should be formed.
On the eighteenth of July the session closed; when the king
thanked his parliament for their exertions during so long and im
portant a period ; expressing his satisfaction, that in the midst of
so many and complicated difficulties, the ancient spirit of the Bri
tish nation was not diminished.
The military affairs of India, connected as they had become
with the American contest, now call for a brief notice. Deep dis
content, against the English was rankling in the mind of Hyder Ali :
he had once earnestly courted their alliance ; doubtless for his
own purposes, but on the fair principle, that each contracting
party should assist the other against the overwhelming power of
the Mahrattas. The conduct, however, of the Anglo-Indian go
vernment in the late war, when they saw his very existence so
long endangered, without making an effort for his relief, finally
disgusted him, and made him place all his hopes of future ag
grandisement on their destruction. The Mahratta counsels also
had undergone a complete change : instead of threatening invasion,
they sent proposals to Hyder for an alliance against the British ;
and although the latter, sensible of the advantages of a union with
the Mysorean chief, now made overtures for an alliance, with a
promise of defending him against any foreign attack, they only
tended to increase his irritation. At this crisis intelligence was
received of the European war; and the subjects of Louis, with
their usual diplomatic activity, opened a communication with Hyder,
whom they found very favorably disposed towards them. As soon,
however, as hostilities commenced, the British government formed

260 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIII.
a comprehensive plan for the reduction of all the French posses
sions in India. Chandernagore, with the factories at Masulipatam
and Carical, surrendered without resistance ; and Pondicherry, the
fortifications of which had been diligently reconstructed, capitulated
after a short siege, and was again dismantled. To this conquest
Hyder made no opposition: but when the Madras government
announced its intention of reducing Mahe, a French fortress on
the Malabar coast, through which he obtained military stores, he
decidedly objected ; insisting, that as the surrounding territory had
been conquered by his arms, it was now included in his dominions.
The presidency, however, did not consider this argument weighty
enough to deter them from attacking a French possession ; but sent
an expedition, which soon reduced the place; and Hyder's resent
ment became more rooted than ever.
The Madras government, even when they adopted a more judi
cious line of policy towards the Mysorean prince, unfortunately shut
their eyes to the possibility of its failure : they never expected to
become objects of his hostility, though he seems to have made no
secret of his vindictive feelings, nor to have abstained from proceed
ings calculated to rouse them from their security : he was, in fact,
preparing an expedition on a large scale ; and the nabob Mohammed
Ali, whose intelligence respecting the designs of the native powers
was generally accurate, gave notice of the impending storm, and
pressed on government the necessity of defensive measures: but his
system of policy was no longer in favor with the council, and his
predictions were discredited : every thing hostile to Hyder was re
garded as the advice of one who had long misled them on the sub
ject; so that the government was wholly unprepared for the
tremendous blow.
Early in June,. 1780, Hyder quitted Seringapatam, and at the
frontiers of his realm took the command of one of the finest armies
that was ever seen in Southern India : it consisted of 30,000 cavalry,
15,000 regular infantry, and 40,000 irregular troops, besides a
rocket-corps of 2000 men, 100 pieces of artillery, 5000 pioneers,
400 Europeans, and a commissariat, excellently organised, under
the direction of a Brahmin, named Poorneah. AVith this tremen
dous force he urged his way, slowly and circumspectly, through
the Ghauts, and burst like a mountain torrent into the Carnatic ;
no care having been taken to guard those mountain defiles. A few
days afterwards, and before orders had been issued for the move
ment of a single soldier, dark columns of smoke, mingled with flame,
were seen from St. Thomas's Mount, distant nine miles from Madras :
the fruits of the earth and the labors of man were reduced to ashes,
and a wide circle of desolation was drawn round the city, extending
inland more than thirty miles. Around Vellore he drew a similar
circle, whose radius was about thirteen miles ; the rest of the country
being spared, with a view to its permanent occupation. Notwith-

A.D. 1778-86.] GEORGE HI. 261
standing this terrible devastation, Hyder was less detested by the
natives as a destroyer, than hailed as a deliverer ; so oppressive and
odious had been the united sovereignty of the company and the
nabob. Almost every fortress opened its gates at his approach,
and the whole country, north of the Coleroon, submitted to his
sway. As soon as the first and great alarm had subsided, government
began to reflect on the means of resistance : its immediate care was
to secure some of the strong places held by the nabob's troops, on
whose fidelity no reliance could be placed : Wandewash and one
other were thus preserved; the former by the uncommon skill and
gallantry of lieutenant Flint, who accomplished in safety a fatiguing
march of thirty miles, deviating to unfrequented paths : by a bold
stratagem he obtained possession of the fort ; for the gates were
shut against him , and the nabob's kelledar was on the point of sur
rendering it to Hyder. The next object was to call in a strong force
of near 3000 men, under colonel Bailjie, in the northern Circars ;
and Sir Hector Munro, the commander in chief, undertook to meet
them with the main body at Conjeveram, about fifty miles from the
capital. Colonel Baillie, in order to reach the place of rendezvous,
was obliged to take an inland route; and being detained ten days
by the swelling of the river Cortelaur, was attacked on the other
side by Hyder Ali's eldest son Tippoo, with a large detachment, over
whom, after a well-fought action of several hours, he gained a
complete victory : but the diminution of his numbers added greatly
to his distress ; while Hyder, under cover of a feigned movement
against Sir Hector Munro, interposed his whole force between the
two English divisions. In this dilemma, it was determined by a
council of war at head quarters, to send such a reinforcement
under colonel Fletcher and captain Baird (1) , as might enable colonel
Baillie to push forward across the country, covered though it was
with the enemy's detachments. As the security of this party de
pended on the very difficulties of the way, as well as the silence
and secresy of their march, colonel Fletcher refused the offer of
four six-pounders ; and set out at nine o'clock at night, each man
carrying two days' provision of rice, biscuit, and arrack, for the
relief of their suffering friends. Hyder, however, had such accu
rate intelligence respecting all their movements, that he despatched
a strong corps to cut them off on their march : but the British
commander, having a suspicion of his guides, who were actually
in the pay of the sultan, suddenly changed his route, and by a
circuitous line through swamps and rice-fields, effected the desired
junction with Baillie's corps, which he thus raised to 3700 men.
Hyder burst into furious invectives against his officers, and still
determined to intercept the united corps. Under his own inspection,
(l| Afterwards Sir David Dalrd.

262 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cuap. XXIII.
the most covert and difficult ground in their line of march was
occupied and enfiladed with cannon ; large bodies of his best infantry
were placed in ambuscade on either side ; while he himself, with his
main army, was posted in readiness to support an attack.
Colonel Baillie first attempted a movement by night, in order to
gain ground, and take that advantage which a superiority of disci
pline would have given him, if then assailed ; but meeting with
some obstacles, he determined, contrary to Fletcher's advice, to
delay his march till morning. At daylight on the tenth of Septem
ber, this unfortunate corps silently advanced, in close column, into
the very midst of the toils prepared for them. On a sudden, while
they were in a narrow defile, a battery of twelve guns poured a
destructive shower of grape-shot into their ranks : the English
faced about, and another opened on their rear : they had no choice
therefore but to advance, when they were met by other batteries ;
and in less than half an hour, fifty-seven pieces of cannon were
brought to bear on every part of their line. At about seven in the
morning the enemy came on by thousands, and every man was
engaged : the grenadiers under captain Baird greatly distinguished
themselves : attacked on all sides by 25,000 cavalry, thirty regiments
of sepoys, Hyder's European corps, and a numerous artillery, this
heroic column remained firm and undaunted, facing their foes on
every side, and performing their evolutions with as much coolness
and precision as if on parade.
The British had only ten pieces of cannon ; but these were so
admirably served, that they made terrible havoc among the enemy.
After a contest of three hours, victory began to incline towards
the English ; Hyder himself was about to give orders for retreat,
and the French officers who commanded the artillery began to
draw off their guns ; when by some accident the tumbrels contain
ing the ammunition blew up with two dreadful explosions, in the
centre of the British lines. Thus their artillery was rendered use
less ; the fortune of the day was changed, and the conquerors were
left at the mercy of the vanquished.
The brave sepoys being cut to pieces after a most valiant resis
tance, the British commanders rallied the Europeans for one more
desperate effort, and under fire of the enemy's cannon, gained an
eminence : in this position they formed a square ; and though
totally without ammunition, defended themselves against thirteen
successive attacks, the soldiers fighting with their bayonets, and the
officers with their swords. Even when they were borne down by
torrents of fresh troops, they disdained to yield, and many con
tinued fighting under the'legs of the elephants and horses. The loss
of the English in this conflict was 4000 sepoys and 600 Europeans :
colonel Fletcher was among the slain ; colonel Baillie, with captain
Baird, who was severely wounded in four places, several other of
ficers, and 200 Europeans, were made prisoners, and reserved for

A.D. 1778-86.] GEORGE III. 263
the horrors of a captivity worse than death. Since much of the
slaughter in Hyder's army was imputed to the grenadiers, cap
tain Baird, who commanded them, was chained by the leg to an
other prisoner (1).
The first advantage drawn by the sultan from this victory was
the reduction of Arcot : he held also in close siege Wandewash,
Vellore, and other important bulwarks of the Carnatic. To
remedy the disasters produced by the imbecility of the Madras
government, Sir Eyre Coote, a veteran officer of high reputation,
was sent by governor Hastings, and invested with independent
powers : he carried with him 560 European troops ; and a strong
corps of sepoys was prepared to march along the coast as soon as
the rainy season would permit : at the same time, Mr. Whitehill,
the president of Madras, was suspended from his functions, and
the funds for the prosecution of the war were placed in the hands
of the commander in chief. Sir Eyre, on his arrival, found every
thing in a wretched state; the people treacherous, and all re
sources cut off : his first concern was to send despatches to Sir
Edward Hughes and general Goddard, urging them to distress as
much as possible the possessions of Hyder on the Malabar coast,
and to cultivate terms of peace and friendship with the Mahrattas.
With about 7000 troops at his disposal, of which 1700 only were
Europeans, the British general eagerly desired to encounter his
enemy in the field : what he dreaded was the harassing warfare
carried on by Hyder in a country which he had reduced to a state of
desolation. When the British army marched, it resembled, in some
respects, a caravan preparing to cross the desert : every thing ne
cessary to support life was carried with the troops ; and as they
advanced in close column, through desolated tracks, clouds of the
enemy's cavalry hovered around them: these native warriors, find
ing that the British soldiers would not waste their ammunition against
individuals, rode close up to the ranks, uttering words of fierce
defiance, or invitations to single combat. Captain Dallas, an of
ficer of great personal prowess, successfully encountered several
chiefs ; but in this mode of fighting the Indians generally had the
advantage. Harassing as was this warfare, still, while the sultan continued
to decline a combat, he was obliged to raise the siege of every
place near which the English directed their march; though their
troops became at length so exhausted and destitute, that the com
mander saw no prospect of relief but in a general action ; and this
he could scarcely hope to bring on : but Hyder, at length encou
raged by the appearance of a French fleet on the coast, and a re
pulse sustained by the English at the pagoda of Chillumbrum, in
trenched his army in a strong position near Cuddalore, where he
HI He remained Ihrec vers and a half In this Imprisonment at Serlngapatum, being released In
Morcli, 1784.

264 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXHL
could at once maintain his communication with the sea, and cut off
his enemy's supplies. The post was extremely strong ; but on the
first of July, Sir Eyre Coote skilfully led his troops through a pas
sage formed by the enemy for a different purpose ; drew up his
troops in face of several powerful batteries, as well as a vast body
of cavalry ; and finally carried all before him. Hyder was struck
with astonishment at the success of the attack, and burst into the
most furious rage : seated on an eminence in the rear, he refused to
move from the spot, until a confidential attendant almost by force
drew the buskins on his legs, and placed him on a fleet horse, which
quickly bore him out of danger.
This victory enabled the British general to relieve Wandewash,
which was closely besieged by Tippoo : and after divers marches
and countermarches, Hyder took up a position near the village of
Polilloor, where colonel Baillie had suffered his defeat. There Sir
Eyre attacked him, and an action more bloody than decisive ensued;
for the British were in all quarters exposed to a severe cross-fire.
Mr. Mill asserts that Sir Eyre's movements were paralysed by a dis
pute with Sir Hector Munro ; and that if Hyder had made a vigo
rous charge, he might have won the victory. At length, however,
he yielded the ground on which the battle was fought ; and the
English reached it over the dead bodies of their yet unburied
countrymen, who had fallen in the former action.
The English army acquired neither reputation nor strength by
this engagement : but having heard that the fortress of Vellore
was reduced to extremity, and that Hyder was posted at Sholin-
ghur, the British general, on the twenty-seventh of September,
pushed forward with such vigor that he had nearly surprised the
Indians before they could form their ranks : having put them to
flight, after they had made several brisk charges, and lost near
5000 men, he was enabled to march on Vellore, and raise the siege.
While the war was carried on with various success, intelligence
arrived of the quarrel between England and Holland ; when lord
Macartney, the new president of Madras (1), a nobleman, whose
urbanity, moderation, and firmness admirably qualified him for the
office, formed a design of reducing Negapatam, the principal Dutch
settlement. Finding Sir Eyre Coote, who was invested with ex
clusive power over the troops, averse to this plan, he formed a
separate corps of 4000 men ; and placing it under Sir Hector Munro,
endeavored with equal wisdom and calmness to soothe the irrita
bility of the veteran general, which was heightened by the infirmi
ties of age, and the difficulties of his situation. The enterprise was
conducted vigorously and successfully : five lines of redoubts were
carried with such intrepidity, that a garrison of 8000 men capitulated
in fourteen days ; all the other Dutch settlements on the same coast
(i| lie arrived ol Fori St. George In June, 1781.

A.D. 1778-86.] GEORGE III. 265
fell into our hands ; and Trincomalee, their most important station
in Ceylon, was stormed by a detachment of sepoys and artillerymen
under Sir Edward Hughes.
The year 1782 was an eventful one. The arrival of the FVench
admiral de Suffren, who had been detached from the fleet of the
count de Grasse, opened a prospect of crushing the British power:
on the fifteenth of February, he bore down, with twelve ships of
the line, six frigates, and eight large transports, to attack Sir Edward
Hughes in the open road of Madras; but on discovering that the
British admiral had been reinforced by two line-of-battle ships
and the Isis frigate, he stood out to sea, when the English re
captured five English transports, and took a large French one,
loaded with artillery and stores for Hyder, The efforts of de
Suffren to protect his convoy produced an engagement, which was
distinguished only by the gallantry with which five British ships,
separated from the rest, repelled the attack of the enemy's fleet.
Another engagement, equally undecisive, occurred on the twelfth
of April ; but the effect was to make Hyder Ali more desirous of
peace by exhausting his patience, when he experienced how delusive
were the promises of his French allies. The contest between the
two fleets was twice renewed during the year : on the sixth of July,
a victory was nearly gained by the English, when a sudden squall
saved the defeated enemy, and enabled them to retreat : on the
sixth of September, Sir Edward sailed to the relief of Trincomalee :
but though he arrived too late, he encountered the French fleet,
which again owed its safety to flight ; when de Suffren broke six
of his captains, and sent them to the Mauritius. The fifth and last
conflict which took place between these antagonists, was in the
following year, at the siege of Cuddalore, when the English fleet
was reduced to a miserable condition by the scurvy : it was fought
at a considerable distance ; and, like the others, terminated without
a capture on either side.
In January, 1782, the French fleet, which arrived on the Coro-
mandel coast, after intercepting several vessels bound to Madras
with grain, landed 2000 men at Porto Novo : they were soon
joined by a large detachment under Tippoo, who had lately inflicted
on the English one of the deepest wounds which they sustained
during the war. Colonel Braithwaite, who was stationed with about
2000 troops on the banks of the Coleroon, for the protection of
Tanjore, being misled by false information, which his crafty foe
contrived to throw in his way, found himself suddenly surrounded
by an army ten times as numerous as his own : his little band made
a gallant resistance, repelling the most desperate and reiterated
assaults for the space of twenty-six hours ; but a charge by the French
troops under general Lally having broken the ranks of the sepoys,
the whole were routed, and either killed or forced to surrender :
the French officers displayed that humanity which had distinguished

260 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIII.
them in these campaigns ; and Tippoo himself treated his prisoners
with less cruelty than usual. -
But notwithstanding this victory, Hyder had cause for serious
alarm : through the indefatigable exertions of Warren Hastings,
the Mahrattas had withdrawn from his alliance, and even bound
themselves to guaranty the British territory, as it stood at the
period of their last treaty ; while a strong detachment, which he
sent to besiege Tellicherry, had been beaten and compelled to sur
render by a force despatched from Bombay. Strengthened how
ever by his French auxiliaries, he took Cuddalore, and proceeded
to besiege the important position of Wandewash ; but was driven
from that post by Sir Eyre Coote, forced to retreat towards Pondi-
cherry, and defeated in a battle with considerable loss at Arnee :
the British general then threw supplies into Vellore, and undertook
an expedition against Cuddalore, which only failed for want of
naval co-operation. Madras was at this time suffering under ac
cumulated evils : the ravages of Hyder Ali had driven crowds from
all quarters to seek refuge in the capital, where multitudes were
daily perishing of want: famine now raged in all its horrors; and
the numbers of dead and dying threatened pestilence as an addition
to the calamity. The bodies of those who expired in the streets or
houses were daily collected, and piled in carts, to be buried in
large trenches outside the town : for a considerable time 1200 or
1500 a week are said to have thus perished. Fortunately, the
French had no information or conception of this miserable and
unprotected state of the presidency before supplies were received
from Bengal and the Circars.
In the mean time, success again attended the British arms on the
Malabar coast, whither Tippoo and Lally had hastened with a large
force to retrieve the Mysorean interests : but colonel Macleod,
who had lately taken the command, intrenched himself so strongly
at Paniani, that the enemy were repulsed with great loss. Tippoo
was preparing with a large force to renew the attack, when he was
recalled by an event involving consequences of deeper interest to
himself than could have ensued from the most brilliant victory over
the English : this was the death of Hyder Ali, who expired on the
seventh of December, 1782, at the age of more than eighty years.
The decease of an Indian prince is generally a crisis for the power
which he may have reared ; for his army almost always becomes
disorganised and dispersed under different leaders ; while his mi
nisters form plots in favor of different competitors for ihe throne.
This danger was great as it regarded the family of Hyder Ali, whose
active mind was the grand principle of movement both in the court
and in the army : but his profound sagacity had enabled him to
choose ministers, who, in the hour of trial, stood faithful to himself
and to his house. Having kept the death of Hyder a profound se
cret from all but the most confidential persons in the court, and

A.D. 1778-86.] GEORGE III. 267
suppressed an attempt made by Mohammed Ameen to place the se
cond son on his father's throne, they despatched messengers to
Tippoo, who instantly suspended his operations against the Eng
lish, and effected a rapid march across the peninsula. On the se
cond of January, 1783, he made a private entry into the camp;
when, after the usual distribution of pay and donatives, he was re
cognised as commander of the army, and sovereign of Mysore.
Notwithstanding the most studied concealment, the presidency at
Madras received early notice of Hyder's death, and urgently pressed
their commander in chief to take advantage of that state of dis
organisation in the Mysorean government, which was expected to
follow •' unfortunately, however, the council at Madras was itself in
a state of utter insubordination and dissension. General Stuart,
who had succeeded Sir Eyre Coote in command of the forces,
claimed the same dictatorial power, which' under peculiar circum
stances had been conferred on his predecessor ; while lord Macart
ney naturally required the subordination of the military to the civil
administration. The general, therefore, to vindicate his supposed
rights, acted in direct contradiction to instructions issued from the
presidency. He first expressed doubts of Hyder's death ; then said
he would move in proper time ; afterwards declared that his troops
were not in a condition to march ; and, finally, undertook no move
ment until sixty days after Hyder's death, and thirty-four after
Tippoo's succession had been quietly proclaimed. This state of
dissension between the civil and military authorities was so injurious
to the public service, that the supreme government despatched Sir
Eyre Coote to resume the command, with nearly the same unlimited
power as before ; though lord Macartney decidedly objected to such
an arrangement : but the gallant veteran, overcome by the hardships
of his voyage, expired on the twenty-sixth of April, 1783, two
days after his arrival at Madras.
The contest, however, in the Carnatic had assumed a more
favorable aspect ; for Tippoo, considering Western India as the
principal theatre of war, had evacuated Arcot, and withdrawn
his troops to that quarter : in consequence, it was determined to
altack Cuddalore, where the French had, under the marquis de
Bussy, concentrated their main force, assisted by a large body of
native infantry. Mutual complaints and recriminations passed on
this occasion between the commander in chief and the Madras
government; but an assault, which took place on the thirteenth of
June, gave the contested position to the English, though with a loss
of 1000 men : yet Suffren, the French admiral, having gained a
superiority by sea, and landed a large reinforcement, the enemy
prepared for a determined effort, from the dangers of which the
British were relieved by the intelligence of peace between the two
nations: on this, M. Bussy not only suspended all offensive opera
tions, but sent orders to his countrymen to withdraw from Tippoo's

268 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXHI.
service : he also proffered his mediation between the contending
parties. General Stuart, by a unanimous vote of the committee,
was dismissed the company's service ; and having intimated his in
tention of resisting their authority, was put under arrest, and sent
to England.
On the western coast of the Indian peninsula affairs now took a
turn favorable to our arms, under general Mathews. By instruc
tions from the presidency of Bombay, that officer landed his troops
at a point nearest to the important city of Bednore, and began to
scale the steepest parts of the Ghauts, disregarding several detach
ments of the enemy hovering about his flank and rear. In this
manoeuvre he experienced a success which he had not dared to an
ticipate : every thing gave way before him, and Bednore surrender
ed without, a blow ; for treason, unknown to himself, ensured his
conquest. Sheik Ayaz, who commanded there, and who for his
abilities had been raised from an obscure condition to that high
post by Hyder Ali, was an object of jealousy and hatred to Tippoo,
who immediately after his father's death sent an order for his execu
tion: the sheik, however, having intercepted the letter, hastened to
the citadel, and effected its delivery to the English.
The sultan, greatly concerned at this loss, which brought the
enemy so near to his capital, pushed forward successive corps
against the British rear, and surrounded them with an overwhelming
force : meanwhile Mathews, elated with his easy victory, reposed
in false security ; dispersed his troops among the different fortresses
of the country ; and allowed his communication with the coast to be
intercepted. Tippoo'sarmy was then brought up to the attack under
Cossigny, a scientific French engineer; the garrison were driven into
the citadel ; and after a brave defence, their ammunition being ex
pended and their provisions nearly consumed, capitulated under a
promise of safe conduct to the coast. When the sultan obtained
admission into Bednore, he proceeded to the treasury ; but to his
rage and dismay found it empty : orders were then given to search
the British officers, on whom was found a large sum in money and
jewels, which are considered in India as public property. On this
discovery, Tippoo considered himself absolved from all stipula
tions ; the prisoners were cast into irons, and committed to the most
rigorous confinement. Marching down to the coast, he then laid
siege to Mangalore, which was bravely defended by colonel Campbell:
after a siege of fifty-six days, it was reduced almost to ruins ; when
news of the peace between France and England separated the French
officers from the service of Tippoo, who was so irritated by the cir
cumstance, that they with difficulty escaped the effects of his resent
ment. Unable to prosecute the siege alone, he agreed to an armistice,
to extend over the whole coast of Malabar ; one condition of which
was that a monthly supply of provisions should be allowed to en
ter Mangalore: but the spirit of this stipulation was violated, the

A.D. 1778-86.] GEORGE III. 2C9
provisions sent in being of so bad a quality, that the health of the
garrison was utterly ruined by them ; while general M'Leod, with
ill-timed scrupulosity, declined taking any effective means to in
troduce a supply of proper food. Colonel Campbell, after sustain
ing a siege of nearly nine months, under privations of the most
dreadful description, was obliged to surrender the place on the
twenty-sixth of January, 1783, and very soon died, a victim to the
fatigue which he had undergone.
This unimportant triumph was dearly purchased by Tippoo,
while important advantages had been gained by the British in
Southern India, where the military talents of colonels Lang and Ful-
larton were ably directed by Mr. Sullivan, the civil resident. The
strongest fortresses in the country had been reduced ; and the latter
officer was preparing to ascend the Ghauts and march on Seringa-
patam, when he was stopped in his victorious career by orders
from the government, and directed to restore his recent conquests.
Two English commissioners had been sent at Tippoo's request, to
his camp, to treat for peace ; and although these envoys, when they
discovered his proceedings with regard to Mangalore, sent orders
to colonel Fullarton to suspend the process of restoration, yet a treaty
was at length concluded ; each party retaining their former posses
sions, and Tippoo releasing such of his prisoners as survived the
hardships of their captivity.
One of the first acts by which this tyrant signalised his reign,
was the deportation and forcible conversion to Islamism of 30,000
christians from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Canara.
They were distributed among the principal garrisons ; and ' as far
as could be ascertained from conjecture,' says colonel Wilks, ' one-
third of the number did not survive the first year.' When the
army returned to the upper countries, its services were occupied
in quelling a protracted rebellion of the people who dwelt among
the hills and forests of Coorg : it was not long however before
they were again in revolt; and Tippoo, entering Coorg with two
columns, drew a military circle round the great mass of population,
which he gradually contracted ; sending his troops to beat up the
woods, as if they were dislodging game. By these means he en
closed about 70,000 of the inhabitants, who were driven off like
cattle to Seringapatam, where they also were honored with the
distinction of Islamism. On this auspicious occasion, the name of
Tippoo Sullan was substituted in public prayers at the mosques,
for that of Shah Allum, the reigning sovereign : he also assumed
the regal title of Padisha, and ordered his court to observe all the
forms and ceremonies of that at Delhi. The narrative of Indian
affairs is thus brought down to the period when lord Cornwallis
arrived at Calcutta, which formed a new epoch in the British go
vernment of that country.
In Europe an event occurred, which added a degree of historic

270 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIII.
interest lo the annals of Jersey. Early in January, the baron de
Bullecourt invaded the island, with about 700 men ; and having
found it totally unprepared, marched by night to St. Ilelier, where
he surprised the guard, and took possession of the market-place ;
so that the inhabitants at daybreak discovered, with no small asto
nishment, that they were in the hands of the enemy. Major Cor
bett, the lieutenant-governor, was made prisoner in bed ; but he
contrived to send intelligence of these events to the different regi
ments quartered in the island. Being brought, together with the
magistrates and principal inhabitants, to the court-house, the French
general, knowing the impossibility of retaining his conquest with
the small force which he commanded, produced articles of capi
tulation, and required the major instantly to sign them; at the
same time he declared his intention of setting fire to the town as
well as the shipping, and putting the inhabitants to the sword, in
case of refusal. The governor at first showed some reluctance ;
but when the other, laying his watch on the table, allowed him
only half an hour for deliberation, he yielded to these menaces,
though the king's advocate and the constable, who were also pri
soners, both refused to sign the document. Bullecourt then issued
a proclamation containing the usual promises and threats on such
an occasion, produced a commission from his own sovereign ap
pointing him governor of the island, and ordered the shops to be
reopened in the ordinary course of business.
The orders, however, despatched in the name of major Corbett
to the different corps, failed to produce the effect desired by the
French commander ; for the officers, understanding that the lieu
tenant-governor was a prisoner, did not consider them binding:
accordingly, they advanced in conjunction with the island militia,
and under the conduct of major Pierson, of the ninety-fifth regi
ment, assembled on the heights above the town. Elizabeth castle,
though summoned to surrender on the prescribed terms, was pre
served by the good conduct of captains Aylward and Mulcaster,
who had retired thither on the first alarm, and refused to admit
any orders from the lieutenant-governor in his present circum
stances. Bullecourt now despatched an officer, with a flag, to ma
jor Pierson, in the vain hope of effecting a capitulation : a truce for
half an hour was agreed on ; and at the same time the adjutant of
the ninety-fifth was sent to demand the liberation of major Corbett.
Being introduced into his presence, he asked him if he were a pri
soner, and the major is said to have replied in the negative. All
hope of negociation being now ended, Bullecourt prepared to de
fend his conquest by acts more worthy of a soldier ; while Pierson,
having made a masterly disposition of his forces, advanced towards
the market-place, where the main body of the enemy was posted;
but he received a fatal shot while cheering his men and leading
them on to the charge. For a moment the French had the ad- •

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE ni. 271
vantage ; but the British troops soon rallied, and drove their ad
versaries before them. Bullecourt for a time continued the com
bat, retaining near him the lieutenant-governor, whom he held
constantly by the arm ; but having fallen with a mortal wound, his
troops were repulsed on all sides, and at length surrendered at dis
cretion. Thus terminated this second attempt on Jersey, which cost
many brave men their lives, and major Corbett his honor ; for he
was shortly afterwards brought before a court-martial, and dis
missed the service.
The blockade of Gibraltar still continued ; and the garrison, but
especially the inhabitants, began again to feel severe distress : the
coarsest food was sold at an enormous price, and firing could
scarcely be obtained for the most indispensable purposes ; yet all
submitted to these distressing privations with extraordinary cheer
fulness. In such circumstances, the interest and honor of Great
Britain required that one of the first efforts of the campaign
should be the relief of this important place : accordingly, a fleet of
twenty-eight line-of-battle ships was fitted out early in the year,
under admiral Darby. The enemy boasted that they would defeat
the execution of this design, from a. desire of preventing it being
attempted; but the British admiral set sail with a convoy of ninety-
seven victuallers for Gibraltar, as well as two fleets of merchant
men; and this, while a French armament of twenty-six ships was
lying in Brest harbor, and a still larger Spanish fleet was cruising
in the bay of Cadiz. France, however, was more intent on her
own designs against the British in America, as well as in the East
and West Indies, than on seconding the views of Spain regarding
Gibraltar: instead of seeking a junction with the Spanish admiral,
she despatched her grand fleet, under count de Grasse, to the
West Indies, and a strong squadron, under Suffren, to the East.
When admiral Darby arrived off Cadiz, on the twelfth of April,
he saw the Spaniards at anchor, evidently indisposed to offer him
any opposition : he therefore sent forward his convoy under cover
of a few ships of war; and cruised off the straits, in hopes of en
ticing them to an engagement : the victuallers got safely into harbor,
notwithstanding some annoyance from the enemy's gun-boats; and
Gibraltar was relieved. The Spaniards having, after an experiment
of twenty months, discovered the inefficacy of a blockade, now
resolved to try the effects of a bombardment. Baising several
stupendous batteries, they mounted them with 170 guns of the
weightiest metal, and with eighty mortars of the largest dimensions :
these disgorged torrents of fire against Elliot's brave garrison,
who returned it with a still heavier cannonade : it seemed, as if
not only the works, but the rock itself must have been over
whelmed; all distinction of parts being lost in flame and smoke.
This terrible cannonade continued day and night for three weeks,
in every twenty-four hours of which it was calculated that fifty

272 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX1U.
tons of gunpowder were consumed, and between 4000 and 5000
shot and shells passed through the town : it then slackened, but was
not intermitted during one whole day for upwards of twelve months.
Though the fatigues of the garrison were extreme, the loss of men
was less than could have been expected : during the first ten weeks,
the whole number of killed and wounded hardly exceeded 300, and
very little damage was done to the fortifications, although the town
presented a complete scene of ruin. Such of the inhabitants as were
not buried under their houses, or torn to pieces by the shells, fled
to the remotest parts of the rock ; but destruction followed them in
places which had hitherto been deemed secure. No scene could
be more deplorable : mothers and children, clasped in each other's
arms, were torn to pieces, and the shattered fragments of their
limbs dispersed in the air ; while ladies, of the highest classes and
the most delicate frames, deemed themselves happy, when ad
mitted to a few hours' repose in the casemates, amidst the noise
of a crowded soldiery and the groans of wounded men. At the
first onset, general Elliot returned against the besiegers a tremen
dous fire ; but foreseeing the difficulty of procuring supplies, he
soon became more sparing in the expenditure of his ammunition,
and received, with comparative indifference, the furious vollies of
his opponents. By the latter end of November, the besiegers had
brought their works to that state of perfection which they intended ;
having employed on them the most skilful engineers of France and
Spain. Both nations were filled with sanguine hopes of success,
and all Europe was in anxious suspense concerning the fate of the
garrison; when a sally was projected and executed, that in about
two hours destroyed those stupendous works, which had required
so much time, and skill, and labor to erect. A body of 2000 picked
men, under brigadier-general Boss, marching out, during the dark
ness of the night, on the twenty-seventh of November, made a
simultaneous attack on the whole front of the Spanish lines. With
such silence did they advance, that the enemy had no suspicion of
their approach, until a general assault gave notice of their presence:
the Spaniards then fled on all sides ; while the pioneers and ar
tillerymen spread their fire with such rapidity, that in a little time
every thing combustible was in flames; the mortars and cannon
were spiked ; their beds, platforms, and carriages were destroyed;
and the magazines exploded one after another during the confla
gration. Before daybreak, the detachment which accomplished all
this destruction returned to the garrison, with scarcely any loss:
but the besiegers, though disconcerted by so unexpected a blow,
very soon recovered from their alarm ; and with a brave determina
tion almost peculiar to their nation, resolved to persevere in the siege.
Admiral Darby, having endeavored in vain to draw the Spaniards
to an engagement by sea, returned to protect the channel ; while
M. de Guichen, understanding that the British fleet no longer inter-

A.D. 1781] GEORGE IU. 275
vened between Brest and Cadiz, sailed with eighteen ships of the
line to join the Spanish admiral, and support him in a meditated
attack on Minorca; the conquest of which, next to that of Gibraltar,
was the principal object of Spanish ambition. With a combined
force of 16,000 men, commanded by the due de Crillon, and a suit
able train of artillery, they effected a landing, and commenced
the siege of St. Philip's castle ; but their success was not commensurate
with their expectations ; and the year was spent in unsuccessful efforts.
After convoying this armament to Minorca, the united fleets,
amounting to seventy sail, of which fifty were of the line, sailed
toward the British coasts, and for some time rode triumphant in
the channel. Admiral Darby prudently retired with his squadron
into Torbay, waiting an attack ; but a difference of opinion between
the French and Spanish commanders led to a council of war, which
overruled the proposition of assailing the British ships in harbor.
After some unavailing attempts to intercept our homeward-bound
traders, this mighty armament was compelled in September, by the
wretched state of its ships and crews, to return to port without ef
fecting any exploit worthy of notice.
The year however- did not pass away without some naval actions
honorable to the British name. In the beginning of August, the
Dutch admiral Zoutman, with ten ships of the line, eightlarge frigates,
and five sloops, encountered the British squadron, consisting of
six line-of-battle ships and several frigates under admiral Parker,
with a convoy from the north seas. An action immediately took
place off the Dogger-bank ; when both parties, eager for a close
engagement, advanced in gloomy silence, without firing a gun, un
til they were within pistol-shot. More determined valor was per
haps never shown than in this engagement : for three hours and
forty minutes did these hostile squadrons fight without intermission,
ranged abreast of each other ; and the slaughter on each side was
terrible, the English losing about 500, and the enemy 1200 in killed
and wounded : when they were both disabled, they lay to for some
time, repairing damages ; after which, the Dutch admiral bore away
unopposed for the Texel, with his ships terribly shattered, one of
them sinking, the night after the engagement, with all her wounded
on board ; while the rest with difficulty gained the harbor. Thus
their voyage to the Baltic was abandoned , all means of procuring naval
stores were cut off, and their valuable carrying-trade was for this year
annihilated. Though the result of the action was so glorious to the
British flag, the admiralty was severely and justly blamed for not
furnishing admiral Parker with a sufficient force: there were as
many ships lying idle in our ports as would have enabled him to cap
ture the whole Dutch armament. Although this brave man, on his re
turn to the Nore, received the honor of a royal visit, no acts of civility
or condescension could induce him to retain his command ; so great
was his indignation at the insufficiency and bad condition of his fleet.
n. <8

274 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXHI.
Commodore Johnstone was appointed to the command of a squa
dron destined to annoy the Dutch in another quarter, by attacking
their valuable settlement at the Cape of Good Hope: the court of
Versailles, however, at the solicitation of their ally, despatched a
superior force to counteract this design, under M. de Suffren ; who
finding the British in the neutral port of Praya, in the island of St.
Jago, proceeded to attack them. He advanced as if to certain vic
tory, but was soon taught his mistake : though the British force was
thrown into some confusion at the first onset, the native valor of
our seamen soon displayed itself; and several outward-bound In-
diamen, who were under convoy, joining in the engagement, the
French were beaten off. The commodore, soon afterwards, meet
ing with five Dutch East Indiamen richly laden, took four, and
burned the other : perceiving, however, that he could not compass
the original object of his expedition, he returned to England with
his prizes.
The Dutch, however, met with the severest punishment for their
perfidious conduct at the hands of Bodney. Ministers despatched
the earliest intelligence of hostilities between the two countries to
that officer, who, in conjunction with general Vaughan, deceiv
ed the French commanders by feigning a design on Martinique,
and then blockaded the island of St. Eustatius with his whole fleet.
This place is a kind of natural fortification; and having a free port,
which had long been the seat of an extensive commerce, had heap
ed up immense stores andwealth (1) during the season of warfare
among its neighbors; but it was wholly unprepared to make any
effectual resistance to the force which now demanded its imme
diate surrender. M. de Graaf, the governor, therefore returned
for answer, that, as he was utterly incapable of making any de
fence, he must of necessity capitulate, relying solely on the known
clemency of British commanders. The enormous wealth accumu
lated on this barren spot was indiscriminately seized and confis
cated ; in addition to which booty, above 150 rich merchantmen,
a Dutch frigate of thirty-eight guns, and five small vessels, fell
into the hands of the conquerors, having been deceived by the
Dutch colors which bad been kept flying on the island : the adjacent
isles of St. Martin and Saba were also reduced ; and thirty large
ships, laden with West India produce, and valued at 500,000/.,
which had sailed for Holland, were overtaken and captured. The
Dutch West India company, the Amsterdam merchants, and many
Americans were great losers by the confiscation of property in this
island; nor did the British merchants suffer in a much less degree:
for, confiding in its neutrality, they had accumulated there large

|1) ' All the magazines ', says the admiral , 'are Ml- the king, to be at his royal disposal.'—' I speak wltb-
ed, and even tbe beach covered wllh tobacco and In bounds, when I 6ay it is more than 2,000,000(.
sugar.'—' Tbe capture Is immense, and amounts to sterling.' Life of Rodney, vol. II.
more than I can venture to say. All Is secured for

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE IH. 275
quantities of West India produce and European goods. They stated
the hardship of their case to admiral Bodney and general Vaughan ;
but received for answer, that ' the island, and every thing con
tained in it, was Dutch ; and as Dutch it should be treated.' This
apparent severity of the conquerors drew down on them many
pointed censures ; and suits at law were subsequently instituted in
the British courts, by which large sums were recovered from the
admiral. If, however, he erred against strict legal right, he may
be excused on the plea, that he considered himself justified in con
fiscating the property of British subjects, who, for their own pri
vate gain, had sacrificed the interests of their country. This is
land had long been the chief magazine whence the Americans had
procured supplies ; and in that commerce British merchants had most
largely participated (1).
The captured treasure having been despatched to England with a
convoy under admiral Hotham, twenty-five of the ships were taken
by a French squadron under de la Motte Piquet; and thus the
wealth of St. Eustatius still continued to enrich the enemy : the
island itself was also surrendered to the French toward the end of
the year, in a very discreditable way, by colonel Cockburn.
While Bodney was at this place, and his fleet weakened by the
large detachment sent with the booty to England, the French were
quietly executing a well-planned scheme, which secured to them a
naval superiority on the American coast, to the ruin of the Bri
tish interests in the United States.
Twenty-five ships of the line and one of fifty guns, under de
Grasse and Suffren, sailed from Brest on the twenty-second of
March, with 6000 land forces on board, and a convoy of nearly
300 merchant vessels : twenty-one of these ships, after Suffren
had separated from them and sailed to the East Indian seas, pro
ceeded to Martinique ; and as their junction with the French force
already there would give them a great superiority over the British,
Bodney despatched Sir Samuel Hood with seventeen ships of the
line to intercept them off Fort Boyal bay : a partial engagement in
consequence took place ; but although the French had by reinforce
ments a majority of six, they kept at a great distance ; and some
of the English ships, pressing into closer action, received consider
able damage. The French commanders, having failed in an attack
on St. Lucie, now engaged in the reduction of Tobago ; when Bod
ney, h aving completed his repairs, came with his whole fleet in
(I I ' The Island having been taken at the first sum- —'My happiness,' says the admiral In a despatch,
inons,' says Rodney's biographer, ' the merchants ' Is having been the Instrument of my country in
had no time lo destroy or secrele their books: on bringing Ibis nest of villains to condign punishment .
Inspection of which ll came out, that certoin London They deserve scourging, QGd they shall be scourged.'
and Bermudlan merchants had been In tbe bablt of — ' Tbe guilty American merchants,' says be again,
furnishing the American privateers with wurllke 'and the equally guilty Bermudlan and British,
stores ; and, as a cloak to their clandestine commerce, though compeiico to retire, will be permitted to take
they Hied on a cipher, part of which consisted In wllh them their personal effects.' Life of Rodney,
calling cannon-balls fruit, and gunpowder grain.' vol. 11. pp. 12. 13. 45. etc.

276 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXHI.
sight of their squadron : but though they no longer showed their
usual disposition to avoid an engagement, and he had the advantage
of the wind, he did not think it prudent to run the risk. The
island was nobly defended, and only reduced by the savage mode
of warfare adopted by de Bouille, who set fire to four plantations
daily till the governor capitulated. This conquest terminated all
naval operations for the year in the West Indies: the French, being
still farther augmented by five sail of the line at Hispaniola, pro
ceeded to the Chesapeak; while Bodney returned to England on
account of his health, leaving Sir Samuel Hood in command of
the fleet.
Some important transactions had taken place since the last cam
paign in America. The spirit of disaffection in the southern pro
vinces, which had been checked by the victory at Camden, revived
through the defeat of major Ferguson : but lord Cornwallis, hav
ing obtained from Virginia, at the close of the year 1780, a rein
forcement of 2600 men under general Leslie, still pursued his
intention of penetrating into North Carolina : at the same time, Sir
Henry Clinton, with a desire of making a diversion in his favor,
and establishing a place of retreat, if necessary, despatched general
Arnold, at the head of 1800 men, to occupy Portsmouth on Eliza
beth river : he also instructed him to make incursions into Virginia,
to strike at the enemy's magazines, and to conciliate the inhabitants
by proclamations. With a laudable prudence, however, he asso
ciated with him two experienced officers, lieutenant-colonels Dundas
and Simcoe; while lord Cornwallis had power to supersede him,
if circumstances should render it necessary : but Arnold, whose
bravery and skill were indisputable, proceeded with a corps of
1000 men up James river ; and having destroyed a valuable cannon
foundery, military barracks, a large quantity of stores, and many
vessels richly laden, succeeded in establishing the required post
at Portsmouth.
The havoc made by Arnold, and the apprehension of a design to
fix a permanent post in Virginia, induced Washington to send thither
the marquis de La Fayette, with 1200 troops, as well as to urge the
French in Bhode Island to co-operate with him in his endeavors
to capture the American renegado. With this view, their fleet,
with 1500 additional men on board, set sail under the command of
M. d'Estouches, who had previously sent a naval force to the Che
sapeak, which took or destroyed ten British vessels, and captured
the Bomulus, a forty-four gun ship. On the tenth of March, admi
ral Arbuthnot sailed from Gardiner' s-bay in pursuit of the enemy,
and on the sixteenth of the same month engaged them off the capes
of Virginia. The British had a small superiority in guns, and the
French in men : the contest ended without the loss of a ship on ei
ther side, but the former effected their object by frustrating the
scheme of their opponents, who returned to Bhode Island ; and

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE HI. 277
Arnold was preserved from the imminent danger of falling into the
hands of his exasperated countrymen. On the twenty-fifth of March,
a convoy arrived in the Chesapeak from New York, with major-ge
neral Philips and about 2000 men : this distinguished officer, having
formed a junction with Arnold, defeated the American militia, and
carried every thing before him ; but his country was very soon
deprived of his eminent services by death.
The plan of Arnold's expedition, as well as its success, was prin
cipally owing to the discontent prevailing in the American army,
of Which the British commander had received intelligence. The
misery of the troops, for want of pay, clothing, and even food,
was extreme : congress was unable to afford the requisite supplies ;
and the troops proceeded from murmurs to open complaint, and
finally to revolt. The term of enlistment in several corps expired
with the year; and the whole Pennsylvania line paraded under
arms without their officers, seized six field-pieces, supplied them
selves with ammunition, and declared their resolution to proceed
and demand justice of congress. General Wayne attempted, with
out success, to arrest the progress of these revolters ; but they as
sured him that they were as attached as ever to the cause which
they had embraced ; and if the English should dare to come out
of New York, they were ready, under him, to face them in the
field : to prove the truth of these assertions, they gave up to him
several British messengers, who had been sent by Sir Henry Clin
ton for the purpose of enticing them by liberal offers to desert
their colors. The mind of Washington, however, was equal to
this emergency : with half his army, as usual, disbanded on the
first of January, with the main body of the British in New York,
and the Hudson open to their ships, he contrived to suppress the
mutiny ; to check any extensive operations of his opponents ; to
carry on an extensive correspondence with his detached officers,
with numerous influential persons, and with the state governments;
whereby he obtained funds to pay his soldiers in part, while he
found time to impress on the court of Versailles his own views of
the capabilities of the country, the importance of an immediate
supply of money, and the maintenance of a naval superiority on
the American coasts.
The plan of this campaign, the last in which any grand efforts
were made for the recovery of the colonies, was thus arranged.
Lord Cornwallis was instructed to penetrate through the interven
ing provinces, to join Arnold, and to attack the marquis de La
Fayette, who was now employed as an active partisan in Virginia;
while Sir Henry Clinton himself engaged to keep Washington and
the count Bochambeau in check. Early in the year, therefore, his
lordship took the field ; and having left a considerable force under
lord Bawdon for the defence of South Carolina, advanced towards
the frontiers, and took a position at Winnsborough ; general Leslie

278 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIII.
proceeding towards Camden. The American commander Greene,
with the main body of his forces, marched to the Cheraw hills on
the Peedee; having detached general Morgan to the west of the
Catawba, to act on the left of Cornwallis, collect provisions and
forage, and annoy his adversaries by all the means in his power.
This movement alarmed the British commander for some of his
posts, and he despatched colonel Tarleton with a force of about
1100 men to counteract it. That officer came up with the enemy
on the seventeenth of January at a place called the Cowpens, and
immediately engaged them. The militia, which was in the first line,
fell back from the impetuosity of the British, who immediately ad
vanced against the second line, which, after an obstinate conflict,
retreated to the cavalry. In this crisis, lieutenant-colonel Washing
ton made a successful charge against a troop of British dragoons
who were cutting down the militia ; and at the same time colonel
Howard gallantly rallied the continental troops, and led them to
the charge, in which they were joined by the militia. A panic
struck the English ; their advance fell back on the rear, a large
party of horse took to flight, and the artillery was seized by the
Americans : in this state of disorder, colonel Howard called out to
them to lay down their arms, with the promise of quarter ; and it
is said that this brave man had in his hand the swords of seven
officers who surrendered them to him personally (1). Tarleton, at
the head of fourteen officers, and about forty of the seventeenth
regiment of dragoons, cut their way through the opposing cavalry :
few others escaped ; and the loss of the light troops was irrepar
able. As this was the first battle in which the Americans had de
feated their opponents with the bayonet, its moral effects were
felt throughout the country : congress voted medals to Morgan,
Washington, and Howard, descriptive of this memorable day.
With the expectation of retaking the British prisoners, and obli- ¦
terating the impression made by the late action, lord Cornwallis
determined instantly to pursue Morgan, who had moved off to
wards Virginia : his efforts, however, were eluded by that able
partisan, who was assisted in his escape by a sudden rise of the
river Catawba soon after he had passed it, when the English were
almost within sight : this enabled him to send forward his prisoners,
and collect the militia of the country to dispute the fords. In the
mean time, Greene himself repaired to the banks of the Catawba,
riding with great speed 160 miles across the country, and directing
his army to join Morgan's detachment by forced marches : as soon,
however, as the flood subsided, the British made good their pas
sage over the river, which is 500 yards wide and three feet deep,
under a constant fire of the militia, but without returning it till
they had gained the opposite bank : they then easily dispersed their
(I) Life of Howard, In American Portrait Gallery.

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE HI. 279
opponents, and pursued the flying detachment, under privations
of the severest kind, to the bank of the Yadkin, which the Americans
had previously passed in flats and by fords ; but a sudden rise of
its waters stopped their enemies, and was looked on as a second
interposition of Providence little less than miraculous.
The two divisions of the American army now effected a junction
at Guildford court-house ; but their numbers were still so inferior
to the British, that Greene determined to retire beyond the Dan into
Virginia, and wait for reinforcements. By indefatigable exertions
he accomplished this object, and eluded lord Cornwallis, who kept
the upper country where the rivers are fordable : so rapid, how
ever, was the pursuit, and so narrow the escape of the retreating
army, that its rear had scarcely crossed the Dan, before the van
of their adversaries came up, to see all their hopes disappointed,
when they fancied the object of them within their grasp. This
retreat of general Greene has been always considered as a masterly
movement, and raised his reputation very high among his coun
trymen. Lord Cornwallis now fell back on Hillsborough, whence he issued
a proclamation, inviting all loyal subjects to repair thither in arms,
for the support of constitutional government : considerable success
attended this measure, and colonel Tarleton was sent with a detach
ment of horse and foot to afford protection to the royalists ; while
general Greene recrossed the Dan, to prevent as much as possible
the effects of the proclamation. In the mean time, colonel Pyle had
collected a body of nearly 300 loyalists, and was proceeding with them
to the British army, when they accidentally fell in with a corps under
lieutenant-colonel Lee, who had been sent by Greene to prevent
their junction. Those unfortunate men, mistaking Lee's troops for
their British allies, were suddenly surrounded by them, and cut
to pieces, while they were crying out 'God save the king,' and making
other protestations of loyalty. Tarleton's detachment happened to
be within a mile of this scene of slaughter ; and on hearing the alarm,
he recrossed the Haw: meeting in his retreat with another body of
loyalists, he mistook them for the militia of the country, and put
them to the sword.
These occurrences, added to the reappearance of the American
army in North Carolina, wholly disconcerted lord Cornwallis's
schemes ; while a sudden revulsion was given to the sentiments of
the people ; so that, being surrounded with timid friends and inve
terate foes, his supplies impeded, and the country wasted, he
retreated to a new position on Allamance-creek, between the Haw
and Deep rivers. The activity and vigilance of Greene's light troops
kept him informed of every movement made by the British forces,
and enabled him to rest and refresh his troops against the day of
action, which he determined to bring on whenever his reinforce
ments should arrive ; being confident, that if he could not destroy

280 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXHI.
his enemy, he could at least severely cripple him. According to
this determination, the battle of Guildford court-house was fought
on the fifteenth of March; the American army consisting of nearly
5000 men, of which more than half were militia ; the British of
about 2400, all veteran troops, long used to warfare and to victory.
This engagement, which was maintained with obstinate valor on
both sides, terminated most honorably to the British arms; but
their commander had to lament the loss of nearly one-third of his
force : besides, his troops were exhausted with fatigue, unprovided
with tents, and so destitute of provisions, that their allowance on
the following day was only a quarter of a pound of flour to each
man, and the same quantity of lean beef. The night was dark and
tempestuous ; the rain fell in torrents on the unprotected, half-famish
ed troops; while the cries of wounded and dying men augmented
the horrors of the scene. Victory at such a price to lord Cornwallis
was defeat: he was therefore obliged to retreat, and leave his
wounded to the care and humanity of the enemy. After a few days,
Greene found himself in a condition to pursue : leaving the sick and
wounded of both armies in the hands of a congregation of Friends (1) ,
he followed with great vigor; until, finding it impossible to overtake
his foe, he halted at Bamsay's mill, and Cornwallis pushed forward
to Wilmington,
Greene then took the resolution of marching directly into South
Carolina, to restore the spirits of the people, destroy the line of
posts between Camden and Charleston, and, if possible, induce
lord Cornwallis to return for their protection : but that commander,
after a fruitless effort to divert Greene's attention, took a contrary
route to Petersburg in Virginia : the main body of the Americans
then moved towards Camden ; and on the twentieth of April took
post on the brow of a height called Hobkirk's-hill, about a mile and
a half from the British redoubts. On the morning of the twenty-
fifth, as the provincials were preparing their breakfast, lord Bawdon
attempted a surprise, by passing through a swamp to the left of the
encampment : the piquets, however, received him promptly, and
retired, bravely disputing the ground, until they joined the main
body; when a sanguinary conflict ensued. The Americans were
supported by artillery; and beings superior in numbers, extended
their front with an apparent intention of surrounding the enemy :
in this emergency, lord Bawdon conceived one of those quick and
happy designs which the exigences of war call forth in those who
are fitted for command : he instantly ordered his columns to form
one line; and, thin as it was, charged the enemy with such impe
tuosity, as to put them completely to the rout. But military excel
lence was of little avail when unaided by political sagacity : the
reinforcements intended by ministers to join lord Bawdon were* not
|l| nis parents, ns well as himself, were of this persuasion.

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE HI. 281
sent in due time ; so that he was obliged to retire from the scene
of his victory and act on the defensive. At length, a portion of
the expected troops being arrived at Charleston, he marched thither
to effect a junction. In his absence, Greene captured Orangeburg,
Fort Motte, Granby, and several other places ; after which he in
vested the strong post of Ninety-six ; but before it could be reduced>
lord Bawdon was enabled to bring up his forces and to raise the
siege. Greene then retired into North Carolina with his enemy in
full pursuit : but his firmness and decision sustained him under this
trial of fortune ; for being advised to abandon South Carolina to
its fate, his reply was, ' I will recover the country, or perish in the
attempt.' The Britisb general soon perceived that pursuit was vain ;
and that while he was moving away from all support, his antagonist
was falling back on his magazines and reinforcements, drawing him
towards the very track over which he had formerly led Cornwallis.
Being already short of provisions, he returned to Ninety-six, and
from thence to Charleston, taking with him all the families of loyalists
in that district. The division of his forces made for the escort of
these unfortunate persons encouraged Greene again to hang on his
rear and flanks, until the heat compelled him to retire, after having
succeeded in recovering greatest part of Georgia and the two Caro
linas. Being joined by the detachments under Lee, Sumpter, and
Marion, he encamped on the hills of Santee, while lord Bawdon
retired to Orangeburg, and soon afterwards found it necessary,
for the sake of his health, to revisit his native land.
During the late disasters, the turn of sentiment among the Ame
rican loyalists, and the treachery of some who had joined the British
standard, were more than usually apparent : an example to deter
others from similar desertion was among the last acts of lord
Bawdon. Colonel Isaac Haynes, who had taken the oath of British
allegiance, having been captured fighting on the side of the Ame
ricans, was condemned and executed as a traitor at Charleston : his
death produced a menacing proclamation from general Greene, and
was much canvassed in England ; the conduct of lord Bawdon -
being reprobated by one party, while it was justified by the other.
After his lordship's departure, the command of the army devolved
on colonel Stewart, who was attacked by the enemy on the eighth
of September, at Eutaw springs, having previously suffered a loss
of more than 300 men, who were surprised in foraging. The most
obstinate and bloody battle that had yet taken place ensued ; and
the artillery on both sides was several times taken and retaken : the
American militia behaved with the firmness of veterans, advancing
with shouts into the hottest fire of their opponents : one part of the
line faltering for an instant, the British troops, elated|atthe prospect,
sprang forward to improve their advantage ; but in so doing de
ranged their own ranks. General Greene, observing the inci
dent, ordered the second, or Maryland line, to advance with fixed

282 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIII.
bayonets, and sweep the field. In this encounter, it fell to the lot
of the gallant colonel Howard, who commanded the second Ame
rican regiment, to meet the Buffs, whose resistance was so stub
born, that numbers of the Marylanders and British were mutually
transfixed with each other's bayonets. Colonel Howard, in a letter,
says, ' nearly one half my men were killed or wounded, and I had
seven officers out of twelve disabled.' Towards the end of the
battle, he himself received a ball in the left shoulder (1) ; vast
numbers fell on both sides ; and each claimed the victory ; but the
result was favorable to the Americans ; for the British retired, and
thenceforward confined their operations to the vicinity of Charles
ton. For his last battle, Greene was presented by congress with a
gold medal, and one of the British standards. His services in this
memorable campaign were handsomely recompensed at the end of
the war by his grateful country : but the most honorable testimony
to his merit was the high praise bestowed on him by Washington,
and the unfeigned respect with which that great man always re
garded his memory.
The proceedings of lord Cornwallis remain now to be noticed.
When his lordship left the Carolinas, he hoped that lord Bawdon
would be able to maintain his ground, even if general Greene did not
follow him into Virginia, as he expected : in the most unfavorable
event, he flattered himself, that by the conquest of this latter pro
vince, the recovery of the Carolinas would be at any time prac
ticable. Accordingly, before the end of April, he commenced his
progress, and in less than a month the march from Wilmington to
Petersburg was completed, though not without opposition from de
tachments of the provincials. Here the royal forces under general
Philips augmented his army ; and the junction had scarcely been ef
fected, before his mind was set at ease by intelligence from lord
Bawdon of an advantage gained by him over Greene, as well as
of the departure of three regiments from Cork, destined for Charles
ton : soon afterwards, a reinforcement of 1500 men arrived from
New York, and Virginia became the chief scene of operations dur
ing the remainder of the campaign. The very responsible charge of
counteracting this formidable force was committed to the marquis
de La Fayette, who acquitted himself of it with great credit : and the
attempts of lord Cornwallis, ' to catch the boy,' as he used to
call his youthful antagonist, turned eventually to his own confu
sion. One of the means used by La Fayette to prevent capture
by an overwhelming superiority of force, was the formation of a
legionary corps of horse and foot ; (he latter composed of three
companies, picked men from his three regiments of infantry, which
always lay between the two armies, and exercised the strictest
vigilance : they were commanded by major M'Pherson and captain
(i) Life of John Eager Howard, in American Portrait Gallery.

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE UT. 285
Ogden (1). At first, he was obliged to retire from the approaching
storm, having only 1000 regulars, 2000 militia, and about sixty
dragoons, under his command.
Lord Cornwallis, having advanced beyond the South Anna river,
was enabled, not only to destroy large quantities of property, but by
his great superiority in cavalry to traverse the country in all direc
tions : two expeditions, therefore, were undertaken ; the first, under
colonel Tarleton to Charlotteville, dispersed the assembly there,
captured seven of its members, and destroyed an abundance of
stores; the other, to Point of Fork, under colonel Simcoe, was but
partially successful, as the Americans had removed many of their
stores from that place. The British made various conquests, but
were seldom able to retain them longer than their time of encamp
ment : the marquis, with tact and prudence that would have done
honor to a veteran officer, acted so cautiously on the defensive,
making so judicious a choice of posts and movements, as to prevent
any advantage from being taken of his weakness : at Bacoon ford
he effected a junction with general Wayne, who brought with him
a body of 800 Pennsylvanians ; and then very dexterously throwing
his whole force between the British army and the American stores at
Albemarle old court-house, he obliged his lordship to fall back on
Bichmond without his booty. About the same time his army was
augmented by Steuben's corps, and a large body of provincial mi
litia : he then followed his antagonist, and had the address to im
press him with a notion that the American army was much larger
than it really was : lord Cornwallis therefore thought proper to
retire to Williamsburg, where his rear was attacked by a light corps
under colonel Butler, and suffered considerable loss.
It was a principal object with the British, in this campaign, to
fix on a strong post in the Chesapeak as a place of security both
for the army and navy : Portsmouth and Hampton-roads were at
first selected, but afterwards abandoned for York-town and Glo-
cester-point : these lord Cornwallis proceeded to fortify so as to
render them tenable, by his present army of 7000 men, against any
force likely to be brought against him. Having however taken a
general view of affairs, he came to an opinion that greater numbers
would be necessary for effecting the object of the campaign ; and he
conceived no hopes of ultimate success without very active co-ope
ration on the part of the commander in chief.
Sir Henry Clinton, however, instead of reinforcing lord Corn
wallis, turned his attention solely to New York, against which he
apprehended an attack by the combined French and American ar
mies : for the defence of this important post, he required lord
Cornwallis to despatch the troops which he had formerly sent him,
from Virginia, unless he was engaged in operations that required
(i) Life of Ogden, in American National Gallery.

284 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIH.
their assistance, or would employ them in making an effectual di
version of Washington's army, by undertaking an expedition, with
the loyalists, to the upper part of the Chesapeak; and as this plan
did not suit his lordship, he sent back the troops. The war how
ever was now so far involved in naval operations, that a maritime
superiority would be most likely to secure success to either party :
the British army being divided and parcelled out in various sea ports
of the United States, any portion of it, blocked up by a French fleet,
and surrounded by the American troops, might easily be compelled
to surrender : for this purpose, and in subserviency to the designs
of Washington, the count de Grasse sailed in March from Brest,
with twenty-five sail of the line, several thousand troops, and a
large convoy. A small part only of this force was detached to the
East Indies : the rest steered for Martinique ; and having eluded the
British admirals Hood and Drake, formed a junction there with
eight ships of the lineaad one of fifty guns ; and on the thirteenth of
August cast anchor in the Chesapeak : for that station also, a French
squadron, under the count de Barras, consisting of eight ships of
the line, sailed from Bhode Island five days before the arrival of
de Grasse, taking a circuit by Bermuda to avoid the British fleet.
Admiral Graves, with twenty sail of the line, made an effort to
relieve lord Cornwallis, but without effect. AVhen he appeared off
the capes of Virginia, de Grasse went out, chiefly for protection to
the squadron from Rhode Island; and an indecisive action took
place on the seventh of September. The British were willing to
renew it; but the French admiral, for good reasons, declined an
engagement : his purpose was effected when Barras got safe within
the capes. The French fleet then possessed a decided superiority:
admiral Graves departed from the coast; and de Grasse re-entered
the Chesapeak. During this time, according to a well-digested plan,
the French and American forces were on their march towards York-
town. Washington, having provided for the defence of his posts on the
Hudson, led his army down the western side of that river, so as
to mark his intentions by exciting apprehensions for Staten island ;
and it was not till he had passed the Delaware, that his real ob
ject was suspected by the British commander. The combined forces,
amounting to 12,000 men, assembled at Williamsburg on the twenty-
fifth of September, and five days afterwards moved down to the
investiture of York-town : at the same time the French fleet moved
to the mouth of York river, so as to prevent lord Cornwallis from
retreating, or receiving any succor by Sea. About this time however
he received a letter from Sir Henry Clinton, announcing the arri
val of admiral Digby with three ships of the line from Europe, and
his own determination to embark with 5000 men for his relief. Im
mediately after he received this intelligence, his lordship quitted
his exterior position, and retired to one more inward.

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE IH. 285
On the night of the sixth of October the first parallel was com
menced within 600 yards of the British lines ; and on the ninth and
tenth, the attacks of the besiegers commenced with formidable
energy : their shells reached the ships in harbor ; and the Charon
frigate of forty-four guns, with a transport, was burned : on the
eleventh, the second parallel was begun at the distance of 200 yards
from the works. As two redoubts, advanced on the left of the
British line, greatly impeded the progress of their antagonists, it
was proposed to carry them by storm ; and to excite a spirit of
emulation, the reduction of one was committed to the Americans,
and the other to the French : each was attacked and carried with
unloaded arms, but not without a considerable loss of men, espe
cially on the side of the French : these redoubts were then included
in the second parallel, and greatly facilitated the operations of the
besiegers. On the sixteenth, a sally was made by a party of British
troops under colonel Abercrombie, who spiked eleven cannon, but
were unable to gain any essential advantage. By this time the be
sieging batteries were mounted with 100 pieces of ordnance, and
the British works were in a state of ruin. No hopes of safety now
remained, for no succors arrived ; and after an attempt to escape
in boats to Glocester-point, which was frustrated by a violent
storm, lord Cornwallis proposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-
four hours to settle terms for capitulation. Washington, in his
answer, professed ' an ardent desire to save the effusion of blood,
and to accept such terms as were admissible ; ' and thus began a
negociation, which ended in a treaty, by which, on the nineteenth
of October, the posts were given up ; the troops and stores being
surrendered to Washington, the ships and seamen to the count de
Grasse. The honor of marching out with colors flying, which had
been refused to general Lincoln at Charleston, was now, by way
of retaliation, denied to lord Cornwallis : Lincoln also was appointed
to receive the submission of the royal army, in the same manner
as his own had been conducted eighteen months before; but the
Americans behaved on the whole with great forbearance and deli
cacy towards the vanquished. This was the last military achieve
ment in which Washington was personally engaged : but no other
was requisite; for the fall of York-town was but a prelude to the
emancipation of North America.
A British fleet with 7000 troops, destined for the relief of lord
Cornwallis, arrived off the Chesapeak on the twenty-fourth of Oc
tober ; but on receiving intelligence of his surrender, they returned
to New York. Considerable censure was incurred by the British
commanders on this occasion, but without sufficient reason. The
campaign of lord Cornwallis had not been deficient in energy, nor
had he committed any material error in taking up his positions ;
but the force under his command was wholly inadequate to his
exigences : by this time we had taught the American militia to fight,

286 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
and the resources of their vast country could not be taken from
them : while Washington, fixed in his impregnable posts on the
Hudson, kept Sir Henry Clinton in check, and alarmed him for the
fate of New York, the latter could not send any succors to Corn
wallis, or undertake any distant enterprise; though the American
commander himself had always in his power to gain the start of
his antagonist, whenever he chose to advance on Virginia. The
real blame lay with our ministers at home, whose Aulic council was
little calculated to direct the movements of armies on the other
side of the Atlantic; and who furnished our commanders with neither
naval nor military resources sufficient to subdue the colonies, as
sisted as they were directly by three European powers, and favored
indirectly by all the rest. It was indeed pleasantly said by lord
North of the British generals in America,, that ' he did not know
whether they would frighten the enemy; but he was sure that they
frightened him whenever he thought of them.' The sarcasm,
however, would have been quite as apposite, if it had been applied
by the military officers to the members of the British cabinet.

CHAPTEB XXIV.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1781.

Sentiments of foreign powers towards England— Prevailing disaffection at home towards mi
nisters—Arrival of the news concerning lord Cornwallis's surrender, etc.— King's speech
—Debates on address, etc.— Attack on Sir George Rodney and general Vaughan regarding
the capture of St. Eustatius, etc. — Debates on the 'army estimates — Molions of Sir James
Lowther for peace— Declining influence of administration— Renewed debates— Mr. Pitt's
speech, etc.— Discharge of Mr. Laurens— Parliament adjourns— Addresses to his majesty
for a dismissal of ministers — Admiral Kempenfeldt's action— Domestic events — Appear
ance of tbe heir apparent at court, etc. — State of Spain and France — Events in the West
Indies — Capture of St. Christopher's, etc. — Plan of attack on ministers — Fox's motions for
inquiry into the navy, etc.— Event discouraging to the ministers— Debates on lord George
Germaine's elevalion to the peerage— Attacks on administration— Lord North resigns—
Rockingham administration— Mr. Pitt's situation— That of Fox and Burke — Sentimenls of
the cabinet— Resolutions agreed on— Affairs of Ireland, and establishment of its legislative
independence — Bill passed regarding contractors and revenue olfieers — Resolutions re
garding Wilkes expunged from the journals— Borough of Cricklade disfranchised— Debates
on parliamentary reform — Subject introduced by Mr. Pitt.letc. — East India affairs — Passing
of Mr. Burke's bill for economical reform— Proposals for peace with Holland— Low esti
mation of England at this time by the continental.powers — Great Britain recovers her con
sequence by Rodney's glorious victory— Honors bestowed on the admiral, etc.— Tardy
negociations for peace.
During the events described in the preceding chapter, no ef
forts were made by any European power to assist Great Britain;
for where open hostility did not exist, a jealous combination, ad
verse to her interests, prevailed. The spirit which animated the

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE III. 287
armed confederacy was studiously encouraged by the king of Prus
sia, who still retained all his resentment against George III. and
his ministers : he even ordered his subjects to withdraw their money
from the English funds, under the pretence that a national bank
ruptcy was inevitable; and thus contributed, as far as in him lay,
to bring on so great a calamity : he next endeavored to persuade
the czarina that Great Britain had commenced hostilities against
the Dutch, on account of their accession to the armed neutrality, and
that she was called on to assist them by treaty: but though he was
unable to convince her on this point, he diminished her attachment
to the English, and proportionally increased her desire to extend
that obnoxious confederacy to which he himself now became a party:
nor did along period elapse, before the emperor Joseph, who had
suddenly imbibed a great partiality to- France, gave in his adhesion
to it, after the renewal of an attempt at mediation, under the aus
pices of Austria and Bussia, had failed. Great Britain, however,
was not yet so reduced, as to permit the interference of any fo
reign power between her and her revolted subjects; and her de
claration to this effect served as a pretext to the house of Bourbon
for renewing its profession of good faith towards the Americans.
Nor were the perplexities arising from the aspect of foreign re
lations lessened by the smooth current of domestic affairs. During
the recess of parliament disaffection to the cause of ministers began
to prevail.; and this was augmented, not only by complaints of specu
lative grievances unredressed, by the misrepresentations of political
demagogues, corresponding committees, and mock representatives ;
but by the profuse expenditure of government, and the enormous
increase of taxes ; by repeated instances of alledged misconduct re
garding the navy, and by the apparent folly of resisting with inade
quate means a combination of so many powers. Besides, the au
thority of the mother country over her colonies had been so often
qualified and explained, and even partially renounced, that people
came to think it might be given up without involving in it the ruin
of the constitution. At all events, the public no longer remained
unconcerned as to the future effects of the war, nor did the nation
slumber in a state of torpid security, when the second session of
parliament opened on the twenty-seventh of November.
Two days before this event, official intelligence of Cornwallis's
surrender arrived about noon at the house of lord George Ger
maine ; and the manner in which it was received by the personages
most interested in its consequences, has been accurately detailed by
a lively annalist of those times (1).
Lord Walsingham, who had been under secretary of state, and
was to second the address in the house of lords, happened to be
there when the messenger came. AVithout communicating it to any
(1) Sir Natbanael Wrajoll.

288 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
other person, lord George, for the sake of despatch, immediately
proceeded with him, in a hackney-coach, to lord Stormont's re
sidence in Portland-place, whom they took into the carriage, and
then drove to the chancellor's house in Great Bussell-street : after
a short consultation, they determined to lay it themselves in per
son before lord North, who had received no intimation of the
event when they arrived in Downing-street, between one and two
o'clock. The minister's firmness, and even his presence of mind,
gave way for a short time under this disaster. 'I asked lord George
afterwards,' says Sir Nathanael, ' how he took the communication?'
' As he would have taken a ball in his breast,' was the reply ; ' he
opened his arms, exclaiming wildly, as he paced the apartment
during a few minutes, 0 God ! it is all over ; words which he re
peated many times, under emotions of the deepest agitation and
distress.' The next picture drawn is that of a cabinet council in
terror. When the first agitation had subsided, the four ministers
discussed the question, whether it might not be expedient to pro
rogue the meeting of parliament for a few days ; but, as scarcely
an interval of forty-eight hours remained before the appointed time
of meeting, and as many members of both houses had arrived in
London, or were on their way, the proposition was abandoned. It
became, however, indispensable to alter, and almost to remodel,
the king's speech : this was done without delay; and at the same
time, lord George, as secretary for America, sent off a despatch to
the king, at Kew, acquainting him with the fate of lord Cornwallis.
The narrator then proceeds : — ' I dined on that day with lord George;
and although the information which had reached London in the course
of the morning from France, as well as from the official report,
was of a nature not to admit of long concealment, yet it had not
been communicated to me or any other individual of the company
when I got to Pall Mall between five and six. Lord Walsingham,
who also dined there, was the only person, except our host, acquaint
ed with the fact. The party, nine in number, sat down to table ;
when I thought the master of the house appeared serious, though
he manifested no discomposure.
' Before dinner was over, one of the servants delivered to
him a letter, brought back by the messenger who had been de
spatched to the king. Lord George opened and perused it ; then,
looking at lord Walsingham, ' the king writes,' said he, 'just as
he always does, except that I observe he has neglected to mark the
hour and the minute of his writing, with his usual precision.' This
remark, though calculated to awaken some interest, excited no
comment ; and while the ladies remained in the room, we repressed
our curiosity : but they had no sooner withdrawn, than lord
George acquainted us that information had just arrived from Paris
of old count Maurepas lying at the point of death. ' It would
grieve me,' said I, ' to finish my career, however far advanced in

AD. 1781.] GEORGE III.

289

years, were I first minister of France, before I had witnessed the
termination of this great contest between England and America.'—
' He has survived to see that event,' replied lord George with some
agitation. The conversation was prolonged, until, mention being
made of the Virginian campaign, the minister disclosed the. full
bearing of the intelligence. ' The army,' said he, ' has surren
dered ; and you may peruse the particulars of the capitulation in
that paper.' The paper was taken from his pocket, and read to
the company. The next question was one of rather an obtrusive
kind, to ask what the king thought on the subject. The minister's
remark imported, that it did the highest honor to his majesty's firm
ness, fortitude, and consistency : but this was a complying moment
and the billet was read to the following effect : — ' I have received
with sentiments of the deepest concern the communication which
lord George Germaine has made to me, of the unfortunate result of
the operations in Virginia : I particularly lament it on account of
the consequences connected with it, and the difficulties which it may
produce in carrying on the public business, or in repairing such a
misfortune : but I trust that neither lord George Germaine, nor anv
other member of the cabinet, will suppose that it makes the smallest
alteration in those principles of conduct, which have directed me
in past time, and which will always continue to animate me, under
every event, in the prosecution of the present contest.' ' Whatever
opinion may be entertained about the reduction of our American
colonies, it must be confessed that no sovereign could manifest
more dignity or self-command, than George III. displayed in this
reply. In conformity with this communication to lord George Germaine
was the tone of the king's speech from the throne. His majesty,
after expressing his concern at the sad reverses in Virginia, de
clared ' that he could not consent to sacrifice, either to his own
desire of peace, or to the temporary ease and relief of his subjects,
those essential rights and permanent interests on which the strength
and security of this country must ever principally depend: he re
tained a firm confidence in the protection of Divine Providence,
and a perfect conviction of the justice of his cause ; ' and he con
cluded by calling ' for the concurrence and support of parliament,
together with a vigorous, animated, and united exertion of the
faculties and resources of his people.'
An amendment to the address was moved by the earl of Shel
burne ; he was not surprised at the sentiments of the sovereign,
which marked a dignity and firmness of character supporting him
under the pressure of calamities ; nor was he surprised that mi
nisters should take advantage of such noble sentiments, to frame a
speech flattering to his majesty's personal feelings: but the state of
the country required them to resist all such impulses, and honestly
to impart such advice as might tend to retrieve his affairs. He
n. i3

290 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
decried the whole conduct of the war, imputing its disasters to a
want of system, combination, and intelligence. By our method of
following the French, we had yielded to them every advantage ;
for wherever they despatched a large force, we tardily pursued with
a small one. After expressing his fears lest we should find an
other Chesapeak at Plymouth or in the Thames, and declaiming
against the war with Holland as a perfidious measure, he concluded
with an observation of lord Chatham, implying, that if the present
system were pursued, 'his majesty's crown would soon be not
worth his wearing.'
The duke of Bichmond carried his censures against ministers still
farther, and ascribed all the faults of government to an interior
cabinet; quoting also a declaration of lord Chatham, that 'when
he entered the king's closet, be found the ground rotten, and him
self duped and deceived : ' the marquis of Bockingham concurred
in reprobating the system of favoritism or unconstitutional influ
ence ; and drew a very unfavorable picture of the present period,
as compared with the state of the nation at the king's accession : lord
Camden attributed our disasters principally to the deranged state of
the navy, to irresolution and want of vigor in the cabinet, but above
all to the fatal error of continuing to direct our main efforts against
America, the subjugation of which ought to be a secondary object.
The measures of government were principally defended by lord
Stormont, the earl of Hillsborough, and the chancellor; and the
amendment was rejected by seventy-five to thirty- one, while no
more than three peers subscribed their names to a short protest.
In the house of commons, Mr. Fox moved an amendment similar
to that of lord Shelburne, declaring ' that any one unacquainted
with the British constitution, and ignorant that the speech was con
trived by a cabinet council, would pronounce it that of an arbitrary
and unfeeling monarch, who, having involved the slaves, his sub
jects, in a ruinous and unnatural war, to glut his enmity or satiate
his revenge, was determined to persevere in spite of calamity or
fate itself.' The mover of the address had complained in strong
terms of certain members so lost to honor and duty, as to glory in
the success of the enemy : in reply to this invective, Mr. Fox ob
served, that lord Chatham, in the very commencement of the dis
pute, ' thanked God that America had resisted the claims of the
mother country.' ' But all the calamities of the nation,' he conti
nued, ' are ascribed to the wishes, the joy, and the speeches of op
position. 0 miserable aiid unfortunate ministers ! Blind and in
capable men ! whose measures are framed with so little foresight,
and executed with so little firmness, that they crumble to pieces
and bring ruin on the country, merely because a rash, weak, or
wicked man in the house of commons makes a speech against them !
Betrospective measures are deprecated ; but ministers must bear
to hear them from the representatives of an abused people : he

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE HI. 291
even trusted that they would hear them at the tribunal of justice, and
expiate them on the public scaffold : he would not say they were
actually in the pay of France, for he could not prove the fact ; but
they had worked for the aggrandisement of the grand monarque
more faithfully than any ministers of his own had ever done.' In
support of these assertions, Mr. Fox reviewed the origin and con
duct of the war ; ascribing our loss of the colonies to the undue in
fluence of the crown, and connecting the calamities of the nation
with the system of government, and with the men in power. It
was only by changing the one, and removing the others, that the
fountain-head could be purified, and the stream cleansed from
contamination. Mr. Thomas Pitt hesitated not to affirm that no administration
could be carried on, without bringing to account those who had
reduced the nation to its present disgraceful condition : it signified
little what puppets directed the machine of government, while a
secret poisoning influence remained : he hoped ministers would not
be displaced till they had brought the nation to such a crisis as
must draw down on them a suitable reward : he would not consent
to a shilling of supply in support of a war to which the country
gentlemen had unfortunately afforded too much countenance. Se
veral other members spoke in very reproachful terms of the con
dition of the navy ; and were answered by lord Mulgrave, who re
futed many assertions by contradicting evidence, and affirmed that
at no previous time had so ample and effective a marine been pro
vided : the present war might be calamitous, but it was not dis
graceful ; nor could any period be mentioned when the honor and
spirit of the nation were at a more glorious height. Lord North
treated with scorn the insinuation that ministers were in the pay of
France, vindicated their zeal in the service of the country, and as
cribed any errors that had been committed to the head rather than
to the heart. The American war was prosecuted, not with the in
famous design of aggrandising the crown at the expense of the
constitution, but of preserving unbroken that old and venerable fa
bric for which our forefathers had bled, and which all Europe envied.
Because a melancholy disaster had occurred in Virginia, were we
on that account to lie down and die? No : it should rather ani
mate us to more bold and vigorous exertions. As for himself, he
would not be deterred by menaces of impeachment from striving to
preserve the rights and legislative authority of parliament : the war
had been unfortunate, but not unjust; founded in right, and dic
tated by necessity : he had always thought so ; and if the share he
had taken in it should bring him to the scaffold, his opinions would
remain unaltered.
This speech of the premier moved the indignation of Mr. Burke,
who called it not only imprudent, but audacious : 'the war,' he said,
' was not unfortunate, but disgraceful ; for the former epithet could

292 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XX1Y.
only apply to occurrences in which fortune alone was concerned ;
while the present war exhibited neither plan nor foresight : victory
and defeat in this case were each equally calamitous, for each in
stigated us to go on : but the king's speech was the greatest of all
calamities, for it showed the determination of ministers to consum
mate our ruin.' Alluding to the rights for which it was said we
went to war, he asked, whether we ought to risk every thing, for
feit every thing, and think of no consequences, for the sake of a
right? Did we not know that right, without might, is worth but
very little ; and that a claim, without the power of enforcing it, was
nugatory in the copyhold of rival states? '0, says a silly man, full
of his prerogative of dominion over a few beasts of the field, there
is excellent wool on the back of a wolf, and therefore he must be
sheared. What ! shear a wolf? Yes. But will he comply ? Have
you considered the trouble, and how you will get this wool? 0 1
I have considered nothing, and I will consider nothing, but my
right : a wolf is an animal that has wool ; all animals that have wool
are to be shorn ; and therefore I will shear the wolf. Such was the
kind of reasoning urged by the minister of this country.'
After a very protracted discussion, the amendment was negatived :
on bringing up the report of the address, the debate was renewed,
and principally distinguished by an eloquent harangue of Mr. Wil
liam Pitt, who, after showing that no confidence ought to be placed
in men who could not confide in each other, proceeded lo analyse
the different reasons assigned for continuing the war. Lord North
had argued that it was just and necessary : with regard to its jus
tice, nothing need be said; but the term necessity, as applied to
its prolongation, was not easily understood ; it could mean nothing
short of physical necessity ; and to say that an end could not be
put to the war, if parliament were so resolved, was an absurdity
too gross for animadversion. Lord George Germaine had rested
all his hopes on the more mild and moderate expectation of the
practicability of despatching a sufficient force to enable the friends
of Great Britain to conquer their opponents : to appreciate the
wisdom of this conceit, Mr. Pitt recommended a retrospect of the
war; the events of the last campaign; and, above all, the tenth
article of lord Cornwallis's capitulation, where all the friends of
Great Britain, all the loyalists who had been treacherously deluded
to join the army, were left to the civil justice of their country: he
could not define the civil justice of America; but if the same
treacherous system which had long disgraced England were per
severed in, civil justice might overtake those who were much more
proper objects of its operation.
Mr. Burke also adverted, in terms of great severity, to the capi
tulation of lord Cornwallis, and the omission of any article to secure
the American loyalists from the vengeance of their countrymen.
'It is a horrible spectacle,' said he, 'which must meet the eyes of

A.D. 1781.] GEORGE IU. 295
a prince of the blood (1), who cannot sail along the American
coast without beholding the faithful adherents of his father hanging
in quarters on every head-land.' He then compared the surrender
of York-town with that of Saratoga ; branding ministers as the cause
of those disasters, and the address as the most infamous, abandoned,
and lying paper, the house had ever been called on to vote.
Mr. Courtenay undertook the defence of lord Cornwallis, and
the report was received by a majority of 131 to 54. His lordship,
however, was not the only commander exposed to animadver
sion ; for Sir George Bodney and general A^aughan fell under the
lash of Mr. Burke, who, in a motion for copies of their instruc
tions, represented them as cruel and cowardly in their meditated
attack on St. Vincent's, and as wanlon and rapacious plunderers of
St. Eustatius : he displayed the absurdity of selling the stores in
such a manner as to furnish the enemy with supplies ; and accused
the admiral of promoting their success, by lingering on the spos,
to which his own interests fixed him, while the French fleet was
reinforced, and Tobago taken. The admiral, in his defence, stated
that he appeared before St. Eustatius to cut off supplies from the
enemy, to whom the inhabitants, though nominally friends of Eng
land, had acted as allies : many residents, who called themselves
Englishmen, were not ashamed to supply warlike stores for the
destruction of their country ; and them he had determined not lo
spare. Instead of suffering stores to be conveyed to the enemy's
islands, directly or indirectly, he had ordered them all to his ma
jesty's depots at Antigua; and instead of remaining inactive, he
had planned two expeditions, against Curacoa and Surinam, when
he received advice that a French fleet of ten or twelve sail, with
about seventy transports, was steering for Martinique ; and de
spatched Sir Samuel Hood with fifteen sail to meet them. His in
tention afterwards to fight de Grasse was disconcerted by intel
ligence conveyed to the French admiral ; and he detailed facts
which fully exculpated him in not succoring Tobago, or preventing
the catastrophe in Virginia. General Vaughan protested, on his
honor, that he was not directly or indirectly enriched to the ex
tent of one shilling by the capture of St. Eustatius; and that he had
treated the enemy with the utmost lenity : on the whole, he had
acted to the best of his judgment, for his country's good, and not
his own ; and as he was neither a lawyer nor a merchant, he
should not in similar circumstances act differently.
In debating the army estimates, the principle of the Avar again
came under consideration ; when a motion for wholly stopping the
supply being overruled, Sir James Lowther moved a resolution,
' that the war carried on in North America had been ineffectual
either in protecting the king's subjects, or defeating the dangerous
III Prince William Henry, (hen a midshipman in the fleet.

294 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
designs of his enemies.' If this proposition were assented to, he
would follow it with another ; ' that all farther attempts to reduce
the revolted provinces were repugnant to the true interests of the
kingdom, as tending to weaken its efforts against its ancient and
powerful enemies.' He was seconded in a long and able speech
by Mr. Powys, who declared that the country gentlemen, long de
ceived, could be deluded no longer ; for no idea of American re
venue remained ; no idea of alleviating the burdens of Great Britain
by carrying on the war : there could be no other motive, than to
preserve the power, the consequence, and the emoluments that
flowed from it.
Lord North acknowledged the fairness and unexceptionable mo
deration of the motions ; but he refused to concur in them, chiefly
because they formed a parliamentary advertisement to the enemy,
respecting the manner in which the next campaign would be con
ducted ; but he acknowledged, as the estimates themselves would
show, that government had no intention of substituting another army
for that surrendered by lord Cornwallis: posts must be maintained,
and defended in case of attack, and British commerce must be pro
tected against American cruisers ; but Sir James Lowther's motions
would prevent the accomplishment of all these objects. Lord
George Germaine coincided in opinion with the premier, but de
clared that whenever the house adopted a resolution to give up
America, he would retire ; for American independence would be
ruin to the British empire. Mr. Dunning also, though he acquies
ced in the motions, asserted the same sentiment ; adding, with great
warmth, that the proposition to declare America independent fell
very little short of high treason. The motion, however, for the
order of the day was carried by a majority of only forty-one,
twenty of the usual supporters of administration having gone over
to the. opposition.
This debate was renewed in the next sitting of the house, on the
fourteenth of December ; when the eloquence of Mr. Pitt was dis
played in exhibiting the total disagreement of principles among the
members of the cabinet : he described them as being at war with
each other in opinion, and distrustful of mutual support; yet meanly
continuing in power for the enjoyment of office, and responsible
for measures of which they could not approve. Their only prin
ciple of coherence, he averred, seemed to be the ruin of the em
pire ; an object, which he feared they might accomplish ere the
vengeance of the people could overtake them. ' And God grant,'
he added, 'that the punishment be not so long delayed, as to in
volve a great and innocent family, who, though they share not
the guilt, will most likely participate in the atonement.'
Sir George Savile ridiculed the address, and likened the crown
and parliament to dancers in a minuet to a tune of the minister's
composition : the crown led off one way, the parliament in a simi-

A-D. 1781.] GEORGE III. 293
lar step to the opposite corner : they then joined hands, and the
dance ended as it began. He also compared ministers to the
Spartan, who in an engagement by sea, swam to a galley, and
seized the stern with his right hand, which was instantly chopped
off: he then renewed the effort with his left, which shared the
same fate ; and when he was asked if he still meant to persevere,
made answer by seizing the galley with his teeth. Thus adminis
tration had lost two armies, (both their hands) in attempts on
America; yet, like the Lacedemonian, they were determined to
proceed : but they should remember, that when he did so, he was
deprived of his head. On a division, the majority was 166 to
84, being less favorable to opposition than that of the preceding
day. A strong attempt in the house of lords made by the marquis
of Bockingham to prevent the third reading of the malt and
land-tax bills before the recess, was also rejected. Debates oc
curred on the subject of Mr. Laurens, who was still detained in the
Tower; and Mr. Burke gave notice of a motion in his behalf; but
this was rendered unnecessary by the discharge of that gentleman,
in exchange for general Burgoyne.
The adjournment of parliament, though as usual strongly re
sisted, was favorable to opposition : the administration was evi
dently shaken ; the country gentlemen had shown a disposition to
desert them, however unwilling they were to impede the exertions
of government ; opinions gained ground respecting divisions in
the cabinet; and public meetings, with committees and delegates,
still continued: an address, accompanied with a petition, was voted
to his majesty on the sixth of December, by the city of London,
reprobating his speech from the throne, as well as the whole con
duct of the war; and requiring the dismissal of all his advisers
both public and private. A similar address was voted, chiefly
through the exertions of Mr. Fox, in AVestminster ; while the
counties of Middlesex and Surrey, the West India planters, and
many other public bodies, adopted the same measure. Still the
principle of the war was not generally unpopular : the improba
bility of success alone occasioned irritability in the people. Neither
did the aspect of military operations at the close of this, and the
opening of the succeeding year, serve to allay the public indigna
tion. The French government having sent out a naval armament
with large supplies for their East and West India squadrons, admi
ral Kempenfeldt was despatched, with twelve sail of the line, a fifty
gun ship, and four frigates, for the purpose of intercepting them.
The British commander, having fortunately met the enemy's ships
dispersed by a gale of wind off Ushant, succeeded in capturing
twenty transports, laden with ordnance, stores and troops ; but was
obliged to relire from a contest, on account of the great inferiority
of his force. The valuable prizes which he brought into port, by
enhancing the loss of what remained behind, served to increase the

296 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
murmurs of the public against ministers, who were loudly censured,
both in and out of the house, for their deficiency in information, or
their gross neglect of duty.
Among the principal domestic events of the year, may be reckoned
the court held at St. James's, on the first of January, at which the
prince of Wales made his appearance on the occasion of his having
a separate establishment allotted to him. Even at this time he was
unquestionably one of the most accomplished men of his age : in
countenance and person eminently handsome, he joined the most
elegant manners with very considerable endowments of mind : he
was not only a good classical scholar, but he spoke with fluency
several modern languages : that taste in the fine arts, which ulti
mately led to his munificent encouragement of them, was very early
conspicuous; and his proficiency in music both vocal and instru
mental was far from contemptible. With such talents and accom
plishments, even without the addition of his illustrious rank and
future expectations, he would have been courted by all, whose ge
nius, wit, and eloquence impart its brightest colors to society. The
chosen associates of the prince, at his entrance into life, were men
of the most fascinating manners and transcendent talents ; but unfor
tunately there was among them a party, who, to gain an ascendency
over his mind, scrupled not to pander to his love of pleasure. He
had been brought up with an anxious attention, due to one on whose
character the destiny of millions depended ; but perhaps the restraints
of his education were more strict than a judicious consideration of
circumstances would have warranted : be this as it may, as soon as
he was relieved from tutelage, he rushed headlong into dissipations,
which invited him under the most seductive forms, and which were
even prepared by those, whose social qualities rendered them dan
gerous companions of youth. In the year preceding that of which
we are now treating, the prince had formed a very objectionable
connexion with the celebrated Mrs. Bobinson, known by the name
of Perdita ; and the consequence of this was an expensive establishment
for the lady, whose house was frequented by persons of high rank
and talents. At any time this would have been reprehensible ; but
it was particularly so in the face of a court like that of George III.,
and at the close of so disastrous and expensive a war. The king
felt the stroke severely, although the harshest epithet applied by
him to the prince was that of ' a thoughtless boy :' very different
however were his sentiments concerning those who had taken ad
vantage of that thoughtlessness, and whom he ever afterwards
looked on as the seducers of his son.
Early in March, a distemper broke out again among the horned
cattle ; when those that were diseased were ordered by the council
to be killed, and the carcases buried: about the same time also
advices were received of the tremendous hurricane which took place
towards the end of last year in the West Indies, with the loss of

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE HI. 297
the following ships of war;— the Thunderer, seventy-four guns;
the Sterling Castle, sixty-four; Phoenix, forty-four; and Scar
borough, twenty. In August, his majesty, accompanied by the
prince of Wales, paid a visit to the Nore, and held a naval levee
on board the Fortitude, which carried vice-admiral Parker's flag.
With regard to the internal affairs of our principal opponents, it
may be observed, that Spain was exhausting her strength before
Gibraltar, on which she could make no impression ; and that Necker
had been long laboring to bring the finances of France to such a
state as to meet her vast expenditure : for this end, he endeavored
to enforce a strict system of economy, and to revive M. Turgot's
plan of provincial administrations ; but the higher classes were too
depraved to assist him in any public-spirited measures, and Nec
ker was soon afterwards compelled to retire.
Intelligence of events from the theatre of war, which arrived
after the recess of parliament, did not tend to diminish the public
odium now gathering round the administration of Great Britain.
The marquis de Bouille, after the reconquest of St. Eustatius, and
preparations made for that of Demerara and Issequibo, proceeded
to the attack of St. Christopher's, where he landed 8000 men, pro
tected by thirty-two sail of the line under de Grasse ; and though
Sir Samuel Hood, with great skill and address, succeeded, with only
twenty-two line-of-battle ships, to lure the French admiral from
the coast, and, by placing himself in the vacant situation, to cut
off his communication with the army, yet the island surrendered
to the menaces of the French general, who threatened to burn the
plantations, and renew the devastation which had been committed
at Tobago. Admiral Hood preserved his squadron by slipping
cables in the night, and getting silently under weigh. Nevis and
Montserrat being soon afterwards reduced, Barbadoes and Antigua
were now the only leeward islands that remained to Great Britain :
nor was it long before the public dissatisfaction was still farther
increased by the loss of Minorca, after one of the most heroic de
fences recorded in history, by a garrison which did not exceed
half the number required for the works ; and which, through fa
mine and sickness, was reduced to 600 effective men.
During the recess, the opponents of administration had been
employed in forming and maturing a general plan of attack ; the
chief conduct of which was entrusted to Mr. Fox, whose genius
was most effectively displayed, not in devising large and beneficial
plans of executive policy, but in reprehensive eloquence, and oppo
sition to the measures of his political opponents. ' This session,
however,' says Mr. Nicholls, ' was his glorious campaign : his health
was entire ; his troops followed him with confidence ; he felt that
he gained ground on every debate :
His spirit lent a fire
Ev'n to the meanest peasant in tbe camp.'

298 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
The contest was opened by a motion of Mr. Fox, for a committee
to inquire into the causes of that want of success which had at
tended the navy during the war, and more especially in the year
1781. This inquiry, it was stated, would resolve itself into two
distinct parts : whether the first lord of the admiralty had the means
of procuring a navy equal to the exigences of the state ; and whe
ther he employed the force which he really possessed with wisdom
and~ ability. After a partial defence of the navy by captain Lut-
trell, and a general exculpation of the earl of Sandwich by lord
Mulgrave, who contended that he had acted according to informa
tion, moral probability, and existing circumstances, the motion
passed without a division ; lord North declaring that the first lord
of the admiralty was no less anxious than himself, that the subject
should undergo a complete investigation. Several animated de
bates took place respecting the papers to be produced ; and when
lords North and Mulgrave objected to the disclosure of letters and
other documents relating to the subject, a suggestion of Mr. Pitt
was adopted, that the substance only of such communications should
be laid before the house; after which, the debates were postponed
till the seventh of February.
On that day, Mr. Fox, in a long and able speech, brought forward
five charges against the board of admiralty : first, that de Grasse
was suffered to depart for the AVest Indies without any effort to
intercept his fleet : the second charge alluded to the transactions
at St. Eustatius, and the loss of the convoy sent home with the
booty, which might have been saved by a squadron sent out at
the time it was expected : the third was on account of a letter sent
by the admiralty to the merchants of Bristol ; misleading them with
regard to the presence of the French fleet in the channel, and
thereby endangering the trade of their port : the fourth charge re
lated to the force sent to cope with the Dutch ; and the fifth to the
very inadequate fleet sent out with admiral Kempenfeldt. He con
cluded by moving that ' there had been gross mismanagement in
the administration of naval affairs during the year 1781.' Mr. Pitt
supported this resolution ; but would have preferred a motion for
the removal of lord Sandwich, to whom he imputed all our naval
disasters and disgraces. Though the rejection of Mr. Fox's motion
showed the great difficulty of fixing any responsibility on ministers
under the existing system of parliamentary representation, yet a
majority of only twenty-two, in a house of 388 members, was
sufficiently discouraging to the present administration. Some mo
tions in the house of lords respecting the execution of colonel
Haynes, and the surrender of York-town, caused violent debates,
and severe attacks on several characters concerned ; but no mea
sure occasioned fiercer opposition than that of raising lord George
Germaine to the peerage. Disagreeing with the other members
of the cabinet respecting the future conduct of the war, his lord-

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE IH.

299

ship had resigned his office to Mr. Welbore Ellis ; and the title of
viscount Sackville was destined for him by the king, as a reward
for his uncompromising opposition to American independence, and
his resolute conduct as war-minister. On the bare report that this
mark of royal favor was intended, a resolution was proposed by
the marquis of Carmarthen, that ' it was derogatory to the honor
of the house of lords that any person laboring under so heavy a
sentence of a court martial should be recommended to the crown
as worthy of a peerage : ' but after several intemperate speeches
had been made, reflecting on the character of lord George, and
threatening him with impeachment, a motion of adjournment was
carried by a large majority. When the new-made peer took his
seat, the debate was renewed, and his lordship defended himself
with great spirit and dignity; but was unable to prevent the inser
tion of a protest on the journals, signed by nine peers, repeating
the motion, sentence, and public orders : it also declared, ' that the
elevation of lord Sackville was a measure fatal to the interests and
glory of the crown, as well as the dignity of parliament ; an insult
on the memory of the late sovereign, and every surviving branch
of the illustrious house of Brunswick.' Yet it would be very hard,
if the reigning monarch were prohibited from revising the acts of
a predecessor ; especially those, in which clamor and prejudice
may be suspected to have had considerable influence.
These personal attacks were preparatory to a general assault,
which was conducted with much ability and perseverance, and was
finally crowned with success. On the twenty-second of February,
Mr. Fox renewed the motion against the admiralty which he had
lost in a committee, being ably seconded by Mr. Pitt, who went
through an accurate detail of naval events in the preceding year,
and commented on each with remarkable acuteness and force of
reasoning. Mr. Dunning declared, that the speech which he made
on this occasion, was ' the bursting forth of a torrent of eloquence
from the greatest prodigy that perhaps ever was seen in this or
any other country ; — an honorable gentleman, possessing the full
vigor of youth, united with the experience and wisdom of the ma-
turest age (1).' AVhen the house divided, the majority for minis
ters decreased (2), although the members present were more nu
merous than on the former occasion.
Encouraged by this progressive decline of ministerial influence,
general Conway moved a resolution for an address to the king,
imploring him to put an end to the American war ; and promising
to assist in effecting a happy reconciliation with the revolted colo
nies. After each side had repeated arguments often employed, mi
nisters were so far deserted by the country gentlemen, as to be

(I) Dr. Tomllnc s Life of Pill, Tol. 1. p. 6-"..
C— 1 *W to 217.

500 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
left in a majority of one ; the numbers being, for the motion 193,
against it 194.
Fully confident of success, general Conway, on the twenty -
seventh of February, moved a resolution against the farther con
tinuance of hostilities, in terms as near to the former as the rules
of the house would permit. When lord North obtained a hearing,
he declared, that if the confidence of parliament should be with
drawn from him, it would be his duty to resign : he admitted the
motion to be constitutional ; but wished for a short delay, to con
vince the house that ministers were sincere in their intention of not
recruiting the army in America. Mr. Wallace, the attorney-ge
neral, endeavored to parry the blow, by stating his intention to
bring in a bill which would enable ministers to treat on the basis
of a truce ; for which reason he moved an adjournment of the de
bate. On this proposition, Mr. Pitt was particularly severe; and on
the ground of lord North's own declaration, he urged the house,
by every consideration of duty and prudence, to withdraw its con
fidence from the present cabinet. ' Was there a promise,' he asked,
'which they had not falsified? was there a plan in which they
agreed? No; there was an incessant variation: a shuffling and
tricking pervaded their whole conduct ; and in them parliament
could place no trust.'
The question of adjournment was carried against ministers by a
majority of nineteen; and the original motion passed without a di
vision. General Conway followed up his victory by procuring an
address to the throne for peace with America ; which was pre
sented two days afterwards by the whole house. Still ministers
made an effort to arrest their fall, by putting a general and evasive
answer into the mouth of the king ; but their opponents had be
come too powerful for them. General Conway moved a second
address, thanking his majesty for his reply to the first ; but again
urging the specific object of the petition : at the same time he pro
posed a resolution that the house would consider as enemies to
the sovereign and the country all who should recommend or at
tempt to prosecute offensive warfare, with the colonies : and both
these motions were carried without a division, by a parliament,
which in the preceding November had promised to his majesty
their firm support in carrying on hostilities. As lord North still
lingered in office, his opponents, led by Mr. Fox, pressed their at
tacks yet farther : they were indeed defeated on two motions made
by lord John Cavendish and Sir John Bous, for a change of mi
nistry; but the small majorities against them led only to an as
surance of ultimate success. Mr. Pitt spoke v ery vehemently on these
occasions; severely reprobating a proposition made by lord North
for a coalition of parties, and declaring that his administration had
been one of influence and intrigue, while it was generally acknow
ledged that he and his colleagues were unfit for the purposes of

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE HI. 501
government : they were men who had neither sensibility nor shame ;
but were void of feeling, and all other valuable qualities which
constitute the great statesman and powerful minister. While the
last division on the fifteenth of March was taking place, Mr. Fox
gave notice that a similar motion would be made on the Wednes
day following. On that day an unusual number of members, and a
vast crowd of strangers, attended ; but when lord Surrey rose to
make the promised motion, lord North suddenly announced to the
house that the cabinet was dissolved. He thanked the commons for
the long support with which they had honored him ; asserted his
constant desire of contributing to the welfare of his country; and
promised that he would not shrink from any inquiry into his offi
cial conduct. On this occasion, he received various compliments, as
might have been expected, from his adherents ; while the exultation
manifested by several of his opponents called forth animadversions
from a generous adversary (1), who strongly exhorted his asso
ciates to guard against those passions which distort the human
mind : he also pointed out to them the great expectations which
their own declarations entitled the nation to form, and the difficult
task which they had bound themselves to accomplish.
The new ministerial arrangements required time for serious con
sideration. The opposition consisted principally of two distinct
and powerful parties, at the head of which, respectively, were tbe
marquis of Bockingham and the earl of Shelburne : the former of
these noblemen contended for the complete emancipation of the
colonies ; while the latter, though opposed to the principle of taxa
tion and the continuance of hostilities, adhered to the opinion of
lord Chatham regarding their independence. As lord Shelburne's
sentiments on this point were in unison with those of the king, his
majesty naturally looked to him as the successor of his late minis
ter : accordingly, the day after lord North had announced his re
signation, the king offered him the first post : lord Shelburne, how
ever, informed his majesty, ' that in his judgment no one could at
present fill that situation except lord Bockingham (2).' Under these
circumstances, a negociation was set on foot with the marquis,
whose appointment was soon afterwards announced (3), with lord
Shelburne and Mr. Fox as secretaries of state : lord Camden was
made president of the council, and the duke of Grafton keeper of
the privy seal : admiral Keppel, created a viscount, became first
lord of the admiralty; lord John Cavendish, chancellor of the ex
chequer; general Conway, commander in chief; Mr. Dunning,
created lord Ashburton, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster ; and
HI Mr. Burse. minister. By this treatment his majesty expressed
(2| Dr. Tomllne's Life of Pitt, vol. I. p. 01. nole. the sentiments beenlerlalned for him. Thecablnet
|3| 'When lord Rockingham,' says Mr. Mcholls, was composed of eleven ; Ave Rocklngbams, and Ave
' had slgnlUed his acceptance of It, tbe king appoint- Shelburnes ; the ting retaining one, lord Thuriow .'
rd so distant a time for receiving him, that three Recollections, vol. I. p. 45.
entire days elapsed before his majesty saw his new

502 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
the duke of Bichmond, master general of the ordnance, with a blue
riband : lord Thuriow retained the great seal.
Other departments of state were filled by persons eminent for
rank or talent. The duke of Portland went out as lord lieutenant
to Ireland; Mr. Burke was made paymaster of the forces; Mr.
T. Townshend and colonel Barre secretary at war, and treasurer of
the navy; Mr. Sheridan under secretary of state; lord Howe,
created a viscount, was appointed to command the grand fleet;
Mr. Kenyon and Mr. John Lee were made attorney and solicitor-
general; while Sir Fletcher Norton was raised to the peerage,
under the title of lord Grantly (1).
In the late important debates, Mr. Pitt had taken a conspicuous
part, and had spoken with immense applause : the talents which he
possessed had been discovered by all, while the power which he
was likely to obtain over the councils of his country, was noted by
a few, who adopted early precautions to secure his regard. Va
rious places were offered to him in the new ministry, and among
others, that of vice-treasurer for Ireland; but he refused any si
tuation which should pledge him to measures, without giving him
a seat in the cabinet. Besides, it is probable that his acuteness
led him to foresee the speedy dissolution of an administration
which was composed of heterogeneous materials, without any firm
principle of union. It was sufficient for Mr. Pitt, that he partici
pated in that popularity which Fox and his adherents had procured
by their late spirited exertions in parliament: it is a proof of his
profound sagacity, that he was the only person who reaped any
great and permanent advantage from it.
Mr. Fox, though not nominally the head, was generally regarded
as the principal person in this administration. Inferior to his po
litical tutor and friend, Mr. Burke, in commanding eloquence and
political wisdom, he excelled him in vigor of debate, in the advan
tages of birth and connexion, in the art of suiting his doctrines and
manners to the taste of the people, and in that tact which is neces
sary to fix a man at the head of a political party : his unbounded
popularity in the country, and the aristocratic feeling in his favor,
gave him more weight than the highest official dignity could give.
Mr. Burke, as his biographer justly asserts, considered humility in
the estimate of ourselves a species of moral duty, and submitted to
the ingratitude of his party without a murmur (2) : he neither re
sented his exclusion from the cabinet like a vain man, nor com
plained of it like a weak one ; but yielded with a good grace ; and
ll I 'He had never done tbe party any service,' says Rocklngbam declined answering In tbe affirmative ;
Mr. Nlcbolls ; ' but was recommended by lord Rock- but said, be thought Sir Fletcher Norton ought to be
Ingham, In order that he might appear to have made a peer. He accordingly was made, and voted
enuai influence wllh tbe earl of shelburne, who bad against the Rockingharns In the ensuing session.'
procured the elevation of Mr. Dunnfng. Tbe king Recollections, vol. I. p. 47.
had discernment enough to perceive tbe motive, and (2) Prior's Life of Durke, vol. I. p. 403.
asked If lt was his lordship's part Icular wish : lord

AD. 1782.] GEORGE III. 305
took the office allotted to him, with the honorable design of purify
ing it from the corruption by which it was disgraced.
'Every day,' says Mr. Nicholls (1), 'brought forth a new proof
of that hatred, which the parties composing this administration
bore towards each other: the Bockinghams abused lord Shelburne
for want of good faith; and the reply of the Shelburnes was, that
they were no ways pledged to lord Bockingham.' Mr. Fox, while
speaking in terms of affectionate veneration for lord Bockingham,
described lord Shelburne's character as the exact reverse (2) ; and
declared, that his repugnance to be associated in office with him
and lord Thuriow (3), who was particularly odious to every mem
ber of the cabinet, yielded only to the satisfactory pledge for the in
tegrity of administration, afforded by the ascendency of the marquis.
The principal measures agreed on by the members of this ca
binet before their accession to power, were the offer of peace to
America on the basis of its independence ; the promotion of eco
nomy ; and the diminution of influence over either branch of the
legislature. Before all things, however, the affairs of Ireland were
found to require the attention of government.
When military associations had been formed throughout that
country, the tendency towards union among all parties, for the
redress of grievances, was speedily exhibited : they now began to
assemble in large bodies for reviews ; by which means they dis
played their strength, acquired confidence in themselves, and were
led to communicate and co-operate with each other for political
purposes. One great object of the government of lord Carlisle,
who succeeded the earl of Buckinghamshire in 1780, was to repress
the spirit of this system, which had been encouraged by the imbe
cility of his predecessor ; but he only excited that spirit to new
and more energetic exertions. On the thirteenth of November,
1781, Mr. Grattan, in pursuance of popular instructions, offered
to the house of commons a bill to explain, amend, and limit the
mutiny act: his motion was rejected, but renewed early in Decem
ber by lord Arran, and evaded by a motion of delay for six
months. As soon, however, as the armed people of Ireland saw
their representatives beginning to resume their former tone, in
negativing proposals for the establishment of a free constitution,
they determined to rely on themselves for the realisation of their
wishes : on the thirteenth of February, 1782, the memorable con
vention took place at Dungannon ; in which the delegates of the
volunteer associations, assuming a deliberative character, framed
the decisive exposition of the demands of Ireland, and led to the
establishment of her legislative independence.

(1) Recollections, vol. I. p. 47. peculiar dislike; and from his manly, unbending
f-'l Adolphus, vol. HI. p. 407. temper, the ministers expected Impediment ralber
(3| 'Lord Thuriow,' says Mr. Adolphus, 'by a than support.' History, vol. 111. p. 4C7.
long course of contest Id both houses, had attracted

504 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
The resolutions of this body affected to adjust many important
points of government, especially the claim of any other power
except that of the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, to legislate
for that kingdom ; the powers of the privy council in each country ;
various obstructions to trade, not imposed by the Irish parlia
ment ; the limitation of the mutiny bill, the independence of the
judges, and impartial administration of justice. In their determina
tion to seek redress, they pledged themselves to support no can
didate at any election, who refused to support their resolutions ;
resolved that the right of private judgment in religious matters
was sacred in all; and therefore, as christians and protestants, they
rejoiced in the relaxation of the penal laws against the papists,
which took place in 1780, as tending to the union and prosperity
of Ireland : they also made arrangements for future meetings, ap
pointed a committee, and voted an address of thanks to the minority
in the Irish parliament, for their noble though ineffectual efforts
in the cause of their great commercial and constitutional rights.
Deriving new hopes from these demonstrations of spirit, Mr. Grat
tan moved an address to the king, asserting the right of Ireland to
an independent legislature : but his motion was rejected ; as was
another for a bill to quiet the proprietors of estates in Ireland
under acts of the British parliament. As this measure tended also
to affirm that Great Britain had no right to legislate for Ireland,
Mr. Yelverton, pursuing a middle course, carried a bill for making
several laws, enacted in Great Britain, and affecting Ireland, acts
of the Irish parliament. At this period, the disasters of a war,
which by embarrassing the trade of Ireland led to its struggle for
independence, displaced the British ministers ; substituting in their
stead the leaders of a party, which in opposition had constantly
advocated the cause of freedom.
On the meeting of the English parliament after the Easter recess,
Mr. Luttrell introduced the subject of Irish discontent ; and re
quired from Mr. Eden, who had been secretary under lord Car
lisle, some explanation of the affairs of that kingdom. Mr. Eden
readily obeyed the call ; and after describing the conduct of go
vernment and of opposition during the last two years, insisted
that the declaration of rights, so unanimously cherished, could no
longer be opposed with success ; nor did he think that the Irish
would abuse the advantages they might obtain, or adopt measures
injurious to England, while his majesty retained the power of
sanctioning all their acts. Beside the declaration of rights, Ireland
had called, through its volunteers, for a habeas corpus, and ob
tained it : a bill for the permanent commission of judges was in
progress through parliament : the required alteration of the mu
tiny act might be granted; and a modification of Poynings's law,
which would satisfy the people, could not be dangerous to Eng
land. He then moved for leave to bring in a bill, ' repealing so

A.D. 1782,] GEORGE IH. 305
much of the act of the sixth of George I. as asserted that the king
and parliament of Great Britain had a right to make laws binding
the kingdom and people of Ireland.'
This motion was seconded with great animation ; but Mr. Fox,
when in place, had not exactly the same sentiments as when out of
place : after declaiming with indignation against indecent haste in
bringing forward such a measure, and abusing the late ministry for
not acceding to moderate requests, which would have prevented
these haughty claims, he prevailed on Mr. Eden to withdraw his
motion. Next day, a message from the king was submitted to
parliament, expressing concern at the discontent and claims of Ire
land, and exhorting the house to take measures for a satisfactory
adjustment of them. In moving the address on this message, Mr.
Fox,' though he declared the resolution of ministers to act effec
tually,? deprecated the hasty step of Mr. Eden, and required time
for collecting information, and for deliberation on the course to be
pursued. ,. His speech, as well as that of lord Shelburne in the up-
perphouse, was involved in studied mystery; though it plainly ap
peared from Mr. Fox's observations, that the large concessions
recommended by Mr. Eden were not to be contemplated.
In the midst of this hesitation, Mr. Grattan, in the Irish parlia
ment, moved his celebrated address to the throne, containing a full
and explicit declaration of the rights of Ireland. In the best style
of IrishjCloquence, he declared ' that he remembered Ireland when
she was^a child ; he had beheld her progress from injuries to arms,
from arms to liberty: the Irish were no longer afraid of the French,
nor of any nation, nor of any minister. If men turned their eyes
to the rest of Europe, they would find the ancient spirit expired,
liberty ceded, or empire lost; nations subsisting on the memory
of past glory, and guarded by mercenary armies: but Ireland,
quitting such examples, had become a model to them ; she had ex
celled modern, and equalled ancient Europe. The meeting of the
delegates at Dungannon was a great event; and, like all original
measures, matter of surprise till it became matter of admiration :
he compared it to the English convention parliament, or the as
sembly of barons at Bunnymede : all were original transactions, not
flowing from precedent, but containing in themselves precedent
and principle. All great constitutional questions would have been
lost, the public would have been lost, had they depended only
on parliament ; but they had fallen into the hands of the people,
and by .the people they would be preserved. The Irish volunteers
were associated for the preservation of the laws ; but the claims
of the British parliament were subversive of all law : the volun
teers had supported the rights of the Irish parliament against
those temporary trustees who would have relinquished them;
but England had no reason to fear the Irish volunteers; they
would die for England, and her majestic race of men. Allied by
20

306 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
liberty as well as allegiance, the two nations formed a consti
tutional confederacy : the perpetual annexation of the crown was
one great bond, but liberty was a still greater. It would be
easy to find a king, but impossible for Ireland to find a nation
which could communicate to them a great charter, save only
England. This made England a natural connexion ; and every true
Irishman would exclaim, — ' Liberty with England ; but at all events,
liberty.' '
The motion was carried without a division. In the British par
liament, Mr. Fox no longer hesitated ; but having expatiated in a
committee of the whole house on the claims of Ireland, he allowed
them to be founded on justice, and such as he, when out of office,
had always maintained. Ireland had clearly stated her wants ; and
though he might have preferred a different method of asking, he
would meet her on her own terms. He concluded by moving
' for an act repealing that of the sixth of George 1., for securing
the dependence of Ireland (1).' Mr. Thomas Pitt seconded the
motion, which passed without a division ; lord Beauchamp alone
expressing a doubt, whether the repeal leaving the question of
right undecided, would satisfy the Irish nation. For Grattan's in
strumentality in procuring this great concession, addresses were
presented to him from various public bodies : he was styled the
savior of his country; and the Irish parliament voted 50,000/. to
purchase a house and lands for him and his heirs, as a testimony
of national gratitude.
Among the popular measures now brought forward with success,
was the bill for excluding contractors from sitting in the house of
commons; and also that for disqualifying revenue officers from
voting in parliamentary elections : a rider was added to the latter
in the lower house, which exempted from its operation those who
held places for life ; and in the upper house lord Mansfield made a
very able speech against the principle of the bill. The marquis of
Bockingham, however, declared that his situation as first lord of
the treasury would be extremely uneasy if it were rejected : in se
venty boroughs the election depended chiefly on officers of the re
venue : nearly 12,000 of these persons, created by the late adminis
tration, possessed votes in other places ; and he could not without
remorse subject them, through his influence, to the necessity, or
at least the imputation, of voting against the dictates of gratitude
and conscience. This curious argument terminated the debate,
and the bill passed.
The right of free election was strengthened by the success of
Wilkes, who renewed his motion for expunging from the journals
the resolutions concerning the celebrated Middlesex election. Mr.
(I) That act declared lhat Ireland was Inseparably , Irish house of lords bad no Jurisdiction In matters
annexed to the crown of Great Erltatn , and bound of appeal ; and that the dernier ressort In all cases
by British acts of parliament, If named; that the '-of law and equity was to the peers of Great Britain.

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE III. 307
Fox, the man of the people, resisted this measure, on the principle
that the house of commons ought, for the advantage of the people,
to have the privilege of expelling those whom they, as represen
tatives, thought unworthy of a seat ; which privilege was too va
luable to be surrendered. Elated with his triumph, Wilkes pub
lished a letter expressive of delight, in which few persons now
participated : every constitutional question, for which such an in
strument as Wilkes was requisite, had been long settled; and the
instrument itself was cast aside as worthless.
The purity of the elective branch of the constitution was pro
moted by an act which passed by large majorities, for disfranchising
many corrupt voters of the borough of Cricklade, and extending
the right of suffrage to the freeholders of the hundred. In the
progress of this bill through the upper house, it was strongly op
posed by lords Thuriow, Mansfield, and Loughborough ; being ably
supported by lords Grantly and Ashburton, but more especially by
the duke of Bichmond. In the course of debate, his grace re
proached the lord chancellor, not without some justice, with re
sisting indiscriminately every measure of improvement or regula
tion : lord Fortescue lamented the condition of the house of peers,
lowered and tarnished as it was by a redundancy of lawyers, who
sacrificed all the solid, honorable principles of truth and justice, to
pettifogging chicanery, and the wretched quibbles of Westminster-
hall. Evidence was called, and counsel heard against the bill;
when the duke of Bichmond again gave vent to his indignation
against the legal phalanx ; and being ' beset by lawyers above the
bar, and interrupted by lawyers below the bar,' he called in counsel
for his own assistance. By the influence of lord Shelburne, another
important and beneficial law was enacted, by which the holders of
patent places in the colonies were compelled to reside and execute
the duties of their several offices.
During the administration of lord North, frequent complaints
had been made, that the people of England were very imperfectly
represented in the house of commons ; and associations had been
formed for the purpose of obtaining a reform in parliament. It was
urged that the counties sent a very inadequate number of repre
sentatives ; and that numerous small boroughs, with two members,
were under the most corrupt and disgraceful influence : the septen
nial act also was declared to be one which impaired the connexion
between the people and their representatives, while it exposed par
liament to the most corrupt influence. All this was said to require
correction, as a gross departure from the original principles of the
constitution ; and the freedom of political thought which now prevail
ed, was considered highly favorable to the discussion of the subject.
Mr. Pitt was fixed on as the fittest person to bring forward this
motion, which, from its delicacy and importance, required no ordi
nary qualifications : on the seventh of May therefore, when a call of

308 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
the house had taken place, he brought forward this interesting ques
tion in a very able speech. After apologisingfor undertaking a task
which requiredmuch greater ability and experience than he possessed,
he went on to observe, that the most enlightened men, and amongst
others his father, who was not apt to indulge in vague speculations,
had maintained the necessity of a calm revision of the principles of
the constitution, and of a moderate but substantial reform of those
defects, which had gradually and imperceptibly stolen in/to deface,
and which were threatening to destroy, the most beautiful fabric
of government on earth. He spoke with great severity of that
corrupt influence which had caused a perseverance in the Ameri
can war, contrary to the sense of the people ; and praised the pa
triotic conduct of the present government. He contended that the
present state of the house of commons was totally different from
its original construction ; the members in general being more in
fluenced by the crown or the aristocracy, than by the opinions and
wishes of the people : many members were chosen by boroughs,
which possessed no one quality of representation, not even that
of population : their votes were constantly brought to market; and
by means of such it was that the nabob of Arcot had seven or
eight members in 'the house of commons. Such places ought to
be disfranchised or reformed, and an addition made to the county
representatives. He requested that the house would permit this
important subject to be investigated by a committee, with a view to
moderate reform. Mr. Sawbridge, in seconding the motion, spoke
of Mr. Pitt's speech as displaying great and astonishing ability :
but though supported by Mr. Fox and some other official persons,
it was thrown out by a small majority. Its principal opponents
were Mr. Thomas Pitt, who, as proprietor of Old Sarum, ridiculed
the idea of equal representation ; Mr. Powys, who could not see
the least utility in the revisal of a system which had stood the test
of ages ; and Mr. Dundas, who thought that the inquiry promised
no benefit, and might lead to evil : it was, perhaps, wiser to submit
to certain irregularities in an established form of government, than
by attempting their correction to hazard the safety of the whole
fabric : a practice may prevail, indefensible in theory, and irre
concilable with the original design of an institution ; which yet,
from the changes to which time subjects every community, mav be
far from mischievous, nay, even beneficial in its effects. While
the opinions of younger men were in favor of this question, the
older statesmen generally deprecated its agitation ; for sentiments
had already begun to be entertained and inculcated in certain
classes respecting government, very different from those of its sup
porters'; and doctrines, tending to diminish veneration for our
constitutional establishments, were published by men of consider
able name and authority, which spread rapidly among [their ad-
he rents.

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE III. 509
A secret committee had been appointed to investigate the abuses
of our Indian government ; and when several reports had been
presented to the house, Mr. Dundas reviewed the state of the com
pany and its servants with great perspicuity and ability ; severely
reprobating that spirit of ambition, which provoked the native
powers, in the hope of profiting by their conquest ; that perfidy,
which produced violations of treaty ; that prodigality, which had
reduced the company to such embarrassment and distress; and
that general system of mis-government, which had seriously injur
ed all our Asiatic establishments. Several resolutions were passed,
stating instances of gross misconduct. A bill of pains and penalties
was carried against Sir Thomas Rumbold, for high crimes and
misdemeanors committed in the Carnatic ; a vote of censure was
passed on Warren Hastings, and William Hornsby, Esq., presi
dent of Bombay, the recall of whom was recommended to the di
rectors ; while an address was voted to his majesty, praying for
the recall of Sir Elijah Impey, chief justice of Bengal.
On the seventeenth of May, alderman Sawbridge renewed his
annual attempt to shorten the duration of parliaments ; which, though
supported by Mr. Pitt, was rejected by the usual majority : lord
Mahon also introduced, without success, a bill to prevent bribery
and expenses at elections, which also was powerfully supported
by Mr. Pitt, but opposed by Mr. Fox : and this was the first time
these great men differed from each other on a political question,
before that disagreement took place which ended in their final se
paration. The conduct of ministry on the subject of parliamentary
reform began to be considered by the public as suspicious, if not
treacherous. Mr. Fox at a subsequent period took pains to justify
himself on this point ; professing warmly his own attachment to the
cause, while he acknowledged the antipathy with which some of
his colleagues, particularly Mr. Burke and Mr. Thomas Townshend,
viewed it. The scheme, however, of ministerial economy was in
troduced with more sincerity and effect : on the fifteenth of April,
a royal message was brought to the house, recommending the
adoption of a plan for the curtailment of expenses throughout all
the branches, of public expenditure ; and this was speedily follow
ed by another, requesting the discharge of arrears on the civil list,
which amounted to about 296,000/. The house voted the requisite
sum ; and the savings intended to be made by the reform bill were
mortgaged for its payment : but even here the anticipations of the
public were considerably disappointed ; and the sickle of retrench
ment failed to produce that golden harvest, the prospect of which
was so alluring. Many branches of expenditure were left untouch
ed, and; many appointments were retained which had been formerly
represented as unnecessary and injurious ; so that the principal re
form was confined to Mr. Burke's own department, in which, though
the bill was introduced by him, he effected a saving of 47,000/.

510 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
per annum, nearly half of which was the exclusive profit of the
paymaster himself : the whole annual sum reduced amounted to
72,368/. As Mr. Burke was a poor man, without any prospect of a
secure income, his disinterested conduct appears in a very splendid
point of view.
While such measures were proceeding in the senate, Mr. Fox
commenced the exertion of his talents as a minister, by offering
to Holland a renewal of amity on the terms of the treaty of 1674 ;
and, to effect so desirable an object, he proposed that hostilities
should be immediately suspended : this proposal was made through
the Bussian minister ; but was very coldly received by the States
General, which were not disposed to treat separately from their
allies : he also made overtures of peace to the colonies ; for which
there was a general impatience in England, founded on despair of
success in the principal object of the war. Soon after his appoint
ment, he proposed to recognise the independence of the United States
unconditionally, and not to reserve it as a term of peace. Mr.
Grenville was sent to Paris, on the first of May, to ascertain the
sentiments of the American commissioners there, and to open a
direct negociation with M. de Vergennes (1) ; while lord Shelburne
officially wrote to the commander in chief in America to communi
cate the resolution of the British cabinet and of parliament to
congress : that body however was found averse to entering on a
separate negociation; though its determination could not be made
known to the present ministry before their dissolution by the death
of their leader.
The cause of Great Britain seemed at this time degraded to the
lowest state among the selfish powers of the continent, who were
in hopes of wringing from her concessions favorable to a system of
neutral duplicity; when an event occurred, which had been prepared
by the late administration ; and which, by lowering the naval pride
of France and Spain, was calculated to avert from this country the
necessity of any disgraceful or compulsory concessions.
After the conquest of all our Leeward islands, except Barbadoes
and Antigua, the fleets of France and Spain projected an expedition
against Jamaica; and for this the reinforcement was despatched
under de Guichen, which Kempenfeldt failed to intercept. Ministers
were unjustly blamed at the time for permitting Sir G. Bodney to
sail directly for the West Indies, instead of employing him conjointly
with admiral Kempenfeldt ; but it appeared afterwards that they had
judged wisely in disregarding this precarious advantage, for the
sake of securing the junction of Bodney and Hood, and preserving
our remaining possessions in the West Indies. Bodney hoped, by
his early arrival at Barbadoes, to have prevented the fall of St.
(I) At tbe some time lord shelburne despatched and as an overweening contention for power, bytba
Mr. Oswald on a similar commission ;— a proceeding, Rockingham party.
which was viewed wllh Jealousy and displeasure,

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE III. 51 1
Christopher's ; but meeting with Sir Samuel Hood, who informed
him of its surrender, and the retreat of de Grasse to Martinique,
he sailed thither; and, after long watching the motions of the
French fleet to prevent its junction with the Spaniards, succeeded
in bringing on a partial action off Guadaloupe : such however was
the state of the wind, that only the van of the British was engaged,
most of the other ships being becalmed under the high lands of
Dominica. In the course, however, of the next two days, the enemy,
by dint of great efforts, kept far to windward, and would have
probably escaped, had they not been brought down, on the eleventh
of April, to save one of their ships, which had dropped to leeward,
having been crippled by running foul of the French admiral. By
this casualty Bodney found himself in a situation to weather a large
part of the opposing squadron, which was now reduced to thirty
ships, two having been disabled in the previous action.
By daybreak on the twelfth, the line of battle was formed in an
incredibly short time, and at the distance of one cable's length
between each ship ; the officers of the fleet having acquired great
experience in naval evolutions during the last two years on this
station (1). As the signal was given for close contest, the ships came
up separately, and ranged themselves against their opponents, pass
ing along the enemy for that purpose ; while they gave and received
a most tremendous fire. After some time spent in a vigorous and
destructive conflict, during which victory was long held in sus
pense, the British admiral executed a manoeuvre, which had never
before been practised in naval tactics (2). In his own ship, the
Formidable, supported by the Namur, the Duke, and the Canada,
he bore down, with all sail set, on the enemy's line, within three
ships of the centre ; and succeeded in breaking through it in a mas
terly style. ' In the act of doing so,' says Sir Gilbert Blane, ' we
passed within pistol-shot of the Glorieux, which was so terribly
handled, that, being shorn of all her masts, bowsprit, and ensign-
staff, but witb the white flag nailed to a stump, and breathing de
fiance as it were in her last moments, she lay a motionless hulk,
presenting a spectacle, which struck our admiral's fancy as not unlike
the remains of a fallen hero : being an indefatigable reader of Homer,
he exclaimed, that now was to be the contest for the body of
Patroclus.' As soon as he had accomplished this manoeuvre, the other ships
of his division followed him, wore round, and doubled on the
(1) Life of Bodney, vol. II. p. 228. His despatches doubts have arisen whether it was the errect of de-
to tbe admiralty after this battle tell a very different sign on the present occasion. Though It may be
tale of bis orflcers, from that which was told after described in the tactics of Clerk, lt was expressly
the previous engagement. ' 1 want words,' he says, treated of by Pere Hoste In 1688, who has written
'to express how sensible I am or the meritorious the best work extant on naval tactics. The manoeuvre
conduct of all the captains, officers, and men, who was frequently practised in ihe Dutch wars. Whe-
had a share In this glorious victory.' ther it was designed by Rodney, or suggested to him
(-1 Much has been said and written about the by another, be has the credit of executing lt ; and,
credit due to nodney for the Invention and execution what Is greater, of training his tleet lo the power
of this manoeuvre of breaking ihe enemy's line ; and of executing It.

312 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXIV.
enemy ; thus placing between two fires those ships which this skil
ful action had separated from the rest. As soon as Bodney and
the vessels with him wore, he made a signal for the van to tack,
by which they gained the wind of the French, and completed their
confusion; when a total rout ensued, and victory was no longer
doubtful. The loss of the enemy amounted to eight ships : one had
been sunk, another blew up after she had been taken, and six re
mained in possession of the conquerors : one of these was the ad
miral's own ship, the Arille de Paris, of 106 guns, and the only
first-rate man-of-war that had ever been taken into port by any
commander of any nation : she was a present to Louis XV., from
the city of Paris, and is said to have cost 176,000/. The intelli
gence of these events excited great exultation at home : Sir George
Bodney received the unanimous thanks of parliament, with a peerage,
to which a pension of 2000/. was added, to descend to his heirs
for ever.
The loss of men sustained by the British fleet in the actions of
the ninth and twelfth of April, amounted only to 237 killed and 760
wounded ; while that of the French, whose ships were crowded
with soldiers, was computed at 3000 slain and 6000 wounded : those
vessels that escaped were reduced almost to wrecks : Sir Samuel
Hood afterwards captured the Jason and Caton, of seventy-four
guns each, with two frigates, between Hispaniola and Porto Bico ;
while Bodney returned to Jamaica, where he was hailed with joyful
acclamations as a deliverer (1). But it was in England where his
glorious success made the greatest impression, and his name re
sounded from one end of the kingdom to the other ; for the people,
dispirited by the successes of the enemy, could scarcely divest
themselves of fear lest they should be repeated ; and nothing could
exceed their, indignation, when informed that measures had been
taken by the new administration to deprive their favorite admiral of
his command on that station, where he had been so long toiling to
uphold the interests of his country, and restore the tarnished honor
of the British flag.
Meanwhile the negociation for peace proceeded with discouraging
slowness : prince Kaunitz spoke haughtily of contempt shown to the
mediating powers in the commencement of a direct negociation ; but
refused to admit that France was equally blamable for accepting, as
England for making, such overtures ; nor did he express any satis
faction at the late glorious victory. If jealousy of the naval power
of Great Britain occasioned this feeling, ministers took the best
course to remove it, by promptly declaring that the event made no
alteration in their desire for peace, or in the terms proposed as a
basis. France, however, still placed so much reliance on prepara-
(!} Blame has been attached lo rtodnoy for not was round among his papers, after bis death ; giving
following up his victory with sufficient vigor and his reasons for not pursuing tbeenemy. SeeblsLlte,
promptitude. On this polntan Important document vol. 11. p.218.

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE III. 3)5
tions made in the East Indies, and before Gibraltar, that she sought
to protract the treaty by artifice ; and proposed so many vague excep
tions, that almost every trace of he original draught was obliterat
ed (1).

CHAPTEB XXV.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1782.
Change in ministry through the death of lord Rockingham— Lord Shelbume's administration
—Prorogation of parliament, and king's speech— Supplies — Anecdote respecting the re
galia of the crown — Affairs of Ihe war in America — Conduct of general Greene, and eva
cuation of Charleston— State of tilings in New York— Affair of captain Joshua Hutldy— State
of the war in the West Indies— Plan of our maritime warfare— Admiral Barrington's cruise
—Brilliant affair of captain Jervis— Lord Howe's manoeuvres— Dreadful losses sustained
by admiral Graves's fleet— Loss of the Boyal George— Siege and relief of Gibraltar— Pro
spect of a general pacification— Mr. Fitzherbert sent as minister plenipotentiary lo Paris —
Progress of negociations— Attempts made by lord Shelburne to strengthen his cabinet-
Hostilities commence between Pitt and Fox— Meeting of parliament in December— King's
speech — Debates on the address, etc. — Parliament adjourns — Preliminary treaties — Affairs
of Ireland— Embarrassed situation of the ministry— Commencement and conclusion of the
coalition between Fox and lord North — Discussion of the preliminaries of peace in the house
of lords— Defence of himself by lord Shelburne— Debates in the house of commons— Suc
cess of the coalition — Interregnum in the ministry — Addresses to the king for the appoint
ment of a new administration— His majesty's embarrassment— Various attempts to form a
cabinet— The coalition ministers forced on the king— Character of the coalition— Mr. Pitt's
prudent and honorable conduct.
Before any definitive measures of reconciliation and peace could
be adopted, an event occurred which brought about another change
in the British government. The marquis of Bockingham, who had
been for some time declining in health, fell a victim, on the first
of July, to a prevalent disorder, which acquired the name of in-
fl uenza. This liberal and patriotic nobleman's cabinet contained within
itself jarring elements; for the dexterous and accomplished mind
of lord Shelburne meditated supremacy ; while the powerful genius
of Fox, scarcely able to endure a rival, disdained to suffer a su
perior. All open indications of jealousy had hitherto been re
strained by the dignified and conciliating character of the leader ;
but when his influence ceased, the centre of attraction vanished in
the system, and a total dissolution followed. On the very day after
his lordship's decease, the king, to whom the earl of Shelbume's
political principles were sufficiently agreeable, renewed the offer of
placing him at the head of the cabinet : it was accepted, without
any intimation being given to the principal members of the Rock-
in Adolphus, vol. 111. p 4(1.

514 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV.
ingham party, who considered this conduct equivalent to a decla
ration of political hostility : accordingly, a schism ensued among
the whigs ; Mr. Fox, lord John Cavendish, Mr. Burke, and many
others, left the administration; and the duke of Portland retired
from his government in Ireland. AVhen Fox was openly charged
in parliament, on this account, with yielding to the feelings of dis
appointed ambition, he declared that his motive in resigning office
was the appointment of lord Shelburne instead of the duke of Port
land, whom the whigs considered as the natural successor of lord
Bockingham. This acknowledgment brought down on him a storm
of invective, in which Mr. Pitt took the lead, who charged Fox with
' hazarding the honor of the government from personal motives,
and the safety of the country from pique ; with acting on the prin
ciple of men and not measures, while he had the phrase of measures
and not men perpetually on his lips; with endeavoring to embar
rass the minister, when he could not degrade him ; and with aban
doning the sincerity of his principles, rather than contract the
bounds of his ambition; determining, when he could not rule the
government with absolute sway, to stand forth in the character of
its assailant.' Thus began the conflict between these two eminent
men. The principal vacancies in administration were filled up as
follows : lord Grantham and Mr. Thomas Townshend were appointed
secretaries of state; colonel Barre was made paymaster of the forces
in the room of Mr. Burke; Sir George Yonge succeeded Mr. Tho
mas Townshend as secretary at war; and the lord advocate of
Scotland became treasurer of the navy : earl Temple went as loTd-
lieutenant to Ireland, with the honorable AVilliam AVyndham Gren-
ville as his secretary : but the promotion which attracted most at
tention was that of Mr. AVilliam Pitt, who, at the early age of
twenty-three, and without passing through any subordinate offices,
was elevated to the post of chancellor of the exchequer, and leader
of the house of commons ; at a time too, when the pecuniary con
cerns of the country were in a state of great embarrassment, owing
to a long and expensive war, which still continued. A strong attach
ment had existed between lord Shelburne and the earl of Chatham;
and though the character of Mr. Pitt differed in many important
points from that of the premier, yet he enjoyed his confidence,
and derived great advantage from his political experience.
In this era, however, of ministerial changes, the administration
of lord Shelburne was not destined to form an exception. Few men
had more qualifications for acquiring power than that nobleman ; but
no one failed more completely! in retaining it. He was a very ac
complished person ; of great sagacity, promptitude, and force in de
bate ; dignified and graceful in his exterior ; able to draw resources
from all the stores of literature ; and more intimately acquainted with
the policy of foreign courts than any statesman in Europe : yet a
suspicion of insincerity attached itself to every step of his political

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE III. 315
progress : he was accused of such duplicity by his colleagues in
office, that he had long been designated as a Jesuit, and in the sa
tires of the day obtained the political nickname of ' Malagrida.' He
was particularly odious to Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke ; the latter of
whom, when he rose in the house to support his friend, who had
been justifying the late resignations, declared, that ' if lord Shel
burne was not a Catiline or a Borgia in morals, it must not be
ascribed to any thing but his understanding.' The principal charge
made against him by the public, at this crisis, turned on his known
aversion to American independence : it was thence argued, that his
proposals of peace were the effect of dissimulation ; and the nation
must depend on caprice or any other contingency for that benefit
which its general voice demanded. His lordship's own defence of
his appointment in the house of lords tended to corroborate this
opinion. ' He had been charged,' he said, ' with inconsistency re
lative to the independence of America : but his opinion still was,
as it always had been, that whenever the parliament of Great Bri
tain acknowledged that point, the sun of England's glory was set
for ever; ruin and independence were linked together — the ruin,
not of England only, but of America also.' This language, thougb
well-calculated to obtain royal favor, excited no little astonishment
in the colonies; for two months had scarcely elapsed, since Sir Guy
Carleton, who succeeded to Sir Henry Clinton as chief in command,
had been authorised to declare to congress, 'that his majesty, de
sirous of removing all obstacles to peace, had commissioned Mr.
Grenville to propose the independence of the united provinces in
the first instance, instead of making it a condition of a general treaty.'
This discordant language, therefore, was indignantly cited on the
other side of the Atlantic, and echoed on this side, as a fresh in
stance of ministerial artifice and duplicity. When parliament was
prorogued on the eleventh of July, the point in question was thus
cautiously treated in the king's speech : — 'Nothing,' said his majesty,
' can be more repugnant to my feelings than the long continuance of
so complicated a war ; but should the want of a corresponding dis
position, on the part of the enemy, disappoint my hopes of terminat
ing that calamity, I shall still rely on the spirit, affection, and un
animity of my parliament and people, to support the honor of my
crown, and the interests of the nation. The most triumphant career
of victory would not excite me to aim at more than reasonable terms
of pacification ; and I have the satisfaction to add, that I see no
reason which should induce me to think of accepting less.' The
supplies of this year were 100,000 seamen, with nearly the same
number of land forces as were required in the preceding year. The
loan was 13,510,000/., the terms of which were near six per cent. :
but stocks were so low as fifty-four. New taxes were laid on in
surances, bills of exchange, inland and coasting navigation, brandy,
beer, salt, and tobacco : but imposts, which pressed so heavily on

516 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV.
the lower classes, produced, as might have been expected, consi
derable animadversion.
It must not be forgotten, that when his majesty went down to
prorogue parliament, a curious instance occurred of that inconve
nience which arises from a sudden alteration in the old arrange
ments of office. A necessity existed, on this occasion, for sending
the crown and sceptre from the Tower to Westminster : but
Mr. Burke's reform bill had suppressed the jewel office ; its master
had been superseded, and no new regulation adopted for the con
veyance of the crown jewels on occasions of public ceremony.
Application was made to the lord high steward and lord cham
berlain ; but they doubted their authority to. interfere : the next re
source was the secretary of state, who gave an order to the keeper at
the Tower for their transmission : but another difficulty then oc
curred ; for, owing to the irregularity of the whole transaction,
none of the royal carriages were in waiting. In this dilemma, the
secretary was obliged to apply to Bow-street ; and a dozen consta
bles from the office there were employed to convoy the regalia of
England, in two hackney coaches, along the outskirts of London, to
Westminster. Another colonel Blood might have rendered this
day memorable in the annals of Great Britain.
The blaze of war now languished, where it was first kindled, in
the American colonies : the surrender of lord Cornwallis in reality
terminated the martial contest. AVhen the whole of South Carolina,
except Charleston and its vicinity, had been abandoned by the
British, general Greene, the American commander, directed his
mind toward the future'. He had been led to expect that the
French fleet, with a part of the land forces, would pass from the
Chesapeak to Charleston, to co-operate with him in the recovery of
the three most southern states : disappointed in that assistance, he
was still bent on expelling his foes from North Carolina and Georgia,
if not from their strong hold in Charleston : but though the spirit
of enterprise was high in his army, few opportunities of exhibiting
it occurred ; while events of an alarming nature gave him occasion
for exerting that sagacity and presence of mind which distinguished
his character : it was discovered that a portion of his army had
entered into correspondence with the Brilish for the purpose of
delivering him into their power ; but the ringleader being detected
and shot, the chief conspirators deserted. AVhile engaged in the
duties of the field, the southern army had endured privations and
hardships almost exceeding belief: it is said, on American authority,
that a large part of it were at times almost as naked as they were
born ; and that the loins of the brave men who fought at the Eutaw
springs, were actually galled by their cartouch-boxes ; while their
shoulders were protected from chafing, only by a piece of rug or
a tuft of moss (1). Left to repose, therefore, it is not surprising
H| Life or General Greene, In American National Gallery, p 8

A.D. ,782.] GEORGE III. 5(7
that they should brood over their sufferings, and expect some notice
from the country which their valor had contributed to save: yet
for a time they seemed to be wholly forgotten by congress, and
their murmurs began to be heard : symptoms of mutiny appeared
in the Maryland line; but were preceded by a pathetic address to
their general, in which they begged his attention to their thinned
ranks, reduced from a brigade to about 200 men: but he had not the
means to relieve them ; and his mind was burdened with the most
painful anxiety. ' His troops,' it is said, ' had received no pay for
two years; they were nearly naked ; often without meat and bread ;
while the sick and wounded were perishing for want of medicines
and proper norishment (1).' Discontent also existed among the
officers of the legion, respecting the appointment of colonel Laurens
to its command ; and all tendered their resignation, complaining of
partiality and injustice ; but though the general accepted their com
missions, he gave them such excellent advice, that they unanimously
returned to their posts, resolving not to leave him in face of the
enemy : in short, by his prudence and conciliatory conduct, he
completely subdued the spirit of discord, and kept his whole army
firm in its allegiance.
Except for the purpose of procuring provisions, the British troops
undertook no new expedition : with their whole force they had
been unable to keep possession of the country; and with their di
minished means it would have been folly to renew the strife : they
therefore determined to evacuate Charleston ; having agreed to
leave it uninjured, on condition of their retreat being unmolested:
accordingly, on the fourteenth of December, the American army
entered the city as the British rear guard departed from it ; and
the citizens, after having been for two years under the arbitrary
restriction of a hostile garrison, cut off from all intercourse with
their friends, and ignorant of their fate, now beheld them return
ing as liberators. Solemn thanks, on this interesting occasion, were
offered to the Almighty in the different places of public worship ;
and the whole city presented a scene of joy and festivity. Even
after this period, the difficulty of supplying rations to the army
was so great, as to threaten serious consequences : but the general
again removed the evil by becoming responsible, as an endorser
of the contractors' bills : this transaction, however, is said to have
been the cause of much subsequent embarrassment to himself and
to his family after his decease (2).
II) Lire or General Greene, la American National ed hts command In the southern department.' They
Gallery, p. 0. had previously voted htm a British standard and a
(2) When peace was restored, and general Greene gold medal, for tbe battle of Eutaw. Tbe state of
returned to his native state, he was received In every Georgia presented him with a beautltul plantation,
place through wblch he passed with admiration and a few miles from Savannah; and South Carolina
enthusiasm : on his arrival at Princeton, where the conveyed to him a valuable estate : this latter he was
congress was then sitting, thatbody resolved to pre- obliged to part with, to free himself from tbe pe-
sent him with two pieces of ordnance, taken from cunlary obligations referred to In the text : to the
the British army, 'as a public testimony ofthe wis- tormer he removed, with his family, In the autumn
dom, fortitude, and military skill which distinguish- of 1785 : but the next year saw the death of this second

518 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV.
At New York the American loyalists were filled with alarm and
indignation at the tenth article of lord Cornwallis's capitulation; but
their fears were at length quieted by the judicious conduct of Sir
Henry Clinton, directing that in all cases the same attention should
be paid to them as to the king's forces, without any distinction: yet
when the departure of the French fleet and the above-mentioned
declaration had allayed their fears, an occurrence took place, which
threatened to produce fresh contentions, and a mode of vengeful
hostility more revolting than any that had yet been pursued. The
Americans had always treated their own countrymen taken in arms
against their cause with greater severity than other prisoners ; on
which account, a board of associated loyalists had long been estab
lished at New York, invested with administrative authority, sub
ject to the ratification of the commander in chief: they had a prison
for captives brought in by their parties, and the power of exchange
or release ; but with the express condition of not killing or mal
treating their prisoners, under pretext of retaliation.
After the capitulation of lord Cornwallis, many loyalists urged
Sir Henry Clinton to threaten vengeance for injuries inflicted on
those who had joined the royal standard; but that prudent officer
declined all such measures : while, however, he was engaged in ne
gociations with Washington for an exchange of prisoners, Joshua
Huddy, a captain in the service of congress, was taken by a party
of loyalists, and delivered over to captain Lippencott, one of their
body, who, by order of the associated board, carried him into New
Jersey, and there hung him on a tree, with a label, denoting that
his punishment was a retaliation for one White, a member of the
association. Sir Henry Clinton, resenting this indignity offered to
himself, and anticipating the unpleasant consequences likely to en
sue, had arrested Lippencott, and ordered him to be tried for the
offence : he soon, however, received a stern letter from Wash
ington, requiring, under threats of retaliation, that Lippencott
should be delivered to him; or so many additional officers, as in
exchange would be equivalent to Huddy. The British commander
expressed surprise and displeasure at the demand, as well as the
language in which it was conveyed ; and as he had himself taken
measures to appease justice, would not consent to adopt and ex
tend a system of barbarity. Washington, however, was not de
terred from seizing Messrs. Hatfield and Badgely as deserters,
though protected by a flag of truce, announcing, at the same time,
that he had selected a British officer, by lot, as an object of retalia
tion for Huddy, and that the lime and place of his execution were
fixed. Sir Henry Clinton was relieved from the pain of farther nego
ciation on this distressing subject, by his recall, which, after repeated
or the military commanders or America, in Its war tor independence. II was no slight honor lo be se
cond to Washington.

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE III. 519
solicitations, was at length granted : his successor was Sir Guy
Carleton, who accompanied the official intelligence of his arrival, on
the seventh of May, with the pacific vote of the house of commons,
and his own declaration to alleviate as much as possible the horrors
of war ; for which purpose he requested a passport for his aid-de
camp to communicate with congress. This reasonable request, how
ever, was refused by Washington, who also limited the admission
of flags of truce to a single spot ; and his conduct was approved by
congress ; which body, as if apprehensive of a schism on the subject
of peace, renewed its resolutions against a separate treaty with
Great Britain. Sir Guy, however, labored to bring about a cessa
tion of hostilities, as well as an exchange of prisoners; and when
he was enabled to state that negociations had commenced with
France, his applications began to meet with more regard. In the
mean time, a distinct subject of painful negociation urgently claimed
his attention. The victim on whom the lot fell to expiate the murder
of Huddy, was an officer in the guards, a fine young man in his
nineteenth year, the only son of Sir Charles Asgill, a baronet of
ancient family in Yorkshire ; and to save him all entreaty and argu-
ment were found unavailing. In this bitter extremity, maternal
love overcame every obstacle : his distracted mother, by her pa
thetic appeals and indefatigable perseverance, prevailed on the queen
of France to undertake her cause; and the entreaties of the unfor
tunate Marie Antoinette, backed by the earnest remonstrances of
La Fayette, preserved captain Asgill from the ignominious fate of
Andre. Washington, in obeying the order of congress to liberate
his prisoner, declared, that in whatever light his agency might be
viewed, he was never influenced by sanguinary motives ; and that
in the present instance, he was happy in sparing the effusion of in
nocent blood.
After Bodney's important victory, the war languished in the West
Indies : the conquest however of the Bahama islands was effected
by the Spanish governor of Cuba, without bloodshed ; liberal terms
being granted the garrison, which consisted of invalids : some de
fenceless settlements also on Hudson's, Haye's, and Nelson's rivers
were destroyed by a squadron under the celebrated La Perouse.
To counterbalance these losses, the English captured some forts on
the Mosquito shore from the Spaniards, and took Acra on the coast
of Africa from the Dutch. The events which at this period took
place in the East Indies have been already detailed ; but the enemies
of Great Britain still threatened, by a combination of their naval
forces in Europe, to reduce her maritime superiority. The arma
ments which France, Spain, and Holland had equipped for active
service consisted of seventy ships of the line ; but tbese formidable
preparations were rendered ineffective by the vigilance and valor
of our commanders.
As the force of Great Britain on her own coasts was very infe-

520 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. LCuap. XXV.
rior to that of her enemies if united, the first object was to pre
vent their junction, and to weaken them by separate attacks; the
second, to protect our numerous convoys, without leaving the coun
try too much unguarded-; and the third, to relieve the important
post of Gibraltar. Admiral Barrington, having sailed from Ports
mouth with twelve ships of the line, to effect the first of these ob
jects, met a French fleet of transports off Ushant, destined for the
East Indies, under convoy of the Protecteur and Pegase of seventy-
four guns; the Actionnaire of sixty-four, and a frigate : the British
admiral commenced a chase; when the Foudroyarit, captain Jervis,
so far outstripped the rest during the night, that by daybreak he
was out of sight of the fleet. Having come up with the Pegase, a
fierce action ensued ; and after an hour, she struck to the; British
flag : as both ships were fresh from harbor, and of equal force, the
disparity of loss on each side was very remarkable; the French
having eighty men killed, while no Englishman was slain, and only
three or four wounded. The prize, reduced almost to a wreck, was
placed in charge of captain Maitland of the Queen, while the Fou-
droyant proceeded in the chase. Captain Maitland, having taken
300 prisoners out of her, sent one of his lieutenants on board to
guard the rest; when a French ship of war hove in sight, which
turned out to be the Actionnaire, armed en flute. A chase of four
teen hours brought him up with the enemy, who struck after the
first broadside : the other pursuers were also successful, and cap
tured twelve ships of the convoy, with stores, and about 1000 sol
diers. After this successful cruise, the British squadron returned
to port in consequence of very boisterous weather ; and captain
Jervis was invested with the order of the Bath, the precursor of a
more splendid reward bestowed on him for services on a wider
field. Admiral Kempenfeldt, with nine sail of the line, took the
station which Barrington had quitted ; while lord Howe, with a
squadron of twelve sail, terrified the Dutch into a relinquishment
of their designs on the Baltic trade of Great Britain.
In the mean time, de Guichen had formed a junction with the
Spanish fleet at Cadiz; and the united armament, after having
captured eighteen vessels of our outward-bound Quebec and New
foundland fleets, now occupied the chops of the channel : great ap
prehensions were entertained for the Jamaica fleet; but all the
attempts of the enemy were baffled by the dexterity and skill of
lord Howe with a very inferior force, without the necessity of
an engagement. The combined squadrons neither intercepted our
trade, nor effected a junction with the Dutch ; and finding that
no advantage could be derived from remaining in the channel,
they retired from our coasts.
But what the enemy was unable to effect in the destruction of
our marine, the violence of the elements in part accomplished.
One of the most terrible catastrophes that ever befell a fleet was

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE HI. 521
incurred by that under admiral Graves, which sailed this summer,
with the great prizes taken by Bodney and Hood, to convoy the
homeward-bound trade from the West Indies. All the trophies
of those great men, except the Ardent, which put back to Port
Boyal, perished in the storm ; two British line-of-battle ships foun
dered, with a great number of merchantmen; and the number of
lives lost exceeded 3000. The Ville de Paris was commanded
by captain Wilkinson, a most experienced seaman, who had made
twenty-four voyages to and from the West Indies, and had there
fore been pitched on to lead~ the fleet through the gulf ; but she was
buried in the ocean with all on board, amounting to 800 souls :
the crew of the Bamillies, consisting of more than 600 men, were
saved from perishing with the ship, by the noble and intrepid
conduct of admiral Graves. The horror of these calamities was
aggravated by a melancholy accident at Portsmouth, which excited
a deep concern throughout the nation. Lord Howe, returning
from his well-conducted cruise, anxiously urged the equipment of a
squadron for the relief of Gibraltar ; and the Boyal George, of
100 guns, the finest ship in our navy, being destined for this ser
vice, was inclined on her side to undergo a slight species of ca
reening, without the trouble or delay of going into dock : the ship
was at this time crowded with people from the shore, among
whom were about 300 unfortunate women ; and the crew itself
amounted to 900 : the carpenters had inclined the ship a little more
than was intended ; when, about ten o'clock in the morning of the
twenty-ninth of August, a sudden squall threw her on her side ;
and the gun ports being open, she instantly filled with water, and
went to the bottom. The brave admiral Kempenfeldt was writ
ing in his cabin at the moment of the catastrophe; and was thus
suddenly buried in the ocean, with near 1000 sailors, women, and
children. A victualler which lay near was swallowed in the vortex
made by the submersion of this immense body ; and it was some
time before any small craft could be employed to assist the few
that survived so great a calamity.
In the mean time, the siege of Gibraltar, and the resolute de
fence made by its brave garrison, attracted the attention of all Eu
rope : the duke de Crillon, the conqueror of Minorca, was appointed
to conduct the operations by land ; Don Juan de Moreno com
manded the fleet ; and it was resolved to employ the whole strength
of the Spanish monarchy in seconding their efforts. From the
failure of all plans hitherto attempted for the reduction of this rock,
recourse was had to new projects, more especially to one formed
by the chevalier d'Arcon, for the employment of floating batteries
constructed so as to be impervious to shot, and indestructible by
fire : with this view, their bottoms were made of massive timber,
and their sides of wood and cork long soaked in water; with a
thick layer of wet sand between them, and raw hides on the outside.
21

522 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV,
To prevent the effect of red-hot balls, a number of pipes were laid
to convey water through every part, and pumps were provided
to keep these constantly supplied : the people on board were shel
tered from the fall of shells by a cover of rope netting, in a slant
ing position, and overlaid with wet hides. Ten of these floating
castles, carrying from ten to twenty-eight guns each, and designed
to lie moored within half gun-shot of the walls, were seconded by
eighty large boats full of troops, and mounted with cannon of the
largest calibre ; as well as by a multitude of frigates, ships of va
rious force, and some hundreds of small craft.
General Elliot, the intrepid defender of the fortress, though aware
that inventions of a peculiar nature were prepared against him, was
yet ignorant of their mode of construction : nevertheless, he pro
vided against every circumstance of danger that could be foreseen
or imagined ; and the confidence of his garrison rose in proportion
to his vigilance and alacrity. The thirteenth of September was
selected for the grand attack; when the newly-invented machines,
with all the powers of engineering skill, were to be called into ac
tion. The combined fleets of France and Spain, amounting to forty-
seven sail of the line, ten invincible battering ships carrying 212
guns, numerous frigates, xebeques, bomb-ketches, gun-boats, and
various other craft, were assembled in the bay of Gibraltar ; while
on the isthmus were stupendous works mounting 200 pieces of
heavy ordnance, and protected by 40,000 troops : the numbers
employed by land and sea against the fortress being estimated at
near 100,000 men. With such a force, it was intended to make
one simultaneous attack on every part of the British works : in the
mean time, the surrounding heights were covered with people, as
if all Spain was anxious to behold this tremendous but magnificent
spectacle. At length, the signal was given ; and showers of shot
and shells from the land batteries and ships of the besiegers, and
from the various works of the garrison, exhibited an awful scene :
four hundred pieces of the heaviest artillery were playing at the
same moment on the garrison ; and the fire was returned by inces
sant showers of red-hot balls and shells from the rock ; so that
the whole peninsula was involved in one terrific blaze. The float
ing batteries appeared at first to answer the expectations of their
inventors ; for the heavie st shells rebounded from their tops, while
thirty-two pound shot made no visible impression on their hulls.
For some hours the attack and defence were equally supported ;
and the battering ships seemed to bid defiance to the combined
force of fire and shot : in the evening, however, the effects of the
red-hot balls became visible : at first there was only an appearance
of smoke ; but in the course of the night, two of the floating bat
teries burst into flames, and several more were visibly beginning
to kindle ; while the light of the conflagration enabled the garrison
to direct their guns with unerring aim. The efforts of the besiegers

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE IH. 525
were now exclusively directed to bring off the crews ; but in this
they were interrupted by captain Curtis, with twelve gun-boats,
who advanced and opened a raking fire on the whole line of bat-
teries, so as to throw them into inextricable confusion: at four
o'clock, six more of the floating batteries were enveloped in flames,
and all hope of assisting their sailors was abandoned by the enemy.
The break of day disclosed a dreadful spectacle : hundreds were
seen in the midst of the flames calling out for help ; others were
floating on pieces of timber, exposed to equal danger from the
opposite element ; while the most lamentable cries and agonising
groans were heard on all sides. Then it was that the generous
humanity of the victors was found to equal their valor; and this
was the more honorable, as the exertion of it subjected them to
the most imminent peril. In his zealous endeavors to save the
lives of his enemies, captain Curtis nearly lost his own ; for while
he lay alongside the floating batteries for this benevolent purpose,
one of them blew up ; and some heavy pieces of timber falling into
his boat, pierced through its bottom. By such noble exertions
near 400 souls were. saved from destruction: in the end, all the
floating batteries were consumed ; and the Spanish loss, exclusive
of that sustained by the troops on the isthmus, was computed at
1500 men; while that of the garrison did not amount to more than
three officers and thirteen privates killed, with five officers and
sixty-three privates wounded.
In the mean time, lord Howe, with thirty-four sail of the line,
arrived off Cape St. Vincent on the ninth of October ; on the eleventh,
he passed the straits, where the combined fleets, to the number of
sixty-four sail, of which forty-two were of the line, had for some
time been stationed to intercept him ; but a violent hurricane drove
them on the Barbary coast, and prevented the possibility of attack.
After throwing succors into the fortress, he set sail again for
England ; and the enemy coming up with him off Cape St. Vincent
on the twentieth of October, he lay to in order to receive them ;
but after exchanging a distant and ineffectual cannonade, he con
tinued his voyage without farther molestation. Thus perished the
hopes of Spain to recover a barren rock, the value of which is
above all price, and which still remains one of the brightest jewels
that adorn the British crown. General Elliot, for his heroic de
fence, received the order of the Bath ; and was raised to the peerage
by the title of baron Heathfield, with a pension similar to that
bestowed on Bodney.
This was the last action of importance in Europe during the war ;
and thus the military career of Great Britain, -after repeated mis
fortunes, terminated with such splendor as to favor the prospect
of a general pacification. The policy indeed of sheathing the sword
was universally admitted ; for each nation found, by a review of
past events, that though their losses were great, their gains weighed

524 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [C^Ip. XXV.
little in the opposite scale : Great Britain, in particular, had in this
war increased her national debt by more than 130,000,000/. ster
ling, and wasted the lives of at least 50,000 of her subjects ; and,
as if to increase her mortification, she afterwards discovered that
she had been fighting for advantages very problematical, even if
success had been attainable. The empress of Bussia and the em
peror of Germany still mediated between the belligerent powers ;
but the disposition of Great Britain to recognise the independence
of the colonies removed the grand obstacle that stood in tho way
of peace.
On the resignation of Mr. Fox and his friends, Mr. Grenville
quitted Paris, and Mr. Fitzherbert was appointed by the new ca
binet minister plenipotentiary on the part of Great Britain : the
French ministry, however, continued for some time temporising
and mysterious ; endeavoring by secret agency to excite the pride
and resentment of the imperial court against this country, on ac
count of the supposed contempt previously shown for their media
tion ; but when its projects against our Indian possessions failed,
and the empress of Bussia, whose ambition lay apart from the
scene of these quarrels, was conciliated, France began to conduct
the negociation with more sincerity ; and after the failure at Gib
raltar, exerted herself in persuading Spain to relinquish all; hope of
obtaining that fortress by treaty : as yet, however, a cautious se
cresy on the subject was observed : the first authentic notice of it
was in a letter from the secretary of state to the lord mayor"; and
to prevent any injurious speculations in the funds, it was merely
declared that the negociation promised a decisive conclusion, either
for peace or war ; on which account parliament would be pro
rogued from the twenty-sixth of November to the fifth of December.
Even at this period, says Mr. Adolphus (1), ministers could not
form a determinate opinion on the final events : the treaty with
France was most advanced ; but that crafty power held the ulti
mate decision in her own hands : if really disposed to make peace,
she could influence Spain and Holland ; if otherwise, she could
throw on -them the blame of continuing hostilities : Mr. Fitzherbert
however, succeeded, by his ability and judgment, in obtaining from
the American commissioners the signature of provisional articles.
This great stroke of policy would naturally incline France to relin
quish a contest, in which success became more uncertain, while the
expenses were enormous.
Lord Shelburne had weathered the storm through the last ses
sion of parliament; but in England no minister can long stand
against public opinion. After a consultation with his colleagues,
and a fair calculation of the assistance he might expect, it was
thought advisable to procure some additional support in the house
(1) From correspondenceand private Information, vol. III. p. 161.

A.D. 1782.] GEORGE HI. 325
o£ commons : Mr. Pitt, on this occasion, exhibited an instance of
manly sincerity, which formed a strong contrast with Mr. Fox's
versatility, by giving his decided negative to a union with lord
North : he declared that he could not, from a sense of duty, enter
into any political connexion with a man, whose administration had
brought so much disgrace and calamity on the country, and whose
principles he had so repeatedly condemned : this determination
arose from no personal dislike to lord North ; but from a convic
tion that a change from that system, which had been so long pur
sued, was necessary to rescue the kingdom from its dangers.
It was then determined to apply to Mr. Fox, against whom the
same objections did not lie : Mr. Pitt, accordingly, waited on him by
appointment ; and the interview was marked by a few strong traits
of character in the personages concerned. Fox asked, at once,
whether it was proposed, in the present negociation, that lord
Shelburne should remain premier; to which Pitt immediately an
swered in the affirmative : Fox then warmly asserted that he never
would belong to any administration, of which the earl of Shelburne
was to be the head ; and Pitt, with equaf^promptitude, replied,
' that all farther discussion would be useless, for he did not come
to betray lord Shelburne.' This, according to Mr. Pitt's biographer,
was the last time these illustrious men were in the same private
room together (1) : they had now drawn the sword, and neither of
them sheathed it to the latest period of their lives.
When parliament met on the fifth of December, his majesty, in a
long speech, informed both houses that provisional articles had
been adjusted with the American states, whose independence, with
a reluctance which nothing but the wishes of his people could sub
due, he had engaged to acknowledge in the definitive treaty.
Among other topics, he alluded to the valiant exertions of the army
and navy, the economical reforms which would be necessary, and
the attention required by the concerns of Ireland and India. No
direct opposition was made to the address; but Mr. Fox was in
clined to recognise the independence of America at once, and not
reserve it as one of the conditions of peace : lord Shelburne, he said,
had fully, though reluctantly, agreed in this principle ; but after
wards swerving from it, had occasioned a division in the cabinet.
Lord North dissented from Mr. Fox's opinion on this point; nor
did he think the country so reduced as to be obliged to accept
such terms of peace as its enemies might wish to impose on it
Mr. Burke detected in the speech a dangerous mode of delusion,
unmeaning professions, and an undeserved self-commendation ;
but he was ready to join in thanking his majesty for concluding
provisional articles of pacification. In the upper house there was
no division ; but lord Stormont vehemently opposed the irrevo-
|i| Dr. Tomllne's Life of Pitt, vol. I. p. 89.

526 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cbap. XXV.
cable concession of independence to American commissioners acting
under the control of France. Lord Shelburne denied the existence
of such control, as well as the unqualified and unconditional offer
of independence : if France did not consent to put an end to. the
contest, that independence would not be recognised. This expla
nation occasioned many severe remarks in the lower house, when
the address was reported : duplicity, hypocrisy, and. discordancy of
opinion were freely imputed to ministers ; but no division took
place till the eighteenth of December, when Mr. Fox moved for
copies of such parts of the provisional treaty as concerned the re
cognition of American independence, assigning for his motive the
diversity of language used by ministers. Mr. Thomas Pitt moved
for the order of the day, being supported by lord North ; and the
immense majority by which this motion was carried, showed the
weakness of the other party in opposition (1). On the twenty-
third of December, parliament adjourned for the Christmas recess.
During this interval, the preliminary treaties of peace were exe
cuted by France and Spain. The American colonies, by their
treaty, secured independence in its fullest extent, with advantageous
boundaries, comprehending the countries on both sides of the
Ohio, and on the east of the Mississippi : they received liberty also
of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland ; and the navigation of
the Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, was rendered free to
both parties. By the treaty with France, the right of fishing on
the coast of Newfoundland was ceded to that nation, from Cape
St. John on the east, round the north of the island, to Cape Bay
on the west : the French were also put into possession of the is
lands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, Tobago and St. Lucie. In Africa,
the river Senegal, with its forts and dependencies, was ceded, and
the island of Goree restored : in the East Indies, England gave
up all her conquests, and allowed to France her accustomed com
merce, whether by a company or by individuals : the articles also
relative to the port of Dunkirk, established at the peace of Utrecht,
were now abrogated. France, on her part, restored to Great Bri
tain the islands of Grenada and the Grenadines, St. Vincent, Do
minica, St. Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat : in Africa, she
also ceded the possession of fort James and the river Gambia. In
her treaty with Spain, Great Britain gave up the island of Minorca
and East Florida, but regained Providence and the Bahama islands:
his catholic majesty also retained West Florida, but guarantied to
English subjects the right of cutting logwood in the bay of Hon
duras. Holland also agreed to a cessation of hostilities ; but the
terms of pacification were not yet arranged.
Although the public mind was wholly occupied with the preli
minaries of peace, another object claimed attention from the legis-
III 219 against 18.

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE HI. 327
lature. The declaratory act of George I., regarding the legislat ive
superiority of the British parliament, had been repealed agreeably
to Mr. Grattan's requisition; but the Irish were instigated to de
mand farther concessions. Mr. Flood, a contemporary orator of
great ability, contended that a simple repeal merely withdrew an
offensive declaration, without renouncing the principle ; and that it
was necessary, for the security of the rights of Ireland, that Great
Britain should formally renounce her claim asserted by that act.
As Mr. Grattan resisted this proposal, because it was not only un
necessary, but offensive to Great Britain, a long and bitter alterca
tion ensued between these distinguished men ; but Mr. Flood was
supported by the test of popularity, while a torrent of public odium
fell on the man who had been lately denominated the savior of his
country. Lord Temple, the new viceroy of Ireland, thinking it
right that this question should be decided, rather than left to agi
tate the national mind, recommended to ministers a bill of renun
ciation : accordingly, on the twenty-second of January, the first
day of transacting business after the recess, Mr. Townshend moved
for leave to bring in a bill for removing all doubts concerning the
legislative rights of the parliament and courts of Ireland, and pre
venting the adjudication of any writ of error or appeal from that
kingdom in the courts of Great Britain. The debates in its different
stages were animated, and involved a discussion, whether treason
committed in Ireland could be tried in Great Britain, under thfr
statute of Henry VIII. : the prevailing opinion was in favor of the
affirmative, that law having been confirmed by an Irish statute.
The bill at length passed both houses without a division ; and be
fore its arrival in the upper house, Mr. Townshend had acquired
a right of supporting it there under the title of lord Sidney. No
position could be more fraught with difficulties, than was that of
ministers at this time in parliament. Arrayed against them was the
party of lord North, experienced in public business, powerful by
its long possession of place, and extending its influence_in various
ramifications throughout every department; while the failure of the
negociation with Fox had created a still more serious obstacle to
their plans ; for it constituted, as their antagonist, the most power
ful debater in the British senate. An acute reasoner without the
formality of argument, a subtile sophist under a disguise of the
most simple candor, throwing all his feelings into his speech^ and
seizing on the popular sympathies by appeals of the most natural
sensibility, Fox possessed all the qualities calculated to make an
impression on a mixed multitude ; and in the house of commons
he was at this time irresistible.
Against so mighty an antagonist, armed with the most specious
topics, and supported in the house by the personal resentments ot
its most influential members, Pitt had to fight the battlesof a cabinet,
which, as soon as it took office, became loaded with unpopularity .

328 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV.
his cause appeared almost hopeless ; when one of those singular
and instructive events occurred, which was to change the whole as
pect of political affairs; and, by casting an indelible stain on the
character of his rival, to raise that of the youthful minister still
higher in the scale of honor : this was the celebrated coalition be
tween Fox and lord North. The determined resolution shown by
the cabinet against these two statesmen, excited on their part a de
termination to take it by storm, be the means what they might ; and
it was proposed that the two parties should coalesce. A negocia
tion was set on foot at the instigation of Mr. Eden (1 ) ; the honorable
Mr. North conducting it for his father, and colonel Fitzpalrick for
Mr. Fox : the business was hastily despatched, for the affairs were
pressing ; the debate on the peace being fixed for the seventeenth :
it was not till nearly four in the morning of the sixteenth, that, af
ter numerous messages, that alliance was concluded, which was des
tined first to overthrow its opponents, and afterwards to ruin those
by whom it was cemented : the public, being generally ignorant of
the circumstances under which this union took place, were left open
to surmises and conjectures of every kind.
On the day appointed for discussing the provisional treaty, lord
Pembroke in the house of lords moved an address of thanks and
approbation, and was seconded by the marquis of Carmarthen :
an amendment was proposed by lord Carlisle ; who, as well as
lords AValsingham, Sackville, Stormont, and Loughborough, re
probated in eloquent speeches the preliminaries of peace, which
they considered highly injurious to the interests of the nation.
The dereliction of the American loyalists, and of our allies among
the Indians, was declared to be a baseness unexampled in history :
no degree of distress should have induced us to subscribe to terms
so disgraceful, or to yield up so many important possessions in all
quarters of the world, restore so many inlets to the commerce of
our enemies, and cede such large privileges in our fisheries. The
permission given to France of fortifying Dunkirk, was made an ob
ject of peculiar animadversion, as likely to be most injurious to
our trade in the event of another war : and all these sacrifices, it
was said, were made on the score of reciprocal advantages.
The minister ably defended himself against these attacks ; declar
ing that peace was an object for which the nation at large had ma
nifested the most unequivocal desire : the great end he had in view
was the benefit of his country; and this he was certain he had se
cured. The vast uncultivated tract of land south of the lakes was
of infinite consequence to America, and of none to England : the
retention of it, or even of the forts which commanded it, could only
have laid, the foundation of future hostility. If our liberality to Ire
land was the subject of just applause, why act on principles of illi-
|l) Afterwards lord Auckland.

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE HI. 529
berality towards America ? The refusal of the Newfoundland fish
ery would have been a direct manifestation of hostile intentions ;
and as it lay on their coasts, it was in reality impossible to exclude
them from it by any restrictions : it is an advantage which nature
has granted to them ; and the attempt to wrest it from their hands
would not only be unjust, but impracticable. Of one objection his
lordship acknowledged that he deeply felt the force : his regret
and compassion for the situation of the unhappy loyalists were as
pungent as those of their warmest advocates. This objection ad
mitted but of one answer, which he had given to his own bleed
ing heart, — ' It is better that a part should suffer than that the
whole empire perish.' He would have dashed from him the bitter
cup which the adversities of his country held out to him, if peace
had not been absolutely necessary ; if it had not been called for with
unanimity and vigor that could not be resisted. No arts of address
or negociation had been neglected ; but the American commis
sioners had no power to concede more : congress itself had not the
power ; for by the constitution of America every state was supreme,
including in itself the legislative and judicial powers : its jurisdic
tion, therefore, was not liable to control. In one mode of inter
position, by recommendation alone, could congress act. If, after all,
the loyalists should not be received into the bosom of their native
country, Great Britain, penetrated with gratitude for their services,
and warm with feelings of humanity, would afford them an asylum :
and it would doubtless be wiser to indemnify them for their losses,
than to ruin the nation by renewing or prolonging the calamities
of war. The cession of East Florida, said his lordship, was ren
dered unavoidable, by the mistaken and ruinous policy of minis
ters, who had brought the nation to the necessity of treating with
its enemies on terms very different from those which it could for
merly have commanded : this province, however, detached from
West Florida, already conquered by the arms of Spain, was of little
value ; and the amount of its imports and exports bore no propor
tion to the expense of its civil establishment : we had, nevertheless,
obtained a compensation in the restitution of the Bahamas. Al
though the bounds of the French fishery were somewhat enlarged,
by far the most eligible parts of the Newfoundland coast were left
in possession of the English ; and a source of future contention was
removed by an exact delineation of boundaries. In exchange for
St. Lucie, France had restored six of the seven islands she had
taken ; and had only retained Tobago. Senegal and Goree had been
originally French settlements, but their commerce was inconsider
able; and the whole African trade was open to the English, through
our settlements on the Gambia, which were guarantied to us by
this treaty. The restoration of Pondicherry, and our other con
quests in the east, must be acknowledged not a measure of expe
diency, so much as of absolute necessity, if the state of the East

530 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cuap. XXV.
India company were adverted to: such had been the formidable
confederacy with which they were compelled to contend ; such the
wretched derangement of their finances ; and so exposed to hazard
were their vast and precarious possessions ; that nothing but peace
could recover to them their ascendency in Asia : under such cir
cumstances, it was impossible to procure terms of accommodation
more honorable. The removal of the restraints relative to the
harbor of Dunkirk, — restraints disgraceful to France, and of tri
fling advantage to England, was inveighed against without candor
or reason : Dunkirk, as a port, was far from possessing the con
sequence ascribed to it ; lying near a shoaly part of the channel,
it cannot receive ships of a large size, and can never become a ren
dezvous for squadrons ; it may indeed be a resort for privateers,
but these we know by experience could easily issue from other ports.
In fine, the confederacy formed against us was decidedly superior
to our utmost exertions : our taxes were exorbitant ; our debts,
funded and unfunded, amounted to 247,000,000/. sterling; our com
merce was rapidly declining ; our navy was overbalanced by the
fleets of the combined powers, in the alarming superiority of more
than fifty ships of the line, Peace then was necessary to our exis
tence as a nation : the best terms of accommodation which our si
tuation would admit, had been procured ; and his lordship ventured
to affirm, that they could be decried or opposed only by igno
rance, prejudice, or faction. On a division, the address was car
ried by a majority of seventy-two to fifty-nine.
In the house of commons, ministers were less successful. To the
address, moved by Mr. Thomas Pitt, and seconded by Mr. Wilber-
force, an amendment was proposed by lord John Cavendish, and
seconded by Mr. St. John. The rumor of the coalition had gained
ground during the day, and the house was unusually crowded :
several members spoke in favor of the address; among whom
Mr. Powys and Mr. Dundas both defended the treaties, and con
tended that ministers had done all in their power for the American
loyalists: both also adverted to the coalition; the former gentle
man declaring 'that the present era was remarkable for strange
confederacies : great and arbitrary despots stood forth as the pro
tectors of an infant republic; and in that house, lofty and strenuous
assertors of high prerogative had combined with the humble wor
shippers of the majesty of the people : the most determined advo
cate of crown influence was seen hand in hand with the great pu
rifier of the constitution.' Mr. Sheridan adverted to these refl ections
in a speech replete with sarcasm ; and pointed out quite as extra
ordinary a coalition as that of lord North and Mr. Fox ; between
the lord advocate, that zealous supporter of regal prerogative,
and Mr. William Pitt, the most popular leader in the cause of
parliamentary reform.
Mr. Fox, when he rose to explain his conduct, strongly attracted

AD. 1783.] GEORGE iH. 55)
the attention of the house : he spoke with his accustomed energy,
and with more than his usual daring : boldly avowing the coali
tion, he derided the idea of eternal enmity in politics. The Ame
rican war had been the sole cause of his disagreement with the
noble lord ; which cause being now removed, it was surely wise
to terminate the ill-will which it had occasioned. ' When I was the
friend of lord North,' he continued, ' I found him open and sin
cere ; when the enemy, honorable and manly : he never practised
those paltry subterfuges, stratagems, and manoeuvres, which de
stroy confidence, while they degrade the statesman and the man : it
is not in my nature to bear malice, or live in ill-will : my friend
ships are perpetual, my enmities are not so : amicitke sempiternce,
inhnicilice placabiles.'
Lord North had come down to the house late in the evening; and
being oppressed with age, heaviness of frame, and the fatigues of
the preceding night, he retired into the members' gallery, and
gave way to slumber ; desiring some of his friends to rouse him if
any thing of importance should occur. When he awoke, he obtained
from those around him a sketch of the speeches that had been
made; and then proceeding into the body of the house, he seated
himself beside Mr. Fox. White all were gazing on this unusual
position, he arose ; and to the astonishment of those who had seen
him sleeping through the debate, he reviewed it all with incom
parable skill; kept the house in perpetual laughter by his wit;
and after the most dexterous and animated speech of the night,
carried his amendment by a majority of sixteen in a house of 432
members. This defeat of ministry was considered as a prelude to their dis
solution; for it was evident that opposition would follow up their
triumph. The subject was accordingly brought before the house
again by lord John Cavendish on the twenty-first of February. His
lordship expressed concern that the majority for the amendment
had been represented as voting against the peace : he was therefore
desirous of convincing the nation, and the powers with whom we
were treating, that our resolution was fixed against a renewal of the
war : nevertheless, he highly reprobated the terms on which peace
had been obtained, and read the following motions: — 1. 'That in
consideration of the public faith, which ought to be preserved in
violable, his faithful commons will support his majesty in rendering
firm and permanent the peace to be concluded definitively, in con
sequence of the provisional treaty and the preliminary articles.
2. That in concurrence with his majesty's paternal regard for his
people, they will employ their best endeavors to improve the bless
ings of peace. 3. That his majesty, in acknowledging the indepen
dence of the United States of America, has acted as the circumstances
of affairs indisputably required, and in conformity with the sense
of parliament. 4. That the concessions made to the adversaries of

352 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV.
Great Britain are greater than they were entitled to, either from
the actual situation of their respective possessions, or from their
comparative strength : and, 5. That they will take the case of the,
loyalists into consideration, and administer such relief as their
conduct and necessity may be found to merit.' The first two of
these resolutions were agreed to without opposition : on the third,
a short debate took place, occasioned by doubts arising in the minds
of several members, respecting the power vested in the king to
acknowledge the independency of the United States ; which, it was
unanimously agreed by the gentlemen of the long robe, his majesty
had full authority to do, in consequence of the statute passed last
year, enabling him to make peace with America. The last resolution
lord John Cavendish consented to wave; but on the fourth, which
conveyed so pointed a censure against the administration, a very
animated debate took place, in which Mr. Pitt greatly distinguished
himself. He examined at considerable length the grounds of the
treaty, and defended the policy of ministers with admirable per
spicuity and force of argument, attributing all that was perplexing
in the negociations to the errors of lord North. With respect to
the preliminaries, he observed ; ' these are the conditions to which
this country, engaged with four powerful states, has thought fit to
subscribe for the dissolution of that confederacy, and the immediate
enjoyment of peace. Let us look to what is , left with a manly
courage : let us strengthen ourselves against inveterate enemies,
and reconcile ancient friends : the misfortunes of kingdoms, as well
as of individuals, which are laid open and examined with true wis
dom, are already more than half redressed ; and to this great object
should be directed all the virtue and abilities of this house.' He then
directed some severe sarcasms at Fox : — ' The honorable gentleman,'
said he, ' has virtually declared, that because he was prevented from
prosecuting the noble lord to the satisfaction of public justice, he
will heartily embrace him as his friend : so readily does he reconcile
extremes, and love the man whom he was ready to impeach : in
the same spirit, I suppose, he will cherish the peace because he
abhors it.'
With regard to his own share in the censures pointed against
ministers by the present motion, he observed, — 'I shall bear it with
fortitude, because my heart tells me I have not acted wrongly : to
this monitor, which never did, and, I trust, never will deceive me,
I shall confidently repair, as to an adequate asylum from all the
clamors of interested faction.' He proceeded in a strain of elo
quence scarcely to be surpassed in ancient or modern times: the
house was wrapped in one feeling of admiration ; but the coalition
prevailed, and this night decided the fate of lord Shelburne : he was
left in a minority of seventeen in a house of 397.
The success of the opposition rendering a change certain, the
house of commons adjourned from time to time, with the view of

AD- "85.] GEORGE HI. 555
forwarding a new arrangement: from these ineffectual endeavors
to accommodate party views, the business of the nation was suspend
ed ; and more than a month passed in a kind of ministerial inter
regnum, while an able administration was never more necessary.
The disembodying of the militia, and the discharge of seamen
and soldiers without pay, spread tumult throughout the kingdom :
the treaty with France and Spain was not concluded ; no commer
cial alliance was adjusted with America; and the affairs of the East
India company demanded immediate attention.
Such was the state of public matters, when Mr. Coke, one of
the members for Norfolk, moved, on the twenty-fourth of March,
an address to the king, 'that he would be graciously pleased to take
into consideration the unsettled state of the empire, and condes
cend to comply with the wishes of this house, in forming an ad
ministration entitled to the confidence of his people.' This address
was unanimously carried, and presented to the king by such mem
bers as had the rank of privy counsellors. The reply of his ma
jesty stated, ' that his earnest desire was to do every thing in his
power in compliance with the wishes of his faithful commons.'
This answer, however, not being deemed sufficiently explicit, lord
Surrey soon afterwards moved another address, in strong and
pointed terms, ' assuring his majesty that all delays in a matter of
such moment have an inevitable tendency to weaken the authority
of government; and most humbly entreating his majesty, that he
will take such measures towards this object, as may quiet the ap
prehensions of his faithful subjects.' An acrimonious debate en
sued, in which Mr. Dundas intimated that the chancellor of the
exchequer, having ( hat day resigned his situation, no farther difficul
ties would arise. Mr. Pitt had always declared that he only retain
ed his office till a successor could be nominated; and it would not
have been repugnant to the wishes of any party that he should
have retained it permanently, if other consistent appointments could
have been arranged. After this explanation, lord Surrey withdrew
his motion, and ministers gave way to their victorious antagonists.
The delay which had been so much complained of arose from
the king's great embarrassment. Bevolting from the name of Fox,
who had loaded him with insult; and annoyed by lord North's
desertion of him in the hour of danger, he offered the government
to lord Gower ; but that nobleman confessed that he had not the
means of diminishing the hostile majority : the duke of Portland
and lord North were then sent for ; but a proposal that lord Thur
iow should keep the great seal broke off this negociation, as he
was considered not only intractable in the cabinet, but a spy of
St. James's. His majesty then applied to Mr. Pitt to relieve him
from his anxiety, offering him full powers to nominate his col
leagues: Mr. Pitt's friends advised a compliance with the royal wish ;
and for twenty-four hours, during which Mr. Dundas had procured

554 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV.
an adjournment of the house, he paused : but the formidable ma
jority was still before him ; his sagacity foresaw, that if his oppo
nents accepted office, they would soon split into divisions ; while
his throwing down the gauntlet to them when flushed with victory
would tend only to cement their union : he therefore declined the
honors so graciously offered. The king, still averse to Fox, then
sent for lord North; but he was bound not to stir without his
brother coalitionist : on this, Fox was reluctantly admitted into the
negociation, and the duke of Portland was proposed for the trea
sury ; but this arrangement was broken off by the demand of the
junto to have the appointment of the whole household. His ma
jesty again had recourse to Mr. Pitt for assistance, and wrote to
him from Windsor, in the most pressing terms, to urge his com
pliance ; but in vain : his maturer judgment still forbade his ac
ceptance of the honors thrust on him ; and in a firm but dutiful
manner he declined them, however flattering to his young ambi
tion. The king's situation now became almost intolerable; and it
is said, that in despair he meditated a retreat to Hanover; but from
that hazardous experiment he was deterred by the advice of lord
Thuriow. 'Your majesty,' said he, roughly, but honestly, 'may go
to your electoral dominions ; nothing is more easy : but you may
not find it so easy to return, when your majesty becomes tired
of staying there : James II. did the same ; but you must not follow
his example.' The chancellor made this advice palatable, by as
suring the king that he would not be long troubled with the coali
tion ; for they could not come into power without soon commit
ting some act which would expose them to crimination ; and a short
period only was necessary to show the justness of this observation.
His majesty accordingly yielded to the force of circumstances, and
in the beginning of April a new administration was announced to
parliament. In its arrangement the duke of Portland was first lord
of the treasury ; and lord North and Mr. Fox secretaries of state,
the former for the home, the latter for the foreign department : lord
John Cavendish was re-appointed chancellor of the exchequer, and
lord Keppel first lord of the admiralty : lord Stormont was created
president of the council, and the earl of Carlisle lord privy seal :
the great seal was put into commission ; lord chief justice Lough
borough, so distinguished for his political versatility, being de
clared first commissioner, and lord Mansfield appointed speaker of
the house of lords. The government of Ireland was given to lord
Northington ; and Mr. Burke was reinstated as paymaster of the
forces. Of the seven cabinet ministers, the majority, who also oc
cupied the most important posts, were of the old whig or Bock
ingham party; lord Stormont, lord North, and lord Carlisle con
tenting themselves rather with a participation of honors and emo
luments, than of power : notwithstanding, therefore, the admission
of these tory lords into the ministry, it was still acknowledged, as to

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE III. 555
all grand purposes of government, a whig administration ; more es
pecially when the ability, vigor, ancf decision of its efficient leader
were fairly estimated : but unfortunately a junction of persons,
whose principles were radically hostile, operated to diminish pub
lic confidence in their measures, and unsettle all calculations with
respect to their future movements : while therefore it obtained for
them a victory, it deprived them of the more solid advantages of
conquest. It might, indeed, shelter lord North from all future ex
amination of his conduct in the American war ; and serve the am
bition of Mr. Fox, for a time, by giving him the immediate support
of that nobleman's adherents : but it was an unnatural union ; very
different from that in 1757, by which the interests of the king and peo
ple were reconciled, and the good genius of Great Britain enabled
to triumph at home and abroad. This was in fact a mere barter of
opinions and interests between the partisans of the people and the
supporters of prerogative ; and by confounding those badges of
opinion on which the eyes of followers are fixed, and by which their
confidence is kept alive, it disgusted all honorable men, and long
shed a noxious influence over the political atmosphere.
Mr. Pitt's conduct in these trying circumstances was no less pru
dent and dignified, than it had been during the parliamentary con
flict which subverted lord North's cabinet : even then he wasted
none of his transcendent powers in rash and violent accusations,
like Fox ; nor did he indulge in excursions through the regions of
imagination, like Burke : but he carried his attacks against the ad
ministration with a steady daring, and consummate judgment ; nor
did he fail to draw with great nicety a line between the sovereign
and his responsible ministers. For almost six weeks after the re
treat of lord Shelburne, the whole business of government had de
volved on his shoulders ; and he had transacted it in such a manner
as constantly to increase the public admiration ; so that it was said,
' while Pitt is in the house there is no want of a ministry.' He now
thought, that to preserve his independence, and keep himself free
from the contamination of an ambitious and intriguing coalition,
was the wisest course; and the respect both of the king and of the
people, which accompanied his retirement from office, ratified his
judgment.

356 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cbap. XXVI.

CHAPTEB XXVI.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1785.

He-establishment of commercial intercourse, etc. with America— Provision made for the
American loyalists— Loan of 12,000,0007.— Outcry agaiust it— Mr. Pitt's motion for reform
ing the treasury— Indian affairs brought before the house, and relief bill passed— Mr. Pitt's
bill for a reform of parliament — Rejected — Other popular measures of Mr. Pitt — Petition of
the quakers against the slave trade— Settlement on the prince of Wales— Prorogation of
parliament— Execution of treaties, etc.— Effects of American war— States of foreign nations
— Mr. Adams arrives as envoy from the United States — His interview with the king— Affairs
of America— Evils consequent on the reduction of the army— Services of Washington— He
bids adieu to his officers— Resigns his command to congress— His subsequent good offices
—Chosen president of the United States— Re-elected to that station— His final retreat from
public affairs — English affairs — The king's disgust at the coalition ministry — Fox gives no
tice of his celebrated India bill — Meeting of parliament — King's speech — Introduction of
Mr. Fox's bill — Debates on it— Rejected — Proceedings of parliament in consequence— Mi
nistry dissolved by the king— Commencement of Mr. Pitt's administration.

One of the most important objects, the decision of which ap
peared to be suspended by the late ministerial interregnum, was
the re-establishment of commercial dealings with America : bills
were accordingly introduced for repealing the restraining act, and
establishing a provisional intercourse with that country. The
former passed without much difficulty : in discussing the other,
some enlightened members gave opinions which rectified the judg
ment of the house on the value of American commerce, and incul
cated a proper regard for the British navigation law, the trade of
the West Indies, and commercial intercourse with Bussia and other
nations. Much ability was shown, in the course of these debates,
by Mr. Eden and lord Sheffield ; the latter of whom rendered es
sential service to the country through the press, by imparting ac
curate and copious information, as well as liberal and sure maxims,
respecting general policy and colonial principles (1) : finally, a
temporary bill passed, which became annual, abrogating the requi
sition of a manifesto, certificate, or other document from Ameri
can ships, arriving at any British port, or clearing out there for
any port in the United States ; also vesting in his majesty the power
of regulating all commercial proceedings. In the course of the
summer, an order in council was issued, limiting the commerce
between America and the West Indian islands to ships British
built : this was conformable to the great principle of the naviga
tion act : and though it gave offence to the Americans, they could
(1) Adolphus, vol. III. p. *81>.

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE HI. 5.i7
not with reason complain that they were precluded from the ad
vantages of dependence and independence at the same time.
Another subject which claimed attention was the case of the
American loyalists ; and parliament was told in the course of the
session that they would be obliged to quit their country for ever,
in order to avoid the resentment of the enraged republicans. Con
gress, indeed, literally fulfilled the terms of the provisional articles
in their behalf ; but the recommendation was so cold and formal,
as to be utterly disregarded in the states ; and the care of pro
viding for these destitute and unfortunate persons devolved on
the mother country : accordingly, an act was passed, appointing
commissioners to inquire into their claims. The grounds of re
muneration were losses of real or personal property, and of in
come arising from office, profession, or trade : the amount of the
first species of claims exceeded 10,000,000/. sterling, from which
certain small deductions were made ; and the liquidations took
place by instalments, interest being allowed on the capital : the
second list of claimants demanded 1 50,000/. per annum ; of
which 120,000/. were allowed, and vested in life annuities.
The new ministry were bbliged, by the peculiar exigences of
the times, to negociate a loan of 12,000,000/. for the service of
the year, and to provide ways and means for paying the interest
with unusual despatch : the terms, however, were arraigned with
great severity ; and it was shown, that the abuses which had been
so loudly charged on lord North's administration, were still adopt
ed by his successors. The principal part of this loan was privately
taken by eleven bankers ; the remainder was distributed among the
monied men and private friends : but the negociation no sooner
transpired, than it raised a violent outcry. Pitt headed the oppo
sition to it in the house of commons, and demonstrated that the
holders of the loan had no less a bonus than six per cent. ; which
actually rose to eight per cent., before the bargain Was completed:
he very justly complained of the absence of competition ; and lord
Shelburne, in the house of lords, showed that the national loss
amounted to the sum of 650,000/. The public want of confidence
in ministers was unequivocally marked by a general fall in the funds :
the three per cent, consols, which, when the administration came
into office, were at seventy, declined in December to fifty-six ; a
fall totally unprecedented in times of peace and tranquillity.
An act for imposing a small stamp-duty on receipts for money
was rendered a means of exciting loud but unjust clamors ; and a
bill for making some economical reforms in the treasury offices,
was carried by Mr. Pitt through the commons, but lost in the lords.
In his speech on this subject, he gave a curious account of the ex
travagant abuses which had been disclosed. In the navy office it
was denied that any fees were received ; but on investigation, it
was found that gifts were allowed to be taken ; and one clerk,
22

358 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. TChap. XXVI.
whose salary was 250/. a year, received 2500/. by those means :
contracts were made, which gratified the government and the coun
try by their apparently low terms ; but it was discovered, that the
officers, appointed to see the execution of them, were in the pay
of the contractors : but of all abuses, those connected with the
furniture of public offices were the greatest ; there being evidence,
that houses both in town and country were fitted up most extrava
gantly at the public expense : rooms were papered with the public
stationery, the annual charge for which was 18,000/.; one item in it
being 340/. for whip-cord. It has been observed, that Mr. Pitt might
have made statements on this subject still more ludicrous, and not
less true (1) : for a man of large fortune, and member of parliament,
was publicly mentioned, who, on being made a lord of trade, gave
an order for a superfluity of pewter ink-stands for his own use ; which,
when they were brought, he exchanged with the dealer for a hand
some one of silver : encouraged by this prosperous dexterity, he
ordered green velvet enough to make a court dress, under pretence
of bags for his official papers ; and it is said, that his corres
pondents could recognise in his letters the office paper, full ten
years after the board of trade itself was no more. Mr. Pitt's bill,
however, was rejected ; as also was one introduced by lord Mahon
to prevent bribery and corruption at elections ; and alderman Saw-
bridge's annual motion for a reform in parliament met with its
usual fate.
The very critical situation of our affairs in the East early en
gaged the attention of parliament. The house of commons had
appointed a select committee to examine into the state of the Bri
tish dominions in India ; and in the prosecution of this important
inquiry, it was discovered that the administration of justice in Ben
gal had been perverted to the base purposes of peculation, plunder,
and oppression; while corruption, fraud, and injustice pervaded
every department of the Indian government. Such discoveries
produced a general union of opinion among public men, respect
ing the immediate necessity of taking some effectual step, to rescue
the British name from disgrace, and secure our territorial posses
sions. To this representation of defects and abuses in the Indian
government, succeeded a disclosure of the ruined state of the com
pany's finances, by a bill which Sir Henry Fletcher introduced,
' for suspending the payments of the company now due to the ex
chequer, and enabling them to borrow the sum of 300,000/. for
their farther relief.' Lord John Cavendish declared this bill to be
only a branch of a larger plan ; and that it was brought forward
separately, in order to answer an exigency which did not admit
of delay.
In the upper house, lord Fitzwilliam dwelt on the desperate si-
|l) See Blackwood's Magazine, No. ccxxmi. p. 482.

A-D- "85.] GEORGE IH. 359
tuation of the company, and affirmed, ' that unless the bill passed,
their bankruptcy would be inevitable : their expenditure had far
exceeded their revenue; bills had been drawn on them, which
they could not answer without a temporary supply ; so that their
very existence depended on the success of the bill ; ' which accord
ingly passed both houses with little difficulty or opposition.
Mr. Pitt had not yet given up his patriotic schemes for reform
ing parliament : probably at this time he little supposed that he
should live to be so strong an opponent of the measure which he
now advocated; but allowance must be made for the difference of
times and circumstances, as well as for the different situation of
the advocate himself. A member of bpposition who is aiming at
political power, and a minister who is obliged to bribe the aristo
cracy of a kingdom, see things under a very different aspect ; and
a man, who would not hesitate to light a fagot in a foul chimney for
the purpose of cleansing it, would refrain from doing so, if a
barrel of gunpowder were in the way.
The former motion made by this gentleman, for an inquiry into
the state of the representation, having been rejected, he brought
forward, on the seventh of May, a specific plan, comprised in three
resolutions : first, to adopt measures for preventing bribery and
expense at elections ; secondly, when the majority of voters in a
borough should be convicted of corruption, to disfranchise the
place, and allow to the uncorrupted minority votes for the coun
ty ; thirdly, to add 100 members to the counties, and abolish a
proportionate number of small obnoxious boroughs. The revival
of this important subject, which had deeply agitated the public
mind, produced an animated debate ; in the course of which, the
discordant sentiments of ministers did not fail to excite afresh the
resentment of the house against the ' ill-starred coalition.' Lord
North opposed the motion ; and, in a strain of allusive pleasantry,
declared, 'that while some, with Lear, demanded a hundred knights,
and others, with Goneril, were content with fifty ; he, with Began,
exclaimed, ' No not one.' '
Fox, whose opinion on this great national question was totally
at variance with that of his brother secretary, honorably preferred
the consistency of public character to every other consideration.
'In his opinion, the constitution required innovation and renova
tion : its nature exposed it to change ; and he thought that one of
its chief excellences was its capability of renewed improvements :
it might thus, he thought, be gradually carried to perfection.'
AVhile this discussion exposed the absurdity of one coalition,
it is remarkable that it paved the way for another almost as ex
traordinary. The lord advocate of Scotland, who had all along
distinguished himself by his zeal for high prerogative, suspended
on the present occasion his natural sentiments, became at once a
convert to the doctrine of reform, and asserted his entire appro-

5i0 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVT.
bation of Mr. Pitt's resolutions. He stood up boldly as an advocate
of the people ; and affirmed, ' that a compliance with their wishes
would be the happiest means of putting an end to their complaints,
and would certainly impart a fresh infusion of pure blood to the
constitution of the house of commons.' This unexpected support
and patriotic effusion effected a cordial union between these two
celebrated characters ; but the resolutions were lost by a majority
of 293 to 149.
Though ministers would not countenance Mr. Pitt's comprehen
sive plan of economy, yet, observing the popularity which he had
acquired by his exertions, they thought something ought to be at
tempted by themselves : accordingly, at the end of June, lord John
Cavendish carried a bill through the house for abolishing certain
offices in the exchequer, and limiting the salaries of others, after
the death of the present possessors : he also, in consequence of a
motion made five months before by Mr. Pitt, presented to the house
a book, containing 'a list of accountants, who having received
public money by way of imprest, and on account, had not yet given
in the same ; also of those persons from whom balances of de
clared accounts were still due ; ' by which it appeared that the sums
unaccounted for amounted to upwards of 44,000,000/. .' this in
duced Mr. Pitt to move an address to the king, requesting him to
take effectual measures for the recovery of these immense sums,
and to prevent in future similar delinquences : it was strongly ob
jected to by persons in office, but at last suffered to pass with a
few unimportant amendments. In this manner did the son of Chat
ham lay the foundation of that popularity, which enabled him to
beat down the forces of the coalition, and to rescue his sovereign
from that thraldom which so irritated his royal spirit.
A bill for regulating the trade of the African company being in
troduced toward the end of the session, with a clause prohibiting
its officers from exporting negroes, that respectable body of people
called quakers, embraced the opportunity of petitioning the'house
of commons, to extend the clause in question to all persons what
soever, and rescue a nation professing the christian faith from such
a temptation to counteract the principles of humanity and justice.
This petition strongly excited the attention both of the house and
of the public, and laid the foundation of those generous and per
severing exertions, which have at length effected the abolition of a
detestable traffic in human flesh.
The only remaining subject of parliamentary importance was a
message from the king to both houses, requesting means for a se
parate establishment for the prince of Wales. In the debate which
followed, on the twenty-fifth of June, lord John Cavendish in
formed the house, that his majesty had graciously determined to
take on himself the annual expense, and allow the prince 50,000/.
a year out of the civil list ; but as his own revenues were barely

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE III. 341
sufficient, it could not excite surprise that he applied to parliament
for aid to equip the heir apparent at his outset in life ; and his
lordship concluded with moving, that the sum of 60,000/. should
be granted to his majesty for that purpose. In the course of de
bate, lord North was attacked for having endeavored to persuade
the cabinet to propose a much larger sum ; and his majesty was
complimented by some members for showing such regard to the
peculiar distresses of his people. As the coalition ministry included
the most confidential friends of the prince, they wished to give him
the same settlement, of 100,000/. per annum, as some preceding
princes of Wales had received : but the king was unwilling, at the
close of a disastrous and expensive war, when economy was loudly
called for, to increase the public burdens by so large a sum, which
he imagined would only serve to gratify the rapacity of parasites,
without adding to his son's personal dignity or comfort.
Though the argument was plausible, it was thought by many
that this was an ill-judged parsimony, which, by placing the prince
in a worse situation than that of former heirs apparent, would not
only excite unpleasant feelings in the mind of his royal highness, as
had been the case with his majesty's own father ; but would pro
bably subject him to many inconveniences and embarrassments ;
that it would therefore be more wise and economical to make at
once so liberal a provision, as might wholly supersede the neces
sity of his incurring debts. On these grounds, the ministers would
have increased the allowance ; but the king is said to have rejected
the proposal with such expressions of marked resentment, that the
resignation of the cabinet was for a time not improbable : the
prince himself gave a strong proof, at the moment, of filial duty
and public spirit ; signifying his desire that the business should be
left wholly to the king, and his readiness to accept whatever pro
vision his majesty's wisdom and goodness might think most fit :^his
earnest wish was, that no misunderstanding should arise between
the sovereign and his ministers, from any arrangement in which
his personal interest alone was concerned.
On the sixteenth of July, his majesty prorogued parliament, in
timating his intention to call them together at an early period, in
order to resume the consideration of East Indian affairs, which
would demand their serious and unremitted attention : he also^ex-
pressed regret that he could not announce the completion of the
definitive treaties : very little difficulty, however, ensued on this
score, except in the case of Holland, from whom Great Britain
wished to gain some compensation for her losses : the courts of
Vienna and Petersburgh were admitted to mediate, more for the
sake of compliment than necessity ; for the compacts were arranged
without their aid, though formally sanctioned by the attestation of
iheir ministers. Holland, through the influence of France, acceded
on the second of September to preliminaries of peace, by which

542 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVI.
all conquests on both sides were to be restored, except the town
of Negapatam in the East Indies, which was to remain in the pos
session of Great Britain : the definitive treaties with France, Spain,
and America were executed on the following day ; and thus ter
minated a war which led to consequences more vast and impor
tant than any other in modern times. Not the least of these was
the foundation of an empire on the other side of the Atlantic : an
empire of Europeans not belonging to the European system ; in
dependent in its own power and productions, and at the same time
called on by its situation to take an active and large share in the
general commerce of the world ; yet without the necessity of stand
ing armies, and without the aid of cabinet policy (1) ! The antici
pations of Great Britain in this contest were wholly frustrated :
she met with constant and final defeat where she expected easy and
early victory ; she added more than 100,000,000/. to her debt by
means that were intended to augment her revenue : but on the
other hand, none of those gloomy forebodings, respecting the evils
which would arise from a dismemberment of the empire, were
verified. Every maritime power was anxious to form commercial
treaties with the new states ; but these, being destitute of capital,
naturally sought where the longest credit would be given : hence
the commerce of England became far greater when free, than it
had ever been when restricted : nor was its progress much less
aided by the decline of the trade of Holland; which, being once
overthrown, never acquired sufficient strength to sustain the pow
erful competition of its rival. Thus the blows struck at the pro
sperity of England were quickly healed ; and the separation of her
colonies was found to be only that of a branch from a tree, which
soon recovered its loss in a statelier growth and deeper luxuriance.
Her success in. the contest could only have postponed an inevitable
event, and prepared a future struggle when she was less able to
sustain it : in a few years, the increase of the colonies would have
rendered them a fatal appendage ; for the mere patronage of their
offices would have set the minister above the constitution. In
stead of a union of consent, the two countries might have seen for
some time a union of corruption ; but the arrear of ill would have
been to be paid ; and the connexion might have been severed by
some dreadful explosion that would have reduced both to ruin.
Besides, although England had lost her ancient colonial possessions,
she still retained her new territories in Canada and Nova Scotia ;
the value of which became greater, as they became objects of
greater care. Nor were these possessions of less importance to
America than to England : as the acquisition of them had been the
germ of colonial independence, so afterwards they discharged a
new function in maintaining the confederacy of the United States,
Ml ncerea's European States-system, vol. II. p. 98.

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE IH. 345
agreeably to the general law of political associations. The greatest
evils arising from the contest fell where they were justly merited,
on our enemies. The part taken in this war by the French monar
chy involved it in those financial difficulties, and inflamed that re
publican spirit, which hastened ils dissolution ; Spain, disappointed
in every indemnification proposed to her, remained in a state of
inert paralysis, a miserable appendage of France, reduced to de
pend for her chief support on the contributions of individuals ;
while Holland soon discovered the truth of a prophecy by Van
Beuning, her old patriotic supporter against the force of Louis XIV.,
that whenever she should forego her connexion with England, she
might date from that day the loss of her political importance (1).
All her colonies, taken by England, and recaptured by France, re
mained a deposit in the hands of that crafty power to ensure the obe
dience of its ally: thus plundered of her settlements, and without
any compensation for the ruin of her commerce, she remained an
unwilling witness of the increasing prosperity of Ostend ; which town
had risen to importance through the numerous freedoms granted
to its port by the emperor, who contrived to derive this advantage
from his neutrality. Joseph indeed no longer pursued the system
of resisting the encroachments made by great states on the poli
tical balance of Europe ; but had adopted the unworthy policy of
combining with Bussia to assail the weak, and to profit by spolia
tion. A joint attack on Turkey was meditated by these two powers ;
and their eager desire to avoid offence in this pursuit occasioned
a tacit renunciation of the new naval code : the principles of it were
indeed mentioned by the mediators of the definitive treaty ; but
Mr. Fitzherbert, admonished by Sir James Harris (2), resisted
the introduction of the system, and convinced the French minister
that it was no less injurious to the interests of France than to those
of England.
Soon after the definitive treaty with the United States was signed,
the interesting spectacle was exhibited of an American envoy in
troduced at the court of St. James's. The manner in which his
majesty addressed Mr. Adams, who came in this character from his
revolted colonies, afforded a lively illustration of that probity
of intention, as well as of that invincible pertinacity, which so
strongly characterised George III. ' As I was the last man in my
kingdom,' he said, ' who assented to the recognition of American in
dependence; so, now it is actually established, will I be the last
man in my kingdom to violate it.'
With regard to America, she had much more to contend with
than her deserted parent. England, protected by a constitution
admirably adapted to the preservation of monarchical government
and civil liberty, had need only to preserve that constitution in-
|l| Adolphus, vol. ill. p. 509. PI Ibid. p. 510.

5U HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVI.
violate, in order to repair all losses, and increase her greatness :
but with America the case was very different ; her prospect of
peace and independence was dimmed by the abject poverty of the
country, and by gloomy fears for the course which might be taken
by the army, when its reduction was ordered : for a long time it
had been supported by temporary expedients ; and through the last
year almost all the receipts of the treasury had been devoted to
its subsistence : lo pay the troops was impossible ; yet the public
faith had been pledged, not only to this, but to grant half-pay
during life to the officers ; that pledge had retained them in the field
to the ruin of their private affairs ; but it appeared more than pro
bable, that when they should be disbanded, the funds for such
purposes would never be supplied, since the requisite number of
' sovereign states ' had not concurred in the measure.
As the negociations for peace advanced, the irritation of the
troops increased; and then commenced those civil services render
ed by Washington to his country, which more than equalled the glories
of his military career. That great man foresaw the gathering storm ;
and determined to remain with his army, and give the weight of
his influence to preserve the tranquillity of the state.
In a private letter to the secretary of war, after expressing his
conviction that the officers Avould return to private life with alacrity,
could they be placed in suitable circumstances, he adds ; — ' When
I see such a number of men, goaded by a thousand stings of re
flection on the past, and anticipation of the future, about to be turn
ed into the world, soured by penury, and what they call the in
gratitude of the public ; involved in debt, without one farthing of
money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their
days, and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the free
dom and independence of their country ; and having suffered every
thing which human nature is capable of enduring on this side death;
— I repeat it, when I reflect on these irritating circumstances, unat
tended by any thing to soothe their feelings, or brighten the gloomy
prospect ;-^I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will
follow of a very serious nature.'
In December, 1782, the important crisis approached. A general
opinion prevailed, that congress possessed neither power nor in
clination to fulfil its engagements with the army; and the officers,
desirous of removing the obnoxious features of the half-pay es
tablishment, without giving up their own rights, solicited payment
of the money actually due to them, and a commutation of the half-
pay for a gross sum : three months passed away without any pro
spect of accommodation, until intelligence of the peace arrived ;
when the irritation of the army seemed to require only a slight
impulse to induce them either to make an imperious demand of
justice, or to assume the power of redressing their own grievances.
A convention of the officers was called by an anonymous notice ;

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE HI. 345
and an address was privately circulated among the troops, highly
calculated to inflame their passions, while it 'courted the auspices,
and invited the direction of their illustrious leader:' but the pa
triotism of that great man was elevated far above the ambition
which might have influenced a less noble spirit : at that moment
the destinies of his country were in his keeping ; but, strong in
resolution and in action, he averted the threatened evil; and he,
who had led his army into battle with the enthusiasm of a hero,
disbanded it with all the calmness and fortitude of a philosopher.
On the fourth of December, he bade adieu to his officers at New
York, into which place he made his triumphant entry as soon as
the royal army was withdrawn. The enthusiastic rejoicings on that
occasion being concluded, the companions of his warfare, endeared
to their commander by years of intercourse in peril and in triumph,
accompanied him as far as the Hudson : when his barge quitted its
shore, and he waved his hat, bidding them a last adieu, their feel
ings were too intense for utterance ; they replied only with sup
pressed sobs or with silent tears.
In every town and village through which the general passed, he
was received with demonstrations of joy and gratitude. When he
arrived at Annapolis, where congress was sitting, he announced
his intention of resigning his command to those from whom he had
received it, referring to them the mode in which it should be done :
they unanimously resolved that it should be in a public audience ;
and when the appointed day arrived, the hall of the senate was
crowded with personages of the highest merit and distinction.
Washington, then addressing the president, in a speech remarkable
for its dignified simplicity, ' demanded leave to surrender into their
hands the sacred trust committed to his care ; and, having finished
the work assigned to him, to retire from the great theatre of ac
tion to the tranquil scenes of private life ; earnestly recommending
to the protection of Almighty God the interests of his dear coun
try, and those who had the keeping of them to his holy protection.'
To this address the president replied in words of the following
import : — 'The United States assembled in congress receive, with
emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of that
authority under which you have led our troops with success through
a perilous and doubtful war. Called by your country to defend its
invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge before it had formed
alliances, and while it was without friends or a government that
could support you : you have conducted the great military contest
with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the
civil power through all disasters and changes : you have, by the
love and confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display
their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity : having
defended the standard of liberty in this new world, having taught
a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel oppres-

546 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVI.
sion, you retire with the blessings of your country ; but the glory
of your virtues will not terminate with your military command ; it
will continue to animate the remotest ages. May the Almighty fos
ter a life so beloved, with his peculiar care ; and may your future
days be as happy, as your past have been illustrious.'
The ideas which crowded on the imagination both of the general
and the president almost deprived them of the power of utterance :
nor could the audience fail to exhibit strong emotions, at the sub
lime spectacle of a triumphant warrior, in the fulness of his fame,
divesting himself of his power, and dedicating his laurels on the
altar of his country.
Immediately after his resignation, the late commander hastened,.
to use his own words, ' with ineffable delight,' to his seat at Mount
Vernon, where as much domestic happiness as can fall to the lot
of man awaited him : but the country was not at rest; and the skill,
and wisdom, and virtue of the chief had been too deeply interested
in all thatconcerned it, to allow him to withdraw entirely from pub
lic affairs. While the general government was dependent on the
separate action of thirteen independent states, it could neither be
consistent nor tranquil ; and it was soon discovered that the whole
fabric must fall to ruin, or a new system be adopted : on this sub
ject, however, there was a diversity of opinion, which excited tu
mults and insurrections; until a convention was at length held at
Philadelphia by the representatives of twelve states : Washington
was unanimously chosen president ; when, after a session of about
four months, the present federative constitution was framed ; and
Washington, by the voice of the nation, was placed at its head, as the
first president of the United States. ' I wish,' said he, with his cha
racteristic modesty, ' that there may not be reason for regretting
the choice ; for, indeed, all I can promise, is to accomplish what can
be done with an honest zeal.' Two days afterwards, he bade adieu
to Mount Vernon ; and his progress to New York was marked by
every demonstration of public veneration and affection. The man
ner of his reception at Trenton was peculiarly appropriale : the
bridge was covered with a triumphal arch, supported by thirteen
pillars entwined with flowers and laurel, and bearing on the front,
in large gilt letters, The protector of the mothers will be the defender
of the daughters (1) : and there were assembled the mothers and the
daughters, clothed in white, each bearing a basket of flowers to
strew the path of their illustrious defender, while they sang a chorus
in praise of his noble deeds.
On the twenty-third of April, 1789, his inauguration took place ;
but his government commenced under the pressure of numberless
embarrassments ; an empty treasury, millions of debt, domestic
agitations, and foreign intrigue : he took the only way of remedying
|i| American Portrait Gallery, Life of Washington.

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE HI. 347
these evils 1)y filling the departments with able men, selected with
a sole reference to the public good ; many of whom he drew from
their retirement by the most earnest and pathetic exhortations.
Though the constitution had been adopted by a majority of the
people in all the states, yet a strong party still continued jealous
of the union, and attached to state-sovereignty: men of the highest
talents and integrity were divided in opinion on this fundamental
principle, notwithstanding all the improvements in the condition of
the country. A few years of domestic prosperity and tranquillity
might have allayed this excitement; but the turn of European
affairs soon gave to it a new impulse and wider range. The French
revolution burst out, and excited in all the states a strong desire
to assist their ancient ally in the contest that ensued ; but the firm
ness and prudence of Washington preserved his country from a
destructive war, though it was long doubtful whether even the
weight of his influence would be able to stem the tide of popular
inclination. When the time for a new election arrived, Washington was re
elected president ; and at the call of his country again surrendered
his tranquillity ; risking popularity and influence, as he had before
risked life and fortune, when all might be lost, and nothing per
sonal gained. Of the wisdom of his measures, and of the honest
manner in which he executed his trust, every year bore ample tes
timony; while foreign powers were taught, no less than his own
countrymen, to rely on his integrity. When the second term of
office expired, he declined a re-election ; and with an anxiety worthy
of his exalted character, drew up a valedictory address, earnestly
imploring his countrymen to guard against foreign influence, to
avoid party spirit, and to cherish an inviolable attachment to the
union, as the support of tranquillity at home and peace abroad : he
also laid it down as a political axiom, that national prosperity
could not prevail exclusively of national virtue. Washington then
retired to the peaceful shades of Mount Vernon; where, after a
little more than two years spent in agricultural employments, and
in liberal hospitality to the numerous visitors who came to offer
the homage of their respect and gratitude, the fiat went forth, which
called the 'Father of his Country' to his high reward in a better
world. To crown the glory of Washington, he was a sincere and
pious christian. A few hours before his dissolution, he said, 'he
was not afraid to die ;' and the last effort of the chief corresponded
with the more than Boman character of his life : raising himself up,
and casting a benign look on all around him, as if acknowledging their
kind attentions, he composed his limbs, folded his arms on his
bosom, and expired as gently as an infant.
From the contemplation of this illustrious character, we must
return to notice some remarkable events in the affairs of England.
The king made no secret of his sentiments respecting the coalition mi-

348 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVI
nistry : in an audience given to the duke of Portland at its formation,
his majesty declared to that nobleman, that, feeling the new arrange
ments to be altogether compulsory on him, although he would not
refuse his signature to any act presented to him officially by ministers,
yet the responsibility of advising measures must rest solely with them
selves; and his displeasure was still more distinctly marked by the de
claration, that he would not create any British peers at their recom
mendation. Fox, in particular, had offered such irreparable offence
to the king by personal insults, that he did not even make an attempt
at reconciliation ; and as he was conscious of having lost his hold on
the people by his ill-fated coalition, he determined to signalise
himself by some great measure, which might have the effect of re
storing his popularity and consolidating his power : under these
circumstances, with the assistance of Burke, he concocted his cele
brated bill for the government of India. It is by no means neces
sary to charge him with an intention of rendering himself totally
independent of king and people by this measure, though it bore
the stamp of an arbitrary as well as of an energetic mind ; and would
have imparted to the legislature a power unknown to the constitution.
The administration of our vast Indian territories could scarcely be
conducted worse than it had hitherto been : the evil was universally
confessed ; and the necessity of a remedy was proved by the passing
of Mr. Pitt's bill, so soon afterwards, with the additions made to it
from time to time. For the reformation of such extensive abuses as
were proved to exist, it was requisite to establish a new and extensive
authority at home ; and Mr. Fox's cabinet might naturally think it more
safe and constitutional to entrust this power to parliamentary com
missioners, than to the crown, whose influence it had been the grand
object of that party to diminish.
Parliament assembled on the eleventh of November, when the
king's speech was short but comprehensive; calling their attention
to every possible means of recruiting the strength and resources
of the nation, rendering the necessary revenue as little burdensome
as possible to his subjects, and adopting new provisions to pre
vent the numerous frauds which had been committed in its collec
tion : but in particular, his majesty stated, as a principal object of
their attention, the situation of India. 'The utmost exertions of
their wisdom,' he said, ' would be required to maintain and improve
the valuable advantages derived from our Indian possessions, and
to promote and secure the happiness of the native inhabitants.'
The address passed without opposition. Mr. Pitt, in his speech
on the occasion, expressed his high approbation of the ends pro
posed by government, and promised his support ; though he
warned ministers, that it would not be sufficient to attempt mea
sures of palliation, and of a temporary nature, which would only
increase the danger by removing it to a distance : he also expressed
surprise that this important business had been so long postponed.

AD- «785.] GEORGE HI. 34ff
Mr. Fox, impressed with an exalted idea of Mr. Pitt's talents,
declared that nothing could afford him more satisfaction as a minis
ter, or exultation as a man, than to be honored with his praise and
support : he approved of the principles which that gentleman had
briefly sketched concerning the objects of their future deliberation ;
acknowledged that our Indian affairs would no longer brook delay;
and concluded with announcing, that on the eighteenth of Novem
ber, he would propose a plan for the government of India.
On the day appointed, Mr. Fox moved for leave to bring in a
bill for vesting the affairs of the East India company in the hands
of certain commissioners, for the benefit of the proprietors and
the public. The plan was marked by all the characteristics of his
ardent, daring, and luminous mind. The total derangement of the
company's finances, and their utter incompetency to govern the
vast territories, of which they had, by very questionable means,
obtained possession, was too evident to admit of contradiction : the
evil was notorious, and difficult indeed was the task of devising
an adequate remedy. This memorable bill proposed to take at
once from the directors and proprietors the administration both of
their territorial and commercial affairs ; and to vest it in seven
commissioners, named by the bill, and irremovable, except in con
sequence of an address from either house of parliament : these
commissioners were to be assisted by a subordinate board of nine
directors, to be named in the first instance by parliament, and
afterwards chosen by the proprietors.
These commissioners and directors were empowered to enter
immediately into possession of all lands, tenements, books, records,
goods, and securities, in trust for the company. They were re
quired to decide on every question within a limited time, or to as
sign a specific reason for their delay. They were not to vote by
ballot, and were in almost all cases to enter on their journals the
reasons of their vote. They were to submit, once in every six
months, an exact schedule of their accounts to the court of proprie
tors ; and at tbe beginning of every session to present a statement
of their affairs to both houses of parliament. This bill was to
continue in force four years, that is, till the year after the next
general election. It was accompanied by a second, enacting regula
tions for the future government of the Anglo-Indian territories.
It took from the governor-general all authority to act independently
of his council ; declared every existing British power in India incom
petent to acquire or exchange any territory on behalf of the com
pany; to sign any treaty of partition; to let out the company's
troops, or appoint to office any person removed for misdemeanor.
It prohibited all monopolies ; and declared every illegal present
recoverable by any individual for his own sole benefit. But that
part of the bill, on which the greatest value seemed to be placed
by its author, related to the zemindars, or native landholders,

350 ' HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVI.
whom it secured in the possession of their respective inheritances,
and defended from oppression. It particularly aimed at abolishing
all vexatious or usurious claims that might be made on them ; and
therefore prohibited mortgages, and subjected every doubtful claim
to the examination of the commissioner. It is scarcely possible to
conceive the astonishment excited in the house of commons by the
disclosure of this system : it was espoused with enthusiasm by the
friends of administration, and attacked by their opponents with all
the vehemence of indignation and all the energy of invective : it was
on one side extolled as a master-piece of genius, virtue, and ability;
while on the other it was reprobated as a deep and dangerous
design, fraught with mischief and ruin. Mr. Pitt distinguished
himself on this occasion as a formidable adversary. He acknow
ledged that ' India wanted a reform, but not such a reform as this.
The bill under consideration included a confiscation of the pro
perty and a disfranchisement of the members of the company : the
influence which would accrue from it — a new, enormous, and un
exampled influence, — was in the highest degree alarming. Seven
commissioners, chosen ostensibly by parliament, but really by ad
ministration, were to involve in the vortex of their authority the
patronage and treasures of India : the right honorable mover had
acknowledged himself to be a man of ambition ; and it now appeared
that he was prepared to sacrifice king, parliament, and people at
its shrine : he desired to elevate his present connexions to a situa
tion, in which no political convulsions, no variations of power,
might be able to destroy their importance, and terminate their
ascendency.' On the other hand, Mr. Fox, with surprising ability
and eloquence, vindicated the bill. ' The arguments of his oppo
nents,' he said, ' might have been adopted with additional propriety
by king James II. He might have claimed the property of domi
nion; but what had been the language of the people? No, you
have no property in dominion; — dominion was vested in you, as
it is in every chief magistrate, for the benefit of the community
to be governed : it was a sacred trust delegated by compact : you
have abused that trust ; you have exercised dominion for the pur
pose of vexation and tyranny, not of comfort, protection, and good
order : we therefore resume the power which was originally ours.
But,' continued Mr. Fox, ' I am even charged with increasing the
influence and power of the crown. Certainly, this bill as little
augments the influence of the crown as any measure that could be
devised for the government of India, with the slightest promise of
success : the very genius of influence consists in hope or fear ; fear
of losing what we have, or hope of gaining more. Make the com
missioners removable at will, and you set all the little passions of
human nature afloat : invest them with power on the same tenure
as that by which British judges hold their station ; removable on
delinquency, punishable on guilt, but fearless of danger if they

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE HI. 551
discharge their trust; and they will be liable to no seducement;
but will execute their functions with glory to themselves, and for
the common good of the country and mankind. This bill presumes
the possibility of bad administration ; for every word in it breathes
suspicion : it supposes that men are but men ; it confides in no in
tegrity ; it trusts to no character : it annexes responsibility, not only
to every action, but even to the inaction of the powers which it
has created. He would risk,' he said, ' upon its excellence what
ever was most dear to him, whatever men most valued, in character
and reputation : he would stake all on the constitutional safety, the
enlarged policy, the equity and wisdom of the measure. Whatever,
therefore, might be the fate of its authors, he had no fear but that
it would produce to this country every blessing of commerce and
revenue; and by extending a generous and humane government
over those millions whom an inscrutable Providence had placed
under our government in the remotest regions of the earth, it would
consecrate the name of England among the noblest of nations.'
While the bill was pending in the commons, a petition was presented
by the East India company, praying to be heard by counsel against
the measure, which they represented as subversive of their charter
and operating as a confiscation of their property, without charging
against them any specific delinquency, without trial, and without con
viction : a proceeding contrary to the most sacred privileges of Bri
tish subjects. The city of London also took alarm, and presented a
strong petition to the same effect ; but it was carried rapidly through
all its stages in the commons by decisive majorities ; the division
on the second reading, being 217 to 103. On the ninth of Decem
ber, Mr. Fox, attended by a numerous train of members, presented
the bill at the bar of the lords.
The second reading took place on the fifteenth of December, when
counsel was heard in behalf of the company ; and on the seventeenth
it was moved that the bill be rejected. On this occasion, lord
Camden spoke with great ability against it, declaring that it was in
the highest degree pernicious and unconstitutional. To divest the
company of the management of their own property and commercial
concerns, was to treat them as idiots; and he regarded the bill,
not so much in the light of a commission of bankruptcy, as of
lunacy : but as a means of throwing an enormous addition of weight
into the scale, not of legal, but ministerial influence, it was still
more alarming : were this bill to pass into a law, his lordship forcibly
declared we should see the king of England and the king of Bengal
contending for superiority in the British parliament. After a vehe
ment debate, the committal of the bill was negatived by ninety-five
against seventy-six ; and it was finally rejected without a division.
Such was the concluding scene of an administration, from whose
vigor its partisans had conceived the most sanguine hopes ; and
whose strength had been represented by its enemies so vast and

332 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVI.
irresistible, as would in its progress break down all the barriers of
the constitution. As the first divisions in the upper house were
favorable to this bill, it will naturally be imagined that such a sudden
and remarkable change of sentiment arose from the intervention
of some adequate cause. Though it was generally known that very
little cordiality and confidence subsisted between the king and his
ministers, yet on this measure they had obtained his majesty's con
currence : but doubts were probably excited in the royal breast by
the language of certain members in the house of commons, who,
in the heat of debate, asserted that if the bill passed into a law, the
crown would be no longer worth wearing ; and that none would
undertake to form an administration, when those who retired from
office carried with them the patronage of India. The monarch
began to see that he had been duped by his ministers ; and earl
Temple, in a conference which he obtained with his majesty, so
exposed the tendency of the bill to circumscribe the royal prero
gative, that he was allowed to circulate a declaration privately
among the peers, to the effect that the king would consider any
one who voted for this measure as his enemy : and if these words
were not strong enough, his lordship was empowered to use what
ever language he might deem more to the purpose.
So extraordinary an interference was not like to pass without
animadversion ; for though the right of a peer, as an hereditary
counsellor of the crown, to offer advice to his sovereign, is indis
putable ; yet the employment of the king's name to influence pro
ceedings in parliament, was considered unconstitutional : ministers,
therefore, instructed Mr. William Baker to move a resolution, 'that
to report any opinion, or pretended opinion, of his majesty on any
bill, or other proceeding in either house of parliament, with a view
to influence the votes of its members, was a high crime and misde
meanor.' After an animated debate, the house divided on the
question ; and the resolution was carried by a majority of seventy-
three ; it was then resolved that the house should, in the following
week, commence an inquiry into the state of the nation ; and also,
on the motion of Mr. Erskine, (whose splendid eloquence at the
bar had lately brought him into notice ) that, as it was essential to
the national interests, and peculiarly incumbent on the commons,
zealously to pursue the consideration of a remedy for abuses in the
government of India ; that any person, who should advise his majesty
to prevent, or in any manner interrupt, the discharge of this great
duty, should be deemed an enemy to his country. The king, how
ever, influenced by his own feelings, as well as by the adversaries
of the obnoxious coalition, resolved to disregard these votes, and to
change his administration. On the day of debate, late in the evening,
he sent an order for the seals of the two secretaries, and placed
them in the hands of lord Temple, who was sworn in as secre
tary, and who wrote letters of dismissal to the remaining ministers.

A.D. 1783. ] GEORGE m. 355
Mr. Pitt was summoned to fill the highest office, which he had firmly
refused nine months before : but the aspect of the times had changed :
the cabinet was now low in public esteem ; and the king and lords
had risen together to support the sovereign's authority ; for it was
clear, that if the ministry should force themselves back on him
again, he must be a cipher for life. Still the difficulties of Pitt's
situation might have appalled a less resolute mind : he had to face
a majority in the house of commons, furious at their fall, and breath
ing out resentment against what they called the unconstitutional
influence of the king's name : to increase his perplexities, lord Temple
resigned the seals, under pretence of meeting more freely the charge
of tampering with the royal confidence : many other leading persons
shrunk from the responsibility of connexion with a cabinet, which
it was predicted would not exist a month : so that the young premier
became doubtful of the result, though he declared that it was his
fixed resolution not to abandon the position he had taken, or to
desert his royal master. At length, the cabinet was formed : the
marquis of Carmarthen succeeded Mr. Fox, and lord Sidney was
substituted for lord North : lord Thuriow was reinstated in the office
of lord chancellor, and earl Gower made president of the council :
the duke of Butland took the privy seal, and the duke of Bichmond
again became master of the ordnance : the secretary at war was Sir
George Yonge ; the admiralty was committed to lord Howe ; and
the office of treasurer of the navy was conferred on Mr. Dundas, in
whom the minister found one of his most valuable auxiliaries. Thus
in doubt, anxiety, and difficulty commenced the most memorable
administration in the British annals.

CHAPTEB XXVII.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 4.785.
Situation of the king and the new minister— Mr. Pitt's determination not to dissolve the par
liament—Reasons for that determination— Mr. Erskine's motion for an address to the king
on the subject— His majesty's answer— Motion of lord Surrey respecting the duchy of Lan
caster—Mr. Pitt's disinlerested conduct regarding the clerkship of the pells— Domestic af
fairs—Conduct of the prince (of Wales in the affair of Fox's India bill, etc.— Meeting of
parliament— Great contest between Pitt and Fox for supremacy— Attempts made to pro
duce a coalition between them fail— Firmness and moral courage of the king— The people
favor his cause against the commons— This, added to Mr. Pitt's high character, occasions
the triumph of that minister— Dissolution Jof parliament— Returns highly favorable to
Mr. Pitt— Effect on different parties— Tbe minister's difficult situation.
The king experienced from the late change of administration a
relief and satisfaction of mind to which he had long been a stranger :
he had sustained a harassing contest with the great whig families;
n. 2S

354 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ciup. XXVII.
but, in the last ministry, the man of the people, and the representative
of the aristocracy, had both coalesced against him; yet this very
junction effected what, perhaps, no other combination of circum
stances could have produced ; it rendered both contemptible, and
took away from them their main support in public opinion. The
situation, however, of Mr. Pitt was far from enviable : though he
had already placed himself foremost in debate, though his talents
were universally acknowledged, and his integrity was above all
suspicion, yet he rested solely on these qualifications : he was sup
ported by no family influence or political confederacy ; while the most
formidable opposition ever known in the house of commons, both for
numbers, connexions, and abilities, was arrayed against him. In
all his motions, brought forward on the most patriotic motives,
conducted with consummate skill, and enforced by a commanding elo
quence, he had been decidedly beaten ; and the majorities continued
almost equally strong against him, even after the dismissal of the
cabinet was foreseen : hisjpresumption and youthful folly, in at
tempting to withstand this opposition, was an object of incessant
ridicule in the house : Mr. Fox contemptuously pronounced it a poli
tical absurdity unparalleled in the annals of immature ambition ;
and staked his reputation for political foresight on the impossibility
of business proceeding under this shadow of a ministry. To
make assurance doubly sure, the opposition resolved to delay the
land-tax bill, which was then pending, and without which the inte
rest on the national debt could not be paid, nor a dissolution
of parliament hazarded : this measure, indeed, formed an anx
ious subject of deliberation with Mr. Pitt ; and, on consulting his
friends, he found among them many who recommended a disso
lution with great earnestness ; bringing forward, as an argument,
the anxiety shown by his antagonists to prevent it : but his power
ful and reflecting mind soon determined otherwise. He saw that a
premature and unsuccessful appeal to the nation might operate to
his lasting disadvantage : the numbers on the ministerial side might
indeed be increased by a new election ; but the question was, could
he obtain a majority over the great parliamentary interests that
were opposed to him ? If not, it was better, both for himself and
the country, that a dissolution should be avoided, or at least de
ferred. Public feeling had not yet expressed itself with satisfac
tory decision : the coalition, though stigmatised by all men of honor,
had not yet excited scorn sufficient to overcome personal interests •
nor had the people been allowed time to analyse the unconstitu
tional principle and the dangerous tendencies of the East India bill : in
the mean time, skilful writings, disseminated among all ranks, were
gradually producing their desired effect (1) ; both monied men and
landholders began to feel alarm at the views of an ambitious con-
(II A treatise by Sir William Pulteney was very efficacious In Impressing on Ihe public a detestation.
of the India bill, and a dread of Its author.

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE HI. 355
federacy ; .all those who were attached lo, or dependent on the king,
were exerting themselves against a set of men whom they knew to
be disagreeable to their sovereign ; while the character of the new
minister, free from every imputation of vice or political inconsis
tency, and his late defence of chartered rights, so calculated to pro
mote confidence in a mercantile nation,— were extending his popula
rity on the ruin of his opponents. Belying, therefore, on the sense
and honor of the nation, Mr. Pitt determined to make trial of the
present parliament : if he failed, he would still have the power of
dissolving it; with the advantage of showing to the nation, that an
obstinate adherence to party had rendered it unfit to carry on the
national business : if he succeeded, he would disarm his antagonists
on their own ground ; and proving how little they had been sustain
ed by character, but how much by patronage and intrigue, would
annihilate their political influence, as a party, for ever.
The man who thus reasoned and thus acted, was scarcely more
than twenty-four years old ; at which age he undertook to support,
almost unaided, the interests of the British empire : the overwhelming
nature and importance of this charge may be estimated by some of
the leading measures that awaited his return to parliament (1). The
regulation of the Indian government contended with that of the Bri
tish revenue for his immediate attention : innumerable abuses were
to be reformed in both ; and their expenses to be brought, as far
as possible, within the limits of their income : in the latter, particu
larly, an unfunded sum of 30,000,000/. was to be provided for, new
taxes raised, and a system for the reduction of the national debt
arranged : the commercial intercourse with America, so long inter
rupted, was to be restored; discontents in Ireland to be allayed;
and the interests of Great Britain, threatened by continental nations,
to be defended. Perhaps, no period in any statesman's life can be
pointed out, presenting to view so many obstacles and difficulties.
The first attack made on the new minister was on the twenty-
second of December, when, the house being in a committee on the
state of the nation, Mr. Erskine moved an address to the king,
' praying that his majesty would not dissolve parliament, while the
revenue of the country and tbe affairs of the East India company
required immediate attention ; but that he would hearken to the
voice of his faithful commons, rather than to the secret insinuations
of particular persons, who had private interests to serve, separate
from the true interests of the king and his people.'
As Mr. Pitt's seat was still vacant in consequence of his ministe
rial appointment, the fury of the tempest fell principally on Mr.
Dundas ; but he had weathered too many gales in the house of com
mons to feel much alarm, though the ministry was then riding at
single anchor. Mr. Bankes assured the house, that he was author-
in He was re-elected for the boroogh of Appleby.

536 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ Coap. XXVII.
ised by Mr. Pitt to say that he disclaimed all thoughts of advising
a dissolution ; but Mr. Fox and lord North, though they relied on
the honor of Mr. Pitt, were not satisfied that Such a measure might
not be carried without his consent : Mr. Erskine' s motion, there
fore, was persevered in, and carried. The king's answer admitted
the urgency of the subjects mentioned in the address, and assured
the house that he would not interrupt its meeting by prorogation or
dissolution ; but the majority were not contented with this pledge,
which went no farther than their meeting after the recess : they pro
ceeded, therefore, to take precautions against such an event; and
passed a resolution to prohibit the lords of the treasury from ac
cepting any more bills from India, till the company should prove
to the satisfaction of the house that they had sufficient means for
payment, after discharging their current demands and the debt due
to the public. Thus the commons assumed to themselves authority
to suspend an act of parliament, by which the lords of the treasury
were empowered to permit the directors, at discretion, to accept
bills from India.
A motion also was made and carried by lord Surrey for an ad
dress to his majesty, praying him not to grant the chancellorship
of the duchy of Lancaster for any other term than during pleasure,
before the twentieth of January following ; the object of which was
to prevent Mr. Pitt from bestowing it on one of his friends for life,
as the marquis of Bockingham had given it to lord Ashburton.
By another motion, the opposition fixed the day of meeting after
the Christmas recess on the twelfth of January ; a proceeding, as
much against the established practice of the house, as was the trans
acting of public business during the short but necessary absence
of a newly-appointed minister.
During the recess, an opportunity offered itself to Mr. Pitt of
acquiring credit by disinterested conduct. The clerkship of the
pells, a very profitable place in the treasury, became vacant; but
the first lord, whose private income was very small, and who had
given up a lucrative profession at his entrance into political life,
disdained to convert what fortune had thus thrown into his way,
either to his own personal profit, or to the advancement of his
ministerial influence : he gave it to colonel Barre, on condition of
his resigning a pension nearly equal in value to the office in ques
tion. For this he was blamed by lord Thuriow in the house of
lords ; but Mr. Pitt had higher views than could enter into the com
prehension of a rapacious lawyer : his was a far nobler ambition
than that of wealth; and he had too much sagacity not to perceive
that he should increase his influence by this forbearance ten times
as much as he could have done by promoting the advancement
of any political adherent. In future times he exhibited no such
inclination to spare the public purse, when the interests of his po
litical partisans were concerned.

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE HI. 557
On the third of May, prince Octavius died of ihe small-pox, at
Kew ; and on the seventh of August, her majesty was delivered of
her fifteenth and last child, the princess Amelia. There being, as
yet, no order of knighthood appropriated to Ireland, the king this
year instituted that of St. Patrick, consisting of his majesty as so
vereign, the lord lieutenant for the time being as grand master,
and fifteen knights companions. On the eleventh of November,
the prince of Wales took his seat in the house of peers : it was
unfortunate for him and his party, that his first vote should be
in favor of Mr. Fox's India bill; for the king saw, or fancied he
saw, an opposition organised against him, at the head of which was
his son : he expressed concern, that he should so soon lake a
leading part in political measures of such importance to our terri
torial .possessions ; on which, the prince retraced his steps, and did
not appear again in the house during the agitation of that question :
the whigs, however, were personally, as well as politically, odious
to the king ; and the friendship with which they were honored by
the heir apparent, could not fail to be highly > offensive to him, and
produce that diminution of cordiality towards his son, which was
seen in many transactions. In several points, the breach that en
sued bore a strong resemblance to that which had disturbed the
preceding reign, for money was the chief cause of dissension : there
was a degree of harshness and obstinacy on the part of his ma
jesty; while the talents, wit, and accomplishments of those whom
the heir apparent selected for his companions, threw a splendor
round the connexion, which hid the looseness of its texture, even
from their own observation.
Never was expectation more vivid, than on the day of meeting
after the recess, the twelfth of January, when Fox, at the head of
the opposition, was to show that no power in the constitution could
withstand the will of the commons of England. At an early hour,
generally appropriated to business of routine, he took possession of
the house, by moving the order of the day for the committee on the
state of the nation. His speech on the occasion was interrupted
by the arrival of many new members to take the oaths ; after which
ceremony, Fox and Pitt rose at the same time, each demanding to
be heard ; the former, as being in possession of the house ; the latter,
as having a message from the king to deliver, respecting the remo
val of some German troops from America. The speaker, being ap
pealed to, decided in favor of Fox, unless he would consent to
wave his right : this, however, he contemptuously refused to do ;
declaring that the king's message might be delivered, after other
business of great importance to the house was concluded : he then
moved the order of the day. This motion gave Pitt an opportu
nity of speaking ; when he manfully rebutted all the charges that
had been made against him of back-stairs influence, defying ca
lumny to bring forward a shadow of proof, that he had conde-

558 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVU.
scended to use it. ' I have neither the meanness,' said he, fixing
his eyes on the opposition, 'to act under the concealed influence
of others ; nor the hypocrisy to pretend, where the measures of
an administration, in which I had a share, were blamed, that they
were measures not of my advising. This is the only answer I
shall ever deign to make on the subject.' Mr. Fox now brought
forward his prohibitory resolutions, forbidding the issue of any
public money, after a dissolution or prorogation of parliament,
unless the act of approbation had previously passed ; and order
ing the accounts of moneys already issued to be laid before the
house : these were followed by two motions from the earl of Sur
rey; first, that in the present situation of his majesty's dominions,
it was peculiarly necessary there should be an administration which
had the confidence of the public ; which was carried without a di
vision : secondly, that the late changes in his majesty's councils
were accompanied with circumstances new and extraordinary, such
as did not conciliate the confidence of that house. Mr. Dundas
then moved 'that the chairman do leave the chair:' a strenuous
debate ensued ; when his motion was negatived by 232 against 193,
and that of lord Surrey carried without a division. Being thus
beaten in a series of resolutions, two of which were directly against
his continuance in office; opposed both by the aristocratic and
popular parties in the house ; obliged to contend against the most
practised debaters arid the most subtile politicians; with scarcely
an official friend of ability to support him, except Mr. Dundas ;
the. star of Pitt seemed destined to descend in gloom : but he found
resources in his own intrepid spirit, as well as in the moral cou
rage of his royal master.
The disasters of this memorable day were detailed by him in a
letter to the king ; which brought a reply, couched in the following
firm and dignified language :—
'Mr. Pitt cannot but suppose, that I received his communication
of the two divisions in the long debate which ended this morning,
with much uneasiness, as it shows the house of commons much
more willing to enter into any intemperate resolutions of desperate
men, than I could have imagined. As to myself, I am perfectly
composed, as I have the self-satisfaction of feeling that I have done
my duty. Though I think Mr. Pitt's day will be fully taken up, in
considering, with the other ministers, what measures are best to
be proposed in the present crisis ; yet, that no delay may arise from
my absence, I will dine in town, and consequently be ready to see
him in the evening, if he should think that would be of utility. At
all events, I am ready to take any step that may be proposed to
oppose this faction, and to struggle to the last period of my life ; but
I can never submit to throw myself into its power : if they in the
end succeed, my line is a very clear one, and to which I have for
titude enough to submil.' On this letter the fortune of the slate

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE HI. 559
now turned : nothing but the most decisive and uncompromising
support of the sovereign could have retained the minister at the
helm: the king's pledge was given; and it is barely justice to say,
that in no subsequent period of their connexion was it ever violated.
On the evening appointed in the royal letter for a conference,
Mr. Pitt received a renewal of his majesty's determination, and pro
ceeded to the conflict with the full expectation of final triumph. On
the fourteenth, he introduced his bill for the better government of
India, on principles which would leave the commercial concerns of
the company in their own hands ; while it established a board of
control, consisting of commissioners appointed by the king, and
possessing a negative on all political proceedings : the commons
however were still in the hand of Fox, who objected to the pro
posed bill, on the ground of its differing, in all its material provi
sions, from that which had lately received the approbation of the
house ; while the plan appeared partial and incomplete ; an allevia
tion, not a remedy for existing evils. Leave however was granted
that it should be read for the first time on the following Friday ; to
which day the house adjourned.
The business of that day commenced with a petition from the
county of York, presented by Mr. Duncombe, for a more equal re
presentation of the people in parliament. Lord North, Mr. Burke,
and Mr. Powys objected to the matter of this petition ; but Mr. Pitt
said, that soon after his introduction into the house of commons,
he had professed himself a friend to parliamentary reform, and he
still continued so : if any thing were wanting to confirm his opinion
on this point, it might be found in the conduct which he had wit
nessed in that house for some weeks past : he would not however
stand up for every species of reform ; though a temperate and mo
derate reform, temperately and moderately pursued, would at all
times find an advocate in him.
On leave being given that the petition should be brought up, Mr.
Pitt seconded the motion that it should lie on the table ; which
produced an observation from lord Surrey, that the freeholders
of Yorkshire expected much more from him : they reposed the
greatest confidence in his talents ; and as they did not suppose he
had united himself with a cabinet hostile to reform, so they pre
sumed that success would attend their application, because it would
be supported by the whole weight of government : this he had
been commissioned by a most respectable body of freeholders to
communicate to the right honorable gentleman. With regard to
himself, he was a friend to reform ; for he had seen the fatal con
sequences of secret influence, which would not have dared to show
itself, had the house of commons really consisted of the repre
sentatives of Ihe nation. While he acknowledged Mr. Pitt's great
abilities and eminent qualifications for office, he lamented that his
appointment should be founded on secret influence, and that he

560 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [Chap. XXVII.
should be joined with those who were the worst foes of the con
stitution. Mr. Pitt, in his reply, declared that he was thankful to the very
respectable body of Yorkshire freeholders for their good opinion
of him, but was at a loss to conceive where they learned, that he
would never make part of a cabinet which should contain any mem
ber hostile to parliamentary reform. Perhaps it would be impos
sible ever to form such a cabinet ; for so many different opinions
existed on this subject, that he believed the country would remain
without an administration, if it waited for unanimity: Mr. Fox
agreed with him on this point, and the petition was ordered to lie
on the table.
Mr. Pitt then presented his India bill, which was read the first
time, and ordered to be printed ; the second reading being fixed
for the Friday following. The house afterwards resolved itself
into a committee ; when lord Charles Spencer moved a resolution,
expressing ' the necessity of an administration that should have the
confidence both of the house and of the country; which, as the
present ministers have not, their continuance in office is contrary
to constitutional principles, and injurious to the interests of the
king and his people.' Mr. Powys opposed this motion as prema
ture, unprecedented, and unjust : though he spoke in high terms
both of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, he declared his disapprobation of
the manner in which the former had come into office, and blamed
the other for his coalition with lord North. He had long wished
to see a union between these two eminent men ; but thought that
his lordship was a great obstacle to such an arrangement.
Mr.'Fox, in noticing this part of Mr. Powys's speech, said, 'that
he did not court a union with any party ; nor did he avoid it, when
it could be formed on sound and general principles ; and thus he
had coalesced with lord North ; but the present ministers had got
into office by a conspiracy against the constitution.' This charge
however he thought proper to qualify, by a personal compliment
to Mr. Pitt :— -' I venerate,' said he, ' the character of the young
man who holds the reins of government at present : I admire his
virtues, and respect his abilities.'
' In the debate on this important motion, the aim of which was lo
compel the resignation of ministers, the most remarkable speech
was made by Mr. Dundas, who seized with peculiar force and energy
on the main question — the right of the king to choose his own mi
nisters, and the unconstitutional attempt of the commons, not only
to defraud the house of peers of its share in the public interests,
but to force the king, in defiance of his prerogative, to name such
ministers as they should select to carry on the government. After
defending the appointment of the present men, and showing what
would be the effect of passing the resolution now proposed, he
called on the independent part of the house lo stand forth, and

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE ID. 50)
maintain both its character and moderation. ' Let the house,' said
he, ' look well to its conduct this night ; for this night it is about
to decide, what is the constitution of this country. The assumption
of power and privileges which did not belong to it once proved
the overthrow of our constitution : we are verging towards the same
precipice again ; we are claiming to ourselves the right of appoint
ing ministers ; we are disclaiming the nomination of his majesty,
without cause and without trial.'
After several members had spoken, Mr. Pitt rose to declare that
he could not but feel comfort and satisfaction at the full and im
partial discussion which the question had undergone, aud espe
cially at the manner in which so many worthy and respectable men
had rescued his character from the violence of faction and the ma
lice of party : the discussion had incontestably proved, on the one
hand, that the ingenuity of those, whose chief aim was to mislead
and confound, had not been, so successful as they might possibly
have expected ; and on the other, that there were many men of
acknowledged estimation and importance in the country, who were
not more accurate in judgment, than zealous in determination to
tear the mask from the face of faction, and to show it in its native
colors : this necessarily afforded him high gratification. He desired
to throw himself on the candor, justice, and honor of the house ;
observing, that if the present motion should pass before the merits
of his India bill should be discussed, he would be condemned un
heard, untried, and unconvicted.
The house, however, was still in the hands of his opponent, and
the resolution was carried by 205 to 184 : an adjournment then
took place to the Tuesday following; on which day, several mem
bers having expressed an earnest wish for a coalition between Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Fox, the former declared that he was not averse to
a union so strongly recommended by respectable and independent
men; but, on the other hand, he agreed entirely with the right
honorable gentleman, that if not founded on principle, it would be
fallacious, and produce disunion where it would be still more dan
gerous than within the walls of that house. In answer to Mr. Fox's
assertion, that his majesty's ministers held their places in defiance
of parliamentary opinion, he declared, 'that nothing but a sense of
his duty to the public kept him in office, out of which he could not
at this moment go with so much honor as attended his coming into it.'
Mr. Fox, though disconcerted because ministers had not re
signed in consequence of lord Charles Spencer's resolution, doubted
how far he should be supported in any personal question, and
thought it better not to hazard another motion in the committee till
the fate of his antagonist's India bill should be decided : on the
Friday, therefore, he opposed the commitment of that bill, in a
long speech, comparing it with his own, which he studiously repre
sented as the bill of the commons : Mr. Pitt replied to the objec-

562 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVH.
tions of Mr. Fox and others, but was defeated once more by a ma
jority of only eight ; the numbers being 222 against 214. Flushed
with his victory, Fox moved, the same night, for leave to bring in a
bill for the regulation of Indian affairs ; which in its principles, as
he informed the house, would be similar to his former one. Leave
being given, he called on the minister to rise, and declare explicitly
whether it was intended to prevent its progress by a dissolution of
parliament : Mr. Pitt, however, kept his seat ; nor could he be pro
voked to speak by the successive attacks of different members,
or by the imputation of preserving ' a sulky silence,' thrown out
by Mr. Fox ; until general Conway rose in great warmth, and call
ed on him to explain his conduct for his own honor. ' The pre
sent ministry,' said the gallant general, ' originating in darkness
and secresy, maintain themselves by artifice and reserve : they
exist by corruption; and are now about to dissolve parliament,
after sending their, agents round the country to bribe the electors.'
Pitt then rose; but it was to call general Conway to order ; desir
ing him to specify the instances where ministerial agents had cor
rupted voters : it was an assertion which he could not prove, and
therefore he ought not to have made it. 'No arguments,' said he,
loftily, ' however artful, no strong words thrown out with a view
to put me off my guard, shall draw me aside from that purpose,
which, on mature deliberation, I have formed: individual members
have no right to call on me for replies to questions involving in
them great and important considerations ; nor is it incumbent on me
to answer interrogatories put in the harsh language that has been
used.' Then, turning to general Conway, and rebuking him for
an intemperance of expressions, which he was determined not to
imitate, he slightly touched on that disparity of years, which might
have justified intemperance on one side, while it should have pro
duced gravity and moderation on the other ; and he concluded
with one of those electrifying quotations from the classics with
which his memory was well stored, though he was generally for
bearing in their use : addressing the aged general in the words of
Scipio to Fabius; — 'Si nulla alia re, modeslia certe, et temperando
linguam, adolescens senem vicero.7
The leading members of opposition still continued their demands ;
but neither the violence nor the dexterity with which they were put,
nor the threats with which they were accompanied, had the least
effect on Mr. Pitt, who persisted in his imperturbable silence. At
length, Mr. Fox, despairing to obtain information, rose to express
his astonishment and indignation at what he termed an insult lo the
house ; moving an adjournment to the next day, though that was Sa
turday, when he hoped members would attend to take proper mea
sures for vindicating the honor, and asserting the privileges of the
commons : at two o'clock, therefore, in the morning, they adjourned.
Next day, the house was uncommonly full ; but all the prepara-

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE HI. 565
tions for debate ended in a speech from Mr. Powys, whose tears,
for with them he accompanied it, were unable to draw more from
Mr. Pitt, than a promise that parliament should not be dissolved
before Monday ; till which day the house adjourned.
The lords kept aloof from personal conflicts ; being desirous to
avoid a return of that struggle between the two houses, which had
caused so much mischief in the last century: but they took an early
opportunity of expressing an opinion on this great question. On
the fourth of February, the earl of Effingham moved two resolu
tions :— first, that an attempt in any one branch of the legislature
to suspend the execution of law, by separately assuming to itself a
discretionary power, was unconstitutional : — secondly, that the au
thority of appointing persons to the great offices of executive go
vernment, is vested solely in his majesty ; on whose wisdom, in the
exercise of this prerogative, the house places the firmest reliance.
The former of these was carried by a majority of 100 to 53 ; the
latter passed without a division ^ both were then embodied in an
address which was presented to his majesty ; and the king, in his
answer, emphatically declared ' that he had no object in the choice
of ministers, but to call into his service men who best deserved the
confidence of parliament and of the public in general.'
His majesty, who wrote to Mr. Pitt on the day this address was
expected to be moved, after lamenting the lengths to which the
house of commons had gone, thus expressed himself: — ' I trust the
house of lords will feel that the hour is come, for which the wis
dom of our ancestors established that respectable corps in the state,
to prevent either the crown or the commons from encroaching on
the rights of each other : indeed, should not the lords] stand boldly
forth, this constitution must soon be changed ; for if the two sole
remaining privileges of the crown are infringed on, that of nega
tiving bills which have passed both houses of parliament, and that
of naming the ministers to be employed ; — I cannot but feel, as far
as regards my own person, that I can be no longer of utility to
this country, nor continue with honor in the land.'
As the rejection of Mr. Pitt's India bill led his antagonists to ex
pect an immediate dissolution of parliament, so it induced him to
consider the expediency of resorting to that measure, for which he
wanted not inducements. The contest between himself and his
rival was beginning to excite great public attention ; and the na
tional admiration increased daily at the bold resistance of so young
a minister to the whole force of opposition ; at the ability of his
defence, as well as at the resources which he displayed : and this
favorable disposition of the public began to show itself in addresses
to the king ; thanking him for removing his late ministers from
power, and declaring their resolution to support him in the legal
exercise of his prerogative ; under these circumstances, the subject
of a dissolution was urged on Mr. Pitt by his friends, and the mea-

584 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVTI.
sure was recommended by the highest authority. ' The opposi
tion,' said his majesty (1), ' will throw every impediment in. our
way : but we must be men ; and if we mean to save the country,
we must cut those threads which cannot be unravelled : half mea
sures are ever puerile, and often destructive.'
The great judgment, however, of Mr. Pitt prevented him from
coming to a hasty decision ; and although a dissolution would have
relieved him from grievous difficulties, he determined to wait till
he could make an appeal to the nation with safety. The India bill
had given a disrelish and distrust of the adverse party to a large
body of the community ; and he saw that the country at large was
awakening to a lively interest in the great question at issue ; that
the nature of it would soon be generally understood ; and that if
Mr. Fox were permitted to take his course for some time longer,
he would, by his precipitate measures, effectually alienate the pub
lic mind from his cause. A dissolution of parliament then would
not only displace the party, but probably keep them out of office
for a long period: at present, however, there was danger in the
attempt ; for if the same members should be returned to the next
parliament, the king probably would go to Hanover, and Mr. Pitt
to the Tower.
During the debates, frequent wishes had been expressed that a
union should be formed of the leaders on both sides of the house ;
and to promote this object, a meeting was held at the St. Albans
tavern by more than fifty independent members, who sent a depu
tation to Mr. Pitt and the duke of Portland, earnestly requesting
them to communicate with each other, for the purpose of rescuing
the country from its distracted state. To this proposal the minister
replied, ' that he should be happy to co-operate with the wishes
of so respectable a meeting, in forming a more extended adminis
tration, if it could be done with principle and honor.' The duke,
as the organ of opposition, answered in a more imperious tone,
' that he should think himself happy in obeying the commands of
so respectable a meeting ; but the greatest difficulty to him, and
he imagined a still greater to Mr. Pitt, was the circumstance of that
gentleman's continuance in office.'
This answer might have been regarded as setting the matter at
rest ; for it was not reasonable to expect that Mr. Pitt should divest
himself of his authority, and descend from his high vantage ground,
to please his opponents : the meetings, however, were still held at
the St. Albans tavern, and many letters passed between the princi
pal parties ; but the gentlemen were mortified by finding all their
efforts to „bring about a personal interview ineffectual. On the
second of February, therefore, their chairman, Mr. Grosvenor,
moved a resolution in the house relative to a united administra-
(II In a letter to Mr. Pitt, of the dote of the twenty-fifth 0I this month.

A.D. 1784. ] GEORGE HI. 565
tion ; in the debates on which Mr. Fox charged his opponent ' with
preferring his own understanding to the collected wisdom of the
house, and making a breach between the legislative and executive
branches of the government : ' while Mr. Pitt, in reply, after al
luding to the sense of the people, which was in favor of the late mi
nisterial changes, expressed his determination not to give way ;
' because he foresaw the greatest evils if he should comply : he was,
however, so little attached to office, that if he could see a strong
and well-connected government ready to succeed him, he would
cheerfully retire, without any wish to form a part of it.' The re
solution being carried, Mr. Coke, member for Norfolk, moved,
' that it is the opinion of this house, that the continuance of the
present ministers in office is an obstacle to the formation of such
an administration, as may enjoy the confidence of the house, and
tend to pacify the country.'
This motion was strenuously resisted by Mr. Dundas, as contrary
to the wishes of the people, expressed in their late addresses to the
throne; and hostile to the scheme of union, which it was the in
tention of the previous resolution to promote. Mr. Fox replied
in a speech of unusual violence,; and having intimated, at its con
clusion, that if ministers persevered in retaining office, it would be
necessary to adopt measures which must finally restore the insult
ed honor of the house, he called on the country gentlemen to stand
aloof from men who had established themselves in power by means
so unconstitutional and destructive.
Mr. Powys, after declaring that he had done every thing in his
power to prevent the passing of the late resolutions, and that he
thought it hard to condemn a minister untried, especially one for
whose abilities and conduct he entertained the highest respect,
added, that he must vote for the present motion, while the former
resolutions remained on the journals : at the same time, he ac
knowledged the delicacy of Mr. Pitt's situation, and said, ' that he
did not wish to see him quit the fortress in which he was at pre
sent ; and come with servile humility, or with a halter round his
neck, to deliver up its keys to the besieger.' He proposed, there
fore, as an alternative, that Mr. Pitt should move the previous
question, for the purpose of reconsidering or rescinding the former
resolutions : the minister, however, disdained to adopt any such
measure for the sake of gaining a vote ; and immediately gave
his direct negative to the present motion. With regard to the for
tress, of which the honorable gentleman had spoken, ' the only one
which he.knew, or ever desired to have a share in defending, was
the fortress of the constitution : for that he would resist every at
tack, and every attempt to seduce him out of it. With what regard
to personal honor or public principle could he be expected to
march out, with a halter about his neck, change his armor, and
meanly beg to be readmitted, and considered as a volunteer in the

560 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXV II.
army of the enemy ?' He concluded a spirited and able speech by
observing, that if the house insisted on ministers going out, there
were two constitutional ways open to it : either to proceed by im
peachment against them for their crimes, if any had been com
mitted; or by an immediate address to the crown: their removal
lay with the crown, not with that house ; and their continuance in
office, for the purpose of preventing government from falling a prey
to that administration which had been removed, and which was
ready to force itself on the sovereign against his will, was neither
illegal nor unconstitutional. When the house, however, divided on
the question, it was carried by 223 against 204.
This measure was followed up, on the third, by Mr. Coke, who
moved that the two resolutions passed the precedinjpefening should
be laid before his majesty by such members of this house as are
privy counsellors. During the debates that ensued, Mr. Wilber-
force took a principal part; and in the course of his speech, de
clared ' that Mr. Fox, by his coalition with lord North, had lost all
confidence, all political reputation, all popularity.' Mr. Powys ob
served, that although he should vote for the motion, yet ' he hesi
tated not to pronounce Mr. Pitt the first political character in the
country ; but he was not greater than the constitution.' The ques
tion was carried by a majority of 211 to 187 ; and at Mr. Fox's mo
tion, the • committee on the state of the nation was postponed to
Monday, in order to give time for knowing what effect this com
munication to his majesty would produce. The house then adjourned
to Thursday, the fifth of February; on which day lord Hinching-
brook informed them that he had laid their resolutions before the
king, who had signified his intention of taking them into considera
tion. No communication on this subject was made from his majesty to
the house before the eighteenth : in the mean time, its members
were occupied in canvassing the proceedings of the lords, and in
measures of revenue and finance : on one of these occasions, when
the subject of a coalition was brought up, Mr. Pitt observed, that.
' with regard to animosity, he entertained none against any man ;
but there might be persons, whose private character he respected,
and whose abilities were eminent, with whom he could not, on
public grounds, bring himself to act, or to sit in the same cabinet.'
As this observation evidently pointed at lord North, that nobleman,
though evidently hurt by such an exclusion, declared, in a dignified
and manly manner, ' that he would not be an obstacle to thefor-
mation of such a firm, extended, and united administration, which
the distracted state of the country required;' and several members
returned thanks to him for this instance of public spirit. The house
then resolved itself into a committee of supply ; and after a long
conversation on the expediency of building fortifications for our
dock-yards, the ordnance estimates were voted without a division :

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE III. 567
next day, on a motion of lord John Cavendish, that the house should
resolve itself into a committee on the receipt tax act, the minister
voted in the majority, and thereby declared his approbation of the
principle of the bill.
In the mean time, the sentiments of the nation were rapidly verging
towards that point where Mr. Pitt foresaw they would settle ; for on
the tenth of February, the city of London voted him, not only
thanks ' for his able, upright, and disinterested conduct in the pre
sent alarming and critical juncture of affairs,' but the freedom of
the city, in a gold box, ' as a mark of gratitude for his zeal in sup
porting the legal prerogatives of the crown and the constitutional
rights of the people.' When the commons met on the eighteenth,
Mr. Pitt rose, not to deliver a regular message from the king, but
merely to inform the house, that his majesty, after a full consider
ation of its resolutions communicated to him, had not thought
proper to dismiss his ministers'; nor had those ministers resigned :
Mr. Fox immediately expressed his astonishment at this explicit
declaration, and declared that the house of commons had never be
fore received such an answer from a prince of the Brunswick line —
a flat and peremptory negative to their sentiments and wishes : he
alluded in marked terms to the times of Charles I., in which, as in the
present contest, the house of commons was at variance with the
other branches of the legislature ; but he forgot, or did not choose
to state, that, in the instance alluded to, the house was backed by
the people^ and that the honesty and sincerity of that monarch were
more than questioned : in the present instance, his majesty had
taken high constitutional grounds ; had acted a sincere and manly part
throughout : the people suspected neither his honor nor his since
rity ; and a large majority of them, which was daily increasing, coin
cided heartily with his views. Mr. Fox, being convinced that the
resolutions of the house had made no impression either on his ma
jesty or Mr. Pitt, now resolved to ascertain whether the majority,
which he had hitherto commanded, would support him in more
violent measures. The ordnance estimates would afford him a fair
opportunity of stopping the supplies, but he was aware that this was
a delicate point : accordingly, he observed, that he had not deter
mined whether it would be right to proceed to such a length ; but
was desirous that the house, in its unprecedented situation, should
have time to reflect on what they had just heard from his majesty's
minister : all he positively affirmed was, that it was necessary some
thing should be done : leaving it therefore open to himself to act as
he might see expedient, he had recourse to the plausible proposal
of adjourning to the next day, by which he would form some judg
ment of the temper and disposition of the house. In one part of
his most artful and ingenious speech, he endeavored to alarm ; in
another, to conciliate ; in a third, he threatened : he represented,
that there was a settled design to annihilate the importance of the

5C8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVII.
house of commons, in order to persuade members that they were
contributing to their own degradation ; but as Mr. Pitt's character
and principles exempted him from any such imputation, he ascribed
this design solely lo an interior cabinet, to secret advisers, of
whom he was only the unconscious tool (1). He declared his own
anxiety for pacific measures, and asserted his love of moderation :
he even allowed the right of the king to nominate his own ministers,
and to continue them in office ; although such a concession could
scarcely be reconciled with his former assertions.
Mr. Powys followed Mr. Fox, and supported the motion, which
he represented as temperate, and the only means of giving to the
house a breathing time; in the prospect of a compromise : he ad
hered to his opinion, that the house must support its own resolu
tions ; and still professed his admiration of Mr. Pitt's principles and
abilities, against whom he intended no personal opposition, though
he supported the present motion.
Mr. Pitt, in reply, observed, than an attempt had been made to
color the measure of putting off the supplies, as if it were only
the pause of a moment, and as if this pause were occasioned by a
circumstance which the house had not foreseen, and which put par
liament, the country, and public affairs in quite a new situation :
but to all intents and purposes the supplies were stopped ; and the
trick was too shallow to succeed against the good sense of the
country: no man would doubt that he allowed the right of the
commons to withhold the supplies ; but he hoped no man would
say that the present crisis demanded such a measure. ' The right
honorable gentleman,' said he, 'conscious that he is actually stop
ping the supplies, is very prudently unwilling to push the question;
for then only can the conduct of his majesty's ministers be fully
investigated: I will therefore press the question, and will challenge
my opponents to meet it fairly and without subterfuge ; for in that
discussion, the different motives of the contending parties will ap
pear ; and I know, from the temper and principles of the house,
that the facts which will be substantiated, and the truths which
will be established, will make it reluctant to withhold the supplies,
on which the harmony and energy of government depend, and for
which the national faith is pledged.' He went on to combat the
arguments which had been addressed personally to himself; and
the debate was continued to a late hour, when the question of
adjournment was carried by a majority of only twelve.
'The friends of Mr. Pitt,' says his biographer (2), 'congratulat
ed each other on this small majority, which afforded to many, who
had hitherto desponded, a ray of hope that he would ultimately
triumph.' A compromise was desired by some; and even Mr. Fox
said, he thought that the supplies ought not to be withheld ; only,
(1) Tomllne, vol. i. p. 370. (2) Ibid. p. 316.

AD. 1784.] GEORGE HI.

56 r*

that they ought not to be voted unconditionally : Mr. Pitt, how
ever, declared that he would enter into no compromise, or stipu
lation for passing them. The conversation continued for some
time ; but at last Mr. Fox proposed, that the commiltee on the state
of the nation should be deferred till Monday ; soon after which the
house adjourned.
Next day, Mr. Powys moved a resolution, humbly requesting his
majesty ' to take such measures as might tend to give effect to the
wishes of his faithful commons ;' but as this did not seem pointed
enough to Mr. Fox's party, an amendment was moved to insert the
following words ; ' by removing any obstacle to the formation of
such an administration as this house has declared to be requisite in
the present critical situation of affairs.' It being generally admitted
that this aimed at the dismissal of ministers, a long debate ensued ;
when Mr. Pitt, in one of the most spirited and forcible speeches
ever delivered within the walls of the house, replied to all the
arguments and invectives of Fox, as well as of those who followed
in his train. After showing that the present opposition tended to
re-establish the former coalition, which was pregnant with cala
mity to the nation, he attacked his great opponent on the assump
tion of a new character, as champion of a majority of the house of
commons against the voice of the people; taunting him with ex
pressions which he had lately used regarding the opinions and the
addresses of the people ; as if the former were grounded on im
posture or ignorance, and the latter were on a parallel with those
offered in the infamous reign of Charles II. From a grave expo
sure of the hypocritical conduct of opposition, he passed to a bur
lesque account of their discomfiture ; for they denied that the ad
dresses had sufficiently marked public opinion, and talked of their
battles at Beading, at Hackney, and at Westminster; where, how
ever, the addresses were all carried. ' Whether it is a proof of
victory,' said he, turning to Mr. Fox, ' to say, the people would
not even hear me; whether that right honorable gentleman, who
once could charm the multitude into dumb admiration of his elo
quence, and into silent gratitude for his exertions in the cause of
freedom ; whether he, emphatically named the man of the people,
is now content with the execration of those multitudes, who once,
perhaps, too much adored him ; — are points I will not decide.'
In allusion to Fox's boast of the splendid names and connexions
which appeared in his favor, the orator declared that he was not
afraid to match the minority against them, either on the score of
independence, of property, of hereditary honors, of knowledge in
the law and constitution, of all that can give dignity to the peerage.
Then, looking at Mr. Pratt, who was one of the members of the
house, he burst out into a fine encomium on the eminent character
of his father, lord Camden, whom he did not fear to place in the
front of that battle, for which the noble peer had buckled on his

n.

570 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVII.
armor, marching forth, as if inspired with his youthful vigor, to
the charge. ' Venerable he is,' said Mr. Pitt, ' for his years, ve
nerable for his abilities, adored throughout the country on account
of his attachment to this glorious constitution, high in rank and
honor, and possessing in these tumultuous times an equanimity and
dignity of mind, that render him infinitely superior to that wretched
party spirit with which the world may fancy us infected.' While
the house was admiring this transition from the language of keen
rebuke and scorn to that of high and eloquent praise, he burst on
it with an indignant refusal of those terms, which had been so often
proposed to him as preliminary to a coalition. After stating the si
tuation in which he stood, he said ; ' I will not abandon it, to throw
myself on the mercy of that right honorable gentleman. He calls
me now a mere nominal minister, the puppet of secret influence.
Sir, it is because I will not become a mere nominal minister of his
creation,— it is because I disdain to be the puppet of that right
honorable gentleman, — that I will not resign. That I am now
standing on the rotten ground of secret influence, I will not allow ;
nor yet will I quit this ground, to put myself, as he calls it, under
his protection ; to accept of my nomination at his hands ; and be
come a poor, self-condemned, helpless, unprofitable minister in
his train. If I have, indeed, submitted to be the puppet and minion
of the crown, why should he condescend to receive me into his
band ? Admit, that I have more than my share of the king's con
fidence ; yet how is my being out of office two days to make any
diminution of that confidence? The right honorable gentleman,
therefore, every moment contradicts his own principles : and he
knows, that if I were first to resign, in the forlorn hope of return
ing as an efficient minister into administration, I should soon be
come the sport and ridicule of my opponents ; nay, forfeit also the
good opinion of those, by whose independent support I am now
honored.' After this forcible and indignant exposition of his feelings,
Mr. Pitt attacked his antagonist on the menace, to which he had
given utterance, of stopping the supplies. Conscious of the tre
mendous evils to which such a measure would lead, he had con
fined himself to that menace ; and public indignation had made him
anxious to clear himself from the suspicion of sincerity; but he was
in the power of one who determined not to spare him. 'The right
honorable gentleman,' said Mr. Pitt, ' tells you that he means not
to stop the supplies again to-night, but that he shall only postpone
them occasionally : he has stopped them once, because the king did
not listen to the voice of his commons : he now ceases to stop
them, though the same cause ceases not to exist. Now what is all
this but a mere bravado, calculated to alarm the country, yet in
effectual to the object? I grant, indeed, that if the money destined
to pay the public creditors is voted, one great pari of the mischief

A-D- i784.] GEORGE III. 571
is avoided : but let not this house think it a small thing to stop, the
money for public services.' After alluding to the evil of such pro
digious sums flowing into the public coffers, and remaining there
without circulation, and also to the impropriety of parliament trust
ing those persons with public money in whom it placed no con
fidence, he asked, — 'What, sir, is there iii my character so flagi
tious ? Am I, the chief minister of the treasury, so suspected of
alienating the public money to my own, or any other sinister pur
pose, that I am not to be trusted with the ordinary issues ?' (A cry
of No, no, from the opposition benches.) ' Well then,' he ex
claimed, seizing on this admission ; ' if they renounce the imputation,
let them also renounce the argument.' •
With regard to the very important subject of the royal preroga
tive, he thus expressed himself, in clear and constitutional terms : —
'I will not shrink from avowing myself a friend to the king's just
prerogative. Prerogative, sir, has been justly called a part of the
rights of the people : grant only, that this house has a negative in the
appointment of ministers, and you transfer to it the executive : if
the constitutional independence of the crown be thus reduced to
the verge of annihilation, where is the boasted equipoise of the
constitution ? where is the balance among the three branches of the
legislature, which our ancestors measured out to each with so much
precision ? ' After stating, that it was neither contempt of the house,
nor lust Of power, nor a personal point of honor, that made him
cling to office ; but that the situation of the country called loudly
on him to defend his position as it were a castle, he concluded
with these emphatic words ; — 'I am determined, therefore; and I
will defend it.'
But no appeal to reason or feeling could yet break down the
obstinacy of the house : the motion, as amended by Mr. Eden, passed
by a majority of twenty; and Fox, pursuing his triumph, moved
and carried an address, to be solemnly presented to the king on
his throne by the whole house, praying him to dismiss his ministers.
The report of the ordnance estimates was then brought up ; which
being agreed to without any debate, the house adjourned between
five and six in the morning.
The committee at the St. Albans tavern continued to hold meet
ings, and to pass votes ; but Mr. Pitt still refused to resign, and
the duke of Portland refused to treat with him in his ministerial
capacity ; which gave occasion to an old member of the house to
say, that this diplomacy of his grace reminded him of the fox in
the fable, entreating the raven, who was seated on the branch of
a tree, to come down, and settle their terms of alliance on the
ground. On the ninth of February, the associates determined to
meet only once a week during the sitting of parliament : but what
passed in the house on the eleventh of this month revived their
hopes ; and at a meeting on the thirteenth, they renewed their re-

572 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVII.
presentations both to Pitt and Fox, on the advantage of ' a union
consistent with principle and honor ; ' adding their thanks to lord
North, for his public and voluntary declaration of a desire to pro
mote it.
In consequence of this proceeding, and that no backwardness
on the subject might be imputed to himself, the minister made a
proposal to the king, that his majesty himself should recommend
an interview between the duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt, for the
purpose of forming a united ministry : it was received by the king
with surprise and agitation : but he replied next morning, by an
admirable letter; in which, after expressing his mortification at
contemplating the possibility of again seeing the heads of opposi
tion in employment, especially Mr. Fox, whose conduct had been
directed not more against his station than his person, he thus ex
pressed his sentiments : —
' My present situation is perhaps the most singular that ever oc
curred, either in the annals of this or any other country ; for the
house of lords, by a majority not less than near two to one, have
declared in my favor; and my subjects at large, in a much more
considerable proportion, are not less decided : to combat which,
opposition have only a majority of twenty, or at most of thirty, in
the house of commons, who, I am sorry to add, seem as yet willing
to prevent the public supplies. Though I certainly have never
much valued popularity, yet I do not think it is to be despised,
when arising from a rectitude of conduct, and when it is to be re
tained by following the same respectable path, which conviction
makes me esteem that of duty ; as calculated to prevent one branch
of the legislature from annihilating the other two, and seizing also
the executive power, to which it has no claim.
' I confess I have not yet seen the smallest appearance of sin
cerity in the leaders of opposition, to come into the only mode by
which I could tolerate them in my service; — their giving up the
idea of having the administration in their hands ; and coming in as a
respectable part of one on a broad basis : and therefore I, with a
jealous eye, look on any words dropped by them, either in parlia
ment, or to the gentlemen of the St. Albans tavern, as meant only
to gain those gentlemen; or, if carrying farther views, to draw
Mr. Pitt by a negociation into some difficulty.'
After authorising the interview, his majesty proposed to send
lord Sidney to the duke of Portland with a message drawn out on
paper ; at the same time adding, ' should his grace refuse to meet
Mr. Pitt, more especially on the strange plea which he has hitherto
held out, I shall not deem it right ever to address myself to him
again.' The king's message was delivered the same day to the duke,
signifying 'his majesty's earnest desire that his grace should have
a personal conference with Mr. Pitt, for the purpose of forming a

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE HI. 375
new administration, on a wide basis, as well as on fair and equal
terms.' Opposition affected to consider this message as a virtual
resignation of ministers, or as an abandonment of them by the
sovereign : but another difficulty was started by the duke of Port
land, who haughtily demanded, what was meant by the word 'equal'
in the message? he did not object to the word 'fair,' which was a
general term ; but ' equal' was more specific and limited. Mr. Pitt's
answer naturally was, that the meaning of the word might be de
termined in a personal conference ; but the other persisted in de
manding a previous explanation; and as the minister was not a man
to be brow-beaten into preliminary submission, the treaty was
broken off in limine ; and the St. Albans meeting passed a final re
solution, which was unnoticed by either party ; ' that as the inter
view was prevented by a doubt respecting a single word, it would
be no dishonorable step in either of the gentlemen to give way for
the public welfare.'
On the twenty-fifth of February, the house presented its address
to the king, which had been voted on the twentieth ; but his ma
jesty still exhibited the admirable firmness which he had hitherto
displayed. He answered, by stating that he had heard no valid
charge against the ministers of his appointment ; that all proposals
for a coalition had been rendered abortive, though seconded by
himself; and he could not discover that any public interest was
likely to be promoted by the dismissal of his cabinet. ' Under these
circumstances,' concluded his majesty, 'I trust my faithful commons
will not wish that the essential offices of executive government
should be vacated, until I see a prospect, that such apian of union
as I have called for, and they have pointed out, may bo carried into
effect.' The efforts of opposition grew more violent as they became more
hopeless : when the house met on the twenty-seventh to hear the
king's answer, a motion was made for an adjournment, which would
necessarily postpone the navy estimates : Mr. Pitt resisted this ha
zardous measure ; and so clearly stated the evils which might arise
from leaving the fleet to chance, that it was carried only by the
small majority of seven : this so alarmed the party, that they made
no attempt afterwards to obstruct the supplies. Fox evidently
suspected from the first, that he should not be supported by the
independent members in that measure ; which will account for his
wavering and inconsistent conduct regarding it : he* now saw that
his suspicions had been well founded.
On the day after this debate, the/freedom of thecity, already voted
to Mr. Pitt, was presented to him in great state, at the house of
lord Chatham in Berkley-square, from whence the committee con
ducted him, in the midst of general acclamations, to a grand dinner
at the Grocers' hall. On his arrival, and taking the oath, Mr. Wilkes,
then chamberlain of the city, addressed him in a speech of great

374 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVH.
length ; and after lavishing very appropriate praise on the youthful
minister, thus alluded to the parliamentary contest going on :— -' I
know, sir, how high you stand in the confidence of the public :
much is to be done ; but you have youth, capacity, and firmness :
it is the characteristic of a true patriot, never to despair. Your
noble father, sir, annihilated party ; and I hope you will, in the end,
bear down and conquer the hydra of faction, which now rears its
hundred heads against you. I remember his saying, that, for the
good of the people, he dared to look the proudest connexions of
this country in the face : I trust that the same spirit animates his son;
and as he has the same support of the crown and of the people, I
am firmly persuaded that the same success will follow.'
Mr. Fox, however, did not even yet resign the contest, though
he did not think proper to run the hazard of stopping the supplies:
he now proposed and carried another address to the king, in less
general terms, directly asserting the right of the house of commons
to advise his majesty on the exercise of his prerogative ; and, by
virtue of that right, specifically requesting him to dismiss his mi
nisters. In the debate which followed, Mr. Pitt ably vindicated
himself from having manifested any undue predilection in favor of
the monarchical part of the government, and any wish to destroy
or encroach on the privileges of parliament. The address was
presented on the fourth of March. When the king's answer was
read, repeating the same sentiments which he had constantly ex
pressed on the subject, Mr. Fox attempted, by motions for adjourn
ment, to impede the public business ; and considering it essential
to his interests that the members of the house should not be sent
back to their constituents in the present change of public sentiment,
he endeavored to prevent a dissolution of parliament by a short
mutiny bill, to be passed from month to month. Against the dan
gerous consequences of this measure Mr. Pitt argued in vain : he
was defeated on a motion for adjournment, which involved it, by
171 to 162 : so small a majority, however, caused this measure,
like that of stopping the supplies, to be abandoned. Nor could
the contest be any longer protracted, against the undaunted firm
ness of the king, the unrivalled talent of the minister, and the in
creasing admiration of the people : Mr. Fox, however, determined
to leave on the journals of the house a record of his long and sin
gular resistance to the regal prerogative as well as the national will,
and to lodge with his majesty this summary of the principles he had
maintained, and the objects he had pursued. The rumor having
gone abroad that very important proceedings were to take place on
the eighth of March, the gallery was crowded at a very early hour ;
but nq full and satisfactory report of them has been preserved,
owing to the arbitrary conduct of Sir James Lowther, called by
Junius 'the petty tyrant of the north,' who moved a standing order
Of the house, that no strangers should be received, unless intro-

AD- l'S4.] GEORGE III. 375
duced by members (1). Mr. Fox spoke with his usual ability, and
more than usual violence. After accusing his antagonist of insolent
and unconstitutional conduct; declaring that a union of parties was
now impossible; and lamenting the disgrace and ruin brought on
the country by the issue of this struggle ;— he moved, as his last
measure, 'a humble representation to his majesty,' expressing at
great length the surprise and affliction of the house at receiving
the answer to its address, which his ministers had advised him to
return. This document, however it may be admired as a compo
sition, contains so many contradictory principles, and is so easy of
refutation, as to be cited in evidence against its author's capacity for
the ministerial office. It was accepted, after a long debate, by a
majority of one vote, which was acknowledged as a defeat.
Mr. Pitt sent an account of the night's proceedings to the king,
and received the following prompt reply : — ' Mr. Pitt's letter is,
undoubtedly, the most satisfactory I have received for many months.
An avowal, on the outset, that the proposition held forth is not in
tended to go farther lengths than a kind of manifesto, and then
carrying it by a majority of only one ; and the day concluded with
an avowal that all negociation is at an end ; — give me every reason
to hope, that, by a firm and proper conduct, this faction will, by
degrees, be deserted by many, and at length be forgotten. I shall
ever with pleasure consider, that by the prudence as well as recti
tude of one person in the house of commons, this great change has
been effected ; and that he will ever be able to reflect with satisfac
tion, that in having supported me, he has saved the constitution,
the most perfect of human formation.'
On the following day the house went into a committee on the
mutiny bill, which was carried for its usual duration of one year ;
and Pitt's triumph was complete. ' The house,' observed Mr.
Powys, ' was conquered ; for though a vote of the commons could
once bestow a crown, it could not now procure the dismission of a
minister.' In the instance, however, to which he alluded, he forgot
that the people were joined with the house : in the present case,
they were with Mr. Pitt; who prevailed against the coalition by
their aid, as Mr. Fox had prevailed against the ministry of lord
North ; and thus, in the course of two years, we have two instances
of the indirect, but unfailing power, which the people at large
possess over the house of commons. The nation had not looked
on this memorable struggle with indifference from the beginning :
its feelings had gradually become stronger and warmer in favor of
the undaunted monarch; and its enthusiasm now burst forth to swell
his triumph. Almost every city and considerable corporation in
the kingdom, not under the influence of the adverse party, presented
(1) He had arrived late wllh a Irlend whom he his right, and the whole gallery was left In posses-
wl„bed to introduce ; and finding no seat vacant, sion of his Irlend; while Ihe reporters partook of
made this Ill-natured molion. Many members re- the fate or those that were excluded.
monstralcd ; but In vain : he Insisted on exercising

370 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVII.
addresses to the throne, thanking his majesty for dismissing his late
administration, and declaring their resolution to support him in
defence of the lawful rights of his crown : the minister also receiv
ed numerous addresses, containing the most decided approbation
of his conduct, and urging him to persevere in maintaining the
true principles of the constitution. Mr. Pitt's victory was indeed
complete : he had fought for a noble prize— the highest rank among
European statesmen ; and he had won it against the great leader of
opposition in full prowess, backed by a crowd of daring and devoted
adherents, historical names, comprehending as large a portion of
rank, and opulence, and intelligence,.as this country ever exhibited.
He had won it, not more by his uncommon talents, and his steady
intrepidity, than by his unshaken integrity and his disinterested patrio
tism ; qualities which so strongly recommended him both to the
king and to the people. At all times these high qualities were ac
knowledged and commended in Mr. Pitt, both by his adherents and his
antagonists ; and whatever may have been said of his haughtiness
and habitual austerity of manners, his most desperate opponents, in
the bitterest moments of defeat, extolled those virtues which often
rendered their own efforts impotent and fruitless.
The time was now at hand for that appeal to the nation on which
the minister had determined from the first ; though he would no
more be driven to it by the acts, than deterred from it by the
menaces of his opponents. The house continued to meet every day,
and the usual motions relative to the supplies were suffered to pass
without any impediment ; nor was any farther remark made on the
mutiny bill in its remaining stages. Mr. Fox and his party hoped,
that by acquiescing in the measures of government, they might induce
Mr. Pitt not to dissolve parliament; or that the country might
consider a dissolution, after all opposition was withdrawn, a need
less and improper exercise of the prerogative (1) : but Mr. Pitt was
not to be diverted from his purpose : he was aware, that if the
present parliament continued, his adversaries, though now passive,
might come forward with renewed vigor on some future occasion ;
and the present disposition of the public mind was too much in his
favor to neglect such an opportunity of strengthening his cause.
On the twelfth of March, Mr. Pitt voted in a minority on a motion
of alderman Sawbridge, to inquire into the present state of the
representation ; after which, nothing important occurred in the house
till the twenty-second, when the secretary at war moved the order
of the day for a committee on the army estimates : Sir Grey Cooper
then mentioned the general report of a dissolution, which he said
would be daring and unwarrantable under present circumstances ;
for though the army had been voted, it could not be legally paid
until an appropriation act should have passed. On the following
HI Tomllno, vol. I. p. wi.

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE ill. 577
day, when the report of the committee of supply was to be brought
up, Mr. Pitt was eagerly questioned on the subject by lord North,
general Conway, an others ; but having made up his own mind,
he remained contemptuously silent : no answer could be obtained ;
and the report was allowed to be brought up. On the twenty-
fourth, the king went down to the house of lords ; and, after giving
the royal assent to several bills, delivered a decisive speech from
the throne, in which he observed, that he felt it a duty which he
owed to the constitution and the country, to recur as speedily as
possible to his people, by calling a new parliament : he trusted that
this measure would tend to obviate the mischiefs arising from the
late unhappy divisions and distractions, and allow various important
objects requiring deliberation, to proceed with less interruption
and happier effect.
Next day the dissolution took place, and the new parliament was
summoned to meet on the eighteenth of May. In the general elec
tion, Mr. Pitt was put into nomination for London, and importuned
to stand for many other places, among which was the city of Bath,
which his father had represented : but having immediately, in the
first instance, offered himself for the university of Cambridge, he
and his friend lord Euston prevailed there, against Mr. John
Townshend and Mr. Mansfield, both of whom had opposed him
in the late parliamentary struggle, and were supported by all the
interest and exertions of the opposition. In most counties, where
the electors were independent, a pledge to support Mr. Pitt was
sufficient to ensure success against a candidate of different princi
ples ; and the result was, that 160 of the old members of oppo
sition lost their seats, and were designated by the appropriate term
of ' Fox's martyrs.' Thus ended the great crisis of Mr. Pitt's po
litical life : his star was now in the ascendant, while that of his rival
set in gloom : with him a new era commenced in the annals of the
constitution ; for by the steady courage and perseverance of Wil
liam Pitt, the power of that aristocratic confederacy, whose bonds
had been already loosened, was completely overthrown: the con
vulsive struggles of parliament altered in a great degree its cha
racter : the king had ceased to be in a state of pupilage, and the
people had acquired importance : accordingly, the whigs, who in
their best days had been strenuous supporters of the royal au
thority, now found their advantage in conciliating the people by
advocating the most liberal principles. They had been an oligar
chy of leading families, maintained and assisted by the influence
of the crown, placed at their disposal : they now became a party
in opposition, composed still of leading families, but mainly sup
ported by the genius and eloquence of distinguished orators, who
began to appeal boldly to the abstract rights of nature, and to can
vass with great freedom those conventional laws which regulate
society.

378 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVHL
The prospect which lay before Mr. Pitt would have been appal
ling to a man of less talent, nerve, and integrity. He had to pro
vide a government for our Indian empire ; to restore trade ; to
make arrangements for paying the public debt ; to regulate and
augment the revenue ; and to repair many other national interests
nearly ruined by the American war : he had to contend in parlia
ment against a powerful phalanx, with which the influence of the
heir apparent to the throne was united ; and it was necessary for
him, considering the ground on which he stood, to pay assiduous
court both to the king and to the people. During the first period
of his administration, from his grand victory over Fox to the French
revolution, he had this arduous part to play, and he played it well :
after that event, the imprudence of opposition, who were enrap
tured with the proceedings of revolutionary France, gave him an
accession of strength, which fixed him still more firmly in his seat.
' His whole history,' says a popular writer, with equal force and
truth, ' substantiates in the clearest manner two principles of the
highest importance to British statesmen of every period ; that the
nation eminently honors political manliness ; and that no rank or
ability, destitute of moral worth, can possess a permanent ascen
dency in the general mind.'

CHAPTEB XXVIII.
GEORGE III. (continued.)— 1784.

Meeting of a new parliament— Conduct of the high bailiff of Westminster canvassed— Acts to
prevent smuggling— Budget of 1 784— Bill for the regulation of the East India company in
troduced by Mr. Pitt^Carried— Bill passed for the restoration of forfeited estates in Scot
land—Great popularity of Mr. Pitt — Domestic events — Attempt of the emperor Joseph to
open the navigation of the Scheldt— Opening of parliament — The minister left in a minority
—Mr. Pitt introduces a new measure of parliamentary reform— Is defeated— Financial
improvements adopted by the minister— Budget of 1783— Affairs of Ireland— Resolutions
for adjusting the commercial intercourse between the two kingdoms passed in both houses
— but not sanctioned by the Irish legislature — Mortification of Mr. Pitt on this occasion
— Popular meetings in Ireland, and prosecutions by government— Affairs on the conti
nent. When parliament assembled on the eighteenth of May, and a
motion was made for the appointment of a speaker, Mr. Fox took
occasion to complain that the representation of the people was
incomplete, owing to the want of two persons to serve for West
minster. Mr. Fox himself had a majority on the poll over Sir Cecil
Wray; but the high bailiff, by an unwarrantable partiality, refused
to make a return in his favor ; for which an action was afterwards

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE HI. 379
brought in the court of king's bench, and a verdict with large
damages obtained. After the division that took place on the address,
in which the ministers had a large majority, this subject was again
introduced by Mr. Lee, late attorney-general, who moved are-
solution, that the ' high bailiff of Westminster, on the day when
the writ of election expired, ought to have returned two members
to serve in parliament for that city.' A violent debate ensued;
and the previous question having been moved by Sir Lloyd Kenyon,
it was ordered that the returning officer should attend the house
on the following day. The sole pretext on which he rested his
defence, was, that having reason to suspect the validity of many
votes, taken during a poll which lasted six weeks, he had granted
a scrutiny ; before the termination of which, he could not in con
science make a return: but to this an answer presented itself; that
the scrutiny is nothing more than a revision of the poll by the re
turning officer ; and if such revision cannot be completed before the
period at which the writ is returnable, he is bound by his office
and oath to make the return agreeably to the poll, as actually taken :
otherwise, elections would be thrown into the hands of the re
turning officer, who might prevent, for an indefinite term, the ad
mission into parliament of any person obnoxious to the administra
tion. After pleadings at the bar by counsel, the motion was renewed,
' that the high bailiff be directed to make the return forthwith ;'
but this was resisted by the minister and his supporters, with whom,
on this occasion, the principle of party spirit, and perhaps of re
venge, prevailed over a sense of justice; and on a division, it was
negatived by 195 to 117: a motion was then made and carried, for
the high bailiff to proceed in the scrutiny with all practicable de
spatch. On the sixteenth of June, Mr. alderman Sawbridge moved
for the appointment of a committee, ' to inquire into the present
state of the representation of the commons in parliament;' but as
this motion seemed both calculated and designed to embarrass the
new minister, rather than to promote the object proposed, Mr.
Pitt truly stated that the time was improper ; at the same time ob
serving, that the measure had his approbation, and that he would
himself bring it before the house early next session : accordingly,
the previous question was carried by a majority of seventy-four.
Two subjects, at this period, demanded his immediate attention ;
the revenue of the country, and the state of the East India company.
In the case of the former, it appeared that there was a deficiency
of 2,000,000/. a year, which was principally owing to a failure in
the estimated produce of taxes imposed by lord North during the
American war : there also existed an enormous unfunded debt, which
was to be funded, and the interest to be provided for ; so that the
deficiency could scarcely be reckoned at less than 3,000,000/., with
out any allowance for a sinking fund : in addition to this, the three
per cents, were rather lower than fifty-seven, although peace had

380 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Cuap. XXVIII.
been firmly established for more than a year. Under such melan
choly circumstances, it was a matter of urgent necessity to improve
the income of the country, and to raise public credit, not only by
imposing new taxes, but by rendering those that existed more pro
ductive. Mr. Pitt was convinced that nothing would tend more to promote
the latter of these objects, than the suppression of smuggling,
which was carried on to an almost incredible extent ; it being calcu
lated that 40,000 persons were engaged in it, who set all law and au
thority at defiance. In the prosecution, therefore, of this plan, he
thought it expedient, first to introduce a bill to prevent smuggling
in general; and next to propose regulations applicable to those
articles which formed its principal support.
By the provisions of his general bill, the right o f seizing certain
vessels with their cargoes, under peculiar circumstances, was
greatly extended ; the building of such vessels was prohibited ;
armed ships were obliged to procure licenses ; the rules respecting
clearance were enlarged ; and the act of shooting at his majesty's
ships and officers, or at persons assisting them in the execution of
their duty, was made a capital felony. The principle of this bill
was approved by both houses, and it passed without a division.
In aid of it, Mr. Pitt brought forward two others ; the one directed
against the contraband trade in tea, and the other against that in
spirits. Tea was considered the staple commodity of the smug
gling trade ; more than 7,000,000 pounds of that article being thus
introduced into the country every year, while about 5,500,000 only
were sold by the East India company ; so that tea-companies were
formed on the continent, for the purpose of supplying our smug
glers ; and the very servants of our own company remitted to Eu
rope their acquired wealth, by means of tea sent in foreign vessels,
consigned to foreign companies, and afterwards smuggled into
England. To remove the strong temptation that existed to purchase smug
gled tea, it was necessary to enable the fair trader to compete
with the smuggler; and this could only be done by reducing the
duties, so as to leave them no more than equal to the expense of
smuggling. Mr. Pitt's plan, therefore, was to repeal all the pre
sent duties on tea, and subject the different sorts to a duty of
twelve and a half per cent;, according to their respective prices :
this reduced duty was calculated to produce about 170,000/. per
annum ; which would occasion a loss to the revenue of between
500,000/. and 600,000/. : to compensate therefore for such a de
falcation, he proposed to increase the tax on windows ; and so to
arrange it, that by this commutation, every individual, who now
bought tea legally imported, would be a gainer (1), as well as the
(1) For Instance, the master of o bouse with be supposed to consume annually seven pounds
nine windows, which would pay 10s. Oil., might of tea : the difference of tho old and new dulles

AD. 178!.] GEORGE III. 581
public revenue. All houses, which did not pay to church and poor,
were to be wholly exempted ; so that the lower classes would re
ceive an undivided benefit. The new tax on windows, and the
duty intended to be retained on tea, would together produce
900,000/. ; so that to the revenue would accrue an annual profit of
near 200,000/., without considering the increase that might be ex
pected in the consumption of tea : hence great benefit would arise
to the East India company, which would be enabled to employ ad
ditional ships and seamen, while the whole profit of the trade
would be confined to this country and the fair dealers. A vigo
rous but unavailing opposition was made to this bill by Mr. Fox ;
but it passed the lower house by a large majority, and the upper
with only one short debate.
The same observation which was made respecting the high du
ties on tea, was applicable to those on spirits ; with regard to which,
great frauds were committed on the distilleries at home : Mr. Pitt
therefore brought forward a bill, by which the duties payable on
British spirits were regulated and enforced, while those on foreign
spirits were considerably reduced : as this was considered an ex
periment, under the expectation that increased consumption would
fully compensate for the reduction of duty, no substitute was pro
posed ; but the act was to continue in force only two years. These
bills were received with general approbation by the country, and
fully answered the purpose for which they were intended ; offend
ing only those who were interested in the continuance of an illicit
traffic. On the thirtieth of June, Mr. Pitt brought forward what is called
the budget, which included the subject of taxation; — an irksome
duty : but he had the comfort of reflecting, that the necessities
which demanded it were not of his creation. The topics discussed
in his speech, were the services of the present year ; the ways and
means for defraying the expenses of those services ; the loan ; the
funding a part of the unfunded debt; and new taxes.
For the current services of the year, besides the ordinary sources
of income, a loan of 6,000,000/. was found requisite ; and this,
which had been made a source of patronage and gain to the friends
of ministers, was now laid open to public competition : the biddings
were sent in, sealed up ; and, being opened in the presence of the
governor and deputy-governor of the Bank, Mr. Pitt accepted those
which were the lowest, without reserving to himself the disposal
of a single shilling. The navy and victualling bills, with the ord
nance debentures, which formed a considerable part of the un
funded debt, amounted at this time to near 14,000,000/. : Mr. Pitt
was desirous of funding the whole of this sum ; but, at the sugges
tion of the monied men, he gave way, and funded only 6,600,000/.;
on Ibis would be It is. HM. ; consequently such person would save list. M. by the commutation.

3S2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVIII.
lest, if the larger quantity of stack should come at once into the
market, it might depress prices, and cause the bargains, both for
the loan and for the unfunded debt, to be made on worse terms.
As he wisely thought that in every financial operation redemption
at a future time ought to be kept in view, he determined in this
instance to try the experiment of a five per cent, fund : he wished
also to make the loan in the same : but the money-lenders had a
great aversion to a high fund ; as they were persuaded, frotn the
circumstance of its being more easily redeemed, that it would never
bear a price proportionate to the lower funds : according to exist
ing prices of stock, a five per cent, fund ought to have been at
ninety-five ; but, in his calculation, Mr. Pitt took it only at ninety-
three : thus the public paid about 2s. per cent interest more than
would have been paid on a three per cent, fund, for the probabi
lity of making the redemption hereafter on better terms. As a
farther inducement to the holders of bills and debentures to sub
scribe to this new fund, he made it irredeemable, and the interest
irreducible for thirty years, or till 25,000,000/. of the existing funds
should be extinguished. There still remained in the market
7,000,000/. in bills and debentures, which bore an interest at four
per cent., amounting to 280,000/., while that of the new fund re
quired an interest of rather more than 315,000/.: this, added to
the interest of the new loan, created a charge to the country of
910,000/. per annum ; and Mr. Pitt undertook to find taxes, exhaust
ed as the country was, which should produce that sum. Those
proposed were on hats, ribands, gauzes, coals, horses, linens and
calicoes, candles, licenses to dealers in exciseable articles, bricks
and tiles, paper, certificates to kill game, and hackney coaches.
' It would be idle,' he said, 'to suppose that all the taxes in this
long catalogue were unexceptionable ; but the necessities of the pub
lic did not leave it in his option to deal otherwise than openly and
fairly: the wants of government were many; the finances of the
country had been much reduced; and it was proper to look our
real situation manfully in the face : ' under that impression, he pro
duced the list, to which he invited the deliberation and assistance
of the committee: he had disguised nothing from the public which
affected their real interest; and however great the risk he ran of
incurring popular odium, he had not shrunk from a painful act
of duty.
The readiness and perspicuity with which the chancellor of the
exchequer went through this mass of financial detail and dry cal
culation, his extensive and minute information on every point which
he discussed, the manly spirit with which he met the difficulties of
the country, and the exertions he made to improve the revenue
and public credit, gained for him the applause even of his most
determined political opponents : with regard to his management of
the unfunded debt, Mr. Fox declared that ' too much praise could

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE IH. 585
not be given him.' The only tax which met with decided disappro
bation was that on coals, as oppressive to the poor and injurious
to our manufactures ; on which account Mr. Pitt was induced to
abandon it : he also relinquished his intention of including hops in
the exciseable articles, for which a license was to be required :
in the room of these, he substituted taxes on gold and silver plate,
lead exported, race-horses, licenses to sell ale, and postage of
letters : he also introduced regulations regarding the privilege of
franking, calculated to increase the revenue of the post-office.
Mr. Pitt had now reached the summit of popularity, and the public
anxiously expected his plan for the government of India : having
by two preliminary bills extricated the company from its difficul
ties, and restored its sinking credit, he introduced, on the sixth of
July, a bill founded on the general principles of that rejected by
the former parliament, and to which the company had now given
their slow and reluctant consent. The bill may be considered un
der three separate heads : — a new establishment at home, with
powers extending over the general concerns of the company;
regulations to be applied in India; and the erection of a court
in England, for the trial of offences committed in the East. Un
der the first head, a board of control was to be formed of a cer
tain number of commissioners ; six to be of the rank of privy coun
sellors, comprising the chancellor of the exchequer and one
secretary of state ; and four others holding offices of such emolu
ment under government as precluded the necessity of a salary: the
members of this board, to be appointed by the king, and removable
at his pleasure, were authorised to check, superintend, and control
the civil and military government as well as the revenue of the
company: the despatches transmitted by the court of directors to
the different presidencies, were to be subjected to their inspec
tion, and also countersigned by them : the directors were enjoined
to pay due obedience to the orders of this board, respecting civil
and military government and revenues; but in case such orders
should at any time, in the opinion of the directors, relate to mat
ters not connected with these points, they were allowed to appeal
to his majesty in council, whose decision was declared final. With
regard to the regulations applicable to India, Mr. Pitt proposed,
that the government in each of the three stations should consist of
a president and three counsellors ; that the president of Bengal
should be governor-general of India, the commander in chief
being one of the council, and next in rank to the governor-general ;
also, that the commanders in chief at Madras and Bombay should
take similar rank at each of those stations. The supreme govern
ment of Bengal was to have an effectual control over the other pre
sidencies : the appointment of governors, commanders in chief, and
other members of council was to be vested in the directors ; but
either the king or the court of directors might recall the governor-

384 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVIH.
general, or any other person employed by the company. All pro
motions, civil and military, below the degree of counsellor, were
lo be made according to seniority, and in a regular progressive
succession, unless for some urgent case, to be transmitted to the
directors : each government was empowered to apprehend persons
suspected of carrying on illicit correspondence, and bring them to
trial in India, or send them to England. To prevent the projects
of unruly ambition, the supreme government was not permitted to
enter into any offensive treaty, or to make war, without the ex
press command of the directors, against any power which had not
commenced, or given evident proof of its intention to commence
hostilities. Various other provisions were inserted, especially some
relating to the settlement of disputes with the nabob of Arcot, and
redressing complaints of injustice and oppression exercised against
the zemindars, who had been dispossessed of their lands, or sub
jected to exorbitant demands. The ages at which writers and
cadets should be appointed were regulated ; also the number pro
per to be sent out : the acceptance of presents was prohibited ; and
all servants of the company, returning to England after the first of
January, 1787, were required to deliver on oath, within two
months after their arrival, two copies of an inventory of all their
property, specifying what part was not acquired in India. With
regard to the last head, a high tribunal was created for the trial of
Indian delinquents, consisting of three judges, one from each court;
of four peers, and six members of the house of commons, who
were authorised to act without appeal ; to award, in case of con
viction, the punishment of fine and imprisonment ; and to declare
the party convicted incapable of serving the company again. No
person, holding any office under the crown during pleasure, or
who had ever been in the Indian service, could be a member of
the court. Such were the grand and leading features of this cele
brated bill. Fox exerted all his powers of discrimination to point
out defects: he observed, ' that it established a weak and ineffi
cient government, by dividing its powers : to the one board be
longed the privilege of ordering and contriving measures ; to the
other that of carrying them into execution. Theories which did not
connect men with measures, were not theories for this world : the
new tribunal he stigmatised as a screen for delinquents ; as an un
constitutional violation of the sacred right of trial by jury. Since
no man was to be tried but on the accusation of the company or
the attorney-general, he had only to conciliate government in order
to remain in perfect security : it was a part of the general system
of deception and delusion ; and he would venture to pronounce it
a ' bed of justice,' where justice would for ever sleep.' With
regard to the East India charier, Mr. Fox insisted that it was vio
lated by this bill as much as by his own ; whereas, on this impor
tant point, the difference was most striking : the one bill in fact left

A.D. 1784.] GEORGE IH. 583
commerce in the hands of the company, while the other took it
away: Mr. Fox's bill abolished the court of directors, and vested
the whole patronage of India in the commissioners ; while Mr. Pitt's
was only a partial deviation from their charter, making such
changes as their own and the public interests demanded : Mr. Fox's
bill erected an imperium in imperio, the commissioners of his board
being independent on his majesty's ministers, and possessing^
dangerous influence in matters of war and policy ; but Mr. Pitt's
merely gave to the crown the same sway over its Indian, as it ex
ercised over its other dependencies ; ensuring a regular and sys
tematic control over all the political affairs of that vast territory.
Many other objections were started; and, as might have been
expected in so extensive and important a measure, several amend
ments made. The chief debate on the principle of the bill took place
on the day fixed for going into a committee, when the motion for
the speaker's leaving the chair was vehemently opposed, but carried
by a majority of 271 to 60. On communicating to the king the result
of this debate, the minister received a very sensible and satisfactory
letter from his sovereign, expressing his hopes that this measure
might lay a foundation for correcting, by degrees, those enormities in
India, which disgraced human nature, and threatened the expulsion
of the company from that wealthy region. ' I have the more con
fidence,' said his majesty, 'from knowing Mr. Pitt's good sense,
which will make him not expect that the present experiment shall at
once prove perfect ; but, by an attentive eye, and inclination to do
what is right, he will be willing, as occasions arise, to make such
improvements, as may gradually bring this arduous work to some
degree of perfection (1).'
The bill was carried triumphantly to the house of lords ; where,
after an opposition vigorous in point of exertion, but insignificant
in regard to numbers, it passed on the ninth of August, accompanied
by a protest from lord Carlisle and other peers ; which branded it,
as ineffectual in its provisions, unjust in its inquisitorial spirit, and
unconstitutional in its partial abolition of the trial by jury.
Beside these bills, which were brought forward by Mr. Pitt him
self, there was a variety of other business in the present session,
in which he took an active part; and the ability and knowledge dis
played by him completely silenced those who before were conti
nually objecting to his youth and inexperience : no one now ven
tured to reproach him with undertaking a task to which he was
unequal ; while all allowed that no statesman ever had a greater
weight to sustain.
Before the session closed, Mr. Dundas brought before the house
a very popular measure, in a motion to restore many estates in
Scotland to the heirs of those who had forfeited them in the re-
(i| Tomline, vol. I. p. 5'<i.

586 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVHI.
bellions of 1715 and 1745 ; as there was scarcely an attainted fa
mily, in which some person had not fully atoned for the crimes of
his ancestors ; and the highlanders in general were now as loyal as
any class of his majesty's subjects. As it was not meant to- free
these estates from the claims existing against them at the time of
forfeiture, which would be establishing a premium for rebellion,
the mover proposed that such sums, amounting to about 80,000/.,
should be appropriated to public purposes ; and 50,000/. was des
tined to be employed in the completion of the grand canal joining
the frith of Forth to that of Clyde. This liberal measure was eu
logised by Fox, and received generally in a manner which did honor
to the feelings of the house ; but when sent to the lords, it met with
a decided opposition from lord chancellor Thuriow, who descanted
with much satisfaction on that maxim of ancient wisdom, which
punished treason by the total extirpation of the fortune, name and
family of the traitor : however, on a division, this nobleman was
left in a minority; the bill passed with the entire approbation of the
public ; and the session closed on the twentieth of August.
The power of the new minister was now fully established : he
had baffled the utmost exertions of his opponents ; he enjoyed the
favor of his sovereign ; and had acquired a very considerable share
of popularity. Determined not to descend from this high station,
he employed the remainder of the year in preparing and maturing
the plans which he intended to submit to parliament in the en
suing session; and enjoyed the satisfaction of learning that his mea
sures for the improvement of the revenue were successful beyond
his expectation.
This year was marked by some memorable events unconnected
with political affairs. On the twenty-fourth of March, the great
seal of England was stolen from the house of lord chancellor Thur
iow ; and on the twenty-fourth of May, a grand jubilee, in com
memoration of Handel, was celebrated in Westminster-abbey, under
the especial patronage of his majesty : upwards of 600 performers
were engaged, and the performances were repeated in June fol
lowing : the total receipts amounted to 12,736/. 12s. 10d., and the
profits were divided among various charitable institutions. On the
fifteenth of July, Sunday schools were first opened at Glocester by
the benevolent Mr. B. Baikes ; and on the fifteenth of September,
Mr. Lunardi made his first ascent in a balloon, from the Artillery-
ground in London. Literature this year lost one of its brightest
ornaments in Dr. Samuel Johnson, who died in his seventy-sixth
year, after a tedious and painful illness, which he bore with a for
titude and resignation worthy of his other virtues. Among the
promotions that took place, Sir James Lowther was made earl of
Lonsdale, and lord Shelburne advanced to the marquisate of
Lansdowne : nor did Mr. Pitt neglect to strengthen his interest in
the upper house by many other creations.

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE III. 387
The most remarkable occurrence on the continent was the attempt
of the emperor Joseph to open the navigation of the Scheldt : this
project, however, was counteracted by the resolute conduct of the
States General, who entered into a treaty for that purpose with
Prussia, Sweden, and France. Though the finances of this latter
country began to feel severely the expenses of the late war, and
Louis had quietly allowed the emperor to carry several points against
French interests, yet this ambitious project demanded vigorous
measures : accordingly, an army of 80,000 men was prepared to
co-operate with the allies, if necessary.
It was under expectations of a continental war that the British par
liament met on the twenty-fifth of January, 1785, though the king's
speech expressed no apprehension of being involved in it. His ma
jesty alluded to the success attending the financial measures of the
last session, as an encouragement for parliament to renew the con
sideration of such salutary objects ; and he particularly recommended
to its attention the adjustment of some points in the commercial
intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland. The addresses in
both houses were carried without a division*
The first business brought before the commons was the West
minster scrutiny, which occupied a large portion of time, and occa
sioned some very acrimonious debates : it proved a very unplea
sant and distressing business to Mr. Pitt, who, it is said (1), was in
duced to engage in it from a persuasion, that within a reasonable
time a decided majority of legal votes would be substantiated in
favor of Sir Cecil Wray : but the slow progress, the immense trou
ble and expense, the outcry raised against the unrepresented state
of Westminster, the charge of persecution imputed to government,
and some other causes, created a change of sentiment in many of
Mr. Pitt's friends ; so that when alderman Sawbridge, on the third of
March, moved to put an end to the scrutiny, the minister, who
proposed an adjournment, was left in a minority of thirty-eight ; the
motion was carried without a division ; and next day the high bailiff
returned lord Hood and Mr. Fox as elected. Nevertheless, the
house, while it condemned the measure as inexpedient, still main
tained its legality ; for when Mr. Francis, on the ninth of March,
made a motion for expunging the resolution of the eighth of June
preceding, by which the scrutiny was authorised, he was left in a
minority of 137 against 242.
Public attention, however, was soon transferred from these petty
proceedings to subjects of great national importance, calculated to
draw forth all the abilities of a statesman. Inheriting from his father
a tendency to support popular rights, Mr. Pitt had been selected by
the friends of reform, as the fittest person to bring forward a mo
tion for purifying the house of commons ; and although he had twice
|h Tomllne, vol. II. p. 25.

388 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVHI.
failed in his attempts, he still determined to persevere. The plan
which he now prepared for this purpose appeared plausible and in
genious, cautiously modified and circumscribed, providing a more
than adequate compensation for vested interests, and offering no
thing to alarm those who connected the reformation of abuses with
the destruction of ancient institutions.
Knowing the aversion felt by his royal master to disturb this part
of our constitution, Mr. Pitt laid the heads of his plan before the
king, whose answer to this communication was dictated by that ho
nesty and sincerity, which so strongly marked his character. ' Mr.
Pitt,' he says, ' must recollect, that though I have ever thought it
unfortunate that he had early engaged himself in this measure, yet
I have always said, that as he was clear of its propriety, he Ought
to lay his thoughts before the house ; that out of personal regard to
him, I would avoid giving an opinion to any one, on the opening of
the door to parliamentary reform, except to him : therefore I am
certain Mr. Pitt cannot suspect me of influencing any person on this
occasion. If others choose, for base ends, to impute such a con
duct to me, I must bear it, as former false suggestions.'
The leading feature of this bill was, that the choice of legislators
ought to be confined to those who have an interest in their acts, and
therefore attached as much as possible to property. That principle
being established, and it being also determined not to increase the
number of members in the house of commons, it was necessary to
disfranchise certain decayed boroughs, in order to form a fairer
proportion between county and borough representatives ; and to give
the elective franchise to some considerable towns, which either had
no votes at all, or fewer representatives than their importance de
manded. It was proposed therefore that thirty-six boroughs, each
sending two members to parliament, should be deprived of that
privilege; and in their room, the different counties, and the me
tropolis, should elect seventy-two additional members ; also that
copyholders should vote for county members as well as free
holders. Besides, as in the lapse of time and fluctuation of human
affairs, other boroughs might become decayed, provision was made
for transferring their members to populous and florishing towns :
and to prevent any doubt on this subject, a definite number of houses
was to be the criterion of a decayed borough. Disavowing how
ever any idea of compulsion, Mr. Pitt proposed that no borough
should be disfranchised against its will ; nor was a voluntary sur
render of its rights to be expected without an adequate considera
tion : a fund therefore was to be established for the purpose of
remunerating the proprietors of boroughs that were disfranchised ;
and if any one refused to surrender this species of property, the
money was to be placed out at compound interest, until it became
an irresistible bait to himself or his successor.
Such was the outline of Mr, Pitt's bill, which contained nothing

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE HI. 389
that could alarm the most timid patriot; for while it tended to in
troduce more wisdom and integrity into the national council, its
operation would only be exerted from time to time, as cases arose :
a clear and permanent rule for perpetual improvement in the re
presentation of the country was laid down, equally applicable to
the present and to future periods ; and so far from giving sanction
to any vague and chimerical schemes of reform, that it had a manifest
tendency to prevent them.
The most important animadversion in the debate to which this
motion gave rise, was made by Mr. Fox against what was deno
minated property, or private inheritance, acquired by a violation of
the spirit of the constitution : justly distinguishing between a pro
perty and a trust, he strongly objected to the idea of purchasing
the franchises of boroughs, which from their insignificance were no
longer entitled to send members to parliament: 'whatever,' he said,
' was given for constitutional purposes, should be resumed when
those purposes were no longer answered.' With this, and some
other less important exceptions, he bestowed on Mr. Pitt's plan a
very just and liberal tribute of praise.
But it was not by Mr. Fox and his party that the minister had
the mortification, if it was any mortification, to have his plan de
feated. Mr. Powys, as the organ of those who had an interest in
perpetuating the abuses which Mr. Pitt designed to correct, repro
bated and ridiculed his scheme, as ' the mere knight-errantry of a
political Quixote :' he considered it a precedent and an excitement
to the wildest and most paradoxical nostrums that speculative
theorists could devise : they got by it what Archimedes wished
for ;— a foundation for their inventions; a fulcrum, from which they
could throw the parliament and constitution of England into the air.
He could not contemplate the scheme with any degree of patience :
he should not, therefore, treat it wilh the ceremony of calling for
the order of the day ; but, as its purposes were so hostile to the
constitution, so menacing and unqualified, he would meet the ques
tion in front by giving it a direct and unequivocal contradiction.
After a long debate, in which self-interest and prejudice had much
more weight than sound argument, the bill was rejected by a ma
jority of 248 to 174 voices.
Whether Mr. Pitt was sincere in his wishes to carry this measure,
it is difficult to determine : whatever may be thought of his respect
for vested rights in the traffic of a momentous trust, his selection
of the voluntary principle seems to denote considerable lukewarm-
ness in the cause of reform. Nothing, however, can be inferred
against his sincerity from his want of success; for, as the king ob
served in the letter above alluded to, 'the conduct of his friends
on the Westminster scrutiny showed that there are questions, which
men will not by friendship be biassed to adopt.' Neither can ^e
draw any conclusion from his subsequent opposition to parlift-

390 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVIII.
mentary reform ; for amidst the new bearings and relations which
political questions assumed, the object could scarcely be considered
as attainable : besides, there can be no doubt, but that the machine,
as then constituted, worked far better for a minister in Mr. Pitt's
situation, than if it had been cleared of those excrescences which
time and circumstances had produced.
The manner, however, in which the minister conducted his finan
cial measures during this session, deserves unqualified approbation.
After the great exhaustion occasioned by the American contest, no
department required more constant inspection and revision than
that of the revenue : it was from this source, above all others, that
England was to assume that vigor at home and influence abroad,
which might enable her to resist, and finally subdue, that spirit of
evil, which had even now begun to work.
In consequence of the very able reports presented from time to
time by the commissioners appointed under an act of parliament,
Mr. Pitt brought in three several bills for the better keeping and
auditing of the public accounts, as well as for regulating and reform
ing the public offices ; all which passed both houses with much ap
plause and scarcely any opposition. The balances of the navy and
ordnance offices were thereby ordered, like those of the paymaster
of the forces by a former regulation, to be paid into the Bank, instead
of being retained in the hands of the treasurers : it was shown that in
some cases these balances had been thus retained for a period of
forty years after the treasurers themselves were out of office ; and at
the present time there were four distinct accounts of as many trea
surers of the navy open at the pay-office. The ancient mode of pro
ceeding by the auditors of the imprest was abolished, as wholly
useless; though the salary of these two officers in some years
amounted to the sum of 32,000/., while their duty was done by de
puties and clerks ; the whole system being open to fraud and collu
sion, and affording no check or control over the expenditure of the
public money. Commissioners were also appointed to inquire into
the fees, gratuities, perquisites, and emoluments in various depart
ments ; and the whole now assumed the appearance of a regular and
rational system.
Mr. Pitt at this time mentioned to the house, that from an in-'
quiry which had been instituted into the accounts of different per
sons, from whom the enormous sum of 40,000,000/. sterling was
due to the public, 257,000/. was ready to be paid into the exche
quer, which might be applied to the service of the present year ;
also that farther sums would be recovered as the examination of
accounts proceeded. The first regular discussion which took place
respecting the general state of the finances, was on the eleventh of
April ; when Mr. Pitt moved for an account of the net produce of
thp taxes in the quarters ending January 5th and April 5th, 1784
artd 1785 ; and he took that opportunity of informing the house,

A.D. 1783.] GEORGE HI. 591
that the bills passed last session for the prevention of smuggling,
and the regulations adopted for the collection and management of
the different branches of revenue, together with the extension of
trade and commerce, had already produced so great an increase
in the produce of the taxes, as to justify a reasonable expectation
that the income of the country would, in the next year, be not only
equal to the expenditure, but afford a surplus which might be ap
plied to the gradual liquidation of the national debt.
On the ninth of May Mr. Pitt opened the budget, and observed,
that the effects of the late calamitous war were felt in the expenses
of the current year, from the necessity of fulfilling contracts enter
ed into before the signature of the preliminary treaty. The sup
plies which had been voted amounted to 9,737,868/., and tbe ways
and means fell short of that sum by about 1,000,000/.; which,
therefore, was to be provided for. The low state of the funds (1),
and the probability of a rise before next session, inclined him not
to borrow the money and create stock in the ordinary way, but to
obtain it from the Bank, on exchequer bills at five per cent.; by
which means, not only would the rate of interest be rather less ;
but the Bank would lend the money as it might be wanted, and
charge interest only on the sums from the time they were advanced.
The navy and ordnance debts amounted to more than 10,000,000/.;
and as the quantity of navy bills and ordnance debentures in cir
culation was the chief cause which depressed the funds, he deter
mined to fund the whole of them : for this purpose he chose a
five per cent stock, for the sake of its more easy redemption ; and
he mentioned, that in funding 10,000,000/., on the terms stipulat
ed with the bill-holders, stock would be created to the amount of
11,140,000/.; the interest of this with the expenses of management,
would be about 563,000/. : but as interest of four per cent, on
6,000,000/., amounting to 240,000/. had been provided in the last
session, there remained, on this account, only 323,000/. to be now
raised : to this sum must be added 50,000/. as interest on the
1,000,000/. to be borrowed of the Bank ; and 40,000/. on account of
the repeal of the duty on cotton stuffs, which had taken place this
session, being found injurious to our manufacturers: the whole sum,
therefore, to be raised was 413,000/.; for which purpose he pro
posed an additional tax on post horses, and one on male servants,
increasing according to the number kept; also taxes on female ser
vants, shops, pawnbrokers, and gloves ;• with a diminution in the
allowance made on salt carried coastwise.
Strenuous opposition was made in the house to many of these
taxes, especially those on shops and female servants, which were
very unpopular : the bills, however, enacting them, were carried,
after several divisions ; but the modifications introduced by the
(l| Three per cenl. consols were at 58.

5<*2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVIII.
chancellor of the exchequer, in order to obviate some of the prin
cipal objections, were likely to render them less productive than
he originally expected : to supply this deficiency, taxes on attorneys,
and on warrants of arrest, were proposed; also the^game duty was
increased, and coachmakers were obliged to take out a license.
Mr. Pitt estimated the produce of these imposts at rather more than
413,000/.; and he observed that their collection would be attended
with very little expense, there being no necessity for the appoint
ment of a single new officer.
Thus did Mr. Pitt restore the dilapidated finances of his country,
and lay the foundation of that extraordinary prosperity, which
raised it to the highest rank among nations : nor did his acute and
active mind suffer the present session to pass over, without en
deavoring to allay the discontents of the sister kingdom, the state
of which had long occupied his anxious attention. The duke of
Butland had been appointed lord-lieutenant in February, 1784 ;
and from the time of his arrival in Dublin, no important step was
taken without Mr. Pitt's advice and direction : but although that
formidable spirit of turbulence and innovation, which threatened the
most serious consequences, was checked for the present, it was
manifest, that nothing but a complete change in the commercial re-
lations^of the two countries could afford effectual relief, and render
Ireland permanently tranquil. During the prorogation of parliament
therefore in that year, he spent a very considerable time in de
liberation with the most intelligent persons, respecting a new plan
of commercial intercourse ; notice of his intention being given to
the large trading or manufacturing towns of both kingdoms, and a
committee of privy counsellors appointed to receive their informa
tion or suggestions.
The result of these conferences was brought before the Irish house
of commons by the lord-lieutenant's secretary, Mr. Orde, on the
seventh of February, 1785 ; and four days afterwards, eleven
propositions were passed, as the foundation of a just and equitable
intercourse : on the sixteenth they met with the concurrence of the
Irish house of lords ; and being transmitted, with a joint address,
to the king, were presented by Mr. Pitt to the British parliament,
on the twenty-second of the same month : when they had been read,
the minister called the attention of the house to the very impor
tant topic which they embraced, in a very luminous and able speech.
After observing that from the revolution to a period within the
memory of his hearers, the system established between the two
countries had been, to make Ireland entirely subservient to the in
terests and opulence of England, without suffering her to profit
either by the bounties of nature, or the skill of her own inhabi
tants, and without enabling her to contribute to the common wel
fare and strength of the empire ;— he declared, that it was not to
be expected, but that Ireland, when by the more enlarged policy

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE IU. 505
of the present age, she had acquired an independent legislature,
would instantly export her produce and manufactures to foreign
markets : she did so : nor was this all: England, without any bar
gain or compact, generously admitted her to a share of her colo
nial trade. This was done some years ago ; but to this moment,
the intercourse between England and Ireland themselves remained
on the old footing, except in a few trivial points : no material al
teration had been made in the exportation of British manufactures
to Ireland, or in the importation of Irish manufactures into Great
Britain : hence it was, that great dissatisfaction existed in Ireland,
and suggestions were circulated for subjecting our produce and ma
nufactures to what were termed • protecting duties,' for the pur
pose of preventing their introduction into the country.
Having thus far abandoned the old system of commercial domi
nation ; having wisely and justly put the Irish people into a state
of profiting by the gifts of nature, and the productions of their own
skill ; no one, said Mr. Pitt, could wish or expect the immediate
communication between the two kingdoms, regarding trade, to con
tinue exactly as it was : there were, indeed, but two possible sys
tems for countries situated, in relation to each other, like England
and Ireland : the one was to make the smaller completely subor
dinate and subservient to the greater ; the other was to allow to
each a just participation of advantages for the benefit of both.
A system, however, of commercial equality, in which there was to
be a community of benefits, demanded also a community of bur
dens : in all former commercial concessions to Ireland, no stipu
lation had been made for any return : there had been gratuitous
surrenders of advantages, without looking to the slightest compen
sation. In this respect, Mr. Pitt's system differed from those of
his predecessors, being founded on a sounder policy of reciprocal
benefits : this system therefore he proceeded to explain, as con
tained in the resolutions transmitted from Ireland, and which con
sisted of three general heads : — first, it was proposed, that all
foreign articles directly imported into Great Britain, should here
after be importable, under suitable provisions, through the medium
of Ireland ; secondly, that all articles, the produce or manufacture
of either country, should be importable into the other, under a
proper regulation of countervailing duties, drawbacks, and boun
ties ; thirdly, that Ireland, in return for these benefits, should con
tribute to the expense of maintaining the colonies, and protecting
the commerce of the empire ; and that her contribution should be
of such a nature, as to keep pace with the gain derived from the
new system ; the surplus of the hereditary revenue, above its pre
sent produce, being appropriated towards the support of the naval
force of the empire.
Having thus exhibited an outline of his plan, Mr. Pitt moved a
preliminary resolution, 'for finally adjusting the commercial in-

594 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVHI.
tercourse between the two kingdoms ; admitting Ireland to an irre
vocable participation in the commercial advantages of England ;
and securing, in return, a permanent aid from that country, in pro
tecting the commercial interests of the empire.' The consideration
of this important motion was however deferred for a week, in
order to give time for the reception of accounts and estimates : it
was intimated also that farther delay would be acceded to, if there
should appear sufficient reason for its proposal.
In the mean time, great apprehensions and jealousies were ex
cited in the commercial circles of Great Britain ; especially as active
endeavors were made by the opponents of administration to con
vince the public that the mercantile and manufacturing interests of
this kingdom were intended to be sacrificed to those of Ireland.
The alarm became general, every one fancying that his own par
ticular branch of trade would be ruined ; numerous, petitions were
presented to the house ; and two months were occupied in hearing
evidence on the subject, in examining the most minute details, and
collecting the fullest information.
Mr. Pitt, after the most impartial attention to all the facts and
arguments that were adduced, felt convinced that he might safely
persevere in his design, without danger to the commerce or re
venue of Great Britain ; though the inquiries and discussions which
had taken place enabled him to render his plan more complete,
and better suited to the accomplishment of its object. Wil
lingly availing himself therefore of this advantage, he submitted to
the house, on the twelfth of May, the whole system matured and
improved, in twenty resolutions ; some of which were only expla
natory of, or supplemental to, the original clauses ; but others re
lated to subjects altogether new. These latter provided, that all
the navigation laws then in force, or which might hereafter be es
tablished in Great Britain, should be enacted by the Irish legislature ;
that no West Indian produce, except that of our own colonies,
should be imported into Ireland; and that Ireland should not be
allowed to trade to the East Indies, so long as the company's
charter continued : there were also regulations respecting patents,
copyright in books, and the right of fishing on the coasts of the
British dominions.
Mr. Pitt explained fully the nature and tendency of the whole se
ries of resolutions ; displaying very enlarged and comprehensive
views of the general principles of trade and commerce, and inge
niously applying them to the circumstances of the two countries.
A very long debate ensued, in which lord North moved for an
immediate adjournment, which was lost by a majority of 281 to
155, and the first resolution was passed : when the second was
proposed, Mr. Pelham moved an adjournment, which was rejected
by 249 against 125; and the resolution, as moved by Mr. Pitt, was
carried at six o'clock in the morning ; after which the house ad-

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE HI. 595
journed. In this and other debates that followed on the remaining
resolutions, numerous objections were urged by the members of
opposition, among whom Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan took leading
parts, in accordance at once with the prejudices of English manu
facturers, and the feelings of Irish patriots : the former affected to
regard the measure as fatal to British interests ; the latter indignantly
rejected for Ireland a boon coupled with a condition for the sur
render of her legislative independence : but in correct views of po
litical economy the advantage throughout this discussion was greatly
on the side of the minister ; in favor of whose views Mr. Jenkinson
particularly distinguished himself, incidentally advancing several of
those liberal principles of trade, which have since been more fully
developed and acted on by practical statesmen. Finally, after an
obstinate contest, the resolutions all passed the house of commons,
and on the thirtieth of May were carried up to the lords. Here
they again afforded a subject for long and laborious investigation ;
in the course of which, lords Stormont and Loughborough stre
nuously exerted themselves on the side of opposition. Various
amendments, not very important in their nature, were offered and
received by the house ; and the resolutions were returned to the
commons on the 19th of July. After fresh and vehement debates,
the amendments were accepted ; and on the 29th an address was
presented to the king by both houses, acquainting his majesty with
the steps taken in this affair ; adding, ' that it remained for the par
liament of Ireland to judge of the conditions according to their
wisdom and discretion, as well as of all other parts of the settle
ment proposed to be established by mutual consent.' On the second
of August Mr. Pitt introduced a bill, founded on the above resolu
tions, which was ordered to be printed : the house then adjourned
to the twenty-seventh of October ; by which time it was hoped
that the Irish parliament would have come to a conclusion on this
important subject.
All, however, who entertained such hopes were destined to be
disappointed : so strong a prejudice had been excited in Ireland, by
party spirit and the arts of designing men, against the additions and
alterations introduced into Mr. Pitt's plan, that a powerful oppo
sition was arrayed against it even before the meeting of parliament.
The provision respecting the navigation laws was considered as an
infringement on the legislative independence of Ireland ; and the
appropriation of the surplus of hereditary revenue, with the prohi
bition of trade to the East Indies, was reprobated as reducing the
country to little less than a state of slavery. Unfortunately, the
Irish at this time were taught to view every thing which originated
in England with jealousy and mistrust, as concealing hostile inten
tions under the guise of friendship : besides, there always existed
in Ireland a large body of men, who, from various causes, but
chiefly from hostility to the protestant ascendency, were anxious

596 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ciiap. XXVIII.
to produce a separation of the two kingdoms ; and who never failed
to encourage and foment any discontent which might arise with
respect to the conduct of Great Britain (1).
On the twelfth of August, Mr. Orde introduced a bill into the
Irish house of commons, similar to that which Mr. Pitt had carried
through the British parliament : but the eloquence of the two great
rival orators, Grattan and Flood, was arrayed against it, and the
influence of the country gentlemen brought to bear on what they
were led to consider an oppressive measure. In a speech of great
vigor and brilliancy, Grattan observed, that this was called a system
of concession and compensation : ' but,' said he, ' the people of Ire
land obtained, without compensation, a colonial trade, a free trade,
the government of their army, the extinction of the unconstitutional
powers of the council, the restoration of the judicature of their
lords, and finally the independence of their legislature. Let them
now see what they obtain by compensation : a covenant not to trade
beyond the Cape of Good Hope, and the straits of Magellan ; a
covenant not to take foreign plantation produce, nor American
produce, but as Great Britain shall permit; a covenant never to
protect their own manufactures, never to guard the primum of those
manufactures. Surely some god presided over the welfare of Ireland,
who made it wisdom to fulfil their duty, and who annexed the pe
nalties of folly as well as infamy to the surrender of their privileges.'
The feelings of the Irish legislators corresponded with those of
the people ; and scarcely could the great and acknowledged talents
of Mr. Fitzgibbon (2) procure attention to his vindication of this
important measure. He concluded an able speech on the subject,
by remarking, ' that whatever might have been intimated concerning
the possibility of Ireland standing alone, he was convinced, that,
situated as she was in the neighborhood of powerful popish coun
tries, with a majority of her people of the popish religion, she could
not exist one hour as a protestant state, if the protection of Eng
land were withdrawn.' After a vehement debate, the house divided
at nine in the morning, on the motion of Mr. Orde; ayes 127, noes
108. Such a division, in the first stage of the business, was equi
valent to a defeat ; and a few days afterwards, when the secretary
moved the first reading and printing of the bill, he declared that he
did not intend to proceed any farther with it in the present session.
The failure of this plan was a severe mortification to Mr. Pitt,
who had labored unremittingly for nearly twelve months, to make
il as perfect as its complicated nature would allow. Ireland, by
her acceptance of it, might have averted many of those evils which
she subsequently endured; for being in itself, as Mr. Grattan called
it, 'an incipient and creeping union,' il would have prepared the
way less violently for the completion of that great measure, sparing
HI Tomllnc, vol. Ii, p. 91. (2) Afterwards lord Clare.

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE HI.

597

at least the corruption which characterised its preliminary stages :
but the pride of Irish independence took alarm ; and the British
minister prudently yielded to the present clamor, looking forward
with great confidence to a change of sentiment at no very distant
period. During the progress of this unsuccessful attempt at establishing
a commercial intercourse, the volunteers had been exerting all their
influence to excite in the nation a spirit of hostility towards Great
Britain : a reform in parliament was their professed object ; and
for this purpose they had recourse to a most unconstitutional and
dangerous expedient. On the seventh of June, 1784, they called a
general meeting of the citizens of Dublin, at which a variety of re
solutions were passed ; among others, that the people had an un
alienable right to correct any abuses which had crept into the re
presentative system ; and that the present house of commons was
notoriously venal and corrupt : it was also agreed to circulate an
address, exciting the great body of the people to a zealous co
operation in the work of reform, and recommending that the Bo
man catholics should be admitted to the elective franchise : farther,
they agreed to send a petition to his majesty, praying for a disso
lution of the present parliament; and, in accordance with these
views, they proposed, ' that five persons should be elected from
each county, city, and large town, to nieet at Dublin on the twenty-
fifth of October, in national congress.' ^Having applied to the duke
of Butland to convey their petition to the king, his excellency in
formed them, that although he should think it his duty to forward
it as desired, he should feel obliged to accompany it with strong
expressions of his disapprobation, as containing unjust and inde
corous reflections on the laws and parliament of Ireland, and tend
ing to foment fatal dissensions among the people. A petition of
the same character, sent by the inhabitants of Belfast to Mr. Pitt,
met with a similar rebuke. In the mean time, the sheriffs of the
city of Dublin had by public advertisement summoned a meeting
of the citizens for the twentieth of September, to elect five de
legates to the general congress ; but being apprised by the attorney-
general of the illegality of such conduct, they dissolved the as
sembly without proceeding to an election; and their successors
having declined to summon another for the same purpose, it took
place on the eleventh of October without their authority. This
meeting passed some very strong resolutions declaratory of their
right to assemble for the redress of grievances, and announcing their
determination to protect by every effort those of their countrymen
who might become victims of ministerial persecution, for support
ing by constitutional means the privileges of the nation : on the
other hand, a meeting of the lord mayor, sheriffs, and freemen
was held on the sixteenth, which voted an address to the lord-lieute
nant, expressing extreme grief for the violence which had long

398 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVIII.
reigned among the people, and gratitude for the exertions that had
been used to suppress those disorders by which the kingdom was
disgraced. Bequesting his excellency's good offices to procure
for them a more equal representation in parliament, as well as the
advantages of an equitable and permanent commercial intercourse,
they professed unshaken attachment to the principles of the consti
tution; and engaged to protect, by every constitutional method,
the protestant establishment against any attacks by which it might
be assailed. A few months afterwards they voted an equally loyal
address to the king, which was signed by 21 peers and 1121 com
moners. In the mean time, the attorney-general entered a prosecution by
attachment against Mr. Beilly, high sheriff of the county of Dublin,
who had called and presided at a meeting of freeholders for the
election of delegates ; and the court of king's bench subjected him to
a fine of five marks, with a week's imprisonment : other magistrates
guilty of the same offence were similarly punished ; as also were the
printers and publishers of newspapers, in which the illegal resolu
tions were inserted. The congress met on the twenty-fifth of Oc
tober ; but very few delegates being present, they sat only three
days; and then, after passing some resolutions, adjourned to the
thirtieth of January, 1785 ; on which day about two hundred attended
the meeting: these, after sitting till the fourth of February, adjourned
to the twentieth of April, on which day they declared their meetmg
to be final. Having passed several resolutions respecting a more
equal representation in parliament, and another application to the
house of commons, they published a brief address to the Irish
people, as their last act ; and with this meeting expired the influence
of the volunteers. The difference of opinion which had arisen
among them, relative to the important point of admitting Boman
catholics to the right of suffrage, created a disunion ; and when, in
an address to their general, the earl of Charlemont, they intimated
that it was expedient to invite that body of religionists to assist them
in the attainment of their grand object, a reformation of the house
of commons ; — that nobleman declared his aversion to connect the
cause of reform with that of the papists. On the twelfth of May, a
bill introduced by Mr. Flood for a parliamentary reform was reject
ed, on the second reading, by 112 votes to 60 ; and thus ended the
attempts in Ireland to effect it for the present ; though there remained
a discontented and turbulent spirit in the country, which soon broke
out into disorders of a more dangerous character.
Some occurrences took place this year on the continent, which led
to important results. The emperor Joseph, who often busied
himself with projects inconsistent with each other, and which he
rarely put into execution, had last year formed a plan to exchange
the sovereignty of the Low Countries for the electorate of Bavaria;
— a most desirable acquisition for the aggrandisement of Austria.

A.D. 1785.] GEORGE HI. 399
This scheme being made known to the duke of Deux Ponts, who
was presumptive heir to the Bavarian dominions, he disclosed it to
the king of Prussia, and claimed his interposition as guarantee of
the treaty of Teschen. Frederic, now on the very verge of the
grave, again saw his system endangered, but he did not again un
sheathe the sword : by his wise and prudent counsels, he formed,
in union with his successor, a strong confederation to preserve
the German constitution, of which Prussia was the centre. Con
quering his long-cherished prejudices, the old warrior made ad
vances to England ; and the elector of Hanover joined the league,
to which Saxony had already acceded, as well as Brunswick ; and
which was afterwards augmented by Mentz, Hesse Cassel, Mecklen
burg, Anhalt, and other states. Joseph, greatly incensed by this
opposition, made vigorous preparations for war, but prudently
determined to proceed no farther in the meditated exchange ; and
the threatened storm insensibly died away.
While the emperor's attention was thus drawn towards Ger
many, the Dutch were intent on warding off the blow which he
meditated against them : their chief reliance was on the court of
Versailles, which, at the instigation of the count de Vergennes,
had sent the marshal de Maillebois to take the command of their
forces : negociations were carried on,i,during the summer, for an
accommodation under the mediation of France ; and preliminary ar
ticles of peace were signed at Paris, in September, after the depu
ties of the States-General had humbly apologised for the insult
which had been offered to the emperor's flag, when he attempted
to force the navigation of the Scheldt. A definite treaty was con
cluded in November ; by the articles of which, his sovereignty over
that river, from Antwerp to the limits of Saftingen in Dutch Flan
ders, was recognised ; but from that point to the sea, it was to
remain with the States ; and thus the free navigation to Antwerp
was frustrated : the emperor also renounced his claims on Maes-
tricht, on payment of a large sum of money by Holland.
A treaty of alliance between the Dutch republic and the king of
France followed this peace : its stipulations were calculated to draw
as close as possible the bonds of amity and mutual defence ; while
in commercial affairs each was to be treated by the other as the
most favored nation. The French having now gained a strong in
fluence in the Dutch counsels, that party, which had always oppos
ed the high authority vested in the stadtholder, was urged to pursue
with vigor their schemes to abolish his office, or at least to abridge
its prerogatives; and the bodies of volunteers, to which late dissen
sions and dangers had given rise, stirred up a democratic spirit,
which arraigned the authority both of the aristocracy and of the
stadtholder. A riot which occurred at the Hague, in consequence
of some volunteers appearing with their badges in that town, which
was zealously devoted to the house of Orange, gave a pretext to

400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Chap. XXVHI.
the acting committee of the States for depriving the prince of his
government of the Hague, and of his body-guard; in consequence
of which affront, he retired to his own city of Breda, and sent his
family to West Friesland : the king of Prussia remonstrated with
the States on this treatment of his nephew ; but was so little regard
ed, that they issued an order, transferring the military honors
usually paid to the stadtholder to their own president and pen
sionary : they also absolved the troops from the obligation of their
oath to the prince, and enjoined a new one to be taken in the
name of the States alone. Such was the prospect of affairs in this
part of the continent at the close of the year. The British parlia
ment, which had been adjourned to the twenty-seventh of October,
did not re-assemble, but was prorogued by royal proclamation.

APPENDIX

Page 88.
DBCLAHATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA, JULY 4, 1776;
When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and
to assume among the powers of the'earth the separate and equal station to
which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect
to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which
impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident :— that all men are created equal;
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure
these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just
powers from the consent of the governed; and whenever any form of go
vernment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to
alter and abolish it, and to institute a new government ; laying its founda
tion on such principles, and organising its powers in sucff form, as to them
shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed
will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for
light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that
mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right
themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed : but'when
a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object,
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right,
it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards
for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these co
lonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their
former systems of government.
The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated
injuries and usurpations; all having in direct object the establishment of an
absolute tyranny over these states : to prove this, let facts be submitted to a
candid world.
He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for
the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing
26

402 APPENDIX.
importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be
obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to
them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts
of people, unless those people would relinquish the rights of representation
in the legislature; — a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants
only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable,
and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose
of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representatives' houses repeatedly, for opposing with
manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time after such dissolution to cause others to be
created, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have re
turned to the people at large for their exercise ; the state remaining, in the
mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without and convul
sions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that pur
pose obstructing the laws for the naturalisation of foreigners, refusing to pass
others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new
appropriations of lands.
He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to
laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their
offices and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of offi
cers, to harass our people and eat out their subsistence.
He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies, without the con
sent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the
civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our
constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his consent to their
pretended acts of legislation :
For quartering large bodies of troops among us :
For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders
which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states :
For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world :
For imposing taxes on us without our consent :
For depriving us in many cases of£lhe benefit of trial by jury :
For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences :
For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province ¦
establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries •

APPENDIX. 405
so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the
same absolute rule into these colonies :
For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and al
tering fundamentally the forms of our governments :
For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested
with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his protection,
and waging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and de
stroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to com
plete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with cir
cumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous
ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilised nation.
He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to
bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends
and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrection amongst us, and has endeavored to
bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose
known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes,
and conditions.
In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the
most humble terms : our repeated petitions have been answered only by
repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act
which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren : we have
warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an
unwarrantable jurisdiction over us : we have reminded them of the circum
stances of our emigration and settlement here : we have appealed to their
native justice and magnanimity : and we have conjured them by the ties of
our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably
interrupt our connexions and correspondence. They too have been deaf to
the voice of justice and consanguinity : we must therefore acquiesce in the
necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the
rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.
We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in
general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world
for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority
of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these
united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ;.
and thai they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that
all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and,
ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent states, they

404 APPENDIX.
have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish
commerce, and do all other acts and things, which independent states may
of right do : and for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on
the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.
Signed, by order, and in behalf of the congress,
JOHN HANCOCK, President.

END OF VOL. lt.

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