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DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

THE

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILU8,

BISHOP OF OjESAREA, IS PALESTINE.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK,
BY
THE REV. C. F. CRUSE, A.M.
ASSISTANT PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA.
WITH NOTES
SELECTED FROM THE EDITION OF VALES1DS.

LONDON : GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN^
1889.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STRKRX AMD CHARING CttOSS.

NOTICE.
The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, which suc
ceeds immediately to the Acts of the Apostles, and is
for a considerable period the only work of the kind,
possesses a value to subsequent ages which belongs to
no other uninspired document. As it furnishes the
means of comparing modern with primitive times, and
of viewing them in contrast with each other, its ex
tensive circulation will, it is believed, tend to increase
useful knowledge, promote soundness and unity of
faith, advance the cause of the church, and maintain
peace and quietness among all Christian people. In
the confident opinion, that a general acquaintance with
primitive Christianity will effect much for its cause,
the present volume has been published in a popular
form. THE PUBLISHER.

PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR.

When the proposition was started to issue a new transla«
tion of the present work, the question no doubt frequently
arose, Cui bono ? Have we not ecclesiastical histories enough,
and do not these give us all the information that we can rea- <
sonably expect, presented too in a form and style which is not :
likely to be surpassed by any age ? Many may here have
thought of the judicious and learned Mosheim, or of the popu
lar Milner, some perhaps of the voluminous Schroeckh, and,
Fleury,1 whose researches into primitive ages have condensed!
the labours of their predecessors. Some, indeed, who, in dis- 3
tinct and separate works, have confined their histories to the
first three centuries of the church, as Mosheim in his Com-]
mentary de Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum, Walchii j
Historia Ecclesiastica Novi Testamenti, and others of less
note, might seem to preclude the necessity of any additional]
lids, or of recurring to the fountains whence they drew.^
But whatever be the superiority of modern ecclesiastical j
nistory, however justly it may represent the times recorded, it
cannot give us the spirit of these times without the authors
from which it is derived. It cannot, therefore, supersede the
necessity of examining the same ground in the express state- j
ment of an original or primitive writer. .)
It will not, therefore, be pronounced an indifference to the
literature of our own time, when we hold up to view a produc
tion of ages long passed away. Every period has its distinc
tive features, its disadvantages as well as defects; ours may, J
without arrogance, claim the character of more systematic1
1 Schrceckh has written an Ecclesiastical History in forty-two octavo
and Fleury in thirty-seven quarto volumes; the former in German the
atter in French. '

PREFACE. V
precision in every department of learning. It has been re
served for this age, under Providence, by whose operations
^.he human mind has attained an unprecedented expansion, to
reduce the accumulated materials of the past to their correla
tive positions, to compress them into space that brings them
more within our grasp, and by rejecting the superfluous, and
digesting the essential, to enable us to traverse the vast ground
of human attainment with pleasure and profit.
The author, however, whose history is here presented to
the English reader, in order to be duly estimated, must not be
measured by a standard like this. To be appreciated, he must
be measured by his own times. Neither are we to expect of
him the condensed proportions, the judicious selections, and
the comprehensive distribution of materials, that mark the
productions of the scientific historian ; nor was it the intention
of our author. If we may be allowed to judge from the work
itself, his object appears more like furnishing the materials.
which the future historian should handle with a more mas
terly hand or a more enlarged view. The work, therefore,
abounds with extracts from the writers that flourished in the
early ages of the church, in which our author presents either
a striking event, expressions of sentiments, or doctrine, to illus
trate the religious aspect of times and places, and by the
express testimony of another, perhaps often obviates the odium
which would devolve upon his own narrative. Hence the
history contains rather accounts of particular churches, than
a history of the church generally, and is more like detached
incidents scattered in memoirs of the individuals that succes
sively rise and pass away before us.
Our author, as the first that professedly entered the ground,
has been justly called the father of ecclesiastical history,
Priority gives him a just claim to the title. If his perform
ance be examined by all the tests applicable to the scientific
historians, this praise would indeed be awarded to a promi
nent name of modern date. But Eusebius is the first, and the
only historian of the church bordering on primitive times.
No just parallel therefore can be drawn between the Eccle
siastical History here translated, and the scientific labours
of the present day. The business of the modern historian
is to survey with comprehensive eye, to digest, to reduce
to proper dimensions, and with a skilful hand to mould,

'H PREFACE.
his materials into the form of pleasing yet faithful narra
tion ; that of the primitive historian was rather to transcribe
what was most important from the existing documents of th$s
day. *
Our author has the praise even from the hypercritical Sca-
liger, of being a man who had made extensive use of the his^
torical sources of his day. Si eruditissimus vocandus, says he.-
qui multa legit, sane nemo illi hanc laudem invidere potest.
This writer does not, indeed, allow him all the qualifications
of an historian, to use his own words, judicium cum multa
tectione, but the selections he has left to posterity are never
theless invaluable. He was at least faithful to his purpose,
by culling, as he himself expresses it, (iog av en XoyiKiov Xetpin-
vwv,) the appropriate extracts from ancient writers.
In making this selection, we have only to regret that he.
did not give us more of the distinguished writers of those ages,
and thus have supplied, in some measure, the loss of their
works. In the testimony preserved, however, we have a body
of evidence, both to the existing events of the day, and to the
truth of those Scriptures which, without the formality of a
regular system of proof, carries its conviction to the mind.
Whether this testimony appeared in a plain or polished style,
whether simple or embellished, the great object of our author
is the evidence it furnishes, and which therefore he gives
us, as one who, by the advantages of his situation, whilst
Christianity was yet in the freshness of its morning sun,
could arrest and seize some of its fleeting images, ere they were
erased from the memory of man.
And in order to let these images appear, Eusebius, with his
testimony, must be suffered to speak for himself. His history j
independently of its practical utility and its literary stored
is unquestionably the most interesting and most important
work that appeared in the first ages of the church. A work]
adapted to all ages and classes, by providing materials of re-;
flection to the man of letters, supplying the sincere Christiab
with examples of unreserved devotion and sacrifice to duty, and
furnishing to all original views of primitive times.
In undertaking the present work, the translator was in
fluenced by a firm persuasion of its utility, and the necessity
of a new version. A more general circulation of primitiv|
works, whether by copious extracts, or by entire translations!

appears to be one of the best means at least, of giving a pri
mitive tone to modern Christianity. And though we might
not conceive ourselves bound to acknowledge every thing as
biblical, merely because it was primitive, yet were it possible
that we could ascertain the real state of Christianity in every
respect as it then existed, doubtless it would prove a salutary
check upon some of our present errors.
To show that we are not singular on this subject, we here
give the sentiments of a foreign journal, which will not be re
garded as enthusiastic by those who are at all acquainted with
its character. " Independently of the importance of studying
the fathers with respect to doctrine and ecclesiastical history,
and even with respect to exegesis, the perusal of their writings
serves, among other objects, to awaken and excite religious
views and ideas in the minds of the young, much more than
any course of instruction, however logically exact, and in ac
cordance with the rules of hermeneutics. And we are con
vinced that the excessive abuse that has been of late made of
manuals, journals, magazines, &c, for clergymen, which for
the last twenty years, and longer, has been the order of the
day in many places, and by which the spirit of young clergy
men has been warped and perverted to indolence and careless
ness, would not have made such inroads, if, together with the
Holy Scriptures, which should unquestionably form the basis
of every discourse, the study of the fathers had also been zeal
ously encouraged." '
It was well observed by a modern philosopher, that if every
age had had its Aristotle, philosophy would long since have
reached its climax ; and we may observe with regard to ec
clesiastical history, that if every period in primitive times had
had its Eusebius, we should, besides his own, be in possession
of an amount of ecclesiastical information at this day, that
would subserve the most salutary purposes. What our author,
however, has secured from the wrecks of time, only leaves us
room to regret what we have not. As to the matter, there
fore, which the history of Eusebius embraces, no apology is
necessary for presenting this to the public. It belongs to the
archaeology of Christianity; and therefore, to Christians at
least, must appear in an interesting light.
1 Hall. Allgem. Lit. Zeitung, No. 10, 1817.

VI11 PREFACE.
As to the manner in which this is presented, various opin
ions will doubtless prevail. The critic will form his opinion
of Eusebius from the original, and there he will perceive
what cannot always be made to appear in a translation. One
thing will strike him on the first survey, that the style of an
ecclesiastical writer three centuries after the birth of Christ,
is far different from the style that prevailed three centurie§|
before, and that the Greek authors in the age of Constan
tine, are not the authors of the age of Alexander. Our
Eusebius is not without his beauties, but they are so rarely
scattered, that we can hardly allow him an eminent rank, as
a writer, although his subject may be offered as 'his apologj|
His use of words is sometimes without sufficient precision,
which subjects him occasionally to ambiguity, and his sen
tences are sometimes so involved as to require the hand of
critical dissection. His periods, too, are sometimes of enor
mous length, and by their copious fulness incline much to the
pleonastic and hyperbolical. We are not here to expect the
uniform suavity of a Herodotus, the terse brevity of a Thu-
cydides, though we may occasionally meet with features that
would not be overlooked as elegant even in these fathers of
history. From the great variety of authors that he quotes,
our author indeed could not aim at the same kind of excel-,
lence, neither are his quotations made, like those of Plu
tarch, Diodorus Siculus, and others, for the mere purpose
of embellishment or illustration, but for positive information!
and, therefore, they assume all the simplicity of a plain refer
ence to authority. In a work so unostentatious, it would be
absurd to measure our author by a standard he" never adopted,
as a production, which, like those of the fathers of history,
should contend for the prize as a literary performance. The
only part of his work that could perhaps aspire to this hon
our, is contained in the last book, where he is altogether the
panegyrist, and where he has left us, perhaps, what may be
regarded as one of his most elaborate, if not one of his hap
piest performances as an orator.
Whether the present translator has succeeded in presenting
his author to the public in a costume worthy of the original,;
must be left to the judgment of others. He is not so con
fident as to presume his labour is immaculate, and a more
frequent revision of the work may suggest improvement^

PREFACE. IX
which have thus far escaped him. Some allowances are due
to a work like this, which may not obtain in those of a dif
ferent description. The translator does not stand upon the
same ground as one who renders a work of elegance and
taste from profane antiquity. The latter leaves more scope
for display. The great object here is to give a faithful
transcript of his author's statement, that the reader may de
rive, if possible, the same impression that he would from the
original, in case it were his vernacular language. He did not
feel at liberty to improve his author, whatever the occasional
temptations, for scarcely any such improvement is compatible,
without involving the fidelity of the version. The more ex-
jjerienced reader and critic may, perhaps, discover instances
where the translator might have been more easy, without
sacrificing the meaning ; and the present version is not with
out passages where a little liberty might have .obviated an
apparent stiffness in the style. But the translator has felt it
a duty to prefer fidelity to smoothness.1
The office of a translator, like that of a lexicographer, is
an ungrateful one. Men who have no conception of the
requisites for such a task, who measure it by the same rough
standard that they do the produce of manual labour, are apt
to suppose he has nothing to do but to travel on from word
to word, and that it amounts at last to scarcely more than
a transcript of what is already written in his own mind.
In the estimate thus made, there is little credit given for
the necessary adaptation of style and phraseology to that
of the original ; no allowance for that degree of judgment,
which the interpreter must constantly exercise in order
to make his version tell what its original says. And yet,
¦with all this, there is generally discrimination enough to mark
iwhat may be happily expressed ; but by a singular perver
sion, such merit is sure to be assigned to the original work,
(whilst the defects are generally charged to the account of the
Itranslator. Some, ignorant of the limits of the translator's
office, even expect him to give perfection to his author's 'de-
; ' Among soro« of the apparent anomalies of the translation, may per-
tiaps be numbered many of the passages from Scripture. It will be
'recollected these are translated from our author, who quotes the Alexan
drian version.

X PREFACE.
ficiencies, and if he fails -n this, he is in danger of having
them heaped upon himself.
To preclude any unwarrantable expectations, the translator
does not pretend to more in the present work, than to give a
faithful transcript of the sense of his author. Occasionally,
he thinks he has expressed that sense with more perspicuity!
than his original, and wherever the ambiguity seemed to justifji
it, it has been done, not with a view to improve his author,*
but to prevent his meaning being mistaken.
The present version is from the accurate Greek text pub
lished by Valesius,1 a learned civilian of the Gallican church.
The most noted Latin versions, besides that of Valesius, are
those of Rufinus, Musculus, Christophorson, and Grinseus.
Curterius also published a translation, but it is rather a re
vision of Christophorson.
Stroth, among the Germans,'2 and Cousin, among the French,
appear to be the latest who have given versions in the modern
languages. The first translation in English was made by
Hanmer, 1584, which passed through five editions. A trans
lation by T. Shorting was publislied more than a century
afterwards, and this last, with the exception of an abridgmenti
by Parker, is the best translation hitherto extant in the
English language.
The present translator originally contemplated merely a
revision or improvement of the last English version, but a
slight examination will satisfy any one, that such labour:
would be equivalent to that of an original translation, whilsf
it would at best present but a mutilated aspect. The
present, therefore, is a version entirely new. It has been
finished in the midst of other vocations, and the author ex
pected to have brought it to a state of readiness for the
press before or about the beginning of the past winter. At
the commencement of the work he anticipated a period of
leisure, which would have enabled him to meet this expecta
tion fully. But this period of expected leisure was absorb
ed by care and solicitude, amid sickness in his family, whilst
1 The best edition of Valesius is that published at Cambridge by Bead-
ing, and this has been used in the present work.
2 There is also an abridged translation in German, in Rcesler's Biblio-
thek der Kirchem aeter.

PRF.F 4 CV.

XI

"his own health was but little calculated for the necessary
effort. It was one of the translator's original intentions to make
the work more useful by the addition of many notes.3 Euse
bius admits of a constant commentary, and there are some
parts of the work which, besides mere illustration, require a
separate discussion. Valesius has interspersed notes, which
are more extensive than the whole work. They are mostly
verbal criticisms, and refer to the various readings of the Greek
text, and as such have but little interest for the general reader.
Whoever wishes to consult these, will find the most of them
translated in Shorting's Eusebius. The present translator
was diverted from his original plan of commenting on his
author, partly by an apprehension of swelling the work ; chiefly,
however, by a conviction that the time, under existing cir
cumstances, would be better employed in a more diligent
revision ; and lastly, because he contemplates a prosecution of
the author's historical works, in which abundant room and
materials will be furnished for completing aught that is
now left undone. In the mean time, the work is committed
to the hands of the public, and in the quaint but expressive
words of the oldest English translator of Eusebius, " If aught
be well done, give the praise to God, let the pains be the
translator's, and the profit the reader's." Hanmer.
' This intention has been carried out in the present edition, by the in
sertion of the explanatory notes of Valesius, together with those by ttta
treualator.

ANNOTATIONS
ON THE
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILU8.
BY VALESIUS.
TRANSLATED' BY THE REV. S. E. PARKER.

According to the testimony of Socrates,2 a book relative to tin
life of Eusebius was written by Acacius, the scholar of that prelate,
and his successor in the see of Caesarea. This book, howeverj
through that negligence in antiquity to which the loss of manyj
others is to be ascribed, is not now extant ; but from the testimo-'
nies of the several writers that have mentioned Eusebius, no exer
tions of ours shall be wanting to supply the defect.
It appears that Eusebius was born in Palestine, about the close
of the reign of Gallienus. One proof of which is, that by the an
cients, particularly by Basilius and Theodoret, he is frequently
termed a Palestinian. It is not impossible, indeed, that he might
have received that name from his being the bishop of Csesarea, yet
probability is in favour of his having derived it from his country.
In short, he himself affirms, 3 that he was educated and, when t
youth, dwelt in Palestine, and that there he first saw Constantine,
when journeying through Palestine in the suit of Diocletian Au
gustus. Eusebius, too, after repeating 4 the contents of a law, writ
ten in favour of the Christians, by Constantine to the Palestinians,
observes, " This letter of the emperor's is the first sent to us."
On the authority of Eusebius himself, it may be affirmed, that he
was born in the last part of the reign of Gallienus ; for, in his
Ecclesiastic History, he informs us that Dionysius, bishop of Alex-
1 In this version, the sense, more than the expression of Valesius is re
garded, 2 Eccles. Hist. lib. ii. c. 4.
3 In his first book concerning the Life of Constantine, chap. 19.
1 Life of Constantine, book ii. chap. 43, where see note a. Cam%« edit
1692.

LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. Xlii
andria, lived in his oicn age? Eusebius, therefore, since Dionysius
died in the twelfth year of the reign of Gallienus, must have been
born before, if he lived within the time of that prelate. The same
inference, also, follows, from his stating 6 that Paul of Samosata had
revived the heresy of Artemon, in his 7 age. And in his history of
the occurrences during the reign of Gallienus, before he begins the
narrative of the error and condemnation of Paul of Samosata, he
observes, " but now, after the history of these things, we will trans
mit to posterity an account of our own age."
Whom he had for his parents is uncertain ; neither do we know
by what authorities Nicephorus Callistus is warranted in affirming,
'hat his mother was the sister of Pamphilus the martyr. Euse-
lius of Csesarea, in Arius's letter,8 is termed brother to Eusebius of
\Ticomedia. Though he possibly might, on account of his friend
ship, have received this appellation, yet it is more probable that he
.vas nearly related to the Nicomedian bishop ; especially since Eu
sebius of Csesarea only, though many others there are mentioned,
is termed by Arius, brother to that prelate. Besides, the Nicome
dian Eusebius was a native of Syria, and bishop first of Berytus :
nor was it then the usage, that foreigners and persons unknown
should be promoted to the government of churches.
Neither is it known what teachers he had in secular learning ;
but in sacred literature he had for his preceptor Dorotheus, the
eunuch, presbyter of the Antiochian church, of whom he makes
honourable mention, in his seventh book.9 Notwithstanding Eu
sebius there says only, that he had heard Dorotheus expounding
the Holy Scriptures with propriety, in the Antiochian church, we are
not inclined to object to any one hence inferring, with Trithemius,
that Eusebius was Dorotheus's disciple. Theotecnus being at that
time dead, the bishopric of the church of Cssarea was administered
by Agapius, a person of eminent piety and great liberality to the
poor. By him Eusebius was admitted into the clerical office, and
; with Pamphilus, a presbyter of distinction at that time in the CaBsa-
rean church, he entered into the firmest friendship. Pamphilus
: was, as Photius relates, a Phoenician, born at Berytus, and scholar
: of Pierius, a presbyter of the Alexandrian church, who, since he
i was animated with the most singular attachment to sacred literature,
i and was with the utmost zeal collecting all the books, especially
Origen's, of the ecclesiastic writers, founded a very celebrated school
and library at Caesarea, of which school Eusebius seems to have
been the first master. Indeed, it is affirmed 10 by Eusebius, that
i Apphianus, who suffered martyrdom in the third year of the perse
cution, had been instructed by him in the sacred Scriptures, in the
'- See lib. iii. c. 28. « Eccles. Hist, book v. chap. 28. 7 Eusebius's.
8 Arius's letter to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, will be found in Theo-
doret's Eccles. Hist. lib. i. c. 5, edit. Val. ' Chap. i. p. 2.
I '• In his book concerning the martyrs of Palestine.

XIV LIFF. OF EUSEBIUS.
city of Caesarea. From that time Eusebius's intimacy with Pam.
philus was so great, and his attention to him, as his inseparable
companion till his death, such, that from this attachment he acquired'
the name of Pamphilus. Neither did that attachment terminate with
the death of the latter, but survived with the former, who ever
mentioned his deceased friend in the most respectful and affection
ate manner ; this, indeed, is exemplified by the three books, eulogized
by St. Jerome, and written by Eusebius, concerning the life of Pam
philus, and by many passages in his Ecclesiastic History, and in his
account of the martyrs of Palestine. In his second book, also,
against Sabellius, written by Eusebius, after the Nicene Council,
he frequently commends Pamphilus, though he suppresses his name.
In the commencement of that discourse, Eusebius observes, "I
think that my ears are as yet affected by the memory of that blessed
man ; for I seem to be yet hearing him utter that devout word,
' the only begotten Son of God,' a phrase he constantly employed;
for it was the remembrance of the only begotten to the glory of the
unborn Father. Now we have heard the apostle commanding that
presbyters ought to be honoured with a double honour, those espe- ,
cially who have laboured in the word and doctrine." And at page
29, he thus again speaks of his friend : " With these things from
the memory of that blessed man, I am not elated, but wish I could so
speak, as if, together with you, I were always hearing from him.
And the words now cited may be pleasing to him, for it is the glory
of good servants to speak truth concerning the Lord, and it is the
honour of those fathers, who have taught well, if their doctrines he
repeated." ' Some, it is true, " may insinuate, that these were
phrases, the creatures of his lips, and no proof of the feelings of
his heart. I remember, however, in what a satisfactory manner J
have heard, with you, his solemn asseveration, that there was not
one thing on his tongue and another in his heart." Shortly after,
he says : " But now, on account of the memory and honour of this
our father, so good, so laborious, and so vigilant for the church, let
these facts be briefly stated by us. For we have not mentioned yet
his family, his education or learning, nor narrated the other incidents
of his life, and its leading or principal object."'1 These passages
in Eusebius were pointed out to us by the most learned Franciscus
Ogerius. Hence it may be satisfactorily inferred, that it was not
any family alliance, but the bond of amity that connected Eusebius
' Again, in the same book, p. 37, " These words we always heard from
that blessed man, for they were often thus spoken by him."
2 " Propositum" is the word employed by Valesius, doubtless in that ac
ceptation in which its precise sense is so easily appreciated by the classic
reader in Horace, Car. lib. iii. ode iii. line 1. " Justum et tenacem propositi
virum, Non civium ardor prava jubentium, Non vultus instantis tyranni i
Mente quatit solida," &c. Should not Christians have, universally a far
more vivid perception of this beautiful picture of mind than heathens' > St
Paul had; see Philip, ch. iii. ver. 13, 14.

LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. XV
vrith Pamphilus. Eusebius, though he mentions Pamphilus so fre
quently, and boasts so highly of his friendship, yet never speaks of
nim as a relative. The testimony of Eusebius alone is sufficient to
decide that Pamphilus, though his friend, was not his kinsman.
Since in the close of his seventh book of Ecclesiastic History,
where he is making mention of Agapius, bishop of Csesarea, he
says : " In his time, we became acquainted with Pamphilus, a most
eloquent man, and in his life and practices truly a philosopher,3 and
in the same church, ennobled with the honour of the presbytery."
Since, then, Eusebius attests that Pamphilus was then first known
to him, it is sufficiently evident, that family alliance was not the tie
that connected them.
In these times occurred that most severe persecution of the
Christians, which was begun by Diocletian, and by bis successors
continued unto the tenth year. During this persecution, Eusebius,
at that time being a presbyter of the church of Caesarea, abode al
most constantly in that city, and by continual exhortations, in
structed many persons in order to martyrdom. Amongst whom
was Apphianus, a noble youth, whose illustrious fortitude in mar
tyrdom is related in Eusebius's book concerning the martyrs of
Palestine. In the same year Pamphilus was cast into prison, where
he spent two whole years in bonds. During which time, Eusebius
by no means deserted his friend and companion, but visited him
continually, and in the prison wrote, together with him, five books
in defence of Origen ; but the sixth and last book of that work he
finished after the death of Pamphilus. — That whole work was by
Eusebius and Pamphilus dedicated * to Christian confessors,5 living
3 The term philosopher, in the modern sense in which it is commonly un
derstood, by no means expresses the precise meaning of the word <£i\o(70<f»os,
here used by Eusebius. By Isocrates, it is frequently employed to express
an eloquent person, or teacher of eloquence. Its generic sense is a lover of
ivisdom. Wisdom by the Sophists was, of course, confined to their own doc
trines. But according to the sense in which Josephus and other Grecian
writers employed the word <pi\oao<pos, the lover of wisdom, seems not to be
searching for wisdom, either in the doctrines of the Sophists, or in the Car
tesian vortices, but in the volumes of inspired truth. This character, then,
is equivalent to what in modem language is called a theologian, in which
sense, I have no doubt, Eusebius is here to be understood. Hence Pamphi
lus was a character not only devoted to the attainment of that wisdom,
which is developed in the sacred code, but his life and practices were such as
to recommend it to others ; consequently, a true theologian. Translator.
« This is affirmed by Photius in his Bibliotheca, chap. 118.
5 Though the word here employed by Valesius is confessores, yet there
cannot be the least doubt, that the characters to whom he alludes were very
different from those which a more recent application of the term might in
timate. Confessores were simply persons that had confessed and acknow
ledged openly, during the time of the persecution, that they were Christiana,
and would not, to save either their lives or property, deny their Master or
his sacred cause. They were divided characters, tenaces propositi. This

XVI LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
in the mines of Palestine. In the time of this persecution, on ac
count, probably, of some urgent affairs of the church, Eusebhn
went to Tyre. During his residence there, he witnessed ' the gio- ;
rious martyrdom of five Egyptian Christians; and afterwards, on
his arrival in Egypt and Thebais, the persecution then prevailing
there, he 2 beheld the admirable constancy of many martyrs of both
sexes. Some have insinuated that Eusebius, to exempt himself ii
this persecution from the troubles of a prison, sacrificed to idols
and that this was obiected against him, as will be hereafter related
by the Egyptian bishops and confessors, in the synod at Tyre. Bu
we doubt not that this is false, and that it was a calumny forged bi
the enemies of Eusebius. For had a crime so great been reallj
committed by him, how could he have been afterwards appointee.
bishop of Caesarea ? How is it likely that he should, in this case,
have been invited by the Antiochians to undertake the episcopate
of their city? And yet Cardinal Baronius has seized on that as
certain and undoubted, which by his enemies, for litigious purposes,
was objected against Eusebius, but never confirmed by the testimony
of any one. At the same time, a book was written by Eusebius
against Hierocles. For Hierocles of Nicomedia, about the begin
ning of the persecution, when the Christian churches were every
where harassed, in the city of Nicomedia, published, as an insult to
a religion then assailed by all its enemies, two 3 books against the
Christian faith. In which books be asserted, that ApoUonius Ty-
aneus performed more and greater things4 than Christ. These
impious assertions Eusebius answered in a very short book, as if
he regarded the man and his cause of little consequence.
Agapius, bishop of Caesarea during this interval, being dead, the
persecution subsiding, and peace being restored to the church, Eu
sebius, by common consent, succeeds to the episcopal dignity at
Csesarea. Others represent Agricola, who subscribed to the synod of
Aneyra, at which he was present in the 314th year of the Christian
era, to be the successor of Agapius. This is affirmed by Baronius
in his Annals 5 and Blondellus." The latter writes, that Eusebius
undertook the administration of the church of Csesarea, after the
death of Agricola, about the year 315. But these subscriptions of
the bishops, extant only in the Latin collections of the canons, seem
in our judgment to be entitled to little credit. For they occur not
either in the Greek copies, or in the Latin versions of Dionysius
term was employed by Valesius, who lived in an age of the church when iM
u?,e was popular.
1 Eusebius informs us of this in his eighth book, chap. 7.
8 This he relates in the ninth chapter of the same book.
3 Which he termed <j>i\a\ji6ets.
No word for " miracles " occurs in the text of Valesius.
s Ad annum Christi, 314.
' In his Apology pro Sententia Hieronymi, c. 19. Vale*.

LIFE OF EUSKRIUS. XVII
Bxignus. Besides, Eusebius.' enumerating the bishops of the prin
cipal dioceses where the persecution began and raged, ends with
the mention of Agapius, bishop of Csesarea; who, he observes, la
boured much, during that persecution, for the good of his own
church. The necessary inference, therefore, is, that Agapius must
have been bishop until the end of the persecution. But Eusebius
was elevated to the episcopal function immediately after that per
secution. For after peace was restored to the church, Eusebius °
and other prelates being invited by Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, to the
dedication of a cathedral, Eusebius made there a very eloquent
oration. Now this happened before the rebellion of Licinius against
Constantine, in the 315th year of the Christian era, about which
period Eusebius wrote those celebrated books concerning Evangelic
Demonstration and Preparation. And these books were certainly
written before the Nicene synod, since they are expressly mentioned
in his Ecclesiastic History, which was written, as proved in our
Annotations, before that council.
Meanwhile, Licinius, who managed the government in the eastern
parts, excited by sudden rage, began to persecute the Christians,
especially the prelates, whom he suspected of showing more favour
and of offering up more prayers for Constantine than for himself.
Constantine, however, having defeated him in two battles by land
and sea, compelled him to surrender, and restored peace to the
Christians of the eastern countries.
A disturbance, however, far more grievous, arose at that time,
amongst the Christians themselves. For since Arius, a presbyter
of the city of Alexandria, would in the church publicly advance
some new and impious tenet relative to the Son of God, and, not
withstanding repeated admonition by Alexander the bishop, per
sisted, he and his associates in this heresy were at length expelled.
Highly resenting this, Arius sent letters with a sketch of his own
faith to all the bishops of the neighbouring cities, in which he com
plained, that since he asserted the same doctrines that the rest of
the eastern prelates maintained, he had been unjustly deposed by
Alexander. Many bishops, imposed on by these artifices, and power
fully excited by Eusebius of Nicomedia, who openly favoured the
Arian party, wrote letters in defence of Arius to Alexander, bishop
of Alexandria, entreating him to restore Arius to his former rank
in the church. Our Eusebius was one of their number, whose let
ter written to Alexander is extant in the acts of the seventh (Ecu
menical Synod, which we have inserted amongst the testimonies ¦
of the ancients. The example of Eusebius of Caesarea was soon
7 In the seventh book of his Ecclesiastic Hist. chap. 32.
8 As wo are informed in the tenth book of his Ecclesiastic Hist. Vales.
See chap. 4, where Eusebius has inserted this oration.
9 Of these, Valesius, after his account of Eusebius's life and writings, pre
leniii collection made by himself, both for and against Eusebius. q. v.

XV111 LIFE 01 EUSEBIUS.
followed by Theodotius and Paulinus, the one bishop of Laodicea,
the other of Tyre, who interceded with Alexander for Arius's re
storation. Of which letter, since Arius boasted on every occasion,
and by the authority of such eminent men drew many into the par
ticipation of his heresy, Alexander was compelled to write to the
other eastern bishops, that the justice of the expulsion of Arius and
his associates might be understood. Two letters of Alexander's
are yet extant ; the one to Alexander, bishop of Constantinople, in
which the former complains of three Syrian bishops, who, agreeing
with Arius, had more than ever inflamed that contest, which they
ought rather to have suppressed. These three, as may be learned
from Arius's letter to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, are Eusebius,
Theodotius, and Paulinus. The other letter of Alexander's, written
to all the bishops throughout the world, Socrates records in his first
book.1 To these letters of Alexander's almost all the eastern
bishops subscribed, amongst whom the most eminent were Philogo-
nius, bishop of Antioch, Eustathius, of Beraea, and Macarius, of Je
rusalem. The bishops who favoured the Arian party, especially Eusebius
of Nicomedia, imagining themselves to be severely treated in Alex
ander's letters, devoted themselves with much greater acrimony to
the defence of Arius. For our Eusebius of Caesarea, together with
Patrophilus, Paulinus, and other Syrian bishops, merely voted that
liberty to Arius might be granted of holding, as a presbyter, assem
blies in the church, subject notwithstanding to Alexander the
bishop, and of imploring for reconciliation and church fellowship.
The bishops disagreeing thus amongst themselves, some favouring
the party of Alexander, and others that of Arius, the contest became
singularly aggravated ; to remedy this, Constantine, from all parts
of the Roman world, summoned to Nicaea, a city of Bithynia, a
general synod of bishops, such as no age before had seen. In this
greatest and most celebrated council, our Eusebius was not one of
either party. For he both had the first seat on the right hand, and
in the name of the whole synod addressed the emperor Constantine,
who sat on a golden chair, between the two rows of the opposite
parties. This is affirmed by Eusebius himself in his Life 2 of Con
stantine, and by Sozomen3 in his Ecclesiastic History. Afterwards,
when there was a considerable contest amongst the bishops, relative
to a creed or form of faith, our Eusebius proposed a formula, at
once simple and orthodox, which received the general commendation
both of the bishops and of the emperor himself. Something, not
withstanding, seeming to be wanting in the creed, to confute the
impiety of the new opinion, the fathers of the Nicene Council de-
1 Chap. 6.
1 In his preface to the first book concerning the Life of Constantine and
in his third book of the same work, chap. 2.
* In the first book of that work, chap. 19.

LIFE OF HU8EBIUS. xa
temiined that these words, " Vert God or vert God, begotten
NOT MADE, BEING OF ONE SUBSTANCE WITH THE FATHER," should be
added. They also annexed anathemas against those who should as
sert that tbe Son of God was made of things not existing, and that
there was a time when he existed not. At first, indeed, our Euse
bius refused to admit the term " consubstantial" l but when the im
port of that word was explained to him by the other bishops, he
consented, and as he himself relates in his letter 5 to his diocese at
Caasarea, subscribed to the creed. Some affirm that it was the ne
cessity of circumstances, or the fear of the emperor, and not the
conviction of his own mind, that compelled Eusebius to subscribe
to the Nicene Council. Of some, present at the synod, this might
be believed, but this we cannot think of Eusebius, bishop of Csesa
rea. After the Nicene Council, too, Eusebius always condemned 6
those who asserted that the Son of God was made of things not ex
isting. Athanasius likewise affirms the same concerning him, who
though he frequently mentions that Eusebius subscribed to the
Nicene Council, no where intimates that he did that in dissimulation.
Had Eusebius subscribed to that Council, not according to his own
mind, but fraudulently and in pretence, why did he afterwards send
the letter we have mentioned to his diocese at Caesarea, and therein
ingenuously profess that he had embraced that faith which had been
published in the Nicene Council ?
After that Council, the Arians, through fear of the emperor, were
for a short time quiet. But by artfully ingratiating themselves in
to the favour of the prince, they resumed boldness, and began by
everj- method and device to persecute the Catholic prelates.' Their
first attack fell on Eustathius, bishop of the city of Antioch, eminent
both for the glory of his confession, and for the rank he sustained
amongst the advocates of the Nicene faith. Eustathius was, therefore,
accused before the emperor of maintaining the Sabellian impiety, and
of slandering Helena Augusta, the emperor's mother. A numerous
assembly of bishops was convened in the city of Antioch, in which
Eusebius of Nicomedia, the chief and ringleader of the whole fac
tion, presided. In addition to the accusation advanced at this
assembly by Cyrus, bishop of the Berseans, against Eustathius, of
maintaining the impious doctrine of Sabellius, another 8 is devised
* 'O/uoouo-tos, consubstantial, of the same substance, or of the same essence,
co-essential. 5 See this letter in Socrates, book i. chap. 8.
* This is evident from his books against Marcellus, particularly from the
9th and 10th chapters of his first book, De Ecclesiastic^ Theologia.
7 " Catholicos Antistites " are the words of Valesius ; but, doubtless, to
be understood here, as signifying, not the prelates of the Arian, or of any
other seceding party, but of the orthodox church universaUy, according to
the meaning of the term catholicus, universal.
8 The story is given in Theodoret's Eccles. Hist, book i. chap. 21, edit.
Vales.

XX LIFE OF FUSEB1US.
against him of incontinency, and he is therefore expelled from hu
diocese. On this account, a very impetuous tumult arose at An
tioch. The people, divided into two factions, the one requesting
that the episcopacy of the Antiochian church might be conferred on
Eusebius of Caesarea, the other, that Eustathius their bishop might
be restored, would have resorted to measures of violence, had not
the fear and authority of the emperor and judges prevented it.
The sedition being at length terminated, and Eustathius banished,
our Eusebius, though entreated, both by the people and the bishops
that were present, to undertake the administration of the church at
Antioch, nevertheless refused. And, when the bishops, by letters
written to Constantine, had acquainted him with their own vote,
and with the suffrages of the people, Eusebius wrote his letters also
to that prince, and Eusebius's resolution is highly commended in
the emperor's answer.
Eustathius, having been in this manner deposed, which occurred,
as remarked in our annotations,1 in the year 330, the Arians turned
the violence of their fury on Athanasius ; and in the prince's pre
sence they complained first of his ordination ; secondly, that he had
exacted 2 the impost of a linen garment from the provincials ; third
ly, that he had broken a sacred cup ; and lastly, that he had mur
dered one Arsenius, a bishop. Constantine, wearied with these
vexatious litigations, appointed a council in the city of Tyre, and
directed Athanasius the bishop to proceed there, to make his de
fence. In that synod, Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, whom Constan
tine had desired should be present, sat amongst others, as judge.
Potamo, bishop of Heracleopolis, who had come with Athanasius
the bishop and some Egyptian prelates, seeing him sitting in the
council, is said to have addressed him in these words : " Is it fit,
Eusebius, that you should sit, and that the innocent Athanasius
should stand to be judged by you ? Who can endure this? Were
you not in custody with me, during the time of the persecution ?
And I truly, in defence of the truth, lost an eye ; but you are in
jured in no part of your body, neither did you undergo martyrdom,
but are alive and whole. In what manner did you escape out of
prison, unless you promised to our persecutors that you would commit
the detestable 3 thing ? And perhaps you have done it." This is
related by Epiphanius, in the heresy of the Meletians. Hence it ap
pears, that they are mistaken who affirm, that Eusebius had sacrificed
to idols, and that he had been convicted of the fact in the Tyrian
synod. For Potamo did not attest that Eusebius \ad sacrificed to
idols, but only that he was dismissed out of prison safe and whole :
1 See Life of Constantine, book iii. chap. 59, note e.
! This calumny the Meletians, instigated by Eusebius of Nicomedia, in
vented ; as Athanasius tells us in his Apology to Constantine. See his Wo'iks,
tom. i. p. 778. Edit. Paris, 1627.
3 That is, to sacrifice to idols.

LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. Xxi
a circumstance that favoured the malevolent surmise of Potamo.
It was, however, evidently possible that Eusebius might have been
dismissed from confinement in a manner very different from that oi
Potamo's insinuation. From the words of Epiphanius, it seems to
be inferred that Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, presided at this synod ;
for he adds, that Eusebius, being previously affected in hearing the
accusation against him by Potamo, dismissed the council. Yet by
other writers we are informed, that not Eusebius, bishop of Caisarea,
but Eusebius of Nicomedia, presided at the Tyrian synod.1
After that council, all the bishops who bad assembled at Tyre,
repaired, by the emperor's orders, to Jerusalem, to celebrate the
consecration of the great church, which Constantine in honour of
Christ had erected in that place. There our Eusebius graced the
solemnity, by the several sermons he delivered. And when the
emperor, by very strict letters, had summoned the bishops to his
own court, that in his presence they might give an account of their
fraudulent and litigious conduct towards Athanasius, our Eusebius,
with five others, went to Constantinople, and furnished that prince
with a development of the whole transaction. Here also, in the
palace, he delivered his tricennial oration, which the emperor heard
with the utmost joy, not so much on account of any praises to him
self, as on account of the praises of God, celebrated by Eusebius
throughout the whole of that oration. This oration was the second
delivered by Eusebius in that palace.5 For he had before made an
oration there, concerning the sepulchre of our Lord, which the em
peror heard standing ; nor could he, though repeatedly entreated
by Eusebius, be persuaded to sit in the chair placed for him,6 al
leging that it was fit that discourses concerning God should be heard
standing. How dear and acceptable our Eusebius was to Constantine, may
be known both from the facts we have narrated, as well as from
many other circumstances. For he both received many letters from
him, as may be seen in the books already mentioned, and was not
unfrequently sent for to the palace, where he was entertained at
table, and honoured with familiar conversation. Constantine, more
over, related to our Eusebius, the vision of the cross seen by him
when on his expedition against Maxentius ; and showed to him, as
Eusebius informs 7 us, the labarum * that he had ordered to be made
4 Is it not a possible case that both presided ? viz. First, Eusebius of Cse
sarea, until the insult he sustained in the disparagement of his character bj
Potamo's insinuation. Feeling, then, that his character stood arraigned by
that insinuation, that he judged it expedient either to dismiss the council,
or at least to leave it to the presidential jurisdiction of one less objectionable
to Potamo, viz. to Eusebius of Nicomedia.
5 According to his own testimony, in aia fourth book concerning the
Life of Constantine, chap. 46.
6 As Eusebius relates in the 33d chapter of the Life of Constantine.
' Life of Constantine, lib. i. c. 28 and 30. " An imperial standard.

XX11 LIFE OF EUSERIUS.
to represent the likeness of that cross. Constantine also committed
to Eusebius, since he knew him to be most skilful in Biblical know
ledge, the care and superintendency of transcribing copies ' of the
Scriptures, which he wanted for the accommodation of the churches.
he had built at Constantinople. Lastly, the book concerning the
feast of Easter, dedicated to him by our Eusebius, was a present to
Constantine, so acceptable, that he ordered its immediate translation
into Latin ; and by letter entreated Eusebius, that he would com
municate, soon as possible, works of this nature, with which he was
engaged, to those concerned in the study of sacred literature.
About the same time, Eusebius dedicated a small book to the em
peror Constantine, in which was comprised his description of the
Jerusalem church, and of the gifts that had been consecrated there.
— Which book, together with his tricennalian oration, that he had
placed at the close of his Life of Constantine, is not now extant. At
the same time, Eusebius wrote five books against Marcellus; of
which the three last, De Ecclesiastica Theologia, he dedicated to
Flaccillus, bishop ofAntioch. Flaccillus entered on that bishopric
a little before the synod of Tyre, which was convened in the con
sulate of Constantius and Albinus, a. d. 335. It is certain that
Eusebius, in his first book,2 writes in express words, that Marcelhu
had been deservedly condemned by the church. Now Marcellus
was first condemned in the synod held at Constantinople, by those
very bishops that had consecrated Constantine's church at Jerusa
lem, in the year of Christ 335, or, according to Baronius, 336.
Socrates,3 indeed, acknowledges only three books written by Euse
bius against Marcellus, namely, those entitled, "De Ecclesiastica
Theologia;" but the whole work by Eusebius, against Marcellus,
comprised five books. The last books written by Eusebius, seem
to be the four on the Life of Constantine ; for they were written
after the death of that emperor, whom Eusebius did not long sur
vive, since he died about the beginning of the reign of Constantius
Augustus, a little before the death of Constantine junior, which hap
pened, according to the testimony of Socrates' second book,4 when
Acindynus and Proculus were consuls, A. d. 340.
We cannot admit, what Scaliger 5 has affirmed, that Eusebiusls
books against Porphyry were written under Constantius, the son
of Constantine the Great, especially since this is confirmed by the
testimony of no ancient writer. Besides, in what is immediately
after asserted by Scaliger, that Eusebius wrote his three " last books
of the Evangelic Demonstration, against Porphyry, there is an
evident error. St. Jerome says, indeed, that Eusebius in three
' Life of Constantine, lib. iv. c. 34 and 35.
2 De Ecclesiastica Theologia., chap. 14.
3 Eccles. Hist, book ii. chap. 20 : where see note k. 4 Chap. 4 and 5.
h In his Animadversions on Eusebius, page 250, last edit.
* Namely, the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth.

LIFE of eusebius. xxiii
volumes (that is, in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth)
answered Porphyry, who in the twelfth and thirteenth of those
books which he published against the Christians, had attempted to
confute the book of the prophet Daniel. St. Jerome,7 however,
does not mean, as Scaliger thought, Eusebius's books on Evangelic
Demonstration, but the hooks he wrote against Porphyry, entitled,
according to Photius's Bibliotheca, irepi iXeyxov Kai inroXoyiac, Re-
j'utation and Defence. We are also persuaded that Eusebius wrote
these books after his Ecclesiastic History ; because Eusebius, though
on other occasions he usually refers to his own works, does not in
the sixth . book 8 of his Ecclesiastic History, where he quotes a no
torious passage from Porphyry,9 make any mention of the books he
wrote against him.
We avail ourselves of the present opportunity to make some re
marks relative to Eusebius's Ecclesiastic History, the chief subject
of our present labour and exertions. Much, indeed, had been writ
ten by our Eusebius, both against Jews and. heathens, to the edifi
cation of the orthodox and general church, and in confirmation of
the verity of the Christian faith ; nevertheless, amongst all his books,
his Ecclesiastic History deservedly stands pre-eminent. For before
Eusebius, many had written in defence of Christianity, and had, by
the most satisfactory arguments, refuted the Jews on the one hand
and the heathens on the other, but not one, before Eusebius, had
delivered to posterity a history of ecclesiastic affairs. On which ac
count, therefore, because Eusebius not only was the first to show
this example, but has transmitted to us what he undertook, in a
state so complete and perfect, he is entitled to the greater commend
ation. Though many, it is true, induced by his example, have,
since his time, furnished accounts of ecclesiastic affairs, yet they
have not only uniformly commenced their histories from the times
of Eusebius, but have left him to be the undisputed voucher of
the period of which he yet remains the exclusive historian, and
consequently he only is entitled to the epithet of the father of ec
clesiastic history.
By what preliminary circumstances Eusebius was led to this his
chef-d'oeuvre, it is not difficult to conjecture. Having in his Chro
nological Canons accurately stated the time of the advent and pas
sion of Jesus Christ, the names of the several bishops that had
presided in the four principal churches, and of the eminent cha
racters therein, and having also detailed an account of the succes
sive heresies and persecutions, he was, as it were, led by insensible
degrees to write a history specially on ecclesiastic affairs, to furnish
a full development of what had been but briefly sketched in his
Chronological Canons. This, indeed, is expressly confirmed by Eu-
7 In his preface to his Commentary on Daniel.
• Chap. 19. 9 From Porphyry's third hoc X against the Christians.

XXIV LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
sebius in his preface ' to that work ; where he also implores the
forbearance of the candid reader, on account of his work being less
circumstantial, consequent on his travelling in a path before untrod,
and his being precluded from the intimations on that subject of
any previous writer. Though this, it is true, in the view of some,
may appear not so much an apology, as an indirect device of acquir
ing praise.
Though it is evident from Eusebius's own testimony, that he
wrote his Ecclesiastic History after his Chronological Canons, it is
remarkable that the twentieth year 2 of Constantine is a limit com
mon to both those works. Nor is it less singular, that, though the
Nicene Council was held in that year,3 yet no mention is made ol'
it in either work. But in his Chronicle, at the fifteenth year ol
Constantine, we read that " Alexander is ordained the nineteenth
bishop of the Alexandrian church, by whom Arius the pres
byter being expelled, joins many to his own impiety. A synod,
therefore, of three hundred and eighteen bishops, is convened
at Nice, a city of Bithynia, who by their agreement on the
term ouootwioc, (consubstantial, or co-essential,) suppressed all the
devices of the heretics." It is sufficiently evident that these words
were not written by Eusebius, but by St. Jerome, who in Eusebius's
Chronicle inserted many passages of his own. For, not to mention
that this reference to the Nicene Council is inserted in a place with
which it has no proper connexion, who could believe that Eusebius
would thus write concerning Arius, or should have inserted the
term onoouo-ioc in his own Chronicle; which word, as we shall
hereafter state, was not satisfactory to him. Was it likely that
Eusebius should, in the Chronicle, state that three hundred and
eighteen bishops were present at the Nicene synod, and in his
third book 4 on the Life of Constantine, say expressly that some
thing more than two hundred and fifty sat in that council ? We
doubt not, however, that the Ecclesiastical History was not com
pletely finished by Eusebius till some years after the council at
Nice. As Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in his Comparison of Hero
dotus and Thucydides, had long since intimated to the writers of
histories, the propriety of terminating their narratives at the con
summation of some illustrious event, Eusebius had, therefore, it is
likely, resolved to close his history with that peace, which after
Diocletian's persecution shone, as he observes, like a light from
heaven upon the church ; on this account, probably, he avoided
mentioning the Nicene synod, lest he should be compelled to com
mence a narrative of renewed litigation, and that too of bishops one
amongst another. Now what events more illustrious could have
been desired by Eusebius, than that repose which, after a most
sanguinary persecution, had been restored to the Christians by Con-
1 Book i. chap. 1. a i. e. a. d. 325.
3 On Constantiae's Vicennalia, that is, on the twentieth year of nil
empire. * Chap. 8.

LIFE OF EUSEBIUS. XXV
r 'nntine ; when the persecutors, and Licinius being every where
extinct, not a fear of past afflictions could exist. This epoch, there-
lore, rather than that of the Nicene Council, afforded the most
eligible limit to his Ecclesiastical History. For in that synod, the
contentions seemed not so much appeased as renewed ; and that njt
through any fault of the synod itself, but by the pertinacity of those
who refused to acquiesce in the very salutary decrees of that vener
able assembly.
Having said thus much relative to the life and writings of Euse
bius, it remains to make some remarks in reference to the soundness
of his religious faith and sentiments. Let not the reader, however,
here expect from us a defence, nor even any opinion of our own,
but rather the judgment of the church and of the ancient fathers
concerning him. Wherefore, certain points shall be here premised,
as preliminary propositions, relying on which, we may arrive at the
greater certainty relative to the faith of Eusebius. As the opinions
of the ancients concerning Eusebius are various, since some have
termed him a Catholic, others a heretic, others a Siy\airrav,r' a per
son of a double tongue, or wavering faith, it is incumbent on us to
inquire to which opinion we should chiefly assent. Of the law it is
an invariable rule, to adopt, in doubtful cases, the more lenient
opinion as the safer alternative. Besides, since all the westerns, St.
Jerome excepted, have entertained honourable sentiments relative
to Eusebius, and since the Gallican church has enrolled " him in the
catalogue of saints, it is questionless preferable to assent to the judg
ment of our fathers, than to that of the eastern schismatics. In.
short, whose authority ought to be more decisive in this matter
than that of the bishops of Rome ? But Galesius, in his work on
the Two Natures, has recounted our Eusebius amongst the catholic
writers, and has quoted two authorities out of his books. Pope Pe-
lagius,' too, terms him the most honourable amongst historians, and
pronounces him to be free frome very taint of heresy, notwithstanding
he had highly eulogized heretical Origen. Some, however, may say,
that since the Easterns were better acquainted with Eusebius, a man
of their own language, a preference should be given, in this case,
to their judgment. Even amongst these, Eusebius does not want
those, Socrates 8 and Galesius Cyzicenus " for example, who enter
tained a favourable opinion concerning him. But if the judgment
of the Seventh Oecumenical Synod be opposed to any inclination
in his favour, our answer is ready. The faith of Eusebius was not
the subject of that synod's debate, but the worship of images. In
order to the subversion of which, when the opponents that had
5 See Socrates, lib. i. c. 23.
6 As may be learned from Victorius Aquitanus, the Mutyroiogy of Uru-
ardus, ane. from others.
7 In Epist. Tertia ad Eliam Aqueleiensem et alios Episcopos Into.
8 See his defence of him, in book ii. chap. 21.
• j)k Synod. Nicaena, book ii. chap. 1.

XXVI LIFE OF EUSEBIUS.
lately assembled in the imperial city, had produced evidence out of
Eusebius's letter to Constantia, and laid the greatest stress thereonj,
the fathers of the Seventh Synod, to invalidate the authority of,
that evidence, exclaimed that Eusebius was an Arian. But this
was done merely casually, from the impulse of the occasion, and
hatred of the letter; not advisedly, or from a previous investigation^
of the charge. They produce some passages, it is true, from EuseJ
bins, to insinuate that he was favourable to the Arian hypothesisj
but they avoid all discrimination between what Eusebius wrote!
prior to the Nicene Council, and what be wrote afterwards, which,
questionless, ought to have been done as essential to a just decision*!
relative to Eusebius's faith. In short, nothing written by Eusebius
before that synod is fairly chargeable, in this respect, against him.
Eusebius's letter to Alexander, containing his intercession with that
prelate for Arius, was, of course, written before that council. The
affirmation, therefore, of the fathers of the Seventh Synod, notwith
standing it has the semhlance of the highest authority, seems rather
to have the character of temerity and premature judgment, than to
be the verdict of a synod derived from a judicial investigation of
the cause. The Greeks may assume the liberty to think as they
please concerning Eusebius, and to term him an Arian, or a favourer i
of that heresy ; but who can patiently endure St. Jerome, who, not
content with calling him a heretic and Arian, frequently terms him
the ringleader of that faction ? Can he be justly termed a ring
leader of the Arians, who, after the Nicene Council, always con
demned their opinions ? Let his books De Ecclesiastic^ Theologii
be perused, which he wrote against Marcellus long after the Nicene
Council ; and we shall find what we have affirmed, that he condemn1-. }i
ed those who asserted that the Son of God was made of things not
existing, and that there was a time when he existed not. Athana
sius, likewise, in his letter relative to the decrees of the Nicene
Council, attests the same fact concerning Eusebius, in the following,
words : " In this, truly, he was unfortunate : that he might clear
himself, however, of the imputation, he ever afterwards opposed
the Arians, particularly since their denial of the pre-existence of
the Son of God applied equally to his conception or incarnation."
With this testimony, too, Eusebius was favoured by AthanasiusJ
notwithstanding the personal differences between them. But St.
Jerome, who had no cause of enmity against Eusebius, who had
profited so liberally by his writings, who had translated his Chronc*
logical Canon, and his book de Locis Hebraicis, into Latin, brands|
notwithstanding, Eusebius with a calumny, which even his most
malignant enemies never fastened on him. The reason of this we
cannot conjecture, except it is, that St. Jerome, in consequence of
his enmity to Origen, persisted in an unqualified persecution of all
that maintained his opinions, particularly Eusebius.
On the other hand, we do not conceal the fact, that Eusebius!
though he cannot be deservedly esteemed a. ringleader of the Arian

".I1TE or EUSEBIUS. xxvii
taction, yet, after the Nicene Council, was perpetually conversant
with the principals of that party, and, together with tliem, opposed
the catholic bishops, as Eustathius and Athanasius, the most strenu
ous advocates for the adoption of the term bpoomtoQ. Though Eu
sebius always asserted the eternity of the Son of God, against the
Arians, yet, in his disapproval of that word,1 he seems censurable.
It is certain that he never made use of that term, either in his books
against Marcellus, or in his orations against Sabellius. Nay, in his
second book against Sabellius, he expressly declares, that since
that word is not in the Scriptures, it is not satisfactory to him.
On this occasion, he speaks to the following effect : " As not in
quiring into truths which admit of investigation is indolence, so
prying into others, where the scrutiny is inexpedient, is audacity.
Into what truths ought we then to search ? Those which we find
recorded in the Scriptures. But what we do not find recorded there,
let us not search after. For had the knowledge of them been in
cumbent on us, the Holy Spirit would doubtless have placed them
there." Shortly after, he says, " Let us not hazard ourselves in such
a risk, but speak safely ; and let not any thing that is written be
blotted out." And in the end of his oration, he thus expresses himself,
" Speak what is written, and the strife will be abandoned." In which
passages, Eusebius, no doubt, alludes to the word bpoovaiog.
Finally, we now advert to the testimonies of the ancients concern
ing Eusebius. Here one thing is to be observed, namely, however
various the opinions of men have been, relative to tbe accuracy of
the religious sentiments of Eusebius, all, however, have unanimous
ly esteemed him as a person of the most profound learning. To
this we have to mention one solitary exception, Joseph Scaliger,
who within the memory of our fathers, impelled by tbe current of
temerity, and relish for vituperation, endeavoured to filch from
Eusebius those literary honours, which even his adversaries never
dared to impugn. Scaliger's words2 we have inserted amongst the
testimonies of the ancients, not as any proof of our value of his judg
ment on this point, but for the accommodation of those desirous of
knowing them, and with the design that his unwarrantable detrac
tion might meet with the exposure it deserved ; who having resolv
ed to write a commentary on the Chronological Canon of Euse
bius, does not hesitate to arraign St. Jerome himself, because be
speaks of Eusebius as a most learned character. On Scaliger's
opinion we had at first determined to bestow a more ample refuta
tion ; but this we shall defer, until more leisure on the one hand,
or a more urgent claim on the part of the reader, on the other, shall
again call our attention to the subject.
1 Viz. owooucrtos.  .... j t? j
» See Scaliger's Elench. Triha;res. tfuap. 27 ; and book vi. de Emend.
Temp. chap. 1, about the end; and his Animadversions on Eusebius s
Chronicle, page 8. C 58

5HR0N0L0GICAL TABLE,

SHOWIKfi

TBE STATE OE PERIOD OF THE MOST PROMINENT PERSONS ANE EYEiiTS
OCCURRINU IN THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF EUSEBIUS.

In t.iis Talile, which is designed chiefly to present a synopsis of the principal contemporary
events unci person?, it will be observed that the dates are given according to the vulvar
era, or four years later than the true time. The number on the left of the column shoffa
t.io year, on the right is given the page of the work.

1. Oct. Cees. Augustus being
emperor of Rome, Christ was
born .... 16
14. Tiberius succeeds him.
33. Christ crucified . 27
Tiberius dies in the twenty-
third year of his reign, and is
. succeeded by Caius Cses. Ca
ligula ... 41
3 7. James, surnamed the Just,
bishop of Jerusalem, at first
bishop of the first Christian
church ... 37
The mission of Thaddeus to
Edessa . . 37
The name Christian grows
into use at Antioch.
41. Caligula dies, and is sue*-
ceeded by Claudius.
The famine mentioned in
the book of Acts . 48
43. Herod Agrippa afflicts the
church, and puts James the
Great, brother of John, to
death .... 46
Herod dies . . 48
Theudas, the impostor 49
Helen, queen of the Osrho-
enians ¦ . . 49
Simon Magus . . 50
Peter at Rome . 51
Philo's communication with
Peter .... 53

Sedition of the Jews at Je
rusalem, and consequent de
struction. Agrippa, Herod's son, ap
pointed king of the Jews 60
54. Claudius dies, and is suc
ceeded by Tiberius Claudius
Nero ..... 61
1. Annianus, bishop of Alex
andria, and successor of St.
Mark . . . . . 67
The first general persecu
tion of the Christian church 67
Peter and Paul suffer mar
tyrdom, and Linus is the first
bishop of Rome . . 71
68. Nero dies, and is succeeded
by Galba and Otho, whose
successive reigns did not em
brace more than eighteen
months ... 74
69, Vitellius acknowledged em
peror, but is soon after killed,
and Vespasian declared em
peror .... 74
The Jews oppressed by
grievous famine . 76
70. Capture and destruction of
Jerusalem by Titus, the. son
of Vespasian . 74—76 '
Gnostics, Dositheus, Simon
Magus, Ebion, Cerinthus.
Simeon, son of Cleonas. the

CHRONOLOGICAL TADLE.

second bishop of Jerusalem.
It is worthy of note that the
first bishops of this church
were relatives of our Lord 88
The family of David investi
gated by Vespasian.
79. Vespasian dies, and is suc
ceeded by his son Titus.
Anencletus,bishop of Rome.
81. Titus dies, and is succeeded
by Domitian, a second Nero
39—93
Second general persecution 90
Clement, bishop of Rome.
Avilius, bishop of Alexan
dria .... 89
John the apostle, exiled to
Patmos . . . 91
94. FI. Clement and Domitilla,
martyrs. The grandchildren of Judas,
relatives of our Lord, yet liv
ing . ... 91
96. Death of Domitian, who is
succeeded by Nerva. Nerva
is succeeded by Trajan.
98. Cerdon, bishop of Alexan
dria .... 93
Clement of Rome; Ignatius
ofAntioch, successor of Evo-
dius, the first bishop . 93
Simeon of Jerusalem suffers
martyrdom, and is succeeded
by Justus in the episcopate 109
About this time the dates of
the succession in the church
of Jerusalem became uncer
tain. The first fifteen bishops
were all Hebrews. Of these,
however, we know but little
more than the names of the
succession preserved by Eu
sebius . . . 119
After these followed the
Gentile succession, when the
dates became more certain.
See the tabular view of the bi
shops appended to this table.

1 A. D.
99. The apostle John dies at
Ephesus. Euarestus, bishop of Rome 116
Primus, bishop of Alexan
dria. Alexander succeeds Eua
restus in the see of Rome 116
107. Ignatius suffers martyr
dom.
117. Trajan dies, and is suc
ceeded by Adrian . 118
Quadratus and Aristides
write a defence of Christianity
addressed to Adrian 118
Xystus, or Sixtus, bishop
of Rome.
Justus of Alexandria; Te-
lesphorus succeeds Xystus at
Rome, and Eumenes succeeds
Justus at Alexandria 119
Barchochebas the impostor 120
The last siege of the Jews,
when the name of Jerusalem
was changed and called iElia,
in honour of the emperor,
jEHus Adrian . . 120
About this time appeared
the heresies of Menander,
Saturninus, and Basilides, the
offspring of the heresy of
Simon Magus . . 121
Adrian forbids the Chris
tians to be punished without
trial . . . . 12.5
Hegesippus and Justin con
temporary writers 123, 124
1 38. Adrian dies, and is succeed
ed by Antoninus Pius 126
Hyginus, successor of Te-
lesphoius at Rome . 126
Valentine and Cerdon,
Gnostics, notorious at Rome 126
Justin addresses his Apolo
gy to Antonine, by which the
emperor is induced to send
his edict to the cities of Asia.
128, 129

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Pius, bishop of Rome, is
succeeded by Anicetus 130
161. Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
succeeds Antoninus Pius, and
is associated with Lucius An
toninus Verus, his brother 131
163. Justin addresses a second
Apology to the emperors ;
about the same time, also,
Athenagoras and Tatian
wrote their Apologies.
!66. Martyrdom of Justin and
Polycarp . . 131—140
Fourth persecution; Anice
tus succeeded bj' Soter in the
see of Rome, and Celadion
succeeded by Agrippinus in
the see of Alexandria 144
Heron, Eros, Theophilus,
bishops of Antioch . 144
Dionysius of Corinth, Piny-
tus of Crete, Philip Apolli
naris, and Melito, Musanus
Modestus, and Irenasus, con
temporary writers . 144
169. L. Verus dies.
The Christian legion pray
for rain, and victory over the
Marcomanni, whence the le
gion is called Fulminea 172
Eleutherus of Rome 156
Bardesanes of Syria 155
1 77. Martyrs of Lyons and Vien
na in Gaul . . 157
Syriac and Italian transla
tions of the New Testament
are made about these times,
^ as also those of Aquila, Sym-
machus, and Theodotion.
lSO.fs^-ntonine dies, and is suc
ceeded by Commodus 178
Agrippinus is succeeded by
Julian in the see of Alexan
dria . . . _ . 178
Pantaenus, the philosopher,
at the head of the Alexan
drian school . . 178
Clement of Alexandria, the
pupil of Pantfenus . 179
Narcissus, bishop of Jeru

salem, being the fifleenlh ol
the Gentile succession, which
commenced after the invasion
of Judea under Adrian 179
Rbodo opposes the errors
of Mareion . . 180
Phrygian errors, Montanus,
Priscilla Maximilla 182—186
Blastus, schismatic,at Rome 182
Miltiades and ApoUonius,
ecclesiastical writers ; the lat
ter dies a martyr 187—193
Eleutherus is succeeded by
Victor in the see of Rome ;
and Julian of Alexandria by
Demetrius . . 194
Serapion, bishop ofAntioch 190
Narcissus of Jerusalem, Ba-
chyllus of Corinth, and Poly-
crates at Ephesus.
The question respecting the
passover is now agitated 194
Artemon's errors revived by
Paul of Samosata . 200
Natalius, Asclepiodotus 201
192. Pertinax.
193. Didius Julius.
194. Septimius Severus, emperor.
Tertullian writes his Apo
logy. Fifth persecution . 204
Martyrdom of Philip, go*'>
vernor in Egypt, Leonidas, >
and others.
205. Irenseus and the martyrs at
Lyons. Origen . . . 204 ,
Clement succeeds PantsenuH
in the Alexandrian school.
About the same time flour
ished Judas the historian,
Alexander of Jerusalem, De
metrius of Alexandria, and
Porphyry, the opponent cf
Christianity . 225, 226
211. A. Caracalla and Geta, em
perors.
217- Macrinus with his son.

CHKOVOl.OGICAL TABLE.

A. D. Zephyrinus of Rome, suc
cessor of Victor, is succeeded
by Calisthus, who again left
the church to Urbanus 228
218. Heliogabalus (alias Antoni
nus) succeeds Macrinus 227
222. Alexander Severus, emper
or . ' . . . 228
Philetas succeeds Asclepi-
ades in the see of Antioch 228
Mamsea, Alexander's mo
ther, favourable to Christi
anity . . . 228
Hippolytus, an ecclesiasti
cal writer . . 228
Heraclas succeeds Deme
trius in the see of Alexandria 232
Firmilianus,bishop of Caesa
rea in Cappadocia . 232
Theoctistus,bishop of Caesa
rea in Palestine.
235. Alexander assassinated by
Maximinus Thrax, who is
proclaimed emperor, and
commences the sixth perse
cution ... 233
238. Maximinus Thrax is suc
ceeded by Gordian.
Pontianus is succeeded by
Anteros in the see of Rome,
who was succeeded by Fabi-
anus . ¦ • 234
Heraclas bishop of Alexan
dria .... 234
Zebinus of Antioch is suc
ceeded by Babylas . 234
Africanus, author of the
work called Cesti . 235
Beryllus of Arabia 236
244. Gordian is succeeded by
Philip the Arabian.
Origen's works on the Scrip-
fares ._ . 236
Heraclas is succeeded by
Dionysius in the see of Alex
andria . . . 238
Dissensions of the Arabi
ans . . . . 239
Heresy of the Helcesaites.

9.50. Decius succeeds Philip.
Seventh persecution 240
Alexander, bishop of Jeru
salem, dies a martyr, and is
succeeded by Mazabanes.
Babylas ofAntioch also died
in prison, and was succeeded
by Fabius . . 240
Origen's great sufferings
and tortures . . 240
The sufferings of Dionysius 241
The martyrs at Alexandria 242
Novatus creates a schism
at Rome ... 248
Fabianus suffers martyr
dom, and Cornelius bishop
of Rome .
Cyprian of Carthage, and
Fabius of Antioch 248
Dionysius writes to Nova
tus . . 254
The dispute between Cypri
an of Carthage and Stephen
of Rome . . . 256
253. Gallus emperor.
Lucius bishop of Rome 256
254. Valerianus emperor.
Stephen bishop of Rome 257
The following bishops at
this time were contempora
ry : Demetrianus of Antioch,
Theoctistus of Csesarea, Ma
zabanes of iElia, Marinus of
Tyre, Heliodorus of Laodicea,
Helenus of Tarsus. Stephen
was succeeded by Xystus, or
Sixtus II. . 258
The Sabellian heresy 258
Valerian stimulated by Ma-
crianus to persecute 263
Dionysius bishop of Rome 286
The sufferings of Dionysius
of Alexandria . • 264
The schism of Nepos 279
259. Gallienus sole emperor on
the capture of his father, Va
lerian . ¦ 270

txxu

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Cyprian and Laurentius suf
fered martyrdom.
The episcopal see of James
at Jerusalem held in great
veneration in these times 273
Dionysius of Alexandria
dies, and is succeeded by
Maximus . . . 287
264. Paul of Samosata creates a
schism, and is condemned in
a council at Antioch 287
268. Claudius emperor of Rome 287
Felix, successor of Dionysius
of Rome, is succeeded by Eu-
tychianus, who was soon after
succeeded by Caius.
270. Aurelian emperor, to whom
an appeal was made against
Paul of Samosata . 292
272. The ninth persecution com
menced by Aurelian 292
275. Tacitus emperor.
276. Florianus emperor.
277. Probus emperor.
Origin of the Manichean
heresy ... 291
282. Carus emperor . 292
Carinus and Numerianus
emperors.
283. Caius bishop of Rome 294
284. Diocletian emperor of Rome 292
Under whom the tenth great
persecution began, preceded
by the demolition of the
churches . . . 302
287. Marcellinus succeeds Caius
in the see of Rome, who was
overtaken by the persecution
in his fifteenth year . 294
i02. The tenth persecution, the
most violent of all. Eusebius
styles it emphatically the per
secution . . . 303
Tiroaeus, Domnus, and Cy-
rillus successively bishops of
Antioch . . .294
Tyrannus succeeds Cyrillus 291

Eusebius successor of So.
crates in the see of Laodicea.
304. Marcellus succeeds Marcel
linus in the see of Rome, who
was followed by Eusebius "
Neither of these is mentioned
by Eusebius. The former wa
banished by Maxentius fo
his rigorous discipline.; th
latter was banished by the
same emperor.
310. These were succeeded by
Miltiades, or Melchiades, who
is mentioned in connexion
with Marcus in the epistle of
Constantine . .. 409
Diocletian and Maximian
abdicate the government.
Constantius Chlorus and
Galerius Maximianus, son-in- .
law of Diocletian, are created
Augusti . . . 320
The empire being thus di
vided between the two em
perors, Galerius adopted the
two Caesars, Severus and his
nephew Maximinus.
Licinius appointed emperor
and Augustus by a common
vote of the emperors 321
Maximinus assumes the title
of Augustus . . 321
306. Constantius, emperor of the
west, dies in Britain, and Con
stantine his son is proclaimed
emperor; an event which de
feated the ambitious and ty
rannical projects of Galerius
Maximianus . . 320
Maximian dies a disgrace
ful death, after an attempt
against the life of Constan
tine .... 321
Maxentius, son of Ma.\i
mian, assumes the imperial
dignity at Rome . 321
Maximinus of the east, and'
Maxentius at Rome, secretly
combine against Conslviitine
and Licinius . . 321

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

The excesses committed by
the tyrants . 322—324
About this time flourished
Anatolius, distinguished as
bishop of Laodicea and a
writer . . 294—296
Stephen bishop of Antioch 298
Theotecnus, bishop of Cae
sarea in Palestine, was suc
ceeded by Agapius, the con
temporary of Pamphilus.
Agapius was succeeded by
Eusebius, the author of the
Ecclesiastical History 298
About this time also flour
ished as writers, Pierius of
Alexandria, Melchius, bishop
of Pontus, and Miletius, the
honey of Attica . 299
Hymenaeus, Zambdas, and
Hermon, successively bishops
of Jerusalem about this time 299
Maximus, the successor of
Dionysius, was succeeded by
Theonas in the see of Alex
andria ... 299
Theonas was succeeded by
Peter and Achillas, and he
by Alexander. The last of
these was indirectly the occa
sion of the subsequent Arian
controversy. Hermon of Jerusalem, Alex-
der of Alexandria, Miltiades
of Rome.Tyrannus ofAntioch,
Theodotus of Laodicea, and
Agapius of Caesarea in Pales
tine, are the last bishops men

tioned by Eusebius in the most
prominent sees.
314. Miltiades was succeeded by
Sylvester in the see of Rome,
in whose times the council of
Nice was held.
Constantine establishes the
free exercise of the Christian
religion, and liberates the
Roman world from oppression 384
The churches are now re
stored and dedicated _ 386
Universal peace in the
church, large endowments
made by the emperor, privi
leges granted to the clergy,
with the restoration of con
fiscated property . 413
The splendour which the
church now began to wear
seems to have laid the found
ation to its subsequent cor
ruption.
315. Licinius forms plots against
Constantine, but is foiled 414
He proceeds to persecute
the Christians with great vio
lence . . • 415
Great excesses committed
by him . . . 415
315. Engages in battle with Con
stantine, is totally defeated,
and soon after put to death 417
324. Constantine sole master of
the Roman world.
This epoch forms the limits
of the Ecclesiastical History
of Eusebius.

TABULAE, VIEW
OF
THE ORDER OF THE EPISCOPAL SUCCESSION
IN THE
PROMINENT DIOCESES MENTIONED BY EUSEBIUS.

Bishops of Jerusalem.
1. Janes the brother
of our Lord.
2. Symeon, son of Cle-
opas.
3. Justus.
4. Zaccheus.
•5. Tobias.
6. Benjamin.
7. John.
8. Matthias.
9. Philip.
10. Seneca.
11. Justus.
12. Levi.
13. Ephres.
14. Joseph.
15. Judas, last of the
Hebrew succes
sion.
16. Marcus.
17. Cassianus.
18. Publius.
19. Maximus.
20. Julian.
21. Caius.
22. Symmachus.
23. Caius II.
24. Julian II.
25. Capito.
26. Maximus II.
27. Antoninus.
28. Valens.
29. Dolichianus.
30. Narcissus.
31. Dius.
32. Germanio.
33. Gordius.
34. Narcissus II.
35. Alexander.
36. Mazabanes.
37. HymenEeus.
38. Zabdas.
39. Hermon.
Bishops ofAntioch.
1. Evodius
2. Ignatius

3. Heron.
4. Cornelius.
5. Eros.
6. Theophilus.
7. Maximinus.
8. Serapion.
9. Asclepiades.
10. Philetus.
11. Zebinas.
12. Babylas.
13. Fabius.
14. Demetrianus.
15. Paul of Samosata.
16. Domnus.
17. Tinueus.
18. Cyrillus.
19. Tyrannus.
Bishops of Rome.
Peter and Paul, according
to Eusebius, died as
martyrs at Rome : after
these followed
1. Linus.
2. Anencletus.
3. Clement.
4. Euarestus.
5. Alexander.
6. Xystus or Sixtus.
7. Telesphorus.
8. Hyginus.
9. Pius.
10. Anicetus.
11. Soter.
12. Eleutherus.
13. Victor.
14. Zephyrinus.
15. Callisthus.
16. Urbanus.
17. Pontianus.
18. Anteros.
19. Fabianus.
20. Cornelius.
21. Lucius.
22. Stephanus.
23. Xystus or Sixtus II.
24. Dionysius.
25. Felix.
26. Eutychianus.

27. Caius.
28. Marcellinus.
29. Miltiades.
Bishops of Alexandria,
The evangelist Mark estab.
lished the chureh there,
and after him came
1. Annianus.
2. Avilius.
3/ Cerdo.
4. Primus.
5. Justus.
6. Eumenes.
7. Marcus.
8. Celadion.
9. Agrippinus.
10. Julianus.
11. Demetrius.
12. Heraclas.
13. Dionysius.
14. Maximus.
15. Theonas.
16. Peter.
17. Achillas.
18. Alexander.
Bishops of Laodicea
mentioned by Euse
bius.
Thelymedres.
Heliodorus.Socrates.
Eusebius of Alexandria,
Anatolius. Stephen.
Theodotus. Bishops of Ctesarsa
mentioned by <AM
autjior.
Theophilus.
Theoctistus.
Domnus. Theotecnus.
Agapius.Eusebius.

CONTENTS.

BOOK I.
Chap. Page
I. Subject of the work . -» 1
II. Summary view of the pre
existence and divinity of our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ 3
Reasons why the gospel was not
proclaimed sooner ¦ . 6
III. The name Jesus, as also
that of Christ, was both known
and honoured from ancient ""
times, by the inspired prophets 9
IV. The religion announced by
Christ among all nations,
was neither unexpected nor
ntrange  IS
V. The times of our Saviour's
• manifestation among men . 15
VI. About the time of our
Lord, agreeably to prophecy,
those rulers ceased that had
formerly governed the nation
of the Jews by regular suc
cession; and Herod was the
first foreigner that reigned
over them . . . .17
VII. On the discrepancy
which is supposed to exist in
the Gospels respecting the
genealogy of Christ . . 19
VIII. Herod's cruelty against
the infants, and his wretched
end  23
IX. Of the times of Pilate . 26
X. The high priests of the
Jews, under whom Christ pro
mulgated his doctrines . . 27
XI. The testimonies respecting
John the Baptist and Christ . 28
Xli. Of the disciples of our
Lord  30
XIII. Narrative . respecting the
prince of Edessa ... 31

BOOK II.
Chap. Page
I. The course pursued by the
apostles after the ascension of
Christ  36
II. How Tiberius was affected,
when informed by Pilate re
specting Christ
III. How the Christian doctrine
spread throughout the whole
world 
IV. Caius, (Caligula,) after the
death of Tiberius, appointed
Agrippa king of the Jews, af
ter punishing Herod with per
petual exile ....
V. Philo was sent on an em
bassy to Caius, in behalf of
the Jews ....
VI. What evils overwhelmed
the Jews after their presump
tion against Christ .
VII. How Pilate destroyed him
self 
VIII. The famine that happen
ed in the reign of Claudius .
IX. The martyrdom of the
apostle James
X. Herod Agrippa persecuting
the apostles, immediately ex
perienced the divine judgment
XI. Concerning the impostor
Theudas and his followers
XII. Helen, queen of the Osrho-
enians 
XIII. Simon Magus .
XIV. The preaching of Peter in
the city of Rome .
XV. The Gospel according to
Mark 
XVI. Mark first proclaimed
Christianity to the inhabitants
of Egypt ....

39

40

41

42

43
45

46
ib.

49

ib.

51

52

UZ

XXXVI

CONTENTS.

Chap. Page
XVII. The account given by
Philo respecting the Ascetics
of Egypt . . . .54
XVIII. The books of Philo that
have come down to us . . 58
XIX. The calamity which befell
the Jews at Jerusalem on the
day of the passover . . 60
XX. The deeds done at Jerusa
lem in the reign of Nero . 61
XXI. The Egyptian mentioned
in the Acts of the Apostles . 62
XXII. Paul being sent prisoner
from Judea to, Rome, after his
defence, was absolved from all
crime  ib.
XXIII. The martyrdom of
James, who was called the
brother of the Lord . . 64
XXIV. Annianus was appointed
the first bishop of Alexandria,
after Mark . . . .67
XXV. The persecution under
Nero, in which Paul and Pe
ter were honoured with mar
tyrdom in the cause of religion
at Rome .... ib.
XXVI. The Jews were afflicted
with innumerable evils, and
finally commenced a war with
the Romans . . . .69
BOOK III.
1. The parts of the world where
Christ was preached by the
apostles  71
j II. The first that presided over
the church at Rome . . ib.
III. Of the Epistles of the
apostles  ib.
IV. The first succession of the
apostles  73
V. The last siege of the Jews
after ChriBt . . . .74
VI. The famine which oppressed
the Jews . . . .76
VII. The predictions of Christ . 81
VIII. The signs that preceded
the war  83
IX. Of Josephus and the works
he has left . . . .86
X. The manner in which Jo-
sephus mentions the Holy
Scriptures . . ib.

Chap. -Ja)»
XI. Simeon ruled the church of
J erusalem after James . . 88
XII. Vespasian commands the
descendants of David to be
sought . . . - .89
XIII. Anencletus, the 6econd
bishop of Rome . . . ib
XIV. A villus, the second bishop
of Alexandria . . . . ib.
XV. Clement, the third bishop
of Rome  90
XVI. The Epistle of Clement . ib.
XVII. The persecution of the
Christians under Domitian . ib.
XVIII. Of John the apostle,
and the Revelation . . 91
XIX. Domitian commands the
posterity of David to be slain . ib.
XX. Ofthe relatives of our Lord 92
XXI. Cerdon, the third bishop
of Alexandria . . . ib
XXII. Ignatius, the second
bishop of Antioch . . . ib.
XXIII. Narrative respecting
the apostle John . . 94
XXIV. The order of the Gos
pels  97
XXV. The sacred Scriptures
acknowledged as genuine, and
those that are not . . .99
XXVI. Menander the impostor 10fl-
XXVII. The heresy of the
Ebionites . . . .101
XXVIII. Cerinthus the Here-
siarch  10'2
XXIX. Nicolaus and his fol
lowers  103
XXX. The apostles that lived in
marriage . . . .104
XXXI. The death of John and
Philip .... 105
XXXII. The martyrdom of
Simeon, bishop of Jerusalem 106
XXXIII. Trajan forbids the
Christians to be sought after . lf.8
XXXIV. Euarestus, the fourth
bishop of the church at Rome 109
XXXV. Justus, the third bishop
of Jerusalem . . . iS
XXXVI. The epistles of Ig
natius  ti
XXXVII. The preaching evan
gelists that were yet living
in that age . . . Ill'
XXXVIII. The epistle of Cle-

CON l'ENTS.

Cnap. Page
ment, and those that are false
ly ascribed to him . . .112
XXXIX. The writings of Pa
pias . . 113

BOOK IV.
I. The bishops of Rome and
Alexandria, in the reign of
Trajan  116
lI. The calamities of the Jews
about this time . . . ib.
111. The authors that wrote in
the defence of the faith in the
reign of Adrian . . . 118
IV. The bishops of Alexandria
and Rome, under the same
emperor  ib.
V. The bishops of Jerusalem,
from the period of our Saviour
until these times . . . 119
VI. The last siege of the Jews
under Adrian .... 120
VII. Those who were consider
ed leaders in false doctrine at
this time  121
VIII. The ecclesiastical writers
then flourishing . . . 123
IX. The epistle of Hadrian,
forbidding the Christians to
be punished without trial . 125
X. The bishops of Rome and
Alexandria, in the reign of
Antonine . . , .126
XI. The heresiarchs of these
times  ib.
XII. The apology of Justin,
addressed to Antoninus . . 128
XIII. The epistle of Antonine
to the assembly of Asia, re
specting our doctrine . . ib.
XIV. Circumstances related of
Polycarp, an apostolic man . 130
XV. The martyrdom of Poly
carp, with others at Smyrna . 131
XVI. How Justin the philoso
pher suffered martyrdom, as
serting the doctrines of Christ. 138
XVII. The martyrs mentioned
by Justin in his books . . 140
XVIII. The books of Justin
that have come down to us . 142
XIX. Those that presided over
the churches of Rome and

Chap. i>ag,
Alexandria in the reign of
Verus  U-j,
XX. The bishops of Antioch . ib.
XXI. The ecclesiastical writers
that flourished iu these times ib.
XXII. Of Hegesippus, and
those whom he mentions . 145
XXIII. Of Dionysius, bishop of
Corinth, and his epistles . 147
XXIV. Of Theophilus, bishop of
Antioch .... 149
XXV. Of PhiKp and Modestus 150
XXVI. Of Melito, and the cir
cumstances he records . ib
XXVII. Of Apollinaris, bishop
of Hierapolis . . . 153
XXVIII. Of Musanus and his
works . . . . ib.
XXIX. The heresy of Tatianus 154
XXX. Of Bardesanes, the Sy
rian, and the works of his ex
tant  155
BOOK V.
I. The number and sufferings of
those that suffered for the faith
in Gaul  157
II. Those that had fallen away,
kindly restored by the pious
martyrs  168
III. The vision that appeared to
Attalus the martyr, in a
dream  170
IV. The martyrs commend Ire-
nseus in their epistles . . 171
V. God sent rain from heaven
to Marcus Aurelius, the em
peror, at the prayers of our
brethren .... 172
VI. Catalogue of the bishops of
Rome ... .. 173
VII. Miracles were performed
in those times by the believers 174
VIII. The statement of lrenreus
respecting the sacred Scrip
tures .... 17?
IX. The bishops under Corn-
modus  178
X. Of Pantamus the philosopher ib.
XI. Clement of Alexandria . .179
XII. The bishops of Jerusalem ib.
XIII. OfRhodo, and tbe dissen
sion occasioned by Mareion,
which he records . . . 180

X-X.XV1U

CONTENTS.

Chap. Page
XIV. The false prophets of the
Phrygians ' . . . .182
XV. Of the schism of Blastus, at
Rome  ib.
XVI. The affairs of Montanus,
and his false prophets . . 183
XVII. Of Miltiades and his
works  187
XVIII. ApoUonius also refutes
the Phrygian heresy, and those
whom he has mentioned . 188
XIX. The opinion of Serapion
respecting the heresy of the
Phrygians .... 190
XX. The writings of Irenaaus
against the schismatics at
Rome  191
XXI. The martyrdom of Apol-
lonius, at Rome . . . 193
XXII. The bishops that flour
ished at this time . . .194
XXIII. The question then agi
tated respecting the passover . ib.
XXIV. The dissension of the
churches in Asia . . . 196
XXV. All agree to one opinion
respecting the passover . . 199
XXVI. The elegant works of
Irenaeus that have come down
to us  ib.
XXVII. The works of others
that flourished at the time . 200
XXVIII. Those that followed
the heresy of Artemon, in the
beginning. Their character
and conduct ; and their at
tempt at corrupting the Scrip
tures . ... ib.
BOOK VI.
I. The persecution under Se-
verus  204
II. The education of Origen,
from his earliest youth . ib.
III. When a very young man
he preached the gospel . . 207
IV. The number of his catechu
mens that suffered martyrdom 209
V. OfPotamiama . . .210
VI. Clement of Alexandria . 211
VII. The historian Judas . . 212
VIII. The resolute act of Origen ib.
IX. The miracle of Narcissus . 213
X. The bishops in Jerusalem . 215

Chap. 1*H»
XI. Of Alexander . . .215
XII. Serapion, and the writings
ascribed to him . . .217
XIII. The works of Clement . 216
XIV. The works that Clement
mentions . . . .219
XV. Of Heraclas . . .221
XVI. The great study which
Origen devoted to the Holy
Scriptures . . ib.
XVII. Of the translator Sym-
machus  222
XVIII. Of Ambrose. . . ib
XIX. The accounts given of Ori
gen by others . . . .223
XX. The works of the writers
of the day still extant . . 227
XXI. The bishops that were
noted at this time . . . ib.
XXII. The works of Hippolytus
that have reached us . . 228
XXIII. Origen's zeal, and his
elevation to the priesthood . ib.
XXIV. The expositions he gave
at Alexandria . . . .227
XXV. His review of the collec
tive Scriptures . . .230
XXVI. Heraclas succeeds to the
episcopate of Alexandria . 232
XXVII. How the bishops re
garded him . . . .233
XXVIII. The persecution un
der Maximinus . . . ib
XXIX. Of Fabianus, who was
remarkably appointed bishop
of Rome, by divine communi
cation  234
XXX. The pupils of Origen . 235
XXXI. Of Africanus . . ib
XXXII. The commentaries that
Origen wrote in Palestine . 236
XXXIII. The error of Beryllus ib.
XXXIV. Of Philip Cssar . 23i
XXXV. Dionysius succeeds He
raclas in the episcopate . . 238
XXXVI. Other works written
by Origen . . . . ib.
XXXVII. The dissension ofthe
Arabians . . . .239
XXXVIII. The heresy of the
Helcesaites . . . . ib.
XXXIX. The persecution of
Decius . . . .24
XL. What happened to Diony
sius . . . . " . 341

CONTENTS.

XX X\A

Chap. Page
XLI. Of those who suffered
martyrdom at Alexandria . 242
XLII. Other accounts given by
Dionysius . . . 246
XLIII. Of Novatus, his man
ners and habits, and his heresy 248
XLIV. Dionj'sius's account of
Serapion .... 252
XLV. The epistle of Dionysius
to Novatus .... 254
XLVI. Other epistles of Diony
sius . . . ib.
BOOK VII.
I. The great wickedness of De-
cius and Gallus . . . 2oo
II. The bishops of Rome at this
time ..... 2-56
III. Cyprian, and the bishops
connected with him, maintain
ed, thatthose who had turned
from heretical error should be
baptized again . . . ib.
IV. The epistles that Dionysius
wrote on this subject . . 257
V . The peace after the persecu
tion'  ib.
VI. The heresy of Sabellius . 258
VII. The execrable error of the
heretics, the divine vision of
Dionysius, and the ecclesiasti
cal canon given to him . . ib.
VIII. The heterodoxy of No
vatus  261
IX. The ungodly baptism of
heretics  ib.
X. Valerian and the persecution
raised by him . . . 262
XI. The sufferings of Dionysius
and those in Egypt , . 264
XII. The martyrs of Caesarea of
Palestine . . . .269
XIII. The peace after Gallienus 270
XIV. The bishops that flourish
ed at this time . . t ib.
XV. The martyrdom of Marinus
at Csesarea .... 271
XVI. Some account of Astyrius 272
XVII. The miracles of our Sa
viour at Faneas . . . ib,
XVIII. The statue erected by a
woman having an hemorrhage 273
XIX. The episcopal seat of
James . ... id.

Cnap, Page
XX. The epistles of Dionysius
on festivals, in which he gives
the canon of the passover . 274
XXI. The events that occurred
at Alexandria . . . ib.
XXII. The pestilence which
then prevailed . . . 276
XXIII. The reign of Gallienus 278
XXIV. Of Nepos and his schism 279
XXV. The Apocalypse of John 281
XXVI. The epistles of Dionysius 285
XXVII. Paul of Samosata, and
the heresy introduced by him
at Antioch . 28€
XXVIII. The different bishops
then distinguished . . ib,
XXIX. Paul refuted by a cer
tain Malchion, one ofthe pres
byters who had been a sophist,
was deposed . . . 287
XXX. The epistle of the coun
cil against Paul . . . ib.
XXXI. The error of the Mani-
chees, which commenced at
this time . . . .293
XXXII. Of those distinguished
ecclesiastical writers of our
own day, and >\hich of them
survived until the destruction
of the churches . . 294
BOOK VIII.
I. The events that preceded the
persecution in our times . 300
II. The demolition of the
churches .... 302
III. The nature of the conflicts
endured by the martyrs in the
persecution . . . .303
IV. The illustrious martyrs of
God, who filled every place
with the celebrity of their
name, and obtained various
crowns of martyrdom for their
piety  304
V. The affairs of Nicomedia . 305
VI. Those that were in the pa
lace  306
VII. The Egyptians that suf
fered in Phcenice . . . 308
VIII. Those who suffered in
Egypt  310
IX. Of those in Thebais . . th,
X. The writings of Phileas.

XI

CONTENTS.

Chap. Page
which give an account of the
martyrs of Alexandria . . 312
XI. The events in Phrygia .315
XII. Of many others, both men
and women, who suffered in
different ways . . . ib.
XIII. Those prelates that e-
vinced the reality of the re
ligion they proclaimed with
their blood . . . .318
XIV. The morals of the perse
cutors  321
XV. The events that happened
to the heathen . . . 325
XVI. The change of affairs for
the better .... ib.
XVII. The revocation of the
emperors .... 326
BOOK OF MARTYRS.
I. Procopius, Alpheus, and Zac-
cheus  331
II. The martyr Romanus . 334
III. Timotheus, Agapius, The-
cla, and eight others . . 335
IV. Apphianus .... 336
V. The martyrs Ulpian and
jEdesius  339
VI. The martyr Agapius . . 340
VII. The martyrs Theodosia,
Domninus, and Auxentius . 342
VIII. Other confessors; also Va-
lentina and Paulus . . 344
IX. The renewal of the perse
cution , with greater violence.
Antoninus, Zebina, Germanus,
and others .... 346
X. Petrus Ascetes, Asclepius the
Marcionite, and other martyrs 349
XI. Of the martyrdom of Pam
philus and others . . . 350
XII. The prelates of the church 356
XIII. Silvanus and John, and
thirty other martyrs . . 358
BOOK IX.
I. The pretended relaxation . 361
II. The subsequent reverse . 363
III. The new statue erected at
Antioch .... 364
IV. The decrees against us . 365
V The false acts 366

Chap. P«Ji
VI. Those who suffered martyr
dom at this time . . . Z".
VII. The measures decreed
against us, and engraved on
pillars . . . .36?
Copy of the translated epistle of
Maximinus, in answer to the
ordinances (of the cities)
against us, taken from the
brazen tablet at Tyre . . 368
VIII. The events that occurred
after these; famine, pestilence,
and war  371
IX. The death of the tyrants,
and their expressions before
their end . . . .373
Copy of the translated epistle of
the tyrant Maximinus . . 378
X. The victory of the pious em
perors  37'J
Copy of the tyrant's ordinance,
in regard to the Christians,
translated from the Latin into
the Greek . . . .380
XI. The total destruction of the
enemies of religion . . 382
BOOK X.
I. The peace which was granted
us by divine interposition . 384
II. The restoration of the
churches . . . .386
III. The dedications of the
churches in all places . . ii.'!
IV. Panegyric on the splendour
of our affairs . . . .387
Panegyric on the building ofthe
churches, addressed to Pauli
nus, bishop of Tyre . . 388
V. Copies of the imperial de
crees . . . . . 406 ,
VI. Of the property belonging
to the Christians . . '. 412
VII. The privileges and immu
nities of the clergy . . 413
VIII. The wickedness which _
Licinius afterwards exhibited, '
and his death . . . ib.
IX. The victory of Constantine,
and the blessings which under ^
him accrued to the whole Ro
man world . . . .417

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS.

BOOK I.
CHAP. I. — Subject of the Work.
As it is my purpose to record the successions of the holy
apostles, together with the times since our Saviour, down to
the present, to recount how many and important transactions
jare said to have occurred in ecclesiastical history, what indi
viduals in the most noted places eminently governed and
presided over the church, what men also in their respective
jgenerations, whether with or without their writings, pro
claimed the divine word; to describe the character, times,
and number of those who, stimulated by the desire of inno
vation, and advancing to the greatest errors, announced them
selves leaders in the propagation of false opinions, like grievous
(Wolves, unmercifully assaulting the flock of Christ ; as it is
my intention, also, to describe the calamities that swiftly
•overwhelmed the whole Jewish nation, in consequence of
¦their plots against our Saviour ; how often, by what means,
and in what times, the word of God has encountered the
hostility of the nations ; what eminent persons persevered in
contending for it through those periods of blood and torture,
beside the martyrdoms which have been endured in our own
times ; and after all, to show the gracious and benign inter
position of our Saviour : these being proposed as the subjects
nf the present work, I shall go back to the very origin and
I [ElJSEBirS.] B
J

2 ECCLESIASTICAL BISTORT. !_B. I. C. 1.
the earliest introduction of the dispensation of our Lord aud
fsaviour, the Christ of God.
But here, acknowledging that it is beyond my power to
present the work perfect and unexceptionable, I freely confess {
it will crave indulgence, especially since, as the first of those
that have entered upon the subject, we are attempting a kind
of trackless and unbeaten path. Looking up with prayer to
God as our guide, we trust, indeed, that we shall have the
power of Christ as our aid, though we are totally unable to
find even the bare vestiges of those who may have travelled
the way before us; unless, perhaps, what is only presented;;
in the slight intimations, which some in different ways have
transmitted to us in certain partial narratives of the times in
which they lived ; who, raising their voices before us, like
torches at a distance, and as looking down from some com
manding height, call out and exhort us where we should
walk, and whither direct our course with certainty and safety.
Whatsoever, therefore, we deem likely to be advantageous to
the proposed subject, we shall endeavour to reduce to a com
pact body by historical narration. For this purpose we have
collected the materials that have been scattered by our prede
cessors, and culled, as from some intellectual meadows, the
appropriate extracts from ancient authors. In the execution^
of this work, we shall be happy to rescue from oblivion the
successions, if not of all, at least of the most noted apostles
of our Lord, in those churches which even at this day are
accounted the most eminent ; a labour which has appeared ta
me necessary in the highest degree, as I have not yet been
able to find that any of the ecclesiastical writers have directed 4.
their efforts to present any thing complete in this department
of writing. But as on the one hand I deem it highly neces
sary, so also I believe it will appear no less useful, to those i.
who are zealous admirers of historical research. Of these
matters, indeed, I have already heretofore furnished an epi
tome in my chronological tables, but in the present work I '
have undertaken a more full narrative. As I said above, I
shall begin my treatise with that dispensation, and that doc
trine of the divinity, which in sublimity and excellence sur
passes all human invention, viz. that of our Saviour Christ
And indeed, whoever would give a detail of ecclesiastical
history to posterity, is necessarily obliged to go back tt the

B. I. 0. 2. J ECCLESIASTICAL lllSTOltY/. 3
yery origin of the dispensation of Christ, as it is From hue,
indeed, that we derive our very epithet, a dispensation more
divine than many are disposed to think.

CHAPTER II.

SUMMARY VIEW OF THE PRE-EXISTENCE AND DIVINITY OF OUR L05:D
AND SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST.
As the mode of existence in Christ is twofold, the one re
sembling the head of the body, indicating his divinity ; the
other compared to the feet, by which he, for the sake of our
salvation, assumed that nature which is subject to the same
infirmities with ourselves ; hence our account of the subse
quent matter may be rendered complete and perfect, by com
mencing with the principal and most important points in
his history. By this method, at the same time, the antiquity
and the divine dignity of the Christian name will be exhibited
to those who suppose it a recent and foreign production, that
sprung into existence but yesterday, and was never before
known. No language, then, is sufficienf to express the origin, the
dignity, even the substance and nature of Christ. Whence
even the divine Spirit in the prophecies says, " Who will de
clare his generation ?" For as no one hath known the Father,
but the Son, so no one, on the other hand, can know the Son
fully, but the Father alone, by whom he was begotten. For
who but the Father hath thoroughly understood that Light
which existed before the world was — that intellectual and
substantial wisdom, and that living word which in the begin
ning was with the Father, before all creation and any produc
tion visible or invisible, the first and only offspring of God,
the prince and leader of the spiritual and immortal host of
heaven, the angel of the mighty council, the agent to execute
the Father's secret will, the maker of all things with the
Father, the second cause of the universe next to the Father,
the true and only Son of the Father, and the Lord and God
and King of all created things, who has received power and
dominion with divinity itself, and power and honour from the
Father. All this is evident from those more abstruse passages

4 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTOKlf. [B. I. C. 2
in reference to his divinity, " In the beginning was the wold,
and the word wr*s with G od, and the word was God." " All
things were made by him, and without him nothing was
made." This, too, we are taught by the great Moses, that
most ancient of all the prophets, when, under the influence of
the divine Spirit, he describes the creation and arrangement*
of all things, he also informs us that the Creator and Maker of
the universe yielded to Christ, and to none but to his divine i
and first-begotten word, the formation of all subordinate :
things, and communed with him respecting the creation of
man. " For," says he, " God said, Let us make man according ~j
to our image and according to our likeness." This expression
is confirmed by another of the prophets, who, discoursing of
God in his hymns, declares, " He spake, and they were made ;
he commanded, and they were created." Where he intro
duces the Father and Maker as the Ruler of all, commanding
with his sovereign nod, but the divine word as next to him,
the very same that is proclaimed to us, as ministering to his
Father's commands. Him, too, all that are said to have ex
celled in righteousness and piety, since the creation of man ; ,
Moses, that eminent servant of God, and Abraham before
him, the children of the latter, and as many righteous pro
phets as subsequently appeared ; contemplated with the pure
eyes of the mind, and both recognised and gave him the
worship that was his due as the Son of God. The Son him
self, however, by no means indifferent to the worship of the
Father, is appointed to teach the knowledge of the Father to
all. The Lord God, therefore, appeared as a common man to
Abraham, while sitting at the oak of Mamre. And he, im
mediately falling down, although he plainly saw a man with
his eyes, nevertheless worshipped him as God, and entreated
him as Lord. He confesses, too, that he is not ignorant who
he is in the words, "Lord, the judge of all the earth, wilt not
thou judge righteously ?" For as it were wholly unreasonable,
to suppose the uncreated and unchangeable substance of the
Almighty God to be changed into the form of a man, or to de
ceive the eyes of beholders with- the phantom of any created
substance, so also it is unreasonable to suppose that the Scrip
tures have falsely invented such things as these. " God and;
the Lord, who is judge of the, whole earth, and executefh
judgment." appearing in the shape of man, who else can he be

B. I. C. 2. J ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 5
called, if it be not lawful to call him the author of the universe,
than his only pre-existing word ? Concerning whom also in the
Psalms it is said, "He sent his word and healed them, and de
livered them from their corruptions." Of Him, Moses obvi
ously speaks as the second after the Father, when he says, " The
Lord rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone and fire from
the Lord." Him also again appearing to Jacob in the form of
man, the sacred Scriptures call by the name of God, saying to
Jacob, " Thy name shall no longer be called Jacob, but Israel
shall be thy name, because thou hast prevailed with God."
Whence also Jacob called the name of that place the vision
of God, saying, " I have seen God face to face, and my soul
has lived." To suppose these divine appearances the forms
of subordinate angels and servants of God, is inadmissible ;
since, as often as any of these appeared to men, the Scriptures
do not conceal the fact in the name, expressly saying that
they were called, not God nor Lord, but angels, as would be
easy to prove by a thousand references. Joshua also, the suc
cessor of Moses, calls him, as the ruler of celestial angels and
archangels, of supernal powers, and as the power and wisdom
of God, intrusted with the second rank of sovereignty and
rule over all, " the captain of the Lord's host," although he
saw him only in the form and shape of man. For thus it is
written : " And it came to pass when Joshua was by Jericho,
that he lifted up his eyes, and looked, and behold there stood
a man over against him, with his sword drawn in his hand ;
and Joshua went unto him, and said unto him, Art thou for
us, or for our adversaries ? And he said, Nay, but as captain
of the Lord's host am I now come. And Joshua fell on his
face to the earth, and said unto him, What saith my Lord
unto his servant ? And the captain of the Lord's host said
unto Joshua, Loose thy shoe from off thy foot : for the place
whereon thou standest is holy." Josh. v.
Here then you will perceive from the words themselves,
that this is no other than the one that also communicated with
Moses. Since the Scripture in the same words, and in re
ference to the same one, says, " When the Lord saw that he
drew near to see, the Lord called to him from the midst of the
bush, saying, Moses, Moses. And he answered, Here am I.
But he said, Draw not nearer, loose thy shoes from off thy
feet, for the place on which thou standest is holy ground.

6 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. I. C. 2.
And he said to him, I am the God of thy fathers, the God of
Abraham, the God of Isaac, ar.d the God of Jacob."
That there is also a certain antemundane, living, and self-
existing substance, ministering to the Father and God of all
unto the formation of all created objects, called the word and
the wisdom of God, besides the proofs already advanced, we
may also learn from the very words of wisdom, speaking of
herself in the clearest manner, through Solomon, and thus
initiating us into her mysteries. Prov. viii. "I wisdom make
ny habitation with prudence and knowledge, and have called
to understanding. By me kings reign and princes define
justice. By me the great are magnified, and rulers subdue
the earth." To which he subjoins the following : " The Lord
created me in the beginning of his ways, for his works ; be
fore the world he established me, before the formation of the
earth, before the waters came from their fountains, before the
foundation of the mountains, before all hills, he brought me
forth. When he prepared the heavens, I was present with
him, and when he established the fountains under the heavens,
I was with him, adjusting them. I was his delight ; daily I
exulted before him at all times, when he rejoiced that he
had completed the world." That the divine word, therefore, ';
pre-existed and appeai-ed, if not to all, at least to some, has
been thus briefly shown.
THE REASONS WHY THE GOSPEL WAS NOT PROCLAIMED
SOONER.
The reason, however, why this was not also proclaimed be
fore in ancient times, to all men and all nations, as it is now,.:
will appear from the following considerations. The life of
men, in ancient times, was not in a situation to receive the
doctrine of Christ, in the all-comprehensive fulness of ita
wisdom and its virtue. For immediately in the beginning,
after that happy state, the first man, neglecting the Divine
commands, fell into the present mortal and afflicted condition!
and exchanged his former divine enjoyment for the present
earth, subject to the curse. The descendants of this one,
having filled our earth, and proved themselves much worsej
excepting one here and another there, commenced a certain
brutal and disorderly mode of life. They had neither city
nor stats, no arts or sciences, even in contemplation. Laws '¦¦

E. L C. 2.] ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 7
and justice, virtue and philosophy, they knew not, even in
name. They wandered lawless through the desert, like savage
and fierce animals, destroying the intellectual faculty of man,
and exterminating the very seeds of reason and culture of
the human mind by the excesses of determined wickedness,
and by a total surrender of themselves to every species of
iniquity. Hence, at one time they corrupted each other by criminal
intercourse ; at another, they murdered ; and at others, fed
upon human flesh. Hence, too, their audacity, in venturing
to wage war with the Deity himself; and hence those battles
of the giants, celebrated by all. Hence, too, their attempts
to wall up the earth against heaven, and by the madness of a
perverted mind, to prepare an attack upon the supreme God
himself. Upon these men, leading a life of such wickedness,
the Omniscient God sent down inundations and conflagrations,
as upon a forest scattered over the earth. He cut them down
with successive famines and pestilence, with constant wars
and thunderbolts, as if to suppress the dreadful and obdurate
disease of the soul, with his more severe punishments. , Then
it was, when the excess of malignity had nearly overwhelmed
all the world, like a deep fit of drunkenness overshadowing
and beclouding the minds of men — then it was, that the first-
begotten wisdom of God, existing before all creatures, and the
self-same pre-existing word, induced by his exceeding love ot
man, appeared at times to his servants, in visions of angels ;
at others, in his own person. As the salutary power of God,
he was seen by one and the other of the pious in anciert
times, in the shape of man, because it was impossible to ap
pear in any other way. And as, by these pious men, the
seeds of godliness had been already scattered among the mass
of mankind, and the whole nation that claimed its origin from
those ancient Hebrews, continued devoted to the worship cf
God — to these, therefore, as to a multitude still affected by
former corrupt practices, he imparted, through Moses, images
and signs of a certain mystical Sabbath and circumcision,
and instructions in other spiritual principles, but did not yet
grant the privilege of an immediate initiation. But when
their law obtained celebrity, and like a fragrant odour was
spread abroad among all men ; and by means of this law, the
dispositions of men, even amongst most of the Gentiles, were

8 "ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. I. C. 2.
improved by legislators and philosophers every where, who
softened their wild and savage rocity, so as to enjoy settled
peace, friendship, and mutual intercourse ; then it was, when
men at length throughout the whole world, and in all nations,
had been, as it were, previously prepared and fitted for the
reception of the knowledge of the Father, that he himself
again appeared, the master of virtue, the minister of the Fa
ther in all goodness ; the divine and celestial word of God.
He appeared in a human body, in substance not differing from
our own nature, at the commencement of the Roman empire ;
performed and suffered such things as were to follow, accord
ing to prophecy, viz. that man and God, the author of miracul
ous works, would dwell in the world, and would be exhibited
to all the nations as the teacher of that piety which the Fa
ther will approve. In these prophecies, also, were foretold
the extraordinary fact of his birth, his new doctrine, and his
wonderful works ; as also the manner of his death, his resur
rection from the dead, and finally his divine return to the
heavens. The prophet Daniel, under the influence of the
divine Spirit, foreseeing his kingdom in the end, was inspired
thus to write and describe his vision, in adaptation to human
capacity, in the following language: "I beheld," said he,
" until the thrones were placed ; and the Ancient of Days sat,
and his garment was white as. snow, and the hair of his head
was as pure wool ; his throne was a flame of fire, his wheels
burning fire ; a river of fire rolled before him ; thousand
thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand thousands
stood near him. He appointed judgment, and the books were
opened." "And next, I beheld," says he, "and lo! one
coming with the clouds as the Son of Man, and he advanced
as far as the Ancient of Days, and he was brought into his
presence. And to him was given the dominion, and the
glory, and the kingdom, and all people, tribes, tongues, shall
serve him. His power is an everlasting power, which shall not
pass away ; and his kingdom shall not be destroyed." These
passages can evidently be referred to no one but to our Sa
viour, that God word ' -which was in the beginning with God ;
called the Son of God, by reason of his final appearance in
tbe flesh. But having collected the prophetic declarations
concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ, in distinct commeni-
1 God word. The literal expression is retained here.

E. I. C. 3.] ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 0
aries2 on this subject, and having elsewhere digested what
ever is revealed concerning him. in a more demonstrable form,
what has been said upon the subject here may suffice for the
present.

CHAPTER III.

IHE NAME OF JESUS, AS ALSO THAT 01 CHRIST, WAS BOTH KNOWN AND
HONOURED FROM ANCIENT TIMES BY THE INSPIRED PROPHETS.
It is now the proper place to show that the very name of
Jesus, as also that of Christ, was honoured by the pious pro
phets of old. And first, Moses himself, having intimated how
exceedingly august and illustrious the name of Christ is,
delivering types and mystical images, according to the oracle
which declared to him, " See that thou make all things ac
cording to the pattern which was shown thee on the mount,"
— the same man whom, as far as it was lawful, he had called
the high priest of God, the self-same he calls Christ.3 And
in this way, to the dignity of the priesthood, which surpasses
with him all superiority among men, as additional honour and
glory, he attaches the name of Christ. Hence he evidently
understood that Christ was a Being divine. The same Moses,
under the divine Spirit, foreseeing also the epithet Jesus, like
wise dignifies this with a certain distinguished privilege. For
this name, which had never been uttered among men before
Moses, he applies first to him alone who, by a type and sign,
he knew- would be his successor after his death, in the govern
ment of the nation. His successor, therefore, who had not
assumed the appellation Jesus,4 (Joshua,) before this period,
being called by his other name Oshea, which his parents had
given, was called by Moses Jesus, (Jehoshua, Joshua,) Num.
2 Commentaries. Eusebius here refers to two other works of his,
written before this history, his Preparation and Demonstration.
3 Christ. Christ and Messiah, the same epithets, in different languages,
signify anointed, or the anointed one.
* Jesus. By some corruption of the name of Joshua, Eusebius calls
him Auses. Jesus is the Greek form, for the more Hebrew Joshua. The
Septnagint invariably use the former, and it is retained in our English
version, in Acts vii. 45 ; Heb. iv. 8.

10 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. I. C. 3,
xiii. 17. This name, as an honourable distinction, far superior
to any royal diadem, was conferred on Joshua, because Joshua^
the son of' Nun bore a resemblance to ouj; Saviour, as the only!
one after Moses, and the completion of that symbolical wor
ship given through him, that should succeed him in a govern!
ment of pure and undefiled religion. Thus Moses attaches!
the name of our Saviour Jesus Christ, as the greatest honour,
to two men, who, according to him, excelled all the rest in
virtue and glory ; the one to the high priest, the other to him
that should have the government after him. But the prophets
that lived subsequently to these times, also plainly announced
Christ before by name ; whilst at the same time they foretell %
the machinations of the Jews against him, and the calling of
the Gentiles through him. Jeremiah bears testimony, speak-l
ing thus: "The breath' (the spirit) before our face, Christ
the Lord, was taken away in their destructions ; of whom we
said, Under his shadow will we live among the nations," Lam.
iv. 20. David also, fixed in astonishment, speaks of him as
follows : " Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine
vain things ? The kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers
were gathered together against the Lord and against his
Christ." To which he afterwards adds, in the person of
Christ himself: " The Lord said to me, Thou art my Son,
this day have I begotten thee ; ask of me, and I will give
thee the nations for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts.'
of the earth for thy possession." Psal. ii.
Nor was the name of Christ among the Hebrews given
solely as an honour to those that were dignified with the
priesthood, in consequence of their being anointed with oil
prepared for the purpose, as a sacred symbol ; the same was
done also to the kings, whom the prophets, after anointing :
them under a divine impulse, constituted certain typicall
Christs, as they themselves also were, the shadows of the!
royal and princely sovereignty of the only and true Christ,?
of that divine word which holds sovereignty over all. More
over, we are also told respecting the prophets, that some were
typical Christs, by reason of their unction ; so that all these
1 This passage from Jeremiah is rendered as the above from the SeptuJ
agint, as quoted by Eusebius. In our English version, the force of the
allusion is not perceptible; but the Hebrew fully admits the Greek
version here given.

I'B. I. C. S.J ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. H
"[have a reference to the true Christ, the divine and heavenly
<kvord, the only high priest of all men, the only king of all
Creation, and the Father's only supreme Prophet of the pro-
ilphets. The proof of this is evident, from the fact that none
S of those anciently anointed, whether priests, kings, or pro-
ftphets, obtained such power with divine excellence as our
k'Saviour and Lord Jesus, the only and true Christ, has ex
hibited. For these, although illustrious among their coun
trymen in dignity and honour, and for a long series of gener
ations, never called their subjects after themselves by a similar
sepithet, Christians, and neither was there ever divine honour
i'paid to any of these from their subjects ; nor even after their
k death, was there ever so strong a disposition in any, as to be
^prepared to die for the honoured individual. And never was
there so great a commotion among the nations of the earth,
jrespecting any one then existing, since the mere force of the
'Itype could not act with such efficacy among them, as the ex
hibition of the reality by our Saviour. Though He received
i,no badges and emblems of priesthood from any ; though he
[did not even derive his earthly origin from a sacerdotal race,
;nor was raised to empire under the escort of guards ; nor
(installed a prophet, like those of old ; nor obtained a peculiar,
;or even any dignity among the Jews ; yet notwithstanding all
this, he was adorned by the Father with all these, not merely
typical honours, but with the reality itself. Although He
did not obtain then the same honours with those mentioned
: above, yet he is called Christ by a far superior claim ; and as
he is the only and the true Christ of God, he has filled the
whole world with a name really august and sacred, the name
of Christians. To those who are admitted among these, he
no longer imparts mere types and similitudes, but undisguised
virtues, and a heavenly life, in the doctrines of truth. He
received an unction, not formed of material substances, but
that which comports with Deity, the divine Spirit itself, by a
participation of the uncreated divinity of the Father. This
is shown by Isaiah, who seems to exclaim in the very person
of Christ : " The spirit of the Lord is upon me, wherefore
he hath anointed me (he hath sent me) to proclaim glad tid
ings to the poor, to heal the broken-hearted, to proclaim
liberty to the captives, and the recovery of sight to the blind."
And not only Isaiah, but David also, addressing him, says,

12 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.

T1>A,|I

" Thy throne, O God, is from everlasting to everlasting.
sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of thy kingdom. Thou1
hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity. Therefore hath
God, thy God, anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy<
fellows." In which words, he calls him God in the first versed
and in the second he ascribes to him the royal sceptre ; and
thus proceeding after the divine and royal power, in the third
place, he represents him as Christ, anointed not by the oil o(
material substances, but by the divine oil of gladness. By
this, also, he shows his excellence and great superiority over
those who, in former ages, had been anointed as typical images
with tho material substance. The same speaks of him in
another place, thus : " The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou
at my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool*;"
and a little after, " From the womb before the morning star
did I beget thee ; the Lord hath sworn and he will not re
pent, thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchise-
dek." This Melchisedek is mentioned in the holy Scriptures,
as a priest of the Most High God, not consecrated by any
unction prepared of any material substance, and not even suc
ceeding to the priesthood of the Jews, by any descent of
lineage. Hence, Christ our Saviour is denominated, with the
addition of an oath, Christ and priest after his own order, but
not according to the order of those who received merely the
badges and emblems. Hence, also, neither does history re
present him anointed corporeally among the Jews, nor even
as sprung from a tribe of the priesthood, but as coming into.:
existence from God himself, before the morning star ; that is,'
before the constitution of the world, obtaining an immortal
priesthood, subject to no infirmity of age, to all endless ages.'
But the great and convincing evidence of that incorporeal and
divine power in him, is the fact that he alone, of all that hay#
ever existed to the present day, even now is known by the
title of Christ, among all men over the world ; and with this
title he is acknowledged and professed by all, and celebrated
both among Barbarians and Greeks. Even to this day, he is
honoured by his votaries throughout the world, as a king;
he is admired as more than a prophet, and glorified as the
only true high priest of God. In addition to all these, as the
pre-existing word of God, coming into existence before all
ages, and who has received the honours of worship, he is also

t% I. C. 4.j ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. 13
Vdored as God ; but what is most remarkable, is the fact, that
¦ ve who are consecrated to him, honour him not only with the
fotroice and sound of words, but with all the affections of tin
ifenind ; so that we prefer giving a testimony to him, even tc
*,he preservation of our own lives.

CHAPTER TV.
THE RELIGION ANNOUNCED BY CHRIST AMONG ALL NATIONS, WAS
NEITHER UNEXPECTED NOR STRANGE.
These matters have thus been necessarily premised before
wir history, that ho one may suppose our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ was merely a new comer, on account of the date
at which he appeared among men, in the flesh. And now,
that no one may suppose his doctrine is new or strange, as if
springing from one of recent origin, and in no respect differing
from the rest of men, let us also briefly examine this point.
i It is evident, that but a short time after the appearance of
¦our Saviour Jesus Christ had been made known to all men, a
*iew nation suddenly came into existence ; a nation confess
edly neither small nor weak, nor situated in a remote corner
»f the earth, but the most populous and the most religious of
iall, and so much the more indestructible and invincible,
as it has always had the power of God as its support.
This nation, appearing at the time appointed by inscrut
able wisdom, is that which among all is honoured with the
,name of Christ. One of the prophets, foreseeing with the
eye of the spirit of God, that this people would arise, was so
struck with amazement that he exclaimed : "Who hath heard
such things as this ? and who hath ever declared thus ? hath
the earth brought forth in a single day, and hath a nation
been born at once ?" The same prophet also gives some inti
mation of the name that would be introduced: "They who
serve me shall be called by a new name, which shall be bless
ed upon the earth." And indeed, though we are evidently a
new people, this new name also of Christians has lately be
come known to all nations. The practice, however, and the
,walk and conversation, the principles of piety prevalent among
,this people, have not been recently invented, but were cstab-

14 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. f B. I, C. 4.
lished, we may say, by the Deity in the natural dictates ol
pious men of old, from the very origin of our race ; an asser
tion which we shall endeavour to prove, in the following
manner. That the nation of the Hebrews is not new, but honoured
among all for its antiquity, is well known. The writings and
literature of this nation concern ancient men, rare and few in
number, but yet excelling in piety, righteousness, and every
virtue. And indeed, even before the flood, there were some.
who were distinguished for their virtue ; and after this other?,
both of the sons and posterity of Noah, among whom we would_
mention Abraham, celebrated by the Hebrews as the founder
and progenitor of their nation. Should any one, beginning from
Abraham, and going back to the first man, pronounce those
who have had the testimony of righteousness, Christians1 in
fact, though not in name, he would not be far from the truth.
For as the name Christians is intended to indicate this very
idea, that a man, by the knowledge and doctrine of Christ,,.i»
distinguished by modesty and justice, by patience and a vir
tuous fortitude, and by a profession of piety towards the one
and only true and supreme God ; all this was no less studi
ously cultivated by them than by us. They did not, there
fore, regard circumcision, nor observe the Sabbath, neither
do we ; neither do we abstain from certain foods, nor regard
other injunctions, which Moses subsequently delivered to be
observed in types and symbols, because such things as these
do not belong to Christians. But they obviously knew the
Christ of God, as he appeared to Abraham, communed with
Isaac, spoke to Jacob ; and that he communed with Moses
and the prophets after him, has already been shown.
Hence you will find, also, these pious persons honoured with
the name of Christ, as in the following expression : " Touch-
not my anointed c-nes, (my Christs,) and do my prophets no
harm." Whence we should plainly suppose, that the first and
most ancient religion known, that of those pious men that
were connected with Abraham, is the very religion lately
announced to all in the doctrines of Christ. Abraham fis
said to have received the command of circumcision, and yet
long before this, was proved to have received the testimony of
righteousness through faith. "Abraham," the Scripture*.
say, " believed, and it was imputed unto him for righteous-*

B. C. 31 — A. D. 14.] AUGUSTUS. 15
ness." And, indeed, the divine communication was given to
him from God, who appeared to him when he bore this
character before circumcision. And this was Christ him
self, the word of God, announcing that all who should come
in future times should be justified in a similar way; saying,
" and in thee shall be blessed all the nations of the earth."
And again, " when he shall become a great and mighty na
tion, in him all the nations of the earth shall be blessed."
We may obviously understand this by its fulfilment in us ;
I for he indeed was justified by his faith in Christ, the word cf
God that appeared to him ; and having renounced the super -
. stition of his fathers and the former errors of his life, confessed
the one supreme God, and served him by deeds of virtue,
and not by the service subsequently enjoined in the law of
: Moses. To him, then, being such, it was declared that all the tribes
and all the nations of the earth should be blessed in him.
t But the course of piety which was pursued by Abraham, has
[.appeared thus far cultivated only by Christians, and that too
jby works more efficacious than words. What, then, should
prevent us henceforth from acknowledging that there is one
and the same principle of life and conduct, the same course
of piety common to us who have come after Christ, with
those pious meii who lived in times long before ? Whence it
(is evident that the religion delivered to us in the doctrine of
,Christ is not a new nor a strange doctrine ; but if the truth
,must be spoken, it is the first and only true religion. Thus
much may suffice on this point.

CHAPTER V.
THE TIMES OF OUR SAVIOUR'S MANIFESTATION AMONG MEN.
After the necessary preliminary to the Ecclesiastical His
tory which we have proposed to write, it now remains that
we commence our course, invoking God, the Father of the
"world, and Jesus Christ himself, our revealed Saviour and
Lord, the heavenly word of God, as our aid and fellow la-
[bourer in the narration of the truth. It was the forty-second

16 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY LB' T- C> &
year ' of the reign of Augustus, but the twenty-eighth from the
subjugation of Egypt and tbe death of Antony and Cleopatra,
which terminated the dynasty of the Ptolemies, when, accord
ing to prophetic prediction, our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judea ; the same year, wheal
the first census was taken, and Quirinius2 was governor of
Syria. — This census is mentioned by Flavius Josephus, the
distinguished historian among the Hebrews, who also addsi
1 The first year of Augustus, according to Eusebius's computation, is
that wherein Hirtius and Pansa were consuls. Therefore the forty.-:
second year of Augustus falls on his thirteenth consulship. Thus much
concerning the year wherein Christ was born. Eusebius does no where
expressly mention the day. It was the common opinion of the Westenl.
Church that he was born on the 7. calend. January : but the Eastern
Church thought otherwise, that he was born on the 8. id. January (i. e.
on the 6th day of January). Vales. The learned have found so great
difficulty in assigning the day of our Saviour's birth, that Scaliger said,
Unius Dei est non hominis definire ; i. e. " God only, not man, was
able expressly to declare it." It had been much better for these men to
content themselves with the tradition of the church, rather than by such an
elaborate unfruitful search to entangle the truth. For the celebratuwoi
this festival, many testimonies may be produced out of Origen, Cyprian,
and Chrysostom, each of these Fathers deducing it from the practice of
the first antiquity ; and St. Augustine makes it a character of a son ol
the church, to solemnize the festivals of it, and this (principally and by
name ) of the Nativity. To which may be added that of the author of the
" Constitutions," (Constit. b. v. c. 13,) ras t'ipspas tSsv ioprmv <pv\aanf(,
kai irpiirriv ye rrjv yevsdXtov, i. e. " Keep the days of the feasts, alia
first the day of Christ's birth." So that the religion of this day, non
est nupera, neque novitia, " is not modern, nor newly begun," though Sca
liger said so. And for the particular day, the 25th of December, whereon
this festival is by us solemnized, (not to mention other testimonies which
might be produced to this purpose,) in Joseph the Egyptian's Arabic
Codex of the Councils, (a MS. in the archives of the public library of
Oxford, of the gift of Sir Thomas Roe,) this day as well as this feast is
affirmed to stand by apostolical canon. The words of which, as it is
transcribed by Mr. Gregory, are in English these, " Also that you con
stitute an anniversary Feast at the Nativity of the Lord Christ, on the
Day on whieh he was born, and that was the five and twentieth of the
first Canon (i. e. of December). For this is the principal of all the
Feasts," &c. See Mr. Gregory's Works, chap. 34, Dr. Hammond on the
Festivals of the Church, and the learned Selden's tract of Christmas Day,
for further satisfaction.
2 Quirinius. This Quirinius is the same Cyrenius mentioned by St.
Luke. The former is the original Roman name, the latter the Lafffij
mode of transferring the name from the Greek. Had it been recollectS
that the Greek name was not the original, this proper name would lief
have been returned to its own language, in a form so disguised.

B. C. 31 — A. D. 14.] AUGUSTUS. 17
another account respecting the sent of the Galileans, which
arose about the same time, of which also mention is made by
our Luke in his book of Acts, in the following words — " After
, this man arose Judas of Galilee, in the days of the taxing
, (assessment), and drew away much people after him, he also
perished; and all, even as many as obeyed him, were dis
persed." Acts v. 37. The aforesaid author agreeing with
this statement in the 18th book of his Antiquities, adds the
following: "But Quirinius, who belonged to the senate, and
having enjoyed other offices, advanced through all the grades
of office to the consulship, a man also of great dignity in other
respects, by the appointment of Caesar, came to Syria, with a
small force, and with judicial power over the people, to take a
valuation of their property," A little after he says : "But
Judas, the Gaulonite, sprung from the town called Gamala,
together with Sadducus, a Pharisee, headed a revolt of the
people, saying that the assessment had nothing else in view
but manifest slavery ; and they exhorted the people to assert
their liberty." He also writes in the second book of the
history of the Jewish War, concerning the same man : '' About
this time a certain Judas of Galilee stimulated the inhabit
ants to revolt, urging it as a reproach, that they endured pay
ing tribute, and that they who had God for their master, suf
fered mortals to usurp the sovereignty over them." Thus far
Josephus,

CHAPTER VI,
; ABOUT THE TIME OF OUR LORD, AGREEABLY TO PROPHECY, THOSE RULERS
CEASED THAT HAD FORMERLY GOVERNED THE NATION OF THE JEWS BY
REGULAR SUCCESSION, AND HEROD WAS THE FIRST FOREIGNER THAT
REIGNED OVER THEM,
At the time thaj; Herod was king, who was the first
foreigner that reigned over the Jewish people, the prophecy
recorded by Moses received its fulfilment, viz. " That a prince
should not fail of Judah, nor a ruler from his loins, until he
should come for whom it is reserved."3 The same, be also
* This celebrated passage we here give after the Sepruagint, which
Eusebius invariably quotes.
[eusebius.] c

18 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. I. C. 6.
shows, would be the expectation of the nations. The pre*
diction was evidently not accomplished, as long as they were
at liberty to have their own native rulers, which continued
from the time of Moses down to the reign of Augustus. Under
him, Herod was the first foreigner that obtained the govern*
ment of the Jews. Since, as Josephus has written, he was,
an Idumean by the father's side, and an Arabian by the
mother's. But, as Africanus, who is also no common writer,
says, they who have written more accurately respecting
him, say that he was the son of Antipater, and that the latter
was the son of a certain Herod of Ascalon, one of those called
the ministers of the temple of Apollo, in that city. This
Antipater, when a boy, having been taken prisoner by some
Idumean robbers, lived with them, because his father, being a
poor man, was unable to pay his ransom. Thus growing up
in their practices, he was afterwards befriended by Hyrcanus,
the high priest of the Jews. His son was that Herod who
flourished in the times of our Saviour. The government of
the Jews, therefore, having devolved on such a man, the ex
pectation of the nations was now at hand, according to pro
phecy ; because with him terminated the regular succession of
governors and princes, from the time of Moses. For before
their captivity and their transfer to Babylon, they were first
governed by Saul and David as their kings ; and before the
kings, the government was administered by magistrates called
judges, who came after Moses and his successor Joshua. After
the return from the captivity of Babylon, they continued to
retain the aristocratical form of government, together with an
oligarchy. The high priests had then the direction of affairs,
until Pompey, the proconsular general of the Romans, took
Jerusalem by force of arms, and defiled the sacred places,
entering the sanctuary of the temple. Aristobulus, who had
been both king and high priest by regular succession until
then, was sent with his children in chains to Rome, and the
priesthood was given to his brother Hyrcanus, whilst the
whole nation of the Jews was made tributary to the Romans
from that time. •
But Hyrcanus, who was the last of the high priests by suc
cession, having been soon after taken prisoner by the Par-
thians, Herod, as I said before, had the government of the
Jews conferred upon him by the senate of Rome and the eui-

B. C. 31 — A. D. 14.] AUGUSTUS. 19
peror Augustus. About this time, the advent of Christ being
nigh at hand, the expected salvation of the nations received
its fulfilment, and was followed by the calling of the Gentiles,
according to prophetic declarations. From this time also the
princes and rulers of Judah, i. e. of the Jewish nation,
ceasing, by a natural consequence, the priesthood, which had
descended from a series of ancestors in the closest succession
of kindred, was immediately thrown into confusion. Of this
you have the evidence of Josephus ; who shows that when
Herod was appointed king by the Romans, he no longer no
minated the chief priests from the ancient lineage, but con
ferred the honour upon certain obscure individuals. A course
similar to that of Herod, in the appointment of the high priest,
was pursued by Archelaus, his son ; and next by the Romans,
who, after him, took the government of the Jews into their
own hands. The same Josephus shows that Herod was the
first that locked up the sacred vesture of the high priest, and
having secured it under his own pri vate seal, no longer permitted
the high priests to have it at their disposal. The same thing
was done by Archelaus his successor, as also by the Romans.
It may suffice, then, to have said thus much, in proof of ano
ther prophecy, which has terminated in the appearance of our
Saviour Jesus Christ. Most clearly indeed does the book of
Daniel, expressly embracing a number of certain weeks, until
the government of Christ, concerning which we have treated
in another work, predict that after the termination of these,
the sacred unction amongst the Jews should be totally abol
ished. And this is evidently proved to have been fulfilled at
the time of our Saviour's birth. Let this be sufficient, how
ever, as a necessary preliminary, to establish the truth in re
ference to the times.

CHAPTER VII.
«H THE DISCREPANCY WHICH IS SUPPOSED TO EXIST IN THE GOSPELS,
RESPECTING THE GENEALOGY OF CHRIST.
As the genealogy of Christ is differently given to us by
Matthew and Luke, and they are supposed by the generality
tu disagree in their statements ; and as every believer, for

20 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY". [b. I. O. 7
want of knowing the truth, has been led to apply some inves
tigation to explain the passages, we may also subjoin the ac
count which has come down to us. We refer to the history
which has been handed down on these passages by Africanus,
in an epistle to Aristides, respecting the harmony of the
genealogy of the Gospels. After having refuted the opinions
of others as forced and fictitious, he sets forth the account
that he had ascertained himself, in the following words. " It
was customary in Israel to calculate the names of the gener
ations, either according to nature, or according to the law;
according to nature, by the succession of legitimate offspring;
according to the law, when another raised children to the
name of a brother who had died childless. For as the hope of a
resurrection was not yet clearly given, they imitated the pro
mise which was to take place by a kind of mortal resurrection,
with a view to perpetuate the name of the person who had
died. Since, then, there are some of those who are inserted
in this genealogical table, that succeed each other in the na
tural order of father and son, some again that were born of
others, and were ascribed to others by name, both the real and
reputed fathers have been recorded. Thus, neither of the
Gospels has made a false statement, whether calculating in the
order of nature, or according to law. For the families de
scended from Solomon, and those from Nathan, were so inter
mingled, by substitutions in the place of those who had died
childless, by second marriages and the raising up of seed, that
the same persons are justly considered, as in one respect be
longing to the one of these, and in another respect belonging
to others. Hence it is, that both of these accounts being true,
viz. of those who were reputed fathers, and those who really
were fathers, they come down to Joseph with considerable
intricacy, it is true, but with great accuracy. That this,
however, may be made evident, I will state the series of ge
nerations. If (in the genealogy of Matthew) yoa reckon the
generations from David through Solomon, Matthan who be
gat Jacob the father of Joseph, is found to be the third from
the end. But if, with Luke, you reckon from Nathan the son
of David, in like manner, Melchi,1 whose son was Eli, the
1 But Melchi is, in St. Luke, the fifth, to wit, Joseph's great-grand-
father's father. Therefore either Africanus forgot himself, or else in dut

B.C. 31 — A. D. 14. J AUGUSTUS. 21
father of Joseph, will be found to be the third. As Joseph,
then* is our proposed object, we are to show how it happened
that each is recorded as his father ; both Jacob, as deduced
from Solomon, and Eli, from Nathan ; also, how it happened
that these two, Jacob and Eli, were brothers ; and moreover,
how the fathers of these, Matthan and Melchi, being of dif
ferent families, are proved to be the grandfathers of Joseph.
" Matthan and Melchi, having married in succession the same
woman, had children, who were brothers by the same mother,
as the law did not prohibit a widow, whether she became
such by divorce, or by the death of her husband, to marry
again,. Matthan, therefore, who traces his lineage from Solo
mon, first had Jacob, by Estha, for this is her name as handed
down by tradition. Matthan dying, and Melchi, who traces
his descent from Nathan, though he was of the same tribe,
but of another family, having, as before said, married her,
had a son, Eli. Thus, then, we shall find the two of different
families, Jacob and Eli, brothers by the same mother. Of
these, the one, Jacob, on the death of his brother, marrying
his widow, became the father of the third, viz. Joseph ; his
son both by nature and calculation. Wherefore it is written,
Jacob begat Joseph. But according to the law he was the
son of Eli, for Jacob, being his brother, raised up seed to
him. Wherefore the genealogy, traced also through him,
will not be rendered void, which, according to Matthew, is
given thus — 'but Jacob begat Joseph.' But Luke, on the
other hand, says, ' who was the son, as was supposed, (for this
he also adds,) the son of Joseph, the son of Eli, the son of
Melchi.' For it was not possible to express the legal gene
alogy more distinctly, so that he entirely omits the expres
sion, ' he begat,' in a generation like this, until the end ;
having traced it back as far as Adam, ' who was the son of
God,' he resolves the whole series by referring back to God.
Neither is this incapable of proof, nor is it an idle conjecture.
For the relatives of our Lord, according to the flesh, whether
to display their own illustrious origin, or simply to show the
fact, but at any rate adhering strictly to the truth, have also
handed down the following accounts : That robbers of
Idumea, attacking Ascalon, a city of Palestine, led Antipater
copy of the Gospel he used, Melchi was written for Matthat ; which is
the conjecture of Bede, on the third chap, of Luke. Vales.

22 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORT. [b. I. C. 7
away captive, together with other booty, from the temple of
Apollo, which was built close to the walls. He was the son
of one Herod, a minister of the temple. The priest, however,
not being able to pay the ransom for his son, Antipater was
trained up in the practices of the Idumeans, and afterwards
in great favour with Hyrcanus, the high priest of Judea.
He was subsequently sent by Hyrcanus on an embassy tt
Pompey, and having restored the kingdom to him, which haf
been invaded by Aristobulus, the brother of the latter, Anti
pater himself had the good fortune to be nominated the pro
curator of Palestine. Antipater, however, having been trea
cherously slain by those who envied his good fortune, was
succeeded by his son Herod. He was afterwards, by a de
cree of the senate, appointed king of the Jews, under Antony
and Augustus. His sons were Herod and the other tetrarchs.
These accounts of the Jews also coincide with those of the
Greeks. But, as the genealogies of the Hebrews had been
regularly kept in the archives until then, and also of those
who referred back as far as the ancient proselytes ; as, for
instance, to Achior the Ammonite, and Ruth the Moabitess,
and to those that were intermixed with the Israelites at their
departure from Egypt ; and as the lineage of the Israelites
contributed nothing to Herod's advantage, he was goaded by
the consciousness of his ignoble extraction, and committed
all these records of their families to the flames. Thinking
that himself might appear of noble origin, by the fact that
no one else would be able to trace his pedigree by the public
records, back to patriarchs or proselytes, and to those strangers
that were called georse.1 A few, however, of the careful,
either remembering the names, or having it in their power in
some other way, by means of copies, to have private records
of their own, gloried in the idea of preserving the memory
of their noble extraction. Of these were the above-mentioned';
persons, called desposyni,2 on account of their affinity to the
1 The word yuupaig, used here by Eusebius, is taken from the Septa-
agmt, Exod. xu. 19. It is evidently a corruption of the Hebrew word
¦u, a stranger, and is interpreted by Theodoret, in loc. yeiwpav tov irpoa-
tlXvrriv irpoariyopevcre : he called the proselyte ycuapag, stranger
2 The word desposynos signifies, in general, one who belongs to a mas
ter ; it is here applied according to the usage of the primitive church, to
indicate the relatives of our Lord, as those who were the Lord's accord-
ing to the flesh. Suidas explains the word vais tov cWorow tan.

B. C. 31 — A. D. 14.J AUGUSTUS. 23
family of our Saviour. These coming frcm Nazara and Co-
chaba, villages of Judea, to the other parts of the world,
explained the aforesaid genealogy from the book of daily
records, as faithfully as possible. Whether, then, the matter
be thus or otherwise, as far as I and every impartial judge
would say, no one certainly could discover a more obvious
interpretation. And this, then, may suffice on the subject ;
for, although it be not supported by testimony, we have no
thing to advance, either better or more consistent with truth.
The gospel, altogether, states the truth." At the close of
the same epistle, this writer (Africanus) adds the following :
" Matthan, whose descent is traced to Solomon, begat Jacob ;
Matthan dying, Melchi, whose lineage is from Nathan, by
marrying the widow of the former, had Eli. Hence, Eli and
Jacob were brothers by the same mother. Eli dying child
less, Jacob raised up seed to him, having Joseph, according
to nature belonging to himself, but by the law to Eli. Thus,
Joseph was the son of both." So far Africanus ; and the
lineage of Joseph thus being traced, Mary also, at the same
time, as far as can be, is evinced to be of the same tribe,
since, by the Mosaic law, intermarriages among different
tribes were not permitted. For the injunction is, to marry
one of the same kindred, and the same family, so that the
inheritance may not be transferred from tribe to tribe. And
this may suffice, also, on the present point.

CHAPTER VIII.
HEROD'S CRUELTY AGAINST THE INFANTS, AND HIS WRETCHED END.
Christ, then, having been born, according to the prophe
cies, in Bethlehem of Judea, about the times that had been re
vealed, Herod was not a little alarmed at the intelligence.
Having ascertained, on the inquiry of the eastern Magi, where
the king of the Jews should be born, as they had seen his
star, and this had been the cause of so long a journey to them,
glowing with zeal to worship the infant as God ; he was under
great apprehensions, as supposing his own kingdom to be in
danger. Having, therefore, inquired of the doctors of the law
in the nation, where they expected Christ should be born,

24 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. |_B. 1. C. 8.
and ascertained the prophecy of Micah, announcing that it
would be in Bethlehem, in a single edict he orders the male
infants from two years and below to be slain, both in Bethle
hem and all its parts, according to the time that he had ac
curately ascertained from the Magi ; thinking at all events, as
seemed very probable, that he would carry off Jesus also, in
the same destruction with those of his own age. The child,
however, anticipated the snare, being carried into Egypt by
his parents, who had been informed by the appearance of an
angel of what was about to happen. These same facts are also
stated in the sacred text of the Gospel.
It is also worth while to observe the reward which Herod
received for his criminal audacity against Christ and the in
fants ; how, without the least delay, the Divine justice imme
diately overtook him; and even before his death, exhibited
the prelude to those punishments that awaited him after death.
It is not possible for me here to relate in what ways he tar'-
nished what was supposed to be the felicity of his reign, by
the successive calamities of his family, the slaughter of his
wife and children, and the rest of his kindred, allied to him
by the closest and most tender relations. The whole subject
of these particulars, which casts all the representations of
tragedy into the shade, has been handled to its full extent in
the histories written by Josephus. But to understand in what
manner also the chastisement of Heaven scourged him on
wards to the period of death, it may not be less proper to hear
the words of the same author, describing the end of his life,
in the seventeenth book of his Antiquities, as follows: "But
the disease of Herod became daily more virulent, God inflict
ing punishment for his crimes. For it was a slow fire, not
only exhibiting to those who touched him a heat in proportion
to the internal wasting of his body, but there was also an exi
cessive desire and craving after food, whilst no one dared to
refuse. This was attended with swellings of the intestines,,.
and especially excessive pains of the colon. A moist an|;;
transparent humour also covered his feet. Similar also was
the disease about the ventricle, so that the corruption causing
worms in the lower part of the abdomen, there was an in
creased violence of breathing, which of itself was very offen
sive, both on account of the disagreeable effluvia, and the
rapidity of the respiration. He was also so convulsed in every

B. C. 31  A. D. 14.] AUGUSTUS. 2o
part of his body, that it added an almost insuperable strength.
It was said, therefore, by those who are conversant with di
vine things, and to whose wisdom it appertained to declare
such things, that God inflicted this punishment upon the king
on account of his great impiety."
These are the particulars which are stated by the aforesaid
writer, in the book mentioned ; and in the second book of his
history he gives Very much the same account concerning him,
in the following words : " Then the disease pervading his
whole body, distracted it by various torments. For the fever
became more intense, the itching of the whole surface was
insupportable, and the pains of the lower abdomen were in
cessant. On his feet were swellings, as of one labouring with
the dropsy. There was also an inflammation of the ventricle,
and a putrefaction that generated worms. Beside this, a more
violent breathing, and difficult respiration, and convulsions of
all the limbs ; so that they who referred to a divine agency,
said that this disease was a punishment. But, though strug
gling with so many sufferings, he nevertheless clung to life,
and did not relinquish the hope of deliverance, but was ever
devising new remedies. Crossing the Jordan, therefore, he
used the Warm baths near Caliirhoe. These flow into the
lake Asphaltites, (Dead Sea,) but by reason of their sweetness,
they are also potable. As the physicians here deemed it ne
cessary to use some soothing application, his whole body was
bathed in tepid oil, in a bathing tub filled with oil for that
purpose, when he was so overcome that his eyes began to
break, and turn up like one dead. His servants then being
alarmed and raising an outcry, he indeed returned to himself
at the noise ; but after that, despairing of recovery, he ordered
about fifty drachms to be distributed to the soldiers, and con
siderable sums to be given to his generals and friends. Re
turning, he came to Jericho ; where, being seized with despair,
and now only threatening death himself, he proceeded to a
crowning act of most horrible character. He collected the dis
tinguished men of every village from the whole of Judea, and
commanded them to be shut up in what was called the Hippo
drome. He then sent for Salome, his sister, and her husband
Alexander. 'I know,' said he, 'that the Jews will rejoice
at my death ; but I may be lamented by means of others, and
have splendid funeral rites, if you are willing to perform my

26 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. I. C. 9. .3
commands. As soon as I have expired, surround these men "
that are now under guard with soldiers, as soon as possible,
and slay them, that all Judea and every house, though against
their will, may be compelled to weep at my death." And
soon after, he adds, " again he was so tortured, partly by the,
want of food and by a convulsive cough, that, overpowered by
his pains, he contemplated anticipating his fate. Havingi
taken an apple, he also demanded a knife, for he was accus
tomed to cut and eat it. Then, looking around, lest there.
should be any one to hinder him, he raised his right arm as if
to strike himself." The same author, in addition to these,,
says, " that he slew another ' of his own sons before his deaths
being the third that had already been slain by his orders, and
that immediately after this, he breathed out his life, not with-!
out excessive torture."
Such, then, was the end of Herod, who thus suffered the
just punishment for the crimes that he committed in the
murder of the children of Bethlehem, when he designed the
destruction of our Saviour. After this, an angel appearing
in a dream to Joseph, who was then in Egypt, directed him
to return with the child and his mother, revealing to him that
they were dead who had sought the life of the infant. To
this account the Evangelist adds : " But he hearing that Ar
chelaus reigned in Judea, in the place of Herod, his father,
was afraid to go thither, and being warned in a dream, he
retired into the parts of Galilee."

CHAPTER LX.
OF THE TIMES OF PILATE.

The same historian also agrees with the statements re
specting the government of Archelaus after Herod's death ;
and relates in what manner he succeeded to the kingdom of
the Jews by the will of Herod, his father, and the confirm-.
ation of it by Cassar Augustus ; as also, that he having losi
his kingdom after ten years, his brothers Philip and HerodJ
» Antipater, who was beheaded by his father's command five days be
fore his death. See Montague's Acts and Mon. Aristobulus and Alex
ander were strangled, at Samaria, by his special command. Id.

lA. 1). 14— 37. J TIBERIUS. 27
'the younger, together with Lysanias, had the government of
their tetrarchies. The same author, in the eighteenth book of
'his Antiquities, says, " that about the twelfth year of the reign
;of Tiberius, (for he succeeded to the empire after Augustus,
'who had reigned fifty-seven years,) Pontius Pilate was ap
pointed over Judea, and. remained there upon the whole ten
1 years, almost to the death of Tiberius. Hence the fraud of
those persons is plainly proved, who lately, and at other
times, have given currency to certain spurious acts against
'our Saviour. In which the very time of the date proves the
'falsehood of the inventors. For in the fourth consulship of
'Tiberius, which was in the seventh year of his reign, those
'things are said to have occurred, which they have dared to
rsay respecting his salutary suffering. At which time, indeed,
it is plain, that Pilate was not yet appointed over Judea, if
'Josephus is to be credited, who plainly says, in the work al
ready cited, that Pilate was appointed procurator of Judea, by
Tiberius, in the twelfth year of his reign.

CHAPTER X.
THE HIGH PRIESTS OF THE JEWS, UNDER WHOM CHRIST PROMULGATED
HIS DOCTRINES.
I It was about the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius,
according to the Evangelist, in the fourth year, that Pilate
was procurator of Judea, when Herod, Lysanias, and Philip,
as tetrarchs, held the government of the rest of Judea, when
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was in his thirtieth year,
that he came to the baptism of John, and then made the be
ginning of promulgating his gospel. The holy Scriptures,
moieover, relate that he passed the whole time of his public
ministry under the high priests Annas and Caiaphas ; inti
mating, that during the years of their priesthood the whole
time of his ministry was terminated. For, beginning with
the pontificate of Annas, and continuing after that of Caia
phas, the whole of this interval does not even give us four
years. The rites, indeed, of the law, having been already
abolished since that period, with it were also annulled the
privileges of the priesthood, viz. of continuing it for life, and

28 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. I. C. 11.
of hereditary descent. Under the Roman governors, however, '¦
different persons at different times were appointed as high^
priests, who did not continue in office more than a year. Jo-
sephus, indeed, relates that there were four high priests in
succession from Annas to Caiaphas. Thus, in the book ot
Antiquities, he writes in the following manner: "Valerius
Gratus, having put a period to the priesthood of Annas, pro
moted Ishmael, the son of Baphi, to the office ; and, removing
him also, not long after, he appointed Eleazar, the son of An
nas, who had been high priest, to the office. After the lapse
of a year, removing also him, he transfers the priesthood'to
Simon, the son of Camithus. But he, also, did not continue
to hold the honour longer than a year, when he was succeeded
by Josephus, surnamed Caiaphas." Hence the whole time of
our Saviour's ministry is proved not to embface four entire
years \ there being four high priests for four years, from An
nas to the appointment of Caiaphas, each of which held the
office a year respectively. Caiaphas, indeed, is justly shown,
by the gospel narrative, to have been high priest in that year
in which our Saviour's sufferings were finished. With which
present observation the time of Christ's ministry is also
proved to agree. Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, not
very long after the commencement of his public ministry,
elected the twelve, whom he called Apostles, by way of emi
nence over the rest of his disciples. He also appointed se
venty others beside these, whom he sent, two and two, before
him into every place and city whither he himself was about
to go.
CHAPTER XI.
THE TESTIMONIES RESPECTING JOHN THE BAPTIST AND CHRIST.
As it was not long before this that John the Baptist was be
headed by Herod the younger, the holy Scriptures record the
fact, which is also confirmed by Josephus, who has expressly
made mention of Herodias by name, and the circumstance of
her being married to Herod, though she was the wife of his
brother ; Herod having first divorced his former lawful wife.
She was a daughter of Aretas, king of Arabia Petrsea. But
having forced Herodias from her husband yet hving, and on

A. D. 14 — 37.] TIBERIUS. 29
whose account also he slew John, he was involved in a war
with Aretas for the disgrace inflicted on his daughter ; in
which war he relates that, when coming to battle, the army
of Herod was completely destroyed ; and that he suffered all
this on account of the crime that he committed against John.
But the same Josephus, in this account, in which he confesses
that John was a most righteous man, also bears testimony to
what is recorded of him in the narratives of the Gospels. He
relates, also, that Herod lost his kingdom on account of the
same Herodias, and that he was driven into exile with her,
and condemned to dwell at Vienna, a city of Gaul. These
facts are stated by him in the eighteenth book of his Anti
quities, where in the same paragraphs he also writes thus
concerning John : " To some of the Jews, the army of Herod
seemed to have been destroyed by God ; who thus, with sig
nal justice, avenged John, called the Baptist. For Herod
slew him, a good man, and one who exhorted the Jews to the
practice of virtue, and with the pursuit of righteousness and
piety towards God, to receive baptism. For this baptism ap
peared to have been imparted to him for this object, not with
the view to avoid a few trifling sins, but for the purification
pf the body, as far as the mind had been first purified by
righteousness. " And when many others flocked to him, for they were also
much delighted with hstening to his discourses, Herod, dread
ing the great confidence of men in him, lest, perhaps, he
> might stimulate them to a revolt, (for they seemed disposed to
do any thing at his suggestion,) considered it much better,
before any change should be attempted by him, to anticipate it
by destroying him ; than after a revolution, when involved in
difficulties, to repent when it was too late. In consequence
of Herod's suspicions, therefore, he was sent in bonds to the
aforesaid prison of Machaerus, and there slain.'' After re
lating these things concerning John, Josephus in the same
work also makes mention of our Saviour in the following
manner : " About the same time, there was a certain Jesus, a
wise man, if indeed it is proper to call him a man. For he was a
performer of extraordinary deeds ; a teacher of men, that re
ceived his doctrine with delight ; and he attached to himself
many of the Jews, many also of the Greeks. This was
Christ. Pilate having inflicted the punishment of the cross

30 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. I. C. 12.]
upon him, on the accusation of our principal men, those who
had been attached to him before did not, however, after
wards cease to love him : for he appeared to them alive again
on the third day, according to the holy prophets, who had de
clared these and innumerable other wonderful things respect
ing him. The race of the Christians, who derive their name
from him, hkewise still continues." When such testimony as
this is transmitted to us by an historian who sprung from the
Hebrews themselves, both respecting John the Baptist and
our Saviour, what subterfuge can be left, to prevent those
from being convicted destitute of all shame, who have forged
the acts against them ? This, however, may suffice on this
subject.
CHAPTER Xn.
OF THE DISCIPLES OP OUR LORD.
The names of our Saviour's apostles are sufficiently obvi
ous to every one, from his Gospels ; but of the seventy disci
ples, no catalogue is given any where. Barnabas, indeed, is
said to have been one of them, of whom there is distinguished
notice in the Acts of the Apostles ; and also in St. Paul's
Epistle to the Galatians. Sosthenes, who sent letters with
Paul to the Corinthians, is said to have been one of these.
Clement, in the fifth of his Hypotyposes or Institutions, in
which he also mentions Cephas, of whom Paul also says, that
he came to Antioch, and " that he withstood him to his face ;"
— says, that one who had the same name with Peter the apos
tle, was one of the seventy ; and that Matthias, who was num
bered with the apostles in place of Judas, and he who had
been honoured to be a candidate with him, are also said to have
been deemed worthy of the same calling with the seventy^
They also say that Thaddeus was one of them ; concerning ,
whom I shall presently relate a narrative that has come down
to us. Moreover, if any one observe with attention, he will '
find more disciples of our Saviour than the seventy, on the
testimony of Paul, who says, that "he appeared after his re
surrection, first to Cephas, then to the twelve, and after these
to five hundred brethren at once." Of whom, he says, "some
at* fallen asleep," but the greater part were living at the time

A. B. 14  37.J TIBERIUS. 31
he wrote. Afterwards, he says, he appeared to James ; > he,
however, was not merely one of these disciples of our Saviour,
but he was one of his brethren. Lastly, when, beside these,
there still was a considerable n amber who were apostles in
imitation of the twelve, such as Paul himself was, he adds,
saying, "afterwards he appeared to all the apostles."
This account may suffice respecting these apostles ; but the
history of Thaddeus, already mentioned by us, was as follows.

CHAPTER XIII.
NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE PRINCE OF EDESSA.
The divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, being
famed abroad among all men, in consequence of his wonder
working power, attracted immense numbers, both from abroad
and from the remotest parts of Judea, with the hope of being
cured of their diseases and various afflictions. Agbarus,
therefore,2 who reigned over the nations beyond the Eu
phrates with great glory, and who had been wasted away
with a disease, both dreadful and incurable by human means,
when he heard the name of Jesus frequently mentioned, and
his miracles unanimously attested by all, sent a suppliant
message to him by a letter-carrier, entreating a deliverance
from his disease. But, though he did not yield to his call at
that time, he nevertheless condescended to write him a pri
vate letter, and to send one of his disciples to heal his dis
order ; at the same time promising salvation to him and all
his relatives. And it was not long, indeed, before the promise
was fulfilled. After the resurrection, however, and his return
1 Many of the ancient writers affirm, that James, the brother of our
Lord, he that was ordained the first bishop of Jerusalem, was not of the
number of the twelve apostles, but of the disciples of the Lord. Indeed
Paul, in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, chap. xv. 7, seems to favour
this opinion, where, reckoning up those to whom Christ appeared after
his death, after he had named the twelve apostles, and five hundred
others, he adds, " After that he was seen of James," &c. Vales.
2 Agbarus was ruler over one nation only ; for he was prince of the
Arabians, but not of them all : for the Arabians were divided into many
tribes, and each tribe had its distinct prefect. This name was common
to the princes of Edessa. It is an Arabic term, and signifies " most ->ow-
eful." Vales.

32 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. |_B. I. C. 13
to the heavens, Thomas, one of the twelve apostles, by a di-
vine impulse, sent Thaddeus, who was also one of the seventy
disciples, to Edessa, as a herald and evangehst of the doctrines
of Christ. And by his agency all the promises of our Saviour
were fulfilled. Of this, also, we have the evidence, in a written!
answer, taken from the pubhc records of the city of Edessa,
then under the government of the king. For in the publie
registers there, which embrace the ancient history and the
transactions of Agbarus, these circumstances respecting him
are found still preserved down to the present day. There is
nothing, however, like hearing the epistles themselves, taken
by us from the archives, and the style of it, as it has been
literally translated by us, from the Syriac language :
COPY OP THE LETTER WRITTEN BY KING AGBARUS, TO JE
SUS, AND SENT TO HIM, AT JERUSALEM, BY ANANIAS, THE
COURIER.
" " Agbarus, prince of Edessa, sends greeting to Jesus the ex-
cellent Saviour, who has appeared in the borders of Jerusa
lem. I have heard the reports respecting thee and thy cures,
as performed by thee without medicines, and without the use
of herbs. For as it is said, thou causest the blind to see again,
the lame to walk, and thou cleansest the lepers, and thou
castest out impure spirits and demons, and thou healest those
that are tormented by long disease, and thou raisest the dead?
And hearing all these things of thee, I concluded in my mini
one of two things : either that thou art God, and having de
scended from heaven, doest these things, or else doing therip
thou art the son of God. Therefore, now I have written and
besought thee to visit me, and to heal the disease with which
I am afflicted. I have, also, heard that the Jews murmur
against thee, and are plotting to injure thee ; I have, how
ever, a very small but noble state, which is sufficient for us
both." This epistle he thus wrote, whilst yet somewhat enlighten- '
ed by the rays of divine truth. It is, also, worth the time to
learn the epistle sent to him from Jesus, by the same bearer,
which, though very brief, is yet very nervous, written in th»
following style :

[A. V. 14  37.1 T1BERILS. 33
THE ANSWER OF JESUS, TO KING AGBARUS, BY THB
COURIER, ANANIAS.
" Blessed art thou, 0 Agbarus, who, without seeing, hast
believed in me. For it is written concerning me, that they who
have seen me will not believe, that they who have not seen,
may believe and live. But in regard to what thou hast written,
that I should come to thee, it is necessary that I should fulfil
all things here, for which I have been sent. And after this
fulfilment, thus to be received again by Him that sent me.
And after I have been received up, I will send to thee a cer
tain one of my disciples, that he may heal thy affliction, and
give life to thee and to those who are with thee."
To these letters there was, also, subjoined in the Syriac
language : " After the ascension of Jesus, Judas, who is also
called Thomas, sent him Thaddeus, the apostle, one of the
seventy ; who, when he came, remained at the house of To
bias, the son of Tobias. When the report was circulated con
cerning his arrival, and he became publicly known by the
miracles which he performed, it was communicated to Agba
rus, that an apostle of Jesus had come thither, as he had
written. Thaddeus, therefore, began, in the power of God to
l heal every kind of disease and infirmity ; so that all were
. amazed. But when Agbarus heard the great deeds and
j miracles which he performed, and how he healed men in the
; name and power of Jesus Christ, he began to suspect that this
, was the very person concerning whom Jesus had written, say-
I ing, After I have been received up again, I will send to thee
; one of my disciples, who shall heal thy affliction. Having,
, therefore, sent for Tobias, with whom he staid, I have heard,
. said he, that a certain powerful man, who hath come from
Jerusalem, is staying at thy house, and is performing many
; cures in the name of Jesus. He answered, Yea, my lord, a
certain stranger has come, who hath lodged with me, and is
performing many wonders. And he replied, Bring him to me.
Tobias, then, returning to Thaddeus, said to him, Agbarus
the king, having sent for me, has told me to conduct thee to
him, that thou mayest heal his disorder. And Thaddeus re
plied, I will go, since I have been sent with power, to him.
Tobias, therefore, arose early the next day, and taking Thad
deus with him, came to Agbarus. .When he came, his nobis*
[iusbbius.] D

34 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. !"«• I. C. U
were present, and stood around. Immediately on his entrance,
something extraordinary appeared to Agbarus, in the eoun-
tenance of the apostle Thaddeus ; which Agbarus observing,
paid him reverence. But all around were amazed ; for they
did not perceive the vision which appeared to Agbarus alone:
he then asked Thaddeus whether he were truly a disciple of
Jesus the Son of God, who had said to him, I will send one
of my disciples to thee, who will heal thy sickness, and will
give life to thee and to all thy connexions ? And Thaddeus
answered, Since thou hast had great confidence in the Lord
Jesus, who hath sent me, therefore I am sent to thee. And,
moreover, if thou believest in him, with increasing faith, the
petitions of thy heart shall be granted thee, as thou believest
And Agbarus replied, So much did I believe in him that i
had formed the resolution to take forces, in order to destroy
those Jews who had crucified him, had I not been deterred
from my purpose by a regard for the Roman empire. Thad
deus replied, Our Lord and God, Jesus the Christ, hath ful
filled the will of his Father, and having fulfilled it, was taken up
again to his Father. Agbarus saith to him, I have believed
both in him and in his Father. Then said Thaddeus, Therefore
I place my hand upon thee in the name of the same Lord Jesus,
And this being done, he was immediately healed of the sick
ness and sufferings with which he was afflicted. And Agbarus
was amazed, that just as he had heard respecting Jesus, so ill
very deed he received it through his disciple and apostle
Thaddeus, who had healed him without any medicine and
herbs, and not only him, but Abdas also, the son of Abdas,,
who was afflicted with the podagra. He also, approaching,
fell down at his feet, and received his benediction, with the
imposition of his hand, and was healed. Many of the same
city were also healed by the same apostle, who performed won
derful and great deeds, a*id proclaimed the word of God.
After this, said Agbarus, Thaddeus, thou doest these things, by
the power of God, and we fire rilled with wonder. But, he-
side these things, I request thee, also, to inform me respecting
the coming of Jesus, how he was born, and as to his power,
with what power he performed these things which we have
heard. And Thaddeus answered, Now, indeed, I will not tell
thee, since I have been sent to proclaim the word abroad
but to-morrow assemble all thy citizens, arjd before them 1

A. D. 14  37.] TIBERIUS. 35
will proclaim the word of God, and will sow among them the
word of life, both respecting the coming of Jesus, as he was,
and respecting his mission, and for what purpose he was sent
by the Father ; also, concerning the power of his works, and
the mysteries which he declared in the world ; by what power,
also, he did these things, concerning his new mode of preach
ing, his lowly and abject condition, his humiliation in his
external appearance, how he humbled himself, and died, and
lowered his divinity ; what things, also, he suffered from the
Jews; how he was crucified, and descended into hell, (hades,)
and burst the bars which had never yet been broken, and rose
again, and also raised with himself .the dead that had slept for
ages. And how he descended alone, but ascended with a
great multitude to his Father. And how he sitteth at the
right hand of God and the Father, with glory, in the heavens ;
and how he is about to come again with glory and power, to
judge the living and dead. — Agbarus, therefore, commanded
his subjects to be called early in the morning, and to hear the
annunciation of Thaddeus ; and after this, he commanded gold
and silver to be given him ; but he would not receive it, say
ing, If we have left our own, how shall we take what belongs
to others ? " These things were done in the three hundred and
fortieth year.2 Which, also, we have literally translated from
the Syriac language, opportunely as we hope, and not with
out profit.
. 2 This three hundred and fortieth year, according to the account of
the Edessens, falleth with the first year of the two hundred and second
-Olympiad. For the Edessens numbered their years from the hundred
.and seventeenth Olympiad, fixing their era upon the first year of Seleu-
cus's reign in Asia, (as Eusebius writes in his Chronicon,) from which
time to the beginning of the two hundred and second Olympiad there are
just three hundred and forty years. Now the beginning of the two hun
dred and second Olympiad falleth with the fifteenth year of Tiberius
Cffisar ¦ in which year, as many of the ancients believed, our blessed
Saviour suffered and ascended. So that this account falls right, placing
Thaddeus's coming to Edessa and his curing king Agbarus in the same
year in which our blessed Saviour suffered. Note that the Edessens
'began their year from the autumnal equinox, according to the custom of
Ihe Syrians, and almost all the eastern nations. Vales.

BOOK II.

PRELIMINARY.
Whatsoever particulars it was necessary for us to pre
mise in this Ecclesiastical History, both respecting the di
vinity of the saving word and the antiquity of the doctrineii
which we teach, as also of the antiquity of that evangelical
life which Christians lead, these particulars we have already
discussed, together with the circumstances of his late appear|!
ance among men, of his sufferings, of the election of his apos
tles, and have exhibited the proofs in the condensed subjects'
of .the preceding book. Let us now, also, examine the cir
cumstances that followed his ascension, presenting some from
the divine Scriptures, and others from such other documents
to which we shall have occasion to refer.

CHAPTER I.
THE COURSE PURSUED BY THE APOSTLES AFTER THE ASCENSION OF CHRtSTi
First then, in the place of Judas the traitor, Matthias was
chosen by lot, who, as was shown above, was also one of the
disciples of the Lord. There were appointed also, with
prayer and the imposition of hands, by the apostles, approved
men, unto the office of deacons, for the public service ; these
were those seven of whom Stephen was one. He was the first,
also, after our Lord, who at the time of ordination, as if or
dained to this very purpose, was stoned to death by the mur
derers of the Lord. And thus he first received the crown
answering to his name, of the victorious martyrs of Christ
Then also James, called the brother of our Lord,1 because he
* That this James was not the son of the B. Virgin, nor yet of Josephi)?
one Escha, a former wife ; but of Mary, the wife of Cleophas, sister to tii

A. D. 14 — 37. J TIBERIUS. J??
is also called the son of Joseph. For Joseph was esteemed
the father of Christ, because the Virgin being betrothed to
him, "she was found with child by the Holy Ghost before
they came together," as the narrative of the holy Gospel shows.
This James, therefore, whom the ancients, on account of the
excellence of his virtue, surnamed the Just, was the first that
received the episcopate of the church at Jerusalem. But
Clement, in the sixth book of his Institutions, represents it
thus : "Peter, and James, and John, after the ascension of our
Saviour, though they had been preferred by our Lord, did not
contend for the honour, but chose James the Just as bishop
of Jerusalem." And the same author, in the seventh book
of the same work, writes also thus : " The Lord imparted the
gift of knowledge to James the Just, to John, and Peter after
his resurrection, these dehvered it to the rest of the apostles,
and they to the seventy, of whom Barnabas was one." There
were, however, two Jameses ; one called the Just, who was
thrown from a wing of the temple, and beaten to death with
a fuller's club, and another, who was beheaded. Paul also
makes mention of the Just in his epistles. " But other of
the apostles," says he, " saw I none, save James the brother
of our Lord." About this time, also, the circumstances of
our Saviour's promise, in reference to the king of the
Osrhoenians, took place. For Thomas, under a divine im
pulse, sent Thaddeus as herald and evangelist, to proclaim
the doctrine of Christ, as we have shown from the public
documents found there.
When he came to these places, he both healed Agbarus by
the word of Christ, and astonished all there with the extra
ordinary miracles he performed. After having sufficiently
B. Virgin, may thus be made appear ; we read, John xix. 25, that there
; stood by the cross of Christ his mother, and his mother's sister, Mary the
wife of Cleophas, and Mary Magdalene : in the rest of the Evangelists we
find atthe same place, (Matt, xxvii. 56,) Mary Magdalene, and Mary the
mother of James and Joses ; and again at the sepulchre, (Matt, xxviii. 1,)
Mary Magdalene and the other Mary. Wherefore that other Mary, by the
conjunction of these testimonies, appeareth to be the sister of the B . Virgin,
|to be the wife of Cleophas, and the mother of James and Joses ; and con
sequently James and Joses, the brethren of the Lord, were not the sons of
Mary his mother, nor of Joseph by a former wife, but of the other Mary,
and therefore called his brethren, according to the language of the Jews,
[see Gen. xiii. 8 ; xii. 5 ; xxix. 12,] because that other Mary was the sister
of his mother. See Bishop Pearson ou the Cited, p. 176, edit. Lond. 1669,

38 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [fi. II. C. !
disposed them by his works, and led them to adore the power
of Christ, he made them disciples of the Saviour's doctrine.
And even to this day, the whole city of Edessa is devoted to
the name of Christ ; exhibiting no common evidence of the
beneficence of our Saviour likewise to them. And let this
suffice, as taken from the accounts given in ancient docu
ments. But let us pass again to the Holy Scriptures. As
the first and greatest persecution arose among the Jews after
the martyrdom of Stephen, against the church of Jerusalem,
and all the disciples except the twelve were scattered through
out Judea and Samaria ; some, as the Holy Scriptures say,
coming as far as Phcenice, and Cyprus, and Antioch, they
were not yet in a situation to venture to impart the faith to
the nations, and therefore only announced it to the Jews,
Daring this time, Paul also was yet laying waste the church,
entering the houses of the believers, dragging away men and
women, and delivering them over to prison. Philip also, one
of those who had been ordained to the office of deacons, being
among those scattered abroad, went down to Samaria. Filled
with divine power, he first proclaimed the divine word to the
inhabitants of that place. But so greatly did the divine grace
co-operate with him, that even Simon Magus, with a great
number of other men, were attracted by his discourses. But
Simon had become so celebrated at that time, and had such
influence with those that were deceived by his impostures,
that they considered him the great power of God. This same
Simon also, astonished at the extraordinary miracles performef
by Philip through the power of God, artfully assumed, and
even pretended faith in Christ, so far as to be baptized ; and '
what is surprising, the same thing is done even to this day,
by those who adopt his most foul heresy. These, after the
manner of their founder, insinuating themselves into the
church, like a pestilential and leprous disease, infected those
with the greatest corruption, into whom they were able to
infuse their secret, irremediable, and destructive poison.
Many of these, indeed, have already been expelled, when
they were caught in their wickedness ; as Simon himself,
when detected by Peter, suffered his deserved punishment"
For as the annunciation of the Saviour's gospel was daily.
advancing, by a certain divine providence, a prince of the'
auef.n of th* Ethiopians, as it is a custom that still preval^

A. D. 14 — 37.j TIBERIUS. 39
there to be governed by a female, was brought thither, and
was the first of the Gentiles that received of the mysteries
of the divine word from Philip. The apostle, led by a vision,
thus instructed him ; and he, becoming the first-fruits of be
lievers throughout the world, is said to have been the first,
on returning to his country, that proclaimed the knowledge
of God and the salutary abode of our Saviour among men.
So that, in fact, the prophecy obtained its fulfilment through
him : " Ethiopia stretcheth forth her hands unto God." After
this, Paul, that chosen vessel, not of men, nor through men,
but by the revelation of Jesus Christ himself, and God the
, Father, who raised him from the dead, is appointed an apostle,
(abeing honoured with the call by a vision and voice of revela
tion from heaven.

CHAPTER II.
HOW TIBERIUS WAS AFFECTED, WHEN INFORMED BY PILATE RESPECTING
CHRIST.
The fame of our Lord's remarkable resurrection and ascen
sion being now spread abroad, according to an ancient custom
prevalent among the rulers of the nations, to communicate
novel occurrences to the emperor, that nothing might escape.
him, Pontius Pilate transmits to Tiberius an account of the
circumstances concerning the resurrection of our Lord from
the dead, the report of which had already been spread through
out all Palestine. In this account, he also intimated that he
ascertained other miracles respecting him, and that having
now risen from the dead, he was believed to be a God by the
great mass of the people. Tiberius referred the matter to the
senate, but it is said they rejected the proposition, in appear
ance, because they had not examined into this subject first,
according to an ancient law among the Romans, that no one
'should be ranked among the gods unless by a vote and decree
of the senate ; in reahty, however, because the salutary doc
trine of the gospel needs no confirmation and co-operation of
men. The senate of the Romans, therefore, having thus rejected
the doctrine of our Saviour as it was announced, and Tiberius

40 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. []b. IL. C. 3,
still continuing to hold the opinion he had before cherished,
formed no unreasonable projects against the doctrine of Christ.
This is the testimony of Tertullian,1 a man who made himself
accurately acquainted with the laws of the Romans, and, be-
sides his eminence in other respects, was particularly distin
guished among the eminent men of Rome, and in his Apology
for the Christians in the Roman tongue, which is also trans
lated into the Greek, to give his own words, writes after the
following manner : " In order to give also an account of these
laws from their origin, it was an ancient decree, that no one
sl.ould be consecrated a god by the emperor, before it had been
approved by the senate. Marcus Aurelius has done this, in
reference to a certain idol, Alburnus, so that this evidence has
been given in favour of our doctrine, that divine dignity is
conferred among you by the decrees of men. Unless a god
pleases men he is not made a god ; and thus, according to this
procedure, it is necessary that man should be propitious tothe
god. Tiberius, therefore, under whom the name of Christ
was spread throughout the world, when this doctrine was an
nounced to him from Palestine, where it first began, com
municated with the senate, being obviously pleased with the
doctrine ; but the senate, as they had not proposed the mea
sure, rejected it. But he continued in his opinion, threaten
ing death to the accusers of the Christians ; a divine provi
dence infusing this into his mind, that the gospel, having freei
scope in its commencement, might spread every where over
the world."

CHAPTER III.
SOW THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE SOON SPREAD THROUGHOUT THE WHOLE
WORLD.
Thus, then, under a celestial influence and co-operation,
the doctrine of the Saviour, like the rays of the sun, quickly
irradiated the whole world. Presently, in accordance with
1 Tertullian was by birth a Carthaginian ; his father was a centurion
a deputy pro-consul. He wrote many volumes in Latin, of which lii*
Apology only was done into Greek, but by whom it is uncertain : he flour
totted under Severus and Antoninus Caracalla. Vales.

A. D. 37 — 41.] CALIGOXA. 41
divine prophecy, the sound of his inspired evangelists and
apostles had gone throughout all the earth, and their words to
the ends of the world. Throughout every city and village,
like a replenished barn-floor, churches were rapidly found
abounding, and filled with members from every people.
Those who, in consequence of the delusions that had de
scended to them from their ancestors, had been fettered by thu
ancient disease of idolatrous superstition, were now liberated,
by the power of Christ, through the teachings and miracles of
his messengers. And, as if delivered from dreadful masters,
and emancipated from the most cruel bondage, on the one
hand renounced the whole multitude of gods and demons, and
on the other, confessed that there was only one true God, the
Creator of all things. This same God they now also honoured
r with the rites of a true piety, under the influence of that in
spired and reasonable worship which had been planted among
men by our Saviour. But the gratuitous benevolence of God,
being now poured out also upon the rest of the nations, Cor
nelius was the first of Caesarea in Palestine, who, with his
whole house, received the faith in Christ, through a divine
vision and the agency of Peter ; as did also a great number of
Greeks at Antioch, to whom the gospel had been preached by
those who were scattered by the persecution of Stephen.
The church at Antioch, also, now flourishing and abound
ing in members, and the greatest number of teachers coming
hither from Jerusalem, with whom were Barnabas and Paul,
and many other brethren with them, the epithet of Christians
first sprung up at that place, as from a grateful and produc
tive soil. Agabus, also, one of the assembled prophets,
uttered a prediction respecting the impending famine, and
. Paul and Barnabas were delegated to proceed to the relief
of the necessities of the brethren.

CHAPTER IV.

CAIUS (CALIGULA), AFTER THE DEATH OF TIBERIUS, APPOINTS AGRIPPA
KING OF THE JEWS, AFTER PUNISHING HEROD WITH PERPETUAL EXILE.
Tiberius died after having reigned about twenty-two years,
and Caius, receiving the empire next, immediately conferred

42 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. II. C. 3..
the Jewish government on Agrippa, appointing him king over
the tetrarchy both of Philip and Lysanias. To these, not
long after, he adds also the tetrarchy of Herod, after having
inflicted the punishment of perpetual exile upon Herod, to
gether with his wife Herodias, for their numerous crimes.
This was the Herod who was concerned in the passion of our
Saviour. Josephus bears testimony to these facts, During
the reign of this emperor, Philo became noted, a man most
distinguished for his learning, not only among very many of
our own, but of those that came from abroad. As to his
origin, he was a descendant of the Hebrews, inferior to none
at Alexandria in point of dignity of family and birth. As to
the divine Scriptures, and the institutions of his country, how
greatly and extensively he laboured, his work speaks for it
self. And how well skilled in philosophy and the liberal
studies of foreign countries, there is no necessity to say, since,
as he was a zealous follower of the sect of Plato and Pythago
ras, he is said to have surpassed all of his contemporaries.

CHAPTER V.
PHILO WAS SENT ON AN EMBASSY TO CAIUS, IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS.
This author has given us an account of the sufferings of
the Jews in the reign of Caius, in five books. He there also
relates the madness of Caius, who called himself a god, and
was guilty of innumerable oppressions in the exercise of his
power. He mentions the miseries of the Jews under him,
and the embassy which he himself performed when sent to the
city of Rome, in behalf of his countrymen at Alexandria ; how
that when he pleaded before Caius, for the laws and institu
tions of his ancestors, he received nothing but laughter and
derision in return, and had well nigh incurred the risk of his
life. Josephus also mentions these things in the eighteenth
book of his Antiquities, in these words :
" A sedition having also arisen between the Jews dwelling
at Alexandria and the Greeks, three chosen deputies were sent
from each of the factions, and these appeared, before Caius.
One of the Alexandrian deputies was Apion, who uttered*
many slanders against the Jews ; among other things, saying

A. V. 37—41 ] CALIGULA. 4S
that they treated the honours of Caesar with contempt, that
whilst all others, as many as were subject to the Roman em
pire, erected altars and temples to Caius, and in other respects
regarded him as a god, they alone considered it disgraceful to
raise statues to his honour, and to swear by his name. Apion
having thus uttered many and severe charges by which he
hoped that Caius would be roused, as was very probable,
Philo, the chief of the Jewish embassy, a man illustrious in
every respect, being the brother of Alexander, the Ala
barch,1 and not unskilled in philosophy, was well prepared
to enter upon a defence against these charges. But he was
precluded from this by Caius, who ordered him straight
way to be gone, and as he was very much incensed, it was
very evident that he was meditating some great evil against
them. Philo departed, covered with insult, and told the Jews
that were with him, they had good reason to console them
selves, that although Caius was enraged at them, he was al
ready in fact challenging God against himself." Thus far
Josephus. And Philo himself, in the embassy which he de
scribes, details the particulars of what was then done to him,
with great accuracy. Passing by the greatest part of these, I
shall only state those by which it will be made manifest to
the reader, that these things happened to the Jews forthwith,
and at no distant period, on account of those things which
they dared to perpetrate against Christ. First, then, he re
lates, that in the reign of Tiberius, at Rome, Sejanus, who
was then in great favour with Tiberius, had made every effort
to destroy the whole nation of the Jews from the foundation,
and that in Judea Pontius Pilate, under whom the crimes
were committed against our Saviour, having attempted some
thing contrary to what was lawful among the Jews respecting
the temple at Jerusalem, which was then yet standing, excited
them to the greatest tumults.
1 Alabarch. The Alabarch was the chief magistrate among the Jews at
Alexandria.

44 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. B. n. C. 6.
CHAPTER VI.
WHAT EVILS OVERWHELMED THE JEWS, AFTER THEIR PRESUMPTION ¦
AGAINST CHRIST.
After the death of Tiberius, Caius, having received the
government, besides many other innumerable acts of tyranny
against many, did not a httle afflict the whole nation of the Jews
particularly. We may soon learn this, from the declaration
of the same author, in which he writes as follows : " So great
was the caprice of Caius in his conduct towards all, but espe
cially towards the nation of the Jews. As he was excessively.
hostile to these, he appropriated their places of worship tp
himself in all the cities, beginning with those at Alexandria^
filling them with his images and statues. For having per
mitted it when others erected them of their own accord, he
now began to erect them by absolute command. But the
temple in the holy city, which had been left untouched as yet,
and been endowed with privileges as an inviolable asylum, he
changed and transformed into a temple of his own, that it
should be publicly called the temple of Caius the younger,
the visible Jupiter (Eiriipavovs Awe). Many other and almost
indescribable calamities, the same author relates, as happening
io the Jews of Alexandria, during the reign of the aforesaid
emperor, in his second book, to which he gave the title, ' On
the Virtues.' " Josephus also agrees with him, who likewise
intimates that the calamities of the whole nation took their
rise from the times of Pilate, and the crimes against our Sa
viour. Let us hear, then, what he abo says in the second
book of the Jewish War. " Pilate being sent by Tiberius as
procurator of Judea, at night carried the covered images of
Cassar into the temple ; these are called statues. The follow
ing day, this excited the greatest disturbance among the Jews.
For they that were near, were confounded at the sight, as a
contemptuous prostitution of their legal institutions ; for they
do not allow any image to be set up in their city." Compar
ing these accounts with the writings of the evangelists, you
will perceive, that it was not long before that exclamatki,
came upon them, which they uttered under the same Pilatef!
and by which they cried again and again that they had no
other king but Cassar. After this, the same historian records,

A, L>. 37 — 41. J CALIGULA. 4S
that forthwith another calamity overtook them, in these words:
" But after these things, he (i. e. Pilate) excited another tu
mult, by expending the public treasure which is called Cor-
ban, in the construction of an aqueduct. This extended
nearly three hundred stadia (furlongs, i. e. from the city).
The multitude were sorely grieved at it ; and when Pilate
came to Jerusalem, surrounding the tribunal, they began to
cry out against him. But having anticipated their tumult, he
planted his armed soldiers against the multitude, and previ
ously intermixed them, concealed under the same common
dress with the people. He had also forbidden them to use
their swords, but ordered them to strike the noisy with clubs.
The signal he gave from the tribunal. The Jews being thus
beaten, many of them perished in consequence of the blows,
rriany also being trodden to death by their own countrymen
in the flight. The multitude, thus overawed by the misfor
tune of those slain, held their peace." The same writer men
tions innumerable other commotions that were raised beside
these, in Jerusalem itself; showing that from that time tu
mults, and wars, and plots of mischief, one after another,
never ceased in the city and all Judea, until, last of all, the
siege of Vespasian overwhelmed them. Thus, then, the di
vine justice overtook the Jews in this way, for their crimes
against Christ.

CHAPTER VH.
HOW PILATE DESTROYED HIMSELF.

It is proper, also, to observe, how it is asserted that this
same Pilate, who was governor at our Saviour's crucifixion,
in the reign of Caius, whose times we are recording, fell into
such calamities that he was forced to become his own mur
derer, and the avenger of his own wickedness. Divine
justice, it seems, did not long protract his punishment. This
is stated by those Greek historians, who have recorded the
Olympiads in order, together with the transactions of the
times.

46 ECCLESIASTICA! HISTORY. |_ B- H- C. 8, ft
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FAMINE THAT HAPPENED IN THE REIGN OF CLAUDIUS.
Caius, however, had not reigned four years, when he wag
succeeded by Claudius, in the sovereignty of the empire. In
his reign there was a famine that prevailed over the whole
world ; an event, indeed, which has been handed down by
historians very far from our doctrine ; and by which the pre
diction of the prophet Agabus, recorded in the Acts of the
Apostles, respecting the impending famine over the whole
world, received its fulfilment. Luke, however, in the Acts,
after stating the famine in the time of Claudius, and after
recording how, by means of Paul and Barnabas, the brethren
at Antioch had sent to those of Judea, according to the ability
of each one, also adds the following.

CHAPTER IX.
THE MARTYRDOM OF THE APOSTLE JAMES.
" About this time, (it is manifest he means the reign of
Claudius,) Herod the king prepared to afflict some of the
church. But he slew James, the brother of John, with the
sword." Of this James, Clement adds a narrative worthy of
note, in the seventh book of his Institutions, evidently re
cording it according to the tradition which he had received
from his ancestors. He says, that the man who led him to
the judgment-seat, seeing him bearing his testimony to the
faith, and moved by the fact, confessed himself a Christian.
Both therefore, says he, were led away to die. On their way,
he entreated James to be forgiven of him, and James, con
sidering a little, replied, " Peace be to thee," and kissed him;
and then both were beheaded at the same time. Then also,
as the Scriptures say, Herod,1 at the death of James, seeing
1 This Herod, called also Agrippa, was eldest son to Aristobulas, by
Bernice his wife, daughter of Salome, sister to Herod the Great : which
Aristobulus was eldest son to Herod the Great, by his wife Mariamne
the Assamonean. See Montague's Acts and Mon. chap. iv. sect. 34,

A. D. 41 — 54.] CLAUDIUS. 47
that the deed gave pleasure to the Jews, also attacks Peter,
and having committed him to prison, had well nigh executed
the same murderous intention against him, had he not been
wonderfully delivered from his prison by an angel appearing
to him at night, and thus liberated to proclaim the gospel.
Such was the providence of God in behalf of Peter.

CHAPTER X.
HKROD AGRIPPA, PERSECUTING THE APOSTLES, IMMEDIATELY EXPERIENCED'
THE DIVINE JUDGMENT.
The consequences, however, of the king's attempts against
the apostles, were not long deferred, but the avenging minister
of divine justice soon overtook him after his plots against the
apostles. As it is also recorded in the book of Acts, he pro
ceeded to Caesarea, and there on a noted festival, being clad
in a splendid and royal dress, he harangued the people from
an elevation before the tribunal. The whole people applaud
ing him for his harangue, as if it were the voice of a god,
and not of man, the Scriptures relate, " that the angel of the
Lord immediately smote him, and being consumed by worms,
he gave up the ghost." It is wonderful to observe, likewise,
in this singular event, the coincidence of the history given
by Josephus, with that of the sacred Scriptures. In this he
plainly adds his testimony to the truth, in the nineteenth book
of his Antiquities, where he relates the miracles in the fol
lowing words : " But he (i. e. Herod) had completed the third
year of his reign over all Judea, and he came to the city of
Csesarea, which was formerly called the tower of Strato.
There he exhibited public shows2 in honour of Csesar, know
ing it to be a kind of" festival for his safety. At this festival
was collected a great number of those who were the first in
power and dignity throughout the province. On the second
S i that this Herod was grandchild to Herod the Great. Joseph. Antiq.
b. xvin. u. 7.
2 This festival was instituted first by Herod the Great, in honour of
Augustus, in the 192nd Olympiad, says Josephus, (Antiq. 1. xvi. c. 9,) at
the city of Csesarea. Agrippa went to Caesarea to celebrate it, in the 4th
year of Claudius, at the beginning of the 206th Olympiad. Vales.

48 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. IT. a lv,
day of the shows, being clad in a robe all wrought with sil
ver, of a wonderful texture, he proceeded to the theatre at
break of day. There, the silver irradiated with the reflec
tion of the earliest sunbeams, wonderfully glittered, reflecting
a terrific and awful brilliancy upon the beholders. Presently
the flatterers raised their shouts in different ways ; such, how
ever, as were not for his good, calling him a god, and implor
ing his clemency in such language as this : ' We have feared
thee thus far as man, but henceforth we confess thee to be
superior to the nature of mortals.' The king did not either
chide them, or disclaim the impious flattery. After a httle
while, raising himself, he saw an angel sitting above his head.
This he immediately perceived was the cause of evils, as it
had once been the cause of his successes.1 And he felt a pain
through his heart, and a sudden pang seize his bowels, which
began to torment him with great violence. Turning, then, to
his friends, he said, ' I, your god, am now commanded to de
part this life, and fate will soon disprove your false assertions
respecting me. He whom you have called an immortal, is
now compelled to die, but we must receive our destiny as it is
determined by God. Neither have we passed our life inglo-
riously, but in that splendour which is so much extolled.'
Saying this, he laboured much with the increase of pain. He
was then carried with great haste into the palace, while the
report spread throughout the people, that the king at all events
would soon die. But the multitude with their wives and
children, after their country's custom, sitting in sackcloth,
implored God in behalf of the king ; all places were filled
with lamentation and weeping. But the king, as he lay re
clining in an elevated chamber, and looking down upon them
falling prostrate to the ground, could not refrain from tears
himself. At length, overpowered by the pain of his bowels,
for four days in succession, he ended his life, in the fifty-fourth
year of his age and seventh of his reign. He reigned, there
fore, four years under Caius Csesar, had the tetrarchy of Philip
three years, and received that of Herod in the fourth year,
reigning subsequently three years under Claudius Csesar."
Thus far Josephus : in which statement, as in others, so in
this, I cannot but admire his agreement with the divine Scrip
tures. But if he should appear to any to differ, in regard to
1 Josephus calls it tov &ov/3wva.

A. D. 41 — 54. J CLAUDIUS. 49
the epithet of the king ; yet the time and the fact show that
it was the same individual, whether it happened by an error
in writing that the name was changed, or in consequence of a
double name applied to him ; such as was the case with many.

CHAPTER XI.
CONCERNING THE IMPOSTOR THEUDAS AND HIS FOLLOWERS.
As Luke, in the Acts, also introduces Gamaliel in the con
sultation respecting the apostles, saying, that at this time
" arose Theudas, who gave out that he was some one, but who
was destroyed, and all that obeyed him were dispersed," let
us now, also, add the written testimony of Josephus respect
ing the same circumstance. He relates, in the book already
quoted, the following particulars. " While Fadus was pro
curator of Judea, a certain impostor called Theudas persuaded
the multitude to take their possessions with them and follow
him to the river Jordan. For he said he was a prophet, and
that the Jordan should be divided at his command, and afford
them an easy passage through it. And with such promises he
deceived many. But Fadus did not suffer them to enjoy their
folly, but sent a troop of horsemen against them, who, falling
upon them unexpectedly, slew many and took many alive ; but
having taken Theudas himself captive, they cut off his head
and carried it to Jerusalem." Besides this, he also mentions
the famine that took place under Claudius, as follows.

CHAPTER XII.
HELEN, QUEEN OF THE OSRHOENIANS.
About this time it happened that the great famine took
place in Judea, in which also queen Helen having purchased
grain from Egypt, with large sums, distributed to the needy.
You will also find this statement in accordance with that in
the Acts of the Apostles, where it is said, that according to
the ability of the disciples at Antioch, they determined, each
one, to send to the assistance of those in Judea. Which also
they did, sending to the elders by the hands of Barnabas and
[eusebius.] 8

50 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. II. C. 13.
Paul. Of this same Helen, mentioned by the historian, splen
did monuments are still to be seen in the suburbs of the city
(Jerusalem) now called JElia. But she is said to have been
queen of the Adiabeni.

CHAPTER XIII.

SIMON MAGUS.

The faith of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, having
now been diffused abroad among all men, the enemy of salva
tion devising some scheme of seizing upon the imperial city
for himself, brought thither Simon, whom we mentioned be
fore. Coming to the aid of his insidious artifices, he attached
many of the inhabitants of Rome to himself, in order to de
ceive them. This is attested by Justin, who was one of our
distinguished writers, not long after the times of the apostles,
concerning whom I shall say what is necessary in the proper
place. The reader may see for himself, in the first defence of
our religion, addressed to Antonine, where he writes thus:
" And after the ascension of our Lord into heaven, certain
men were suborned by demons as their agents, who said that
they were gods. These were not only suffered to pass with
out persecution, but were even deemed worthy of honours by
you. Simon, a certain Samaritan of the village called Githon,
was one of the number, who, in the reign of Claudius Csesar,
performed many magic rites by the operation of demons, was
considered a god, in your imperial city of Rome, and was
honoured by you with a statue as a god, in the river Tiber,
(on an island,) between the two bridges, having the super
scription in Latin, Simoni Deo Sancto, which is, To Simon
the Holy God ; and nearly all the Samaritans, a few also of
other nations, worship him, confessing him as the Supreme
God. A certain Helen, also, is of this class, who had before
been a pubhc prostitute in Tyre of Phoenicia, and at that tinw
attached herself to Simon, and was called, the first idea tha'
proceeded from him." Such is the testimony of Justin, with
which also Irenssus coincides in his first book against Heresies,
where he also subjoins an account of the impiety and corrupt
doctrine of the man, which it would be superfluous for us to

jL. d. 41 — 64.J CLAUDIUS. fil
detail, as it is in the power of those who wish to learn the
origin, and the hves, and the false doctrines, not only of this
one, but likewise of all the heresiarchs respectively, as also of
the institutions and principles of all of them, treated at large
in the above-mentioned book of Irenseus. Simon, however, we
have understood to have taken the lead in all heresy ; from
whom also, down to the present time, those that followed his
heresy, still affected the modest philosophy of the Christians, so
celebrated for purity of life among all. From this, however,
they appeared again to depart, and again to embrace the
superstitions of idols, falling down before the pictures and
statues of this self-same Simon, and the aforesaid Helen with
him ; venturing to offer them worship by incense, and sacri
fices, and libations. Those matters which are kept more
secret by them than these, at the first mention of which they
say one would be astonished, and, to use an oracular phrase
with them, would be confounded, they happen in truth to be
so full of amazement, and folly, and madness, such as they are,
that it is not only impossible to commit them to writing, but
even to utter them with the lips to modest men, on account of
their excessive baseness and obscenity. For every vile cor
ruption that could either be done or devised, is practised by
this most abominable heresy, of a sect that insnare those
wretched females who are literally overwhelmed with every
kind of vice.

CHAPTER XIV.
THE PREACHING OF PETER IN THE CITY OF ROME.
Such was the wickedness of which that malignant power,
the enemy of all good, and the waylayer of human salvation,
constituted Simon the father and author at this time, as if
with a view to make him a great and powerful antagonist to
the divine purposes of our Saviour and his apostles. Never
theless, that divine and celestial grace which co-operates with
its servants, by their appearance and presence, soon extin
guished the flame that had been kindled by the wicked one,
humbling and casting down through them " every height that
elevated itself against the knowledge of God." Wherefore,
neither the conspiracy of Simon* nor that of any other one
* 2

52 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b.II.C. 15.
then existing, was able to effect any thing against those apos
tolic times. For the declaration of the truth prevailed and
overpowered all, and the divine word itself, now shining from'
heaven upon men, and flourishing upon earth, and dwelling
with his apostles, prevailed and overpowered every opposition.
Immediately the aforesaid impostor being smitten, as to his
mental eye, by a divine and supernatural brilliancy, as when,.
on a former occasion in Judea, he was convicted of his
wickedness by the apostle Peter, he undertook a great journey
from the east across the sea, and fled to the west, thinking
that this was the only way for him to hve according to his
mind. Entering the city of Rome, by the co-operation of that
malignant spirit which had fixed its seat there, his attempts
were soon so far successful, as to be honoured as a god, with
the erection of a statue by the inhabitants of that city. This,
however, did not continue long ; for immediately under the
reign of Claudius, by the benign and gracious providence of
God, Peter, that powerful and great apostle, who by his.
courage took the lead of all the rest, was conducted to Rome
against this pest of mankind. He, like a noble commander of
God, fortified with divine armour, bore the precious merchan
dise of the revealed light from the east to those in the west,
announcing the light itself, and salutary doctrine of the souL
the proclamation of the kingdom of God.

CHAPTER XV.
THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO MARK.

The divine word having thus been established among the
Romans, the power of Simon was soon extinguished and de
stroyed together with the man.1 So greatly, however, did
the splendour of piety enlighten the minds of Peter's hearers,
that it was not sufficient to hear but once, nor to receive the
1 From these words of Eusebius it is concluded that the death of Simon
Magus happened at Rome in the time of Claudius, for Eusebius writeth
that Peter came to Rome in Claudius's reign, and that presently after,
Simon's magical arts were by his coming destroyed together with the
author. Though there be others that say Simon was destroved in Nero'l
lime. Vales.

A. D. 41 — 54.] CLAUDIUS. 53
unwritten doctrine of the gospel of God, but they persevered
in every variety of entreaties, to solicit Mark as the companion
of Peter, and whose Gospel we have, that he should leave
them a monument of the doctrine thus orally communicated,
in writing. Nor did they cease their solicitations until they
had prevailed with the man, and thus become the means of
that history which is called the Gospel according to Mark.
They say also, that the apostle, (Peter,) having ascertained
what was done by the revelation of the Spirit, was delighted
with the zealous ardour expressed by these men, and that
the history obtained his authority for the purpose of being
read in the churches. This account is given by Clement, in
the sixth book of his Institutions, whose testimony is cor
roborated also by that of Papias, bishop of Hierapolis. But
Peter makes mention of Mark in the first epistle, which he is
also said to have composed at the same city of Rome, and that
he shows this fact, by calling the city by an unusual trope,
Babylon ; thus, " The church at Babylon, elected together
with you, saluteth you, as also my son Marcus." 1 Pet. v. 13.

CHAPTER XVI.
MARK FIRST PROCLAIMED CHRISTIANITY TO THE INHABITANTS OF EGYPT.
The same Mark, they also say, being the first that was
sent to Egypt, proclaimed the Gospel there which he had
written, and first estabhshed churches at the city of Alexan
dria. And so great a multitude of believers, both of men and
women, were collected there at the very outset, that in conse
quence of their extreme philosophical discipline and austerity,
Philo has considered their pursuits, their assemblies, and en
tertainments, and in short their whole manner of life, as de
serving a place in his descriptions.

CHAPTER XVII.
THE ACCOUNT GIVEN BY PHILO RESPECTING THE ASCETICS OF EGYPT.
The same author, in the reign of Claudius, is also said to
have had familiar conversation with Peter at Rome, whilst he

54 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. ["B. II. C. 17
was proclaiming the gospel to the inhabitants of that city.
Nor is this at all improbable ; since the work of which we
now speak, and which was subsequently composed by him at
a late period, evidently comprehends the regulations that are
still observed in our churches, even to the present time ; but
at the same time that he describes with the greatest accuracy
the lives of our ascetics, he evidently shows that he not only
knew, but approved, whilst he extolled and revered the apos
tolic men of his day, who were sprung probably from the
Hebrews ; and hence, still continuing to observe their most
ancient customs rather after the Jewish manner. In the book
that he wrote, " On a Contemplative Life, or those who lead
a Life of Prayer," he avers, indeed, that he would add no
thing contrary to the truth, or of his own invention, in the
history that he was about to write, where he says, that these
persons are called Therapeutse,1 and the women Therapeu-
trides. Subjoining the reasons of such an appellation, he refers its
origin either to the fact, that, hke physicians, by removing
the evil affections, they healed and cured the minds of those
that joined them, or to their pure and sincere mode of serving
and worshipping the Deity. Whether Philo himself attached
this name to them of his own accord, giving an epithet well
suited to the manners of the people, or whether the founders
really called themselves so from the beginning, as the name
of Christians was not yet spread to every place, are points
that need not be so accurately determined. He bears witness,
however, that they renounced their property, saying, that " as
soon as they commenced a philosophical hfe, they divested
themselves of their property, giving it up to their relatives j
1 That these Therapeute were not Christians we will show hereafter.
Some think they were Essens, but that is unlikely ; for Philo never terms
them so in that book wherein he describes them, but at the very begin
ning calls them Therapeutic. Besides, the Essens (as Philo himseli
witnesses in his Apology for the Jews, cited by Eusebius, lib. viii. De
Preparat.) were only in Judea and Palestine ; but these Therapeute, he
says, were scattered all over the (then known) world. Lastly Philo at-
tributes many things to these Therapeutse, which the sect of the Essens
by no means allowed ; as, for example, that they had women conversant :
among them called Therapeutrise. Now Philo says expressly that the ''
Essens hated womankind. See Philo De Vita Contemplat., and Joseph.
Hist, of the Jewish Wars, b. ii. chap. 12. Vales.

A. D. 41— 54. j CLAUDIUS. 55
then laying aside all the cares of life, they abandon the city
and take up their abode in solitary fields and gardens, well
knowing that the intercourse with persons of a different char
acter is not only unprofitable but injurious." There were at
this time, in all probabihty, persons who, under the influence
of an inspired and ardent faith, instituted this mode of life in
imitation of the ancient prophets. Wherefore, as it is re
corded in the Acts of the Apostles, a book well authenticated,
that all the associates of the apostles, after selling their pos
sessions and substance, distributed to all according to the ne
cessity of each one, so that there was none in want among
them. " For as many as had lands and houses," as this ac
count says, " selling them, brought the value of the property
sold, and laid it at the apostles' feet, so as to distribute to each
one according to his necessity." Philo giving his testimony
to facts very much hke these, in the same description super
adds the following statement : " This kind of men is every
where scattered over the world, for both Greeks and barbari
ans should share in so permanent a benefit. They abound,
however, in Egypt, in each of its districts, and particularly
about Alexandria.
" But the principal men among them from every quarter
emigrate to a place situated on a moderate elevation of land
beyond the lake Maria, very advantageously located both
for safety and temperature of the air, as if it were the
native country of the Therapeutse." After thus describing
what kind of habitations they have, he speaks thus of the
churches in the place : " In every house there is a sacred
apartment, which they call the Semnseum, or Monasterium,
where, retired from men, they perform the mysteries of a
pious life. Hither they bring nothing with them, neither
drink nor food, nor any thing else requisite to the necessities
of the body ; they only bring the law and the inspired de
clarations of the prophets, and hymns, and such things by
which knowledge and piety may be augmented and perfected."
After other matters, he adds : " The whole time between the
morning and evening, is a constant exercise ; for as they are
engaged with the sacred Scriptures, they reason and com
ment upon them, explaining the philosophy of their country
in an allegorical manner. For they consider the verbal in
terpretation as signs indicative of a secret sense communi-

56 ECCLESIASTICAX HISTORY. [b. U. C. 17,
cated in obscure intimations. They have1 also commentaries
of ancient men, who, as the founders of the sect, have left
many monuments of their doctrine in allegorical representa
tions, which they use as certain models, imitating the manner
of the original institution." These facts appear to have been
stated by a man who, at least, has paid attention to those that
have expounded the sacred writings. But it is highly pro
bable, that the ancient commentaries which he says they have,
are the very Gospels and writings of the apostles, and probably
some expositions of the ancient prophets, such as are con
tained in the Epistle to the Hebrews and many others of St.
Paul's epistles. Afterwards again, concerning the new psalms
which they composed, he thus writes, " Thus they not only
pass their time in meditation, but compose songs and hymns
unto God, noting them of necessity with measure uncommonly
serious, through every variety of metres and tunes." Many
other things concerning these persons he writes in the same
book. But these it appeared necessary to select, in order to
present the pecuharities of their ecclesiastical discipline. But,
if what has been said does not appear to any one to belong to
the discipline of the gospel, but that it can also be applied to
others besides those mentioned, let him at least be convinced
by the subsequent declarations of the author, in which, if he
is at all impartial, he adduces an irrefragable testimony on the
same subject. For thus he writes : "But laying down tem
perance first as a kind of foundation in their minds, upon this
they build the other virtues. For none of them is to bring
food or drink before the setting of the sun, since they judge
that philosophical exercises should be prosecuted in the light,
but the necessities of the body in the dark. Whence they
assign the one to the day, and to the other a small portion of
the night. But some of them do not remember their food for
three days, when influenced by an uncommon desire of know
ledge. And some are so delighted, and feast so luxuriously on
1 From :hese words of Philo, we may easily perceive that these The-
rapeutae were not Christians. For the professors of Christianity were
then of a very fresh date. Besides, what writings could these be ? The
Books of the Prophets they were not, for Philo separates them from
these, speaking of them a little before. They could not be the Gospels,
nor the Epistles of the Apostles, for they were scarce written in Philo'j
age ; however, they could not then be called the writings of ancient per.
sons, at least by Philo. Vales.

A. D. 41 — 54.] CLAUDIUS. 57
the doctrines so richly and profusely furnished by wisdom,
that they forbear even twice this time, and are scarcely in
duced to take necessary food even for six days." These de
clarations of Philo respecting those of our communion, we
deem obvious and indisputable. But, should any one still be
so hardy as to contradict, let him at least abandon his incre
dulity, by yielding to the more powerful demonstrations,
which are to be found among none but in the rehgion of Christ
ians, according to the gospel. Our author also says, " that
there were also females that meet with those of whom we
speak, of whom the most are aged maidens, preserving their
purity, not by necessity, as some of the priestesses among the
Greeks, but rather by a voluntary determination, in conse
quence of that zealous desire of wisdom, in the earnest pro
secution of which, they disregard the pleasures of the body ;
as they are desirous not of a mortal progeny but an immortal,
which the heavenly mind alone is able to produce of itself."
After a little, he also adds the following, with still greater
stress. " But they expound the sacred writings by obscure,
allegorical, and figurative expressions. For the whole law
appears to these persons like an animal, of which the literal
. expressions are the body, but the invisible sense that lies en
veloped in the expressions, the soul. This sense was first
pre-eminently studied by this sect, discerning as through a
mirror of names, the admirable beauties of the thoughts re
flected." Why should we add to these their meetings, and
the separate abodes of the men and the women in these meet
ings, and the exercises performed by them, which are still in
vogue among us at the present day, and which, especially at
the festival of our Saviour's passion, we are accustomed to
pass in fasting and watching, and in the study of the divine
word ? All these the above-mentioned, author has accurately
described and stated in his writings, and are the same customs
that are observed by, us alone, at the present day, particularly
the vigils of the great festival,2 and the exercises in them,
and the hymns that are commonly recited among us. He
5 Eusebius means that whole week which precedes the feast of Easter,
which the Greek Fathers call ptya\i\v ipSopdda, " the great week," and
we the Passion week. But in Philo's book there is no mention of this
feast of Easter. He speaks indeed piyakrig toprqs, " of a great so
lemnity ; " but by his following words it is evident he means the Jewish
feast of Week3, or our Pentecost. Vales.

58 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. £B. II. C. 18.
stateSj that whilst one sings gracefully with a certain measure-,
the others, listening in silence, join in singing the final clauses
of the hymns ; also, that on the above-mentioned days, they
lie on straw spread on the ground, and to use his own words,
" they abstain altogether from wine, and taste no flesh. Wa
ter is their only drink, and the relish of their bread, salt and
hyssop." Besides this, he describes the grades of dignity
among those who administer the ecclesiastical services com
mitted to them, those of the deacons and the presidencies of
the episcopate as the highest. But, whosoever desires to have
a more accurate knowledge of these things, may learn them
from the history already cited ; but that Philo, when he wrote
these statements, had in view the first heralds of the gospel,
and the original practices handed down from the apostles, must
be obvious to all.

CHAPTER XVIII.
THE BOOKS OF PHILO THAT HAVE COME DOWN TO US.
This author, who was copious in language, comprehensive
in thought, sublime and elevated in his views of the sacred
Scriptures, has made his exposition of the sacred books equally
distinguished for variety of matter and manner. On the one
hand he expounds the history of Genesis, in the books that
he calls " Allegories of the Divine Laws," following the order
of the book ; and on the other, he forms particular divisions
of the chapters, according to the subject of the Scriptures,
with the objections and solutions ; in which same books also
he prefixes the tables of the questions and solutions both in.
Genesis and Exodus respectively. There are also, besides,,
these, treatises on certain problems particularly discussed,'
such as two " On Agriculture," and two " On Drunkenness,^
and some others distinguished by a different and peculiar title.
Such as, " On the things that a Sober Mind earnestly desires,
and those which it execrates ;" also, " On the Confusion of
Tongues," and the treatise " On Flight and Discovery," and
that " On Literary Convention," and " On the question, 'Who,
is Heir to things Divine?'" or, "On the Division of Thing||
into equal and unequal." Moreover, the treatise on the three

A. D. 41 — 54.^ CLAUDIUS. 59
virtues, which Moses records with others. Beside these, there
is one " On those whose Names are changed, and wherefore
their Names have been changed ;" in which he says, that he
wrote also on the first and second covenant. There is also a
work of the same author, " On Emigration, and on the Life of
the Wise Man perfect in Righteousness ;" or, " On the Un
written Laws." Also, " On Giants," or " On the Immutabi
lity of God." And also, " On the Proposition, that Dreams,
according to Moses, are sent by God" — five books. These
are the books that have come down to us on Genesis, but on
Exodus we are acquainted with the first five books of Ques
tions and Solutions ; also, that " On the Tabernacle," that
also "On the Ten Commandments;" also, the first four trea
tises on the laws referring particularly to the summary heads
of the ten commandments. Also, the treatise " On the Sa
crifice of Animals, and the Forms of Sacrifices ;" that also,
" On the Rewards proposed in the Law to Good Men, and the
Punishments and Curses to the Wicked." Besides ah these,
there are single books extant of the same author, as the trea
tises " On Providence," and the book composed by him " On
the Jews," and " The Statesman." To this may be added
: "Alexander," or " On Irrational Animals evincing Reason."
Beside these, " On the Proposition that a Wicked Man is a
Slave ;" to this is subjoined the book, " That every Good Man
is free." After which he added the book " On a Contempla
tive Life, or the Devout," from which we have related the
i circumstances respecting the life of the apostolical men. Also,
the interpretations of the Hebrew names in the law and pro
phets, is said to be the result of his industry. The same
author, in the reign of Caius, coming to Rome, is said to
have recited before the whole senate, in the reign of Claudius,
what he wrote on the impiety of Caius, to which he humor
ously prefixed the title " On the Virtues." And the discourses
were so much admired as to be deemed worthy of a place in
the libraries. During this time, also, Paul finishing his jour
ney from Jerusalem, and thence round to Illyricum, Claudius
expelled the Jews from Rome, at which time Aquila and
PrisciUa, with the other Jews that left Rome, went over into
Asia. There they abode with the apostle, who was confirm
ing those among whom churches had been already estabhshed

60 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. n. C. 19.
by him. Of these facts we are also informed in the sacred book
of the Acts.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE CALAMITY WHICH BEFELL THE JEWS AT JERUSALEM ON THE DAY OP
THE PASSOVER.
Whilst Claudius held the government of the empire, it
happened about the festival of the Passover, that so great a/
sedition and disturbance took place at Jerusalem, that thirty''
thousand Jews perished of those alone who were crowded out
of the gates of the temple, and thus trodden to death by one
another. Thus the festival became a season of mourning and
weeping to the whole nation and every family. This is almost
literally the account given by Josephus. But Claudius ap
pointed Agrippa, the son of Agrippa,1 king of the Jews, hav-
1 This Agrippa the younger, to speak properly, was never king of the
Jews. For after the death of Agrippa his father, who died the fourth
year of Claudius, Claudius took him, being very young, and kept him
with him ; neither did he permit him to succeed in his father's kingdom.
Afterwards Herod, the king of Chalcis, being dead, Claudius gave Agrippa
his uncle's kingdom ; which when he had held four years, Claudius, in
the twelfth year of his reign, gave him Thraconitis, which was the
tetrarchy of Philip, and also the kingdom of Lysanias, having first taken
Chalcis from him : he transferred to him also the authority over the tem
ple, and the power of electing the high priests, which his uncle Herod
had. A little after, Nero added to his kingdom part of Galilee, as Jose
phus writes in his 20th book of Antiquities. Which being thus, it is ap
parent Eusebius was mistaken, who wrote both here and in his Chronicon,
that Agrippa the younger succeeded in his father's kingdom presently after
the death of his father, and was made king of the Jews by Claudius. Al
though Eusebius says not here expressly that he was by Claudius made
king presently after his father's death. Indeed, out of Josephus it may
be evidently shown that the younger Agrippa was not made king imme
diately after his father's death. For in his second book of the Jewish
wars, chap. 13, he makes the twelfth year of Nero, wherein the Jewish
war began, to be the same with the seventeenth of king Agrippa. There
fore the younger Agrippa began to reign in the eighth year of Claudius.
Moreover, I will not deny that he was king of the Jews, seeing he was
king of Galilee, and is by Justus reckoned among the kings of the Jews.
But I deny that ever he was king of Judea. For after the death of the
senior Agrippa, which happened in the fourth year of Claudius, Judea
was brought into the form of a province, and every year the procurator!;
of Caesar were sent thither, as Josephus relates. Vales.

A. D. 54 — 68.] NERO. 61
ing deputed Felix procurator of all Samaria and Galilee, and
also of the region situated beyond Jordan. He died after a
reign of thirteen years and eight months, leaving Nero as his
successor in the empire.

CHAPTER XX.
THE DEEDS DONE AT JERUSALEM IN THE REIGN OF NERO.
Josephus, in the twentieth book of his Antiquities, relates
the sedition of the priests, which happened whilst Felix was
governor of Judea, under the reign of Nero, in the following
words : — " There arose also a sedition between the chief
priests on the one hand, and the priests and the leaders of the
people at Jerusalem on the other. Each one of them forming
collections of the most daring and disaffected, became a leader,
and when these met they encountered each other with invec
tives and stones. Amid these disturbances there was no one
that would interpose to rebuke them, but all this was done
with the greatest licentiousness, as in a state destitute of a
ruler. So great also was the shamelessness and audacity of
the chief priests, that they dared to send forth their servants
to the barns, to seize the tithes due to the priests ; and thus
it happened that those of the priests that were destitute, saw
themselves perishing for want. Thus did the violence of the
factions prevail over all manner of justice." The same author
again relates, that about the same time there sprung up a
certain species of robbers at Jerusalem, " who," says he, " in
broad day-light, and in the midst of the city, slew those whom
they met ; but particularly at festivals, mixed with the multi
tude, and with short swords concealed under their garments,
stabbed the more distinguished of the people. When these
fell, the very murderers themselves took part in expressing
their indignation with the bystanders, and thus by the credit
which they had with all, they were not detected." And first,
he says, that the high priest Jonathan was slaughtered by
them ; and after him, many were slain from day to day, so
that the alarm itself was more oppressive, than the very evils
; with which they were assailed ; whilst every one was in ex
pectation of death, as in the midst of battle.

62 ecclesiastical history, [b. n. c. 21, 22,
CHAPTER XXI.
THI EGYPTIAN MENTIONED IN THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
Next in order, after other matters, he proceeds in his nar
ration. " But the Jews were afflicted with an evil greater
than these, by the Egyptian impostor. Having come into the
country, and assuming the authority of a prophet, he collected
about thirty thousand that were seduced by him. He then
led them forth from the desert to the Mount of Olives, deter
mining to enter Jerusalem by force, and after subduing the
Roman garrison, to seize the government of the people, using
his followers as body guards. But Felix anticipated his at
tack by going out to meet him with the Roman military, and
all the people joined in the defence ; so that when the battle
was fought, the Egyptian fled with a few, and the most of his
followers were either destroyed or captured." This account
is given by Josephus in the second book of his history ; and it
is worth while to subjoin also to this account respecting?
the Egyptian, that which is mentioned in the Acts of the
Apostles. It was there said to Paul, by the centurion under
Felix, when the multitude of the Jews raised a sedition against
the apostle, " Art thou not indeed that self-same Egyptian that
excited and led away the thirty thousand assassins into the
desert ? " Such, however, were the events that happened
under Felix.

CHAPTER XXII.

PAUL BEING SENT PRISONER FROM JUDEA TO ROME, AFTER HIS DEFENCE,
WAS ABSOLVED FROM ALL CRIME.
_ Festus was sent by Nero as successor to Felix. Under
him, Paul, after having pleaded his cause, was sent a prisoner
to Rome. But Aristarchus was his companion, whom he
also some where in his epistles calls his fellow prisoner ; and
here Luke, that wrote the Acts of the Apostles, after showing
that Paul passed two whole years at Rome as a prisoner at
large, and that he preached the gospel without restraint,
brings his history to a close. After pleading his cause, he a

k. V. 54 — 68.] nero. 33
said to have been sent again upon the ministry of preaching,
and after a second visit to the city, that he finished his life
with martyrdom. Whilst he was a prisoner, he wrote his
Second Epistle to Timothy, in which he both mentions his first
defence and his impending death. Hear, on these points, his
own testimony respecting himself. " In my former defence no
one was present with me, but aU deserted me. May it not be
laid to their charge. But the Lord was with me, and strength
ened me, that through me the preaching of the gospel might
be fulfilled, and all the nations might hear it. And I was
rescued out of the hon's mouth." He plainly intimates in
these words, " On the former occasion he was rescued from the
hon's mouth, that the preaching of the gospel might be accom
plished," that it was Nero to which he referred by this ex
pression, as is probable on account of his cruelty. Therefore
he did not subsequently subjoin any such expression as, "he
will rescue me from the lion's mouth," for he saw in spirit
how near his approaching death was. Hence, after the ex
pression, "and I was rescued from the lion's mouth," this also,
" the Lord will rescue me from every evil work, and will
save me unto his heavenly kingdom," indicating the martyr
dom that he would soon suffer ;* which he more clearly ex
presses in the same Epistle, " for I am already poured out,
and the time of my departure is at hand." And indeed, in
this Second Epistle to Timothy he shows that Luke alone was
with him when he wrote, but at his former defence not even
he. Whence, it is probable, that Luke wrote his Acts of the
Apostles about that time, continuing his history down to the
time that he was with Paul. Thus , much we have said, to
show that the martyrdom of the apostle did not take place at
that period of his stay at Rome when Luke wrote his history
It is indeed probable, that as Nero was more disposed to
mildness in the beginning, the defence of the apostle's doc
trine would be more easily received ; but as he advanced to
such criminal excesses as to disregard all right, the apostles
also, with others, experienced the effects of the measurea
pursued against them. '

64 ecclesiastical history [b. n. c. 23

CHAPTER XXIII.
THE MARTYRDOM OF JAMES, WHO WAS CALLED THE BROTHER OF
THE LORD
But the Jews, after Paul had appealed to Caesar, and had
been sent by Festus to Rome, frustrated in their hope of entrap
ping him by the snares they had laid, turn themselves against
James, the brother of the Lord, to whom the episcopal seat at
Jerusalem was committed by the apostles. The fohowinji
were their nefarious measures also against him. Conducting
him into a public place, they demanded that he should re
nounce the faith of Christ before all the people ; but contraiy
to the sentiments of all, with a firm voice, and much beyond
their expectation, he declared himself fully before the whole"
multitude, and confessed that Jesus Christ was the Sm of
God, our Saviour and Lord. Unable to bear any longer the
testimony of the man, who, on account of his elevated virtue
and piety, was deemed the most just of men, they seized the
opportunity of hcentiousness afforded by the prevailing an
archy, and slew him. For as Festus died about this time in
Judea, the province was without a governor and head. But,
as to the manner of James's death, it has been already stated
in the words of Clement, that he was thrown from a wing of
the temple, and beaten to death with a club. Hegesippus
also, who flourished nearest the days of the apostles, in the
fifth book of his Commentaries gives the most accurate account
of him, thus : " But James, the brother of the Lord, who, as
there were many of this name, was surnamed the Just by all
from the days of our Lord until now, received the government "J
of the church with the apostles. This apostle was conse
crated from his mother's womb. He drank neither wine nor
fermented hquors, and abstained from animal food. A razor
never came upon his head, he never anointed with oil, and
never used a bath. He alone was allowed to enter the sanc
tuary. He never wore woollen, but linen garments. He was
in the habit of entering the temple alone, and was often found
upon his bended knees, and interceding for the forgiveness ot
the people ; so that his knees became as hard as camels', ir.
consequence of his habitual supplication and kneeling before
God. And indeed, on accc unt of his exceeding great piety,

4. d. 54—68.] nero. 65
he was called the Just, and Oblias, (or Zaddick and Ozleam, )
which signifies justice and protection of the people ; as the
prophets declare concerning him. Some of the seven sects,
therefore, of the people, mentioned by me above in my Com
mentaries, asked him what was the door to Jesus ? and he an
swered, 'that he was the Saviour.' From which, some be
heved that Jesus is the Christ. But the aforesaid heresies did
not believe either a ' resurrection, or that he was coming to give
to every one according to his works ; as many, however, as did
beheve, did so on account of James. As there were many there
fore of the rulers that believed, there arose a tumult among the
Jews, Scribes, and Pharisees, saying that there was danger,
that the people would now expect Jesus as the Messiah.
They came therefore together, and said to James, ' We en
treat thee, restrain the people, who are led astray after Jesus,
as if he were the Christ. We entreat thee to persuade all
that are coming to the feast of the passover rightly concern
ing Jesus ; for we all have confidence in thee. For we and
ah the people bear thee testimony that thou art just, and thou
respectest not persons. Persuade therefore the people not
to be led astray by Jesus, for we and all the people have
great "confidence in thee. Stand therefore upon a wing of
the temple, that thou mayest be conspicuous on high, and thy
words may be easily heard by all the people ; for all the tribes
have come together on account of the passover, with some of
the Gentiles also.' The aforesaid Scribes and Pharisees, there
fore, placed James upon a wing of the temple, and cried out to
him, 'O thou just man, whom we ought aU to beheve, since
the people are led astray after Jesus that was crucified, declare
to us what is the door to Jesus that was crucified.' And he
answered with a loud voice, ' Why do ye ask me respecting
Jesus the Son of man ? He is now sitting in the heavens,
on the right hand of great Power, and is about to come
on the clouds of heaven.' And as many were confirmed,
and gloried in this testimony of James, and said, Hosanna to
the Son of David, these same priests and Pharisees said to one
another, ' We have done badly in affording such testimony to
Jesus, but let us go up and cast him down, that they may dread
to believe in him.' And they cried out, 'Oh, oh, Justus him-
1 The Pharisees, who were one branch of these sects, believed the re
surrection from the dead. Vales.
[eusebius.] f

66 ecclesiastical history. [b. ii. c. 23.
self is deceived,' and they fulfilled that which is written in
Isdah, 'Let us take away the just, because he is offensive to
us ; wherefore they shaU eat the fruit of their doings,' Isa. iii.
Going up therefore, they cast down the just man, saying to one
another, ' Let us stone James the Just.' And they began to
stone him, as he did not die immediately when cast down«r
but turning round, he knelt down, saying, ' I entreat thee, 0
Lord God and Father, forgive them, for they know not what
they do.' Thus they were stoning him, when one of the
priests of the sons of Rechab, a son of the Rechabites, spoken
of by Jeremiah the prophet, cried out, saying, ' Cease, what
are you doing ? Justus is praying for you.' And one of
them, a fuller, beat out the brains of Justus with the club that
he used to beat out clothes. Thus he suffered martyrdom,
and they buried him on the spot where his tombstone is still
remaining, by the temple. He became a faithful witness, both
to the Jews and Greeks, that Jesus is the Christ. Immedi
ately after this, Vespasian invaded and took Judea." Such
is the more ample testimony of Hegesippus, in which he fully
coincides with Clement. So admirable a man indeed was
James, and so celebrated among all for his justice, that even
the wiser part of the Jews were of opinion that this was the
cause of the immediate siege of Jerusalem, which happened to
them for no other reason than the crime against him. Jose
phus also has not hesitated to superadd this testimony in his
works : " These things," says he, " happened to the Jews to
avenge James the Just, who was the brother of him that is
called Christ, and whom the Jews had slain, notwithstanding
his pre-eminent justice." The same writer also relates his
death, in the twentieth book of his Antiquities, in the fol
lowing words : " But Csesar having learned the death of Fes
tus, sends Albinus as governor of Judea. But the younger
Ananus, whom we mentioned before as obtaining the priest
hood, was particularly rash and daring in his disposition. He
was also of the seet of the Sadducees, which are the most un
merciful of all the Jews in the execution of judgment, as we
have already shown. Ananus, therefore, being of this charac-'
¦ ter, and supposing that he had a suitable opportunity, in con
sequence of the death of Festus, and Albinus being yet on
the way, calls an assembly of the judges ; and bringing
thither the brother of Jesus who is called Christ, whose

*. d. 54 — 68.] nero. 67
name was James, with some others, he presented an accusation
against them, as if they had violated the law, and committed
them to be stoned as criminals. But those of the city that
seemed most moderate and most accurate in observing the
law, were greatly offended at this, and secretly sent to the
king, entreating him to send to Ananus with the request not
to do these things, saying that he had not acted legally even
before. Some also went out to meet him as he came from
Alexandria, and inform him that it was not lawful for Ana
nus to summon the Sanhedrim without his ' knowledge. Al
binus, induced by this account, writes to Ananus in a rage,
and threatening that he would call him to an account. But
king Agrippa, for the same reason, took from him the priest
hood, after he had held it three months, and appointed Jesus
the son of Dammasus his successor." These accounts are given
respecting James, who is said to have written the first of the
epistles general (catholic) ; but it is to be observed that it is
considered spurious. Not many indeed of the ancients have
mentioned it, and not even that called the Epistle of Jude, which
is also one of the seven called catholic epistles. Nevertheless
we know, that these, with the rest, are publicly used in most of
the churches.

CHAPTER XXIV.
ANNIAN^S WAS APPOINTED THE FIRST BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA AFTER
MARK.
Nero was now in the eighth year of his reign, when An-
nianus succeeded the apostle and evangehst Mark in the ad
ministration of the church at Alexandria. He was a man
distinguished for his piety, and admirable in every respect.

CHAPTER XXV.

THE PERSECUTION UNDER NERO, IN WHICH PAUL AND PETER WERE
HONOURED WITH MARTYRDOM IN THE CAUSE OF RELIGION AT ROME.
But Nero now having the government firmly established
under him, and henceforth plunging into nefarious projects,
i 2

68 ecclesiastical history. [b. n. c. 25,
began to take up arms against that very religion which ac
knowledges the one Supreme God. To describe, indeed, the
greatness of this man's wickedness, is not compatible with our
present object ; and as there are many that have given his
history in the most accurate narratives, every one may, at
his pleasure, in these contemplate the grossness of his extra
ordinary madness. Under the influence of this, he did not
proceed to destroy so many thousands with any calculation, but
with such indiscriminate murder as not even to refrain from
his nearest and dearest friends. His own mother and wife,
with many others that were his near relatives, he killed like
strangers and enemies, with various kinds of deaths. And,
indeed, in addition to all his other crimes, this too was yet
wanting to complete the catalogue, that he was the first of
the emperors that displayed himself an enemy of piety towards
the Deity. This fact is recorded by the Roman Tertullian,
in language like the following : " Examine your records.
There you will find that Nero was the first that persecuted
this doctrine, particularly then when, after subduing all the
East, he exercised his cruelty against all at Rome. Such is the
man of whom we boast, as the leader in our punishment.
For he that knows who he was, may know also that there
could scarcely be any thing but what was great and good,
condemned by Nero." Thus Nero pubhcly announcing him
self as the chief enemy of God, was led on in his fury to
slaughter the apostles. Paul is therefore said to have been :
beheaded at Rome, and Peter to have been crucified under
him. And this account is confirmed by the fact, that the
names of Peter and Paul still remain in the cemeteries of that
city even to this day. But likewise, a certain ' ecclesiastical
writer, Caius by name, who was born about the time of Ze-
1 The term " ecclesiastical " is used in three senses. Sometimes it is
taken for a Christian, and opposed to a heathen, or Gentile. So Jerome,
in his preface to his book, De Scriptor. Ecclesias. Sometimes it denotes
a catholic, and is opposed to a heretic. So Jerome also, in his preface to
St. Matthew, and on chap. xiii. Ezekiel So Origen also, tome 16, Ex-
planat. on St. John's Gospel. Lastly, sometimes it signifies a clergyman,
and is opposed to a laic, or secular person. So Jerome again, in his Epistle
to Pammachius, and in his 46th Epist. to Rusticus. I would rather take
this word in the second sense here, both because that signification of this
word is more frequent, and also in regard Eusebius, speaking here ol
Caius's book against Proclus, gives each of them his proper epithet ; he
styles Caius ' an ecclesiastical man," and Proclus he calls " the defender

A.D. 54— 68. J NERO. 69
phyrinus, bishop of Rome, disputing with Proclus, the leader
of the Phrygian sect, gives the foUowing statement respecting
the places where the earthly tabernacles of the aforesaid apos
tles are laid. " But I can show," says he, " the trophies of
the apostles. For if you will go to the 2 Vatican, or to the
Ostian road, you will find the trophies of those who have laid
the foundation of this church. And that both suffered mar
tyrdom about the same time, Dionysius, bishop of Corinth,
bears the foUowing testimony, in his discourse addressed to
the Romans. ' Thus, likewise, you, by means of this admoni
tion, have mingled the flourishing seed that had been planted
hy Peter and Paul at Rome and Corinth. For both of these
having planted us at Corinth, hkewise instructed us ; and
having in Uke manner taught in Italy, they suffered martyr
dom 3 about the same time.'" This testimony I have super
added, in order that the truth of the history might be still
more confirmed.

CHAPTER XXVI.
THE JEWS WERE AFFLICTED WITH INNUMERABLE EVILS, AND FINALLY
COMMENCED A WAR WITH THE ROMANS.
' Josephus, in his account of the great distresses that seized
the Jewish nation, relates also, in his writings, that beside
many others, vast numbers also of those that were of the first
rank among the Jews, were scourged with rods, and nailed
ofthe opinion of the Cataphrygians," i. e. a heretic. The sect of the Ca-
taphrygians was divided into two parts ; the ringleader of the one party
was Proclus ; of the other, -32schynes. So Tertullian, in his book De
Prescript. H Beret. Vales.
1 Peter was buried in the Vatican ; Paul, in the Via Ostia. Vales.
3 Dionysius does not expressly say that Peter and Paul suffered on the
same day, but only at the same time; which may be so understood, as
that there might be an interval of many days between their sufferings.
Pradentius [mpl urtpavaiv] says they were both martyred on the same
day, but not in the same year ; and that there was a year's space between
their deaths. With Prudentius agrees Augustine, in his 28th Sermon,
De Sanctis ; and Arator, lib. ii. Hist. Apost. But Simeon Metaphrastes
takes these words of Dionysius so, as if he said that Peter and Paul were
martyred on the same day together. His words are to be found in Com
ment, de Peregrinat. Pauli ao Petri apud Surium, tome iii. Vales.

10 ecclesiastical history. [b. ni. c. 1.
upon the cross at Jerusalem, by Florus. For he happened to
be procurator of Judea at the commencement of the war, in
the twelfth year of Nero's reign. " Then," says he, "through-
out all Syria a tremendous commotion seized upon the in
habitants, in consequence of the revolt of the Jews. Every
where did the inhabitants of the cities destroy the Jews with-
out mercy. So that you could see the cities filled with unburiod
corpses, and the dead bodies of the aged mixed with those of
children, and women not even having the necessary covering
of their bodies. The whole province, indeed, was fiUed with
indescribable distresses. But greater still than the crimes
already endured, was the anticipation of those that threatened."
Such is the statement of Josephus, and such was the con
dition of the Jews at this time.

BOOK III.

CHAPTER I.
THE PARTS OF THE WORLD WHERE CHRIST WAS PREACHED BY THE
APOSTLES.
Such, then, was the state of the Jews at this time. . But
the holy apostles and disciples of our Saviour, being scattered
over the whole world, Thomas, according to tradition, re
ceived Parthia as his aUotted region ; Andrew received Scy-
thia, and John, Asia ; where, after continuing for some time,
he died at Ephesus. Peter appears to have preached through
Pontus, Galatia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, and Asia, to the Jews
that were scattered abroad ; who also, finally coming to Rome,
was crucified with his head downward, having requested of
himself to suffer in this way. Why should we speak of Paul,
spreading the gospel of Christ from Jerusalem to Illyricum,
and finally suffering martyrdom at Rome, under Nero ? This
account is given by Origen, in the third book of his Exposition
ot Genesis.

A. D. 54—68."} NERO, 71
CHAPTER n.
THE FIRST THAT PRESIDED OVER THE CHURCH AT ROME.
After the martyrdom of Paul and Peter, Linus was the
first that received the episcopate at Rome. Paul makes men
tion of him in his epistle from Rome to Timothy, in the ad
dress at the close of the epistle, saying, " Eubulus and Pudens,
and Linus, and Claudia, salute thee "

CHAPTER III.
OF THE EPISTLES OF THE APOSTLES.
As to the writings of Peter, one of his epistles called the
first, is acknowledged as genuine. For this was anciently
used by the ancient fathers in their writings, as an undoubted
work of the apostle. But that which is called the second,1
we have not indeed understood to be embodied with the
sacred books, tvtiiadiiKov, yet as it appeared useful to many,
it was studiously read with the other Scriptures. As to
that work, however, which is ascribed to him, called " The
Acts," and the " Gospel according to Peter," and that called
1 That this Second Epistle of St. Peter was not at first received in the
church of Christ with so universal agreement and consent as the former,
may be concluded from this passage in Eusebius. But notwithstanding,
there are great and sure evidences of this Epistle being written by the
acknowledged author of it ; as, 1 . The title of Simon Peter, with the addi
tion of " an Apostle of Jesus Christ," chap. i. 1 . 2. There is a whole
passage in this Epistle (chap. i. 16, 17) which doth signally belong
to Peter, that of having been ou the holy mount with Christ, and hearing
those words, " This is my beloved Son," &c, which certainly belongs to
the transfiguration, Matt, xvii., where only Peter and James and John
were present with Christ. 3. This is said to be a Second Epistle, (chap.
iii. 1 ,) written much to the same purpose with the former. 4. St. Jude,
speaking (ver. 18) "of the scoffers that should come," &c, cites that pre
diction from " the apostles of our Lord Jesus," (ver. 17,) where it is rea
sonable to believe that this Epistle (chap. iii. 3) is referred to ; for m
it those very words are met with, (and are not so in any other apostolic
writing,) "Knowing this first," &c. Compare Jude 17 and 18 with I
Pet. iii. 3. All this in all copies stands unmoved to secure the authority
of this Epistle, and to convince us of the author of it. See Dr. Ham
mond's preface to the Second Epistle of Peter.

72 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. III. C. 3,
" The Preaching and the Revelations of Peter," we know
nothing of their being handed down as Cathohc ' writings.
Since neither among the ancient nor the ecclesiastical writers
of our own day, has there been one that has appealed to
testimony taken from them. But as I proceed in my
history, I shaU carefully show with the successions of the
apostles, what ecclesiastical writers in their times respectively
made use of any of the disputed writings, and what opinions
-they have expressed, both respecting the incorporated (evEia.-
driicoi) and^acEhowledged writings, and also what respecting
those that were not of this description. These, however, are
those that are called Peter's epistles, of which I have under
stood only one epistle to be genuine, and admitted by the
ancient fathers. The epistles of Paul are fourteen, all well
known and beyond doubt. It should not, however, be con
cealed, that some have set aside the Epistle to the Hebrews, :
saying, that it was disputed, as not being one of St. Paul's
epistles ; but we shall, in the proper place, also subjoin what
has been said by those before our time respecting this epistle.
As to what are called his Acts, I have not even understood that
they were among the works of undisputed authority. But as
the same apostle in the addresses at the close of the Epistle to
the Romans, has among others made mention also of Hermes,
of whom they say we have the book caUed Pastor, it should be
observed, that this too is disputed by some, on account of whom
it is not placed among those of acknowledged authority
(bfioXoyovficMn). By others, however, it is judged most ne
cessary, especiaUy to those who need an elementary introduc
tion. Hence we know that it has been already in pubhc use
in our churches, and I have also understood by tradition, that
some of the most ancient writers have made use of it. Let
this suffice for the present, to show what books were disputed,
what admitted by all in the sacred Scriptures.
1 Catholic. The word here plainly means universally received: i. c
genuiue, as it is happily rendered by Shorting.

a. a. 54 — 68. ] nero.

CHAPTER IV.
THE FIRST SUCCESSORS OF THE APOSTLES.
That Paul preached to the Gentiles, and established
churches from Jerusalem and around as far as Illyricum, is
evident both from his own expressions, and from the testimony
of Luke in the book of Acts. And in what provinces Peter
also proclaimed the doctrine of Christ, the doctrine of the New
Covenant, appears from his own writings, and may be seen
from that epistle we have mentioned as admitted in the canon,
and which he addressed to the Hebrews in the dispersion
throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia.
But how many and which of these, actuated by a genuine zeal,
were judged suitable to feed the churches established by these
apostles, it is not easy to say, any further than may be gather
ed from the writings of Paul. For he, indeed, had innumer
able fellow labourers, or as he himself calls them, fellow
soldiers in the church. Of these, the greater part are
honoured with an indelible remembrance by him in his
epistles, where he gives a lasting testimony concerning them.
Luke also, in his Acts, speaking of his friends, mentions them
by name. Timothy, indeed, is recorded as having first re
ceived the episcopate at Ephesus, (ev Epheso iraponciag,) as
Titus also, was appointed over the churches in Crete. But
Luke, who was born at Antioch, and by profession a phy
sician, being for the most part connected with Paul, and
familiarly acquainted with the rest of the apostles, has left us
two inspired books, the institutes of that spiritual healing art
which he obtained from them. One of these is his Gospel, in
which he testifies that he has recorded, " as those who were
from the beginning eye-witnesses, and ministers of the word,"
dehvered to him, whom also, he says, he has in ah things
foUowed. The other is his Acts of the Apostles, which he
composed, not from what he had heard from others, but from
what he had seen himself. It is also said, that Paul usuaUy
referred to his Gospel, whenever in his epistles he spoke of
some particular gospel of his own, saying, " according to ray
gospel." But of the rest that accompanied Paul, Crescens ia

7 4 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. HI. C. 5.
mentioned by him as sent to Gaul (Gallia).1 Liiius, whom he has
mentioned in his Second Epistle to Timothy as his companion'
at Rome, has been before shown to have been the first after
Peter, that obtained the episcopate at Rome. Clement also, who
was appointed the third bishop of this church, is proved by him
to have been a fellow labourer and fellow soldier with him. Be
side, the Areopagite, called Dionysius, whom Luke has recorded
in his Acts, after Paul's address to the Athenians, in the Areo
pagus,2 as the first that believed, is mentioned by Dionysius,
another of the ancients, and pastor of the church at Corinth, a,«
the first bishop of the church at Athens. But the manner and
times of the apostolic succession shall be mentioned by us as
we proceed in our course. Now let us pursue the order of
our history.
CHAPTER V.
THE LAST SIEGE OF THE JEWS AFTER CHRIST.
After Nero had held the government about thirteen years,
Galba and Otho reigned about a year and six months. Ves
pasian, who had become illustrious in the campaign against
the Jews, was then proclaimed sovereign in Judea, receiving
the title of emperor from the armies there. Directing his
1 These words of St. Paul occur 2 Tim. iv. 10, where we now read,
Crescens to Galatia. But the ancients, among whom Eusebius, seem to
have read Gallia. So Epiphanius, in Hseres. Alogor. and Hieronymus in
Catalog., and Sophronius and others. But the other reading is the truest,
which Clemens confirms in his Constitut. Apost. Theodoret reads Ga
latia,. but says that thereby is meant Gallia. Vales.
2 Areopagus was the senate or standing court of judicature in Athens,
by whose laws and orders any new gods were received among them ; and
therefore as soon as they perceived that Paul was a promulger of strange
deities, they bring him to the Areopagus to have him examined what
gods they were that he thus preached. Two judicatures they had al
Athens; one every year changed, made up 500 chosen men, of whom the
republic consisted ; the other perpetual, which judged of murders and the
like capital offences ; and this was in Areopago ; of which and the cus
toms thereof, see BudiEus on the Pandects. Why it was called Areo
pagus, see St. Aug. de Civit. Dei, 1. xviii. 1. 18. The judges which sat in
this court were called Areopagitae, who were looked upon with such
reverence, that an Areopagite signified proverbially " an excellent per
son." Gell. 1. xii. c. 7. Dionysius was one of these Aieopagitcs.

a, r>. 69 — 79.] Vespasian. 75
course, therefore, immediately to Rome, he commits the care
ofthe war against the Jews into the hands of his son Titus;
for after the ascension of our Saviour, the Jews, in addition
to their wickedness against him, were now incessantly plot
ting mischief against his apostles. First they slew Stephen
by stoning him, next James the son of Zebedee, and the bro
ther of John, by beheading, and finally James, who first ob
tained the episcopal seat at Jerusalem, after the ascension of
our Saviour, and was slain in the manner before related.
But the rest of the apostles, who were harassed in innumerable
ways with a view to destroy them, and driven from the land
of Judea, had gone forth to preach the gospel to all nations,
relying upon the aid of Christ, when he said, " Go ye, teach
all nations in my name." The whole body, however, of the
church at Jerusalem, having been commanded by a divine re
velation, given to men of approved piety there before the war,
removed from the city, and dwelt at a certain town beyond
the Jordan, caUed Pella.3 Here, those that beheved in Christ,
having removed from Jerusalem, as if holy men had entirely
abandoned the royal city itself, and the whole land of Judea ;
the divine justice, for their crimes against Christ and his
apostles, finally overtook them, totaUy destroying the whole
generation of these evil-doers from the earth. But the number
of calamities which then overwhelmed the whole nation ; the
extreme misery to which particularly the inhabitants of Judea
were reduced ; the vast numbers of men, with women and
children, that feU by the sword and famine, and innumerable
other forms of death ; the numerous and great cities of Judea
that were besieged, as also the great and incredible distresses
that those experienced who took refuge at Jerusalem, as a
place of perfect security ; these facts, as well as the whole
tenor of the war, and each particular of its progress, when,
finaUy, the abomination of desolation, according to the pro
phetic declaration, stood in the very temple of God, so cele
brated of old, but which now was approaching its total down-
s So says Epiphanius, (in Hares. Nazarseorum, cap. 7,) to wit, that
the Christians who dwelt in Jerusalem, being forewarned by Christ of the
approaching siege, removed to Pella. But in his book (de Ponderibus et
Mensuris) he writes that the disciples of Christ, being warned by an angel,
removed to Pella ; and afterwards, when Adrian rebuilt Jerusalem and
called it after his own name, jElia Colonia, they returned thither. Vaiea

76 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IU. C. 6.
fal and final destruction by fire ; aU this, I say, any one that
wishes may see accurately stated in the history written by
Josephus. It may, however, be necessary to state, in the very
words of this writer, how about three hundred thousand that
flocked from all parts of Judea at the time of the passover,
were shut up in Jerusalem as in a prison. For it was indeed
just, that in those very days in which they had inflicted suf
ferings upon the Saviour and benefactor of all men, the Christ
of God, destruction should overtake them, thus shut up as in
a prison, as an exhibition of the divine justice. Passing
by, then, the particular calamities which befell them, such
as they suffered from the sword, and other means employed
against them, I may deem it sufficient only to subjoin the ca
lamities they endured from the famine. So that they who
peruse the present history, may know in some measure, that
the divine vengeance did not long delay to visit them for their
iniquity against the Christ of God.

CHAPTER VI.
THE FAMINE WHICH OPPRESSED THE JEWS.
Let us, then, with the fifth book of Joseph us's history again
in our hands, go through the tragedy of events which then
occurred. " It was equally dangerous," says he, " for the more
wealthy to remain. For under the pretext of desertion, a man
was slain for his wealth. But the madness of the rioters in
creased with the famine, and both kinds of misery were inflamed
from day to day. Provisions were plainly no where to be had.
Hence they burst into houses to search for food, and if they
found any, they would scourge the owners as if they intended to
deny they had it ; but if they found none, they tortured them as
if they had carefuUy concealed it. The bodies of the poor
wretches, however, were evidence enough whether they had
or had not. Some of them, therefore, that were yet sound in
health, they supposed to have an abundance of food, but those
that were wan and pallid they passed by; for it seemed
absurd to kill men that were soon likely to die for want.
Many secretly exchanged their property for a single measure
of wheat, if they hapiip.ned to be the more wealthy ; of barley,

*.. d. 69 — 79.J vespasian. 77
if they were of the poorer sort. Then locking themselves in
the most retired parts of their houses, some, from excessive
hunger, eat the grain unprepared ; others, however, baked it
according as necessity or fear directed. As to a table, there
was none set any where ; but taking the food from the fire,
they tore it asunder yet crude and raw. Wretched indeed
was the fare, and a lamentable sight it was, where the most
powerful grasped after all, and the weaker were constrained
to mourn. For famine surpasses all other evils, but it de
stroys nothing so effectuaUy as shame ; for that which would
otherwise demand some regard, is contemned in this. Thus
wives tore away the food from the very mouths of their
husbands, children from their parents, and what was most
wretched of aU, mothers from their infants ; so that whilst
their dearest children lay wasting in their arms, there was not
shame enough to prevent them taking away the very drops
that supported life. And even in doing this, they did not re
main undiscovered ; for whenever they saw a door locked, this
was a sign that those within were taking food, and then im
mediately bursting open the doors they rushed in, and choked
them, almost forcing the morsels out of their very throats.
Old men were beaten that held back their food, and women
were torn by the hair, if they concealed what they had in
their hands. Nor was there any pity for gray hairs or for
infants ; but taking up the infants clinging to the morsels,
they dashed them to the ground. But they were much more
cruel to those who anticipated their entrance, and were de
vouring what they wished to seize, just as if they had been
wronged by them. They also devised terrible modes of
torture, to discover where there was any food. For by cruel
devices to prevent every relief of nature, they caused the un
happy individual to suffer such torment,1 that the very recital
makes one shudder at what he would endure, before he con
fessed that he had one loaf of bread, or that he had a single
handful of wheat concealed. The tormentors themselves,
however, suffered no want ; for it might have been some palli
ation, if necessity had compelled them thus. But they did it
with the view to exercise their ferocity and to provide for
1 The passages that we have here thrown into one, are thus given by
Valesius • " Nam miseris hominibus ipsos quidem gemtahum meatus crvu
obturabant, podicem prsacutis sudibus transfigebant.

78 ecclesiastical history. [a. in. c. 6,
themselves for the following days. When any crept forth at
night to the outposts of the Romans, for the purpose of col
lecting wild herbs and grass, these tormentors would go out
to meet them, and when they seemed just to have escaped the
hands of the enemy, the oppressors robbed them of whatever
they brought. And very often, though they entreated them,
and conjured them by the most awful name of God, to give
them some part of that for which they had risked their lives,
they notwithstanding gave them nothing. It was a happy
circumstance yet, if, in addition to robbery, they were not also
slain." This same author, after a few particulars, also says :
" But with the hope of egress, was cut off aU hope of safety
to the Jews ; and the famine now penetrating deeply, was
consuming the people by houses and families. The houses
were filled with women and children that had thus perished;
the by-ways with the dead bodies of old men. But the boys
and young men, sweUing up, tottered and reeled like shadows
through the markets, and then falling down, lay wheresoever
the malady had overtaken them. The sick were not even able
to bury their dead, and those yet in health and strength were
loth to do it, both on account of the number of the dead, and
the uncertainty of their own fate. Many, indeed, feU down
and died upon those they were burying ; many went to the
sepulchres, even before they were overtaken by the struggles
of death. There was, however, neither weeping nor lamenta
tion, but the famine prevailed over ah affection. With tear
less eyes did they who were yet struggling with death, look
on those that had gone to rest before them. A deep silence
and deadly gloom also pervaded the city. But more oppres
sive than ah these, were the robbers that broke into the
houses, now mere sepulchres, and spoiling the dead, and tear
ing off the garments of their bodies, they went off with a
laugh. They would also try the points of their swords in the
dead bodies, and some of those that were lying yet aUve, they
thrust through, in order to try the edge of their weapons. But
those that prayed them the relief of their arm and sword, they
contemptuously left to be destroyed by the famine ; whilst
those expiring died with their eyes fixed upon the temple,1 and
1 Observe here the religion of the Jews, who, in what parts of the world
soever they were, always prayed to God with their eyes turned towails
the holy city and the temple. We have an example of this custom Ji

A. D. 69 — 79.} VESPASIAN. 79
left the factious to survive them. These, at first, not bearing
the effluvia from the dead bodies, ordered them to be buried
out of the pubhc treasury ; afterwards, when they were not
able to continue this, they threw the bodies from the walls into
the ditches below. As Titus went around these, and saw them
filled with the dead, and the deep gore flowing around the
putrid bodies, he groaned heavily, and raising his hands,
caUed God to witness that it was none of his work." After
some additional remarks, Josephus proceeds : " I cannot
hesitate to declare what my feelings demand. I think that
had the Romans lingered to proceed against these guilty
wretches, the city would either have been swallowed up by
the opening earth, or overwhelmed with a flood, or, like Sodom,
been struck with the lightning. For it bore a much more
impious race than those who once endured such visitations.
Thus, by the madness of these wretches, the whole people
perished." In the sixth book, he also writes thus : " Of those
that perished by the famine in the city, there fell an infinite
number. The miseries that befell them were indescribable ;
for at every house, wnerever there was a shadow of food, there
was war. The nearest relatives contended with one another,
to seize the wretched supports of life. There was no belief
that hunger was the cause, even when they saw the dying ;
but the robbers would search them whilst yet breathing, lest
any one should pretend that he was dying, whilst he concealed
food in his bosom. But the robbers themselves, with their
mouths wide open for want of food, roved and straggled hither
and thither, like mad dogs, beating the doors as if they were
drunk; and for want of counsel, rushing twice or thrice an
hour into the same houses. Indeed, necessity forced them to
apply their teeth to every thing, and gathering what was no
food, even for the filthiest of irrational animals, they devoured
it, and did not abstain at last even from belts and shoes. They
took off the hides from their shields and devoured them, and
some used even the remnants of old straw as food ; others
gathered the stubble, and sold a very small weight of it for
four Attic drachms.2 And why should we speak of the ex-
Dan, vi. 10, and 1 Kings viii. 48, and 1 Esdr. iv. 48. Hence perhaps
was derived the custom of the Christians, to pray towards the east. Vales.
2 Attic drachns. The drachma was a coin of about l\d. Some
make it more. Shorting, in his translation, has computed the four

80

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. HI. C. 6.

cessive severity of the famine displayed upon inanimate
objects ? I am going to relate a piece of wickedness, such as
is not recorded either by Greeks or barbarians. It is horrid
to relate, and incredible to hear. And indeed, lest I should
appear to deal in marveUous stories, I would cheerfully pass
by this occurrence, if I had not innumerable witnesses still
living. I should also deserve but cold thanks from my
country, if I should pass by in carelessness what she in reahty
did suffer. A woman that dwelt beyond the Jordan, named
Maria, the daughter of Eleazar, of the village Bathezor,
signifying the home of hyssop, distinguished for her family
and wealth, having taken refuge at Jerusalem among the rest
of the multitude, was shut up in the city with them. The
tyrants had already robbed her of aU her other possessions, as
much as she had collected, and brought with her from be
yond the river into the city. But as to the relics of her
property, and whatever food she provided, the ruffians daily
rushing in, seized and bore it away. A dreadful indignation
overpowered the woman, and frequently reviling and cursing
the robbers, she endeavoured by these means to irritate them
against herself. But as no one either through resentment
or pity would slay her, and she was weary of providing food
for others, and there was now no probability of finding it any
where ; the famine now penetrated the very bowels and mar
row, and resentment raged more violently than the famine.
Urged by frenzy and necessity as her counsellors, she pro
ceeded against nature herself. Seizing her little son, who
was yet at her breast, she said, ' Wretched child ! in the
midst of war, famine, and faction, for what do I preserve
thee ? Our condition among the Romans, though we might
live, is slavery. But even slavery is anticipated by famine,
and the assassins are more cruel than either— come, be thou
food to me, fury1 to the assassins, and a tale for men, the
drachms to be half a pound sterling, and refers to his note on B. I. ch.
viii. He there states very correctly, that four Attic drachms equal one
ordinary shekel, and the shekel to be Is. dd. But by some unaccountable
oversight, makes the four drachms equal to ten shillings ! He appears to
have substituted the value of the shekel for the drachm, as the reader will
readily see. But what is still more surprising, this error has been tran
scribed by Reading in his accurate edition of Valesius. See Reading's
edition in loc.
1 Fury, or vengeance. The Erynnes or Furies, according to the belief ol
the ancients, were among the tormenting fiends of Tartarus.

A. T). 69 — 79. J vesias^ak Ri
only one yet wanting to complete the miseries of tbe Jews.'
As she said this, she slew her son ; then roasting him, she eat
one half herself, and covering over the rest, she kept it. It
was not long before the murderers came in, and perceiving the
fumes of the execrable food, they threatened immediately to
slay her if she did not produce what she had prepared. She
answered, she had reserved a fine portion of it for them, and
then uncovered the relics of her son. Horror and amazement
immediately seized them. They stood mute with the sight.
' This is my own son,' said she, ' and the deed is mine. Eat,
for I too have eaten, be not more dehcate than a woman, nor
more tender than a mother ; but if you are so pious, and re
ject my offering, I have already eaten half, and let the rest
remain for me.' After this, they indeed went trembling
away, cowardly at least in this one instance, and yet scarcely
yielding to the mother even this kind of food. Forthwith the
whole city was fiUed with the dreadful crime, and every one
placing the wickedness before his eyes, was struck with a hor
ror as if it had been perpetrated by himself. Thenceforth
the wretched people, overcome with hunger, only strove to
hasten death ; and it was a happiness yet for those who died
before they heard and saw miseries like these." Such, then,
was the vengeance that followed the guilt and impiety of the
Jews against the Christ of God.

CHAPTER VII.

THE PREDICTIONS OF CHRIST.

To these accounts it may be proper to add the sure predic
tion of our Saviour, in which he foretold these very events as
foUows : " But woe to them that are with child and those that
give suck in those days ; but pray that your flight be not in
the winter, nor on the Sabbath. But there shall be then
great distress, such as has not been from the beginning of the
world untU now, xieither may be." The historian, adding up
the whole number of those slain, says, that eleven hundred
thousand perished by famine and the sword, and that the rest,
the factious and robbers, mutually informing against each
other after the capture, were put to death. Of the young
EUSEBIUS.] a

82 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. III. 0. 7.
men, the tallest, and those that were distinguished for beauty,
were preserved for the triumph. Of the remaining multitude,
those above seventeen were sent prisoners to labour at the
mines in Egypt. But great numbers were distributed to the
provinces, to be destroyed by the sword or wild beasts in the
theatres. Those under seventeen were carried away to be sold
as slaves. Of these alone, there were upwards of ninety
thousand. All this occurred in this manner, in the second
year of the reign of Vespasian, according to the predictions of
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who by his divine power
foresaw all these things as if already present at the time, who
wept and mourned indeed, at the prospect, as the holy evan
gelists show in their writings. These give us the very words
that he uttered, when he said to this same Jerusalem, " If thou
didst know, even thou, in this thy day the things that belong
to thy peace, but now they are hidden from thy eyes, for the
days wiU come upon thee, and thy enemies shall cast a trench
around thee, and shall encompass thee around, and shall every
where shut thee in, and they shaU level thee and thy children
with the ground." Afterwards he speaks as if ofthe people—
" For there shall be great distress upon earth, and wrath upon
this people, and they shall faU by the edge of the sword, and
they shall be carried away captive to all nations, and Jeru
salem shall be trodden down by the nations, until the times of
the nations shall be fulfilled." And again, " When ye shall
see Jerusalem surrounded by armies, then know that her de
solation has drawn near."
On comparing the declarations of our Saviour with the
other parts of the historian's work, where he describes the
whole war, how can one fail to acknowledge and wonder at
the truly divine and extraordinary foreknowledge and predic
tion of our Saviour ? Concerning the events, then, that befell
the Jews after our Saviour's passion, and those outcries in
which the multitude of the Jews refused the condemnation
of a robber and murderer, but entreated that the Prince of
Life should be destroyed, it is superfluous to add to the state
ment of the historian. Yet it may be proper to mention,
also, what things occurred that show the benignity of that all-
gracious Providence that had deferred their destruction for
forty years after their crimes against Christ. During which
time the greater part of the apostles and disciples, James

A. D. 69 — 79.J VESPASIAN. 33
himself, the first bishop there, usually called the brother of
our Lord, still surviving, and stiU remaining at Jerusalem,
continued the strongest bulwark of the place. Divine Pro
vidence yet bearing them with long-suffering, to see whether
by repentance for what they had done, they might obtain
pardon and salvation ; and beside this long-suffering, it also
presented wonderful prodigies of what was about to happen
to those that did not repent ; all which having been recorded
by the historian already cited, it well deserved to be submitted
to the view of our readers.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE SIGNS THAT PRECEDED THE WAR.
Taking, then, the work of this author, read for yourself
the account given by him in the sixth book of his history.
" The wretched people," says he, " at this time were readily
persuaded to give credit to the impostors and liars against
God, but they neither beUeved nor paid regard to the signifi
cant and wonderful events that prognosticated the approach
ing desolation. On the contrary, as if struck with stupidity,
and as if they had neither eyes nor understanding, they
slighted the declarations of God. At one time, when a star
very like a sword stood above the city, as also a comet that
continued to be seen a whole year ; at another, when before
the rebellion and the commotions that preceded the war, whilst
the people were collected at the feast of unleavened bread, on
the eighth of the month of April, about the ninth hour of
the night, so great a light shone around the altar and the
temple, as to seem a bright day. And this continued for half
an hour. To the ignorant this appeared a good omen, but by
the scribes l it was immediately judged to refer to the events
1 The Scribes amongst the Jews were the same with the Doctors of
the Law, as Petavius has well observed, in Animadvers. ad Hseres. 15,
Epiphanii. Their office it was to keep the holy books of the law, and
to read them in the presence of the people, in the temple and in the
synagogues. But their principal office was, to be assessors with the chief
priests and elders in the great council called the Sanhedrim. See the
6tn and 23rd chapters of the Acts. The name of Scribe, therefore, was
the name of a magistrate among ffiie Jews as well as among the Grecians
a 2

84 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. TB. IH. C. 8,
that took place at the issue. At the same festival, also, a cow
struck by the priest for sacrifice, brought forth a lamb in the
midst of the temple. The eastern gate also, of the inner tem
ple, which was of brass and immense weight, and which at
evening was scarcely shut by twenty men, and resting on iron-
bound hinges, and secured with bolts very deeply sunk in the
ground, was seen in the sixth hour of the night to open of it
self. But not many days after the feast, on the twenty-first
of the month of Artimisium, (May,) a wonderful spectre was
seen, which surpasses all belief. And indeed, that which I
am about to tell would appear a prodigy, were it not related
by those who had seen it, and unless the subsequent miseries
had corresponded to the signs. For before the setting of the
sun there were seen chariots and armed troops on high wheel-
And as the [ypafiparug] scribes in Greece were to be present at assem
blies and judicatures, and to have the custody of the laws and statutes
made by the people, and decrees made by the senate ; so also were the
scribes amongst the Jews the keepers of the law. That this was no small
honour, appears from many places in the gospel ; where our blessed Saviour
reproves their pride and insolence. After the same manner, amongst the
Grecians, the scribes [ypappariig] were in great authority, as appears
from that which St. Luke relates, Acts xix. 35. [Our translation calls
him town-clerk, how truly, Mr. Jo. Gregory of Oxford will tell you in
his notes on the text ; chap. ix. p. 43 of his works.] Amongst the Jews
the scribes were so much the more respected, by how much that nation
above all others esteemed their own laws ; of which the scribes were not
only the keepers, but the interpreters also. Moreover, they were con
sulted as being taken to be men of great knowledge and skill, and who
were best able to interpret signs and prodigies ; and also who best knew
the mysteries of the law. So we read, Matt. ii. 4. Herod there consults
the scribes ; and in this place of Josephus here, the scribes foretell the
meaning of the prodigies. Moreover, the magistrate of the city of Jeru
salem, who was called Srparijyoc, had his scribe, as Josephus tells us,
b. xx. But whether this scribe was among the number of those that
were interpreters of the law, it is hard to say. Further, the "Itpoypa/a-
parug amongst the Egyptians were certain priests who looked after the
ordinances about things sacred, and had the keeping of the mystical
-earning, and foretold things to come ; concerning whom, see Joseph. 1. ii.
c. 5, where he calls them 'ItpEac. These, after the Cantor and the Horo-
scopus, went in the third place into the temple, wearing wings on their
heads, and carrying before them in their hands ink, and a pen, with a
book. They had also the hieroglyphical books of Mercury, and those of
cosmography, and of the situation of countries, and of Egypt, and of the
Nile, and of the places consecrated in honour of their gods, committed to
their custody, as Clem. Alexandrinus writes in his sixth book. Lucian
wivs that these men had been of long continuance in Egypt. Vales.

a i). 69 — 79. J vespasian. 3,1;
ing through the clouds around the whole region, and sur
rounding the cities. And at the festival caUed Pentecost, the
priests entering the temple at night according to their custom,
to perform the services, said they first perceived a motion and
noise, and after this a confused voice, saying, " Let us go hence."
But what follows is stiU more awful.
One Jesus the son of Ananias, a common and ignorant
rustic, four years before the war, when the city was most at
peace and well regulated, coming to the festival at which it
was customary for all to make tabernacles at the temple, to the
honour of God, suddenly began to cry out, " A voice from the
east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a
voice against Jerusalem and the temple, a voice against bride
grooms and brides, a voice against all people." This man
went about crying through aU the lanes, night and day. But
some of the more distinguished citizens, being offended at
the ominous cry, and enraged at the man, seized him, and
scourged him with many and severe lashes. But without ut
tering a word for himself or privately to those present, he still
persisted in the cries he had before uttered. The magistrates,
therefore, judging, what it really was, a more than ordinary
divine movement in the man, conducted him to the Roman
governor.1 Then, though he was scourged to the bone, he
neither entreated nor shed a tear. But lowering his voice in
as mournful a tone as was possible, he answered to every
blow, " Alas, alas, for Jerusalem." The same historian re
lates a fact still more remarkable. He says, "that an oracular
passage was found in the sacred writings, declaring that about
this time a certain one proceeding from that region would ob
tain the sovereignty of the world. This prediction, he sup
posed, was fulfiUed in Vespasian. He, however, did not
obtain the sovereignty over the whole world, but only over the
Romans. More justly, therefore, would it be referred to Christ,
to whom it was said by the Father, " Ask of me, and I will
give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost
parts of the earth for thy possession." Of whom, indeed, at
this very time, " the sound of the holy apostles went through
out all the earth, and their words to the ends of the world."
1 Albinus, who hen was procurator of Judea. Vales.

J«6 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [il. III. C. 9. 10,
CHAPTER IX.
OF JOSEPHUS, AND THE WORKS HE HAS LEFT.
Since we have referred to this writer, it may be proper also
to notice Josephus himself, who has contributed so much to
the history in hand, whence and from what family he sprung.
He shows this, indeed, in his own works, as foUows. " Jo
sephus, the son of Mattathias, a priest of Jerusalem, who at
first himself fought against the Romans, and at whose affairs
he was afterward of necessity present," was a man most dis
tinguished, not only among his own countrymen the Jews,
but also among the Romans ; so that they honoured him with
the erection of a statue at Rome, and the books that he com
posed with a place in the public library. He wrote the whole
Antiquities of the Jews, in twenty books, and his history of
the Jewish War in seven books, which he says were not only
written in Greek, but also translated by him into his native
tongue ; in all which he is worthy of credit, as well as in other
matters. There are also two other works of his that deserve
to be read, viz. those on the Antiquity of the Jews. In these
he also makes his reply to Apion, the grammarian, who had
then written against the Jews ; they contain also a refutation
of others, who attempted to vilify the national peculiarities ot
the Jewish people. In the first of these works he gives us the
number of the canonical books of the Scriptures called the
Old Testament, such as are of undoubted authority among the
Hebrews, setting them forth, as handed down by ancient tra
dition, in the foUowing words.

CHAPTER X.
THE MANNER IN WHICH JOSEPHUS MENTIONS THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.
" We have not therefore among us innumerable books that
disagree and contradict each other, but only two and twenty,1
1 There were so many books of the Scripture amongst the Jews as they
had letters in their alphabet. So Origen tells us in his exposition of the
first Psalm, and Jerome In Praamio galeato; where also he says 'Jut

A. D. 69 — 79.J VESPASIAN. 8"
embracing the record of aU history, and which are justly con
sidered divine compositions. Of these, five are the books of
Moses, comprehending both the laws and the tradition respect
ing the origin of man, down to his own death. This time
comprehends a space of nearly three thousand years. But
from Moses until the death of Artaxerxes, who reigned after
Xerxes, king of Persia, the prophets after Moses wrote the
events of their day in thirteen books. The remaining four,
comprehend hymns to the praise of God, and precepts for the
regulation of human life. From Artaxerxes until our own
times, the events are aU recorded, but they are not deemed of
authority equal with those before them, because that there
was not an exact succession of the prophets. But it is evi
dent from the thing itself, how we regard these books of ours.
For in the lapse of so many ages, no one has dared either to
add to them, or to take from them, or to change them, but it
has been implanted in all Jews, from the very origin of the
nation, to consider them as the doctrines of God, and to abide
by them, and cheerfully to die for them if necessary." These
declarations of this historian, I thought might be properly
here subjoined. There is also another work, of no mean exe
cution, by the same writer, " On the Supremacy of Reason,"
which, indeed, is entitled by some Maccabaicum, because it
contains the conflicts of those Hebrews that contended man-
fuUy for the true religion, as is related in the books caUed
Maccabees. And at the end of the twentieth book of his An
tiquities, the same author intimates, that he had purposed to
write four books on God, and his existence, according to the
peculiar opinions of the Jewish nation ; also on the laws,
wherefore it is permitted by them to do some things whilst
others are forbidden. Other subjects, he says, are also dis-
there were among them three ranks of these holy volumes ; the first con
tained the Law ; the second the Prophets ; the third the Hagiography. All
which agrees very well with Josephus. But in this they differ ; Josephus
makes thirteen books to be of the second order ; to wit, following the
series of the times. But of the third, he reckons only four, disagreeing
from St. Jerome ; who in the foresaid preface, and in that of his before the
prophecy of Daniel, reckons up eight books of the Prophets, and nine of
the Hagiography. But Josephus seems to have placed the book of
Joshua and Judges, also those of the Kings, Chronicles, and Ezra,
amongst the prophetical writings ; not that they contain prophecies, as the
books of the Prophets do ; but because they were written by men that
were prophets. Vales.

S"i ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.- [b. in. O. 11
cussed by him in his works. In addition to these, it seems
proper to subjoin also the expressions that he uses at the close
of his Antiquities, in confirmation ofthe testimony that we have
taken from him. For when he accuses Justus of Tiberias,
who, like himself, attempted the history of his own times, and
convicts him of not writing according to truth, after upbraid
ing him with many other misdemeanors, he also adds the
following language : " I am not, however, afraid respecting
my writings, as you are ; but have presented them to the em
perors themselves, as the facts occurred almost under their
eyes. For I was conscious of adhering closely to the truth in
my narration, and hence was not disappointed in expecting to
receive their testimony. To many others, also, did I hand
my history, some of whom were present at the war, as king
Agrippa and some of his relatives. For the emperor Titus
desired so much that the knowledge of these events should be
communicated to the world, that with his own hand he wrote
they should be published. And king Agrippa wrote sixty-
two letters bearing testimony to their truth, of which Jose
phus subjoined two. But this may suffice respecting him.
Let us now proceed to what follows in order.

CHAPTER XI.
SIMEON RULED THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM AFTER JAMES.
After the martyrdom of James, and the capture of Jeru
salem, which immediately foUowed, the report is, that those
of the apostles and the disciples of our Lord, that were yet
surviving, came together from all parts with those that were
related to our Lord according to the flesh. For the greater
part of them were yet living. These consulted together, to
determine whom it was proper to pronounce worthy of being
the successor of James. They all unanimously declared Si
meon the son of Cleophas, of whom mention is made in the
sacred volume, as worthy of the episcopal seat there. They
say he was the cousin german • of our Saviour, for Hegesippus
asserts that Cleophas was the brother of Joseph.
1 The word avt^iov is here correctly ren iered cousin german, by the
mother's side. Valesius has incorrectly rendered patruelis, cousin

A.D. 79 — 96. j TITUS DOMITIAN. 39
CHAPTER XII.
VESPASIAN COMMANDS THE DESCENDANTS OF DAVID 1 0 BE SOUGHT.
It was also said that Vespasian, after the capture of Jeru
salem, commanded all of the family of David to be sought,
that no one might be left among the Jews who was of the
royal stock, and, that in consequence another very violent per
secution was raised against the Jews.

CHAPTER XIII.
ANENCLETUS, THE SECOND BISHOP OF ROME.
After Vespasian had reigned about ten years, he was suc
ceeded by his son Titus ; in the second year of whose reign,
Linus, bishop of the church at Rome, who had held the office
about twelve years, transferred it to Anencletus. But Titus
was succeeded by Domitian, his brother, after he had reigned
two years and as many months.

CHAPTER XIV.
AVILIUS, THE SECOND BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA.
In the fourth year of Domitian, Annianus, who was the
first bishop of Alexandria, died, after having filled the office
twenty-two years. He was succeeded by Avilius, who was
the second bishop of that city.
german, by the father's side. Mary the wife of Cleophas, and Mary the
mother of our Lord, were sisters, John xix. 25. Hence, Shorting has
correctly observed, that Hegesippus calls Joseph and Cleophas brothers,
by reason of this matrimonial connexion. See his note.

90 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. Ill C. 10— 17,
CHAPTER XV.
CLEMENT, THE THIRD BISHOP OF ROME.
In the twelfth year of the same reign, after Anencletus had
been bishop of Rome twelve years, he was succeeded by Cle
ment, who, the apostle, in his Epistle to the Philippians,
shows, had been his fellow labourer, in these words : " With
Clement and the rest of my feUow labourers, whose names are
in the book of life."

CHAPTER XVI.
THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT.

Of this Cloment there is one epistle extant, acknowledged
as genuine, of considerable length and of great merit, which he
wrote in the name of the church at Rome, to that of Corinth,
at the time when there was a dissension in the latter. This
we know to have been publicly read for common benefit, in
most of the churches, both in former times and in our own ;
and that at the time mentioned a sedition did take place at
Corinth, is abundantly attested by Hegesippus.

CHAPTER XVII.
THE PERSECUTION OF THE CHRISTIANS UNDER DOMITIAN.
Domitian, indeed, having exercised his cruelty against
many, and unjustly slain no small number of noble and iUus-
trious men at Rome, and having, without cause, punished vast
numbers of honourable men with exile and the confiscation of
their property, at length established himself as the successor
of Nero, in his hatred and hostility to God. He was the se
cond that raised a persecution against us, although his father
Vespasian had attempted nothing to our prejudice

a. d. 81—96. 1 domitian. 91
CHAPTER XVIII.
OF JOHN THE APOSTLE, AND THE REVELATION.
In this persecution, it is handed down by tradition, that
the apostle and evangelist John, who was yet living, in con
sequence of his testimony to the divine word, was condemned
to dwell on the island of Patmos. Irenseus, indeed, in his
fifth book against the heresies, where he speaks of the calcula
tion formed on the epithet of Antichrist, in the above-men
tioned Revelation of John, speaks in the following manner
respecting him. " If, however, it were necessary to proclaim
his name (i. e. Antichrist) openly at the present time, it
would have been declared by him who saw the revelation, for
it is not long since it was seen, but almost in our own genera
tion, at the close of Domitian's reign." To such a degree,
indeed, did the doctrine which we profess flourish, that even
historians that are very far from befriending our religion,
have not hesitated to record this persecution and its martyr
doms in their histories. These, also, have accurately noted
the time, for it happened, according to them, in the fifteenth
year of Domitian. At the same time, for professing Christ,
Flavia DomitiUa, the niece of Flavius Clemens, one of the
consuls of Rome at that time, was transported with many
others, by way of punishment, to the island of Pontia.

CHAPTER XIX.
DOMITIAN COMMANDS THE POSTERITY OF DAVID TO BE SLAIN.
But when the same Domitian had issued his orders, that
the descendants of David should be slain according to an
ancient tradition, some of the heretics accused the descendants
of Judas, as the brother of our Saviour, according to the flesh,
because they were of the fanuly of David, and as such, also,
were related to Christ. This is declared by Hegesippus as
follows.

9? ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. HI. C. 20.
CHAPTER XX.
OP THE RELATIVES OF OUR LORD.
" There were yet living of the family of our Lord, the
grandchildren of Judas, called the brother1 of our Lord, ac
cording to the flesh. These were reported as being of the
family of David, and were brought to Domitian by the
Evocatus. For this emperor was as much alarmed at the
appearance of Christ as Herod. He put the question, whether
they were of David's race, and they confessed that they were.
He then asked them what property they had, or how much
money they owned. And both of them answered, that they
had between them only nine thousand denarii,2 and this they
had not in silver, but in the value of a piece of land, containing
only thirty -nine acres ; from which they raised their taxes3
and supported themselves by their own labour. Then they
also began to show their hands, exhibiting the hardness of
their bodies, and the callosity formed by incessant labour on
their hands, as evidence of their own labour. When asked,
also, respecting Christ and his kingdom, what was its nature,
and when and where it was to appear, they repUed, ' that it
was not a temporal nor an earthly kingdom, but celestial and
angelic ; that it would appear at the end of the world, when
coming in glory he would judge the quick and dead, and give
to every one accordiag to his works.' Upon which Domitian
despising them made no reply ; but treating them with con
tempt, as simpletons, commanded them to be dismissed, and
by a decree ordered the persecution to cease. Thus delivered,
they ruled the churches, hoth as witnesses and relatives of
the Lord. When peace was established, they continued living
even to the times of Trajan." Such is the statement of He-
1 So he is called, Matt. xiii. 55. But it was the usual language ofthe
Jews to call the first cousins brethren. See Bishop Pearson on the
Creed, pp. 175, 176, edit. Lond. 1669. See also Bishop Montague's Acts
and Monuments, chap. iv. § 6, concerning the Desposyni.
2 The Roman denarius was about the value of a Greek drachma, each
l\d. nearly.
3 *<5poi were tributes, or taxes, raised upon lands, and they were com
monly paid in wheat, barley, wine, and the like ; as it appears from Cod.
Theodosian. Te\j; was the toll gathered by the publicans, who farmed it
commonly ; it was paid in ready money. Vales.

A. D. 96 — 117.] NERVA. TRAJAN. 93
gesippus. TertuUian also has mentioned Domitian thus :
"Domitian had also once attempted the same against him,
who was, in fact, a limb of Nero for cruelty ; but I think, be
cause he had yet some remains of reason, he very soon sup
pressed the persecution, even recalling those whom he had
exiled. But after Domitian had reigned fifteen years, and
Nerva succeeded to the government, the Roman senate de
creed, that the honours of Domitian should be revoked, and
that those who had been unjustly expelled, should return to
their homes, and have their goods restored." This is the
statement of the historians of the day. It was then, also, that
the apostle John returned from his banishment in Patmos,
and took up his abode at Ephesus, according to an ancient tra
dition of the church.

CHAPTER XXI.
CERDON, THE THIRD BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA.
After Nerva had reigned a little more than a year, he
was succeeded by Trajan. It was in the first year of his
reign, that Cerdon succeeded Avilius in the church of Alex
andria, after the latter had governed it thirteen years. He
was the third that held the episcopate there since Annianus.
During this time, Clement was yet bishop of the Romans,
who was also the third that held the episcopate there after
Paul and Peter;4 Linus being the first, and Anencletus next
in order.

CHAPTER XXII.
IGNATIUS, THE SECOND BISHOP OF ANTIOCH.
On the death of Evodius, who was the first bishop of An
tioch, Ignatius was appointed the second. Simeon also was
4 Here, and before, we may observe Paul put before Peter by Euse
bius. In the seals of the Roman Church Paul is put on the right hand,
and Peter on the left, as Baronius observes, in Expositione Concil,
Nicen., and Eusebius seems to make them both bishops of Rome to.
gether. Vales.

94 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. III. C. 23.
the second after the brother of our Lord, that had charge of
the church at Jerusalem about this time.

CHAPTER XXIII.
NARRATIVE RESPECTING THE APOSTLE JOHN.
About this time also, the beloved disciple of Jesus, John
the apostle and evangehst, still surviving, governed the
churches in Asia, after his return from exile on the island,
and the death of Domitian. But that he was still Uving until
this time, it may suffice to prove, by the testimony of two
witnesses. These, as maintaining sound doctrine in the
church, may surely be regarded as worthy of all credit : and
such were Irenseus and Clement of Alexandria. Of these,
the former, in the second book against heresies, writes in the
following manner : " And all the presbyters of Asia, that had
conferred with John the disciple of our Lord, testify that John
had delivered it to them ; for he continued with them until
the times of Trajan." And in the third book of the same
work, he shows the same thing in the foUowing words : " But
the church in Ephesus also, which had been founded by Paul,
and where John continued to abide until the times of Trajan,
is a faithful witness of the apostolic tradition." Clement also,
indicating the time, subjoins a narrative most acceptable to
those who delight to hear what is exceUent and profitable,
in that discourse to which he gave the title, "What Rich
Man is saved ?" Taking therefore the book, read it where it
contains a narrative like the following : " Listen to a story
that is no fiction, but a real history, handed down and care
fully preserved, respecting the apostle John. For after the
tyrant was dead, coming from the isle of Patmos to Ephesus,
he went also, when called, to the neighbouring regions of the
Gentiles ; in some to appoint bishops, in some to institute entire
new churches, in others to appoint to the ministry some one
of those that were pointed out by the Holy Ghost. When he
came, therefore, to one of those cities, at no great distance, oi
which some also give the name, and had in other respects
consoled his brethren, he at last turned towards the bishop
ordained, (appointed,) and seeing a youth of fine stature, grace-

k. V. 98  11/.] TRAJAN. J*J
ful countenance, and ardent mind, he said, 'Him I commend
to you with all earnestness, in the presence of the church and
of Christ.' The bishop having taken him and promised all,
he repeated and testified the same thing, and then returned to
Ephesus. The presbyter,1 taking the youth home that was
committed to him, educated, restrained, and cherished him,
and at length baptized him. After this, he relaxed exercising
his former care and vigilance, as if he had now committed
him to a perfect safeguard in the seal2 of the Lord. But cer
tain idle, dissolute feUows, familiar with every kind of wick
edness, unhappily attach themselves to him, thus prematurely
freed from restraint. At first they lead him on by expensive
entertainments. Then going out at night to plunder, they
take him with them. Next, they encourage him to some
thing greater, and graduaUy becoming accustomed to their
ways, in his enterprising spirit, like an unbridled and power
ful steed that has struck out of the right way, biting the curb,
he rushed with so much the greater impetuosity towards the
precipice. At length, renouncing the salvation of God, he
contemplated no trifling offence, but having committed some
great crime, since he was now once ruined, he expected to
suffer equally with the rest. Taking, therefore, these same
associates, and forming them into a band of robbers, he be
came their captain, surpassing them all in violence, blood, and
cruelty. Time elapsed, and on a certain occasion they send
for John. The apostle, after appointing those other matters
for which he came, said, 'Come, bishop, return me my de
posit, which I and Christ committed to thee, in the presence
of the church over which thou dost preside.' The bishop at
first, indeed, was confounded, thinking that he was insidiously
charged for money which he had not received ; and yet he
could neither give credit respecting that which he had not,
1 See Dr. Hammond, concerning the use of this word " presbyter " by
the apostles and writers ofthe New Testament, and by the Fathers in the
first apostolical times, in his notes on Acts xi. 30.
2 The primitive Christians so termed baptism, as Gregor. Nazianz.
Orat. 40, where he observes that baptism is called by Christians by
divers names ; Suipov KaXovpiv, %apiapa, j3dvTiapa, xpiapa, ajwrtapa,
acapnias IvSvpa, Xovrpbv waXiyyavimag, otfipayiSa irav Bn ripiov, &c
Now the reason why baptism is called aippaylSa, a seal, is annexed by the
same Gregory Nazianz., because, to wit, baptism is, as it were, a preserva
tion, or a uwrk of dominion. Vales.

96' ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. fjB. Ht. 0 33.
nor yet disbelieve John. But when he said, ' I demand the
young man, and the soul of a brother,' the old man, groaning
heavily and also weeping, said, 'He is dead.' 'How, and
what death ?' 'He is dead to God,' said he. 'He has turn
ed out wicked and abandoned, and at last a robber ; and now,
instead of the church, he has beset the mountain with a band
like himself.' The apostle, on hearing this, tore his garment.
and beating his head with great lamentation, said, 'I left a
fine keeper of a brother's soul ! But let a horse now be got
ready, and some one to guide me on my way.' He rode as he
was, away from the church, and coming to the country, was
taken prisoner by the outguard of the banditti. He neither
attempted, however, to flee, nor refused to be taken ; but cried
out, ' For this very purpose am I come ; conduct me to your
captain.' He, in the mean time, stood waiting, armed as he
was. . But as he recognised John advancing towards him,
overcome with shame he turned about to flee. The apostle,
however, pursued him with all his might, forgetful of his age,
and crying out, 'Why dost thou fly, my son, from me, thy
father ; thy defenceless, aged father ? Have compassion on
me, my son ; fear not. Thou stiU hast hope of life. I will
intercede with Christ for thee. Should it be necessary, I will
cheerfully suffer death for thee, as Christ for us. I will give
my life for thine. Stay ; believe Christ hath sent me.' Hear
ing this, he at first stopped with downcast looks. Then threw
away his arms ; then tremblinjr, lamented bitterly, and em
bracing the old man as he came up, attempted to plead for
himself with his lamentations, as much as he was able ; as if
baptized a second time with his own tears, and only conceal
ing his right hand. But the apostle pledging himself, and
solemnly assuring him, that he had found pardon for him in
his prayers at the hands of Christ, praying on his bended
knees, and kissing his right hand as cleansed from all ini
quity, conducted him back again to the church. Then sup
plicating with frequent prayers, contending with constant
fastings, and softening down his mind with various consolatory
declarations, he did not leave him, as it is said, until he had
restored him to the church. Affording a powerful example of
true repentance, and a great evidence of a regeneration, a
trophy of a visible resurrection."

A. P. 93  117.] TRAJAN. 97

CHAPTER XXIV.
THE ORDER OF THE GOSPELS.
These extracts from Clement may here suffice, both foi
the sake of the history and the benefit of the readers. Let
us now also show the undisputed writings of the same apostle.
And of these his Gospel, so weU known in the churches
throughout the world, must first of all be acknowledged as
genuine. That it is, however, with good reason, placed the
fourth in order by the ancients, may be made evident in the
foUowing manner. Those inspired and truly pious men, the
apostles of our Saviour, as they were most pure in their life,
and adorned with every kind of virtue in their minds, but
common in their language, relying upon the divine and won
derful energy granted them, they neither knew how, nor at
tempted to propound the doctrines of their Master with the
art and refinement of composition. But employing only the
demonstration of the divine Spirit, working with them, and
the wonder-working power of Christ, displayed through them,
they proclaimed the knowledge of the kingdom of heaven
throughout the world. They bestowed but little care upon
the study of style, and this they did, because they were aided
by a co-operation greater than that of men. Paul, indeed,
who was the most able of aU in the preparations of style, and
who was most powerful in sentiments, committed nothing
more to writing than a few very short epistles. And this
too, although he had innumerable mysterious matters that he
might have communicated, as he had attained even to the
view of the third heavens, had been taken up to the very
paradise of God, and had been honoured to hear the unutter
able words there. The other foUowers of our Lord were also
not ignorant of such things, as the twelve apostles, and the
seventy, together with many others ; yet of all the disciples,
Matthew and John are the only ones that have left us recorded
comments, and even they, tradition says, undertook it from
necessity. Matthew also, having first proclaimed the gospel
in Hebrew, when on the point of going also to other nations,
committed it to writing in his native tongue, and thus sup-
pUed the want of his presence to them by his writings. But
fEUSEBIUS.] a

98 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. HI. C. 2-1,
after Mark and Luke had aheady published their Gospels,
.hey say, that John, who during all this time was proclaiming
the gospel without writing, at length proceeded to write it on
the foUowing occasion. The three Gospels previously written,
having been distributed among aU, and also handed to him,
they say that he admitted them, giving his testimony to their
truth ; but that there was only wanting in the narrative the,
account of the things done by Christ, among the first of his
deeds, and at the commencement of the Gospel. And this
was the truth. For it is evident that the other three evan
gelists only wrote the deeds of our Lord for one year after
the imprisonment of John the Baptist, and intimated this in
the very beginning of their history. For after the fasting of
forty days, and the consequent temptation, Matthew indeed
specifies the time of his history, in these words : " But hear
ing that John was delivered up, he returned from Judea into
Galilee." Mark in like manner writes : " But after John was
delivered up, Jesus came into Galilee." And Luke, before
he commenced the deeds of Jesus, in much the same way
designates the time, saying, " Herod thus added yet this wick
edness above all he had committed, and that he shut up John
in prison." For these reasons the apostle John, it is said,
being entreated to undertake it, wrote the account of the time
not recorded by the former evangehsts, and the deeds done
by our Saviour, which they have passed by, (for these were
the events that occurred before the imprisonment of John,)
and this very fact is intimated by him, when he says, " thia
beginning of miracles Jesus made ; " and then proceeds to
make mention of the Baptist, in the midst of our Lord's
deeds, as John was at that time " baptizing at iEnon near
Salim." He plainly also shows this in the words, " John was
not yet cast into prison." The apostle, therefore, in his Gos
pel, gives the deeds of Jesus before the Baptist was cast into
prison, but the other three evangelists mention the circum*
stances after that event. One who attends to these circum
stances, can no longer entertain the opinion, that the Gospels
are at variance with each other, as the Gospel of John com
prehends the first events of Christ, but the others, the history
that took place at the latter part of the time. It is probable,
therefore, that for these reasons John has passed by in silence
the genealogy of our Lord, because it was written by Matthew

A. D. 98  11?.^ TRAJAN. 99
and Luke, but that he commenced with the doctrine of the
divinity, as a part reserved for him, by the divine Spirit, as
if for a superior. Let this suffice to be said respecting the
Gospel of John. The causes that induced Mark to write his,
have already been stated. But Luke also, in the commence
ment of his narrative, premises the cause which led him to
write, showing that many others, having rashly undertaken to
compose a narration of matters that he had already completely
ascertained, in order to free us from the uncertain suppositions
of others, in his own Gospel he delivered the certain account
of those things, that he himself had fully received from his
intimacy and stay with Paul, and also, his intercourse with
the other apostles. But this may suffice respecting these.
At a more proper time we shall endeavour also to state, by a
reference to some of the ancient writers, what others have
said respecting the sacred books. But besides the Gospel of
John, his First Epistle is acknowledged without dispute, both
by those of the present day, and also by the ancients. The
other two Epistles, however, are disputed. The opinions re
specting the Revelation are stiU greatly divided. But we shall,
in due time, give a judgment on this point, also from the tes
timony of the ancients.

CHAPTER XXV.
THE SACRED SCRIPTURES ACKNOWLEDGED AS GENUINE, AND THOSE THAT
ARE NOT.
This appears also to be the proper place to give a sum
mary statement of the books of the New Testament already
mentioned. And here, among the first, must be placed the
holy quaternion of the Gospels ; these are followed by " The
book of the Acts of the Apostles ;" after this must be men
tioned the Epistles of Paul, which are followed by the acknow
ledged First Epistle of John, as also the First of Peter, to be
admitted in like manner. After these are to be placed, if pro
per, the Revelation of John, concerning which we shall offer
the different opinions in due time. These, then, are acknow
ledged as genuine. Among the disputed books, although they
are weU known and approved by many, is reputed, that called
H 2

100 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B> m- C- 26,
the Epistle of James and Jude. Also the " Second Epistle
of Peter," and those called " The Second and Third of John,"
whether they are of the evangelist or of some other of the
same name. Among the spurious must be numbered, both the
books called " The Acts of Paul," and that called " Pastor,"
and " The Revelation of Peter." Beside these, the books caUed
" The Epistle of Barnabas," and what are called " The Insti
tutions of the Apostles." Moreover, as I said before, if it
should appear right, " The Revelation of John," which some,
as before said, reject, but others rank among the genuine.
But there are also some who number among these, the Gospel
according to the Hebrews, with which those of the Hebrews
that have received Christ are particularly delighted. These
may be said to be all concerning which there is any dispute.
We have, however, necessarily subjoined here a catalogue
of these also, in order to distinguish those that are true,
genuine, and well authenticated writings, from those others
which are not only not imbodied in the canon, but likewise
disputed, notwithstanding that they are recognised by most
ecclesiastical writers. Thus we may have it in our power to
know both these books, and those that are adduced by the here
tics under the name of the apostles, such, viz., as compose the
Gospels of Peter, Thomas, and Matthew, and others beside
them, or such as contain the Acts of the Apostles, by Andrew,
and John, and others, of which no one of those writers in the
ecclesiastical succession has condescended to make any men
tion in his works ; and indeed, the character of the style itself
is very different from that of the apostles, and the sentiments,
and the purport of those things that are advanced in them,
deviating as far as possible from sound orthodoxy, evidently
proves they are the fictions of heretical men ; whence they are
to be ranked not only among the spurious writings, but are to
be rejected as altogether absurd and impious. Let us now
proceed to the continuation of our history.

CHAPTER XXVI.
MENANDER THE IMPOSTOR.

Menander, who succeeded Simon Magus, exhibited him
self in his conduct an instrument of diabolical wickedness,

D. 98 — 117.] TRAJAN. 1Q1
not inferior to the former. He also was a Samaritan, and
having made no less progress in his impostures than his mas
ter, reveUed iv still more arrogant pretensions to miracles ;
saying that he was in truth the Saviour, once sent from the
invisible worlds for the salvation of men ; teaching, also, that
no one could overcome even the very angels that formed the
heavens in any other way, than by being first initiated into the
magic discipline imparted by him, and by the baptism confer
red by him for this purpose. Of which, those who were deemed
worthy would obtain perpetual immortality in this very life,
being no more subject to death, but continuing here the same,
would be exempt from old age, and be in fact immortal. This
account may be easily confirmed from Irenaeus ; but Justin,
in the same place where he mentions Simeon, also adds the
narrative respecting this one as foUows : " But we know that
Menander, who was a Samaritan of the viUage Caparattaea,
becoming a disciple of Simeon, and likewise stimulated by
the daemons, came to Antioch, and deceived many by his magic
arts. He persuaded those that fohowed him, that they should
never die. And there are now some of his followers that
make a profession of the same thing. It was, indeed, a dia
bolical artifice, by means of such impostors assuming the title
of Christians, to evince so much zeal in defaming the great
mystery of piety by magic arts, and to rend asunder by these
means the doctrines of the church respecting the immortality
of the soul, and the resurrection of the dead. Those, however,
who caUed these their saviours, feU away from solid hope.

CHAPTER XXVII.
THE HERESY OF THE EBION1TES.

The spirit of wickedness, however, being unable to shakft
some in their love of Christ, and yet finding them susceptible
of his impressions in other respects, brought them over to his
purposes. These are properly called Ebionites 1 by the an
cients, as those who cherished low and mean opinions of Christ.
For they considered him a plain and common man, and justi-
' The word ebion, in Hebrew, signifying poor, seems to allude either
to the opinions or the condition of this sect.

102 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. III. C. 28.
fied only by his advances in virtue, and tfiat he was bom of
the Virgin Mary, by natural generation. With them the ob
servance of the law was altogether necessary, as if they could
not be saved only by faith in Christ and a corresponding life.
Others, however, besides these, but of the same name, indeed,
avoided the absurdity ofthe opinions maintained by the former,
not denying that the Lord was born of the Virgin by the Holy
Ghost, and yet in Uke manner, not acknowledging his pre-ex-
istence, though he was God, the word and wisdom, they turned
aside into the same irreligion, as with the former they evinced
great zeal to observe the ritual service of the law. These, in
deed, thought, on the one hand, that aU the epistles of (Paul) the
apostle ought to be rejected, calling him an apostate from the
law ; but on the other, only using the Gospel according to the
Hebrews, they esteem the others as of but little value. They
also observe the Sabbath and other discipline of the Jews,
just like them ; but on the other hand, they also celebrate the
Lord's days very much like us, in commemoration of his re
surrection. Whence, in consequence of such a course, they
have also received their epithet, the name of Ebionites, ex
hibiting the poverty of their intellect. For it is thus that the
Hebrews call a poor man.

CHAPTER XXVHI.
CERINTHUS THE HERESIARCH.

About the same time, we have understood, appeared Ce-
rinthus, the leader of another heresy. Caius, whose words
we quoted above, in " The Disputation " attributed to him,
writes thus respecting him : " But Cerinthus, by means of
revelations which he pretended were written by a great apos
tle, also falsely pretended to wonderful things, as if they were
showed him by angels, asserting, that after the resurrection
there would be an earthly kingdom of Christ, and that the
flesh, i. e. men, again inhabiting Jerusalem, would be subject
to desires and pleasures." Being also an enemy to the divine
Scriptures, with a view to deceive men, he said " that there
would be a space of a thousand years for celebrating nuptial
festivals." Dionysius1 also, vho obtained the episcopate oi
* See book rii. chap. 25.

A I). 98—117.] TRAJAN. 103
Alexandria in our day, in the second book " On Promises,"
where he says some things as if received by ancient tradition,
makes mention of the same man, in these words : " But it is
highly probable that Cerinthus, the same that established the
heresy that bears his name, designedly affixed the name (of
John) to his own forgery. For one of the doctrines that he
taught was, that Christ would have an earthly kingdom. And
as he was a voluptuary, and altogether sensual, he conjectured
that it would consist in those things that he craved in the
gratification of appetite and lust ; i. e. in eating, drinking, and
marrying, or in such things whereby he supposed these sen
sual pleasures might be presented in more decent expressions ;
viz. in festivals, sacrifices, and the slaying of victims." Thus
far Dionysius. But Irenaeus, in his first book against heresies,
adds certain false doctrines of the man, though kept more
secret, and gives a history in his third book, that deserves to
be recorded, as received by tradition from Polycarp. He says
that John the apostle once entered a bath to wash ; but ascer
taining Cerinthus was within, he leaped out of the place, and
fled from the door, not enduring to enter under the same roof
with him, and exhorted those with him to do the same, say
ing, " Let us flee, lest the bath faU in, as long as Cerinthus,
that enemy of the truth, is within."

CHAPTER XXIX.
NICOLAUS AND HIS FOLLOWERS.

About this time also, for a very short time, arose the heresy
of those caUed Nicolaites, of which also mention is made in
the Revelation of John. These boasted of Nicolaus as their
founder, one of those deacons who with Stephen were ap
pointed by the apostles to minister unto the poor. Clement
of Alexandria, in the third book of his Stromata,, relates the
foUowing respecting him: "Having a beautiful wife, and
being reproached, after the ascension of our Lord, with jea
lousy by the apostles, he conducted her into the midst of
them, and permitted any one that wished to marry her. This
they say was perfectly consistent with that expression of his,
<that every one ought to abuse his own flesh.' And thus

104 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [*B. HI. C. 30,
those that adopted his heresy, foUowing both this example
and expression literally, rush headlong into fornication with
out shame. I have ascertained, however, that Nicolaus lived
with no other woman than the one to whom he was married,
but that his daughters continued in the state of virginity to
advanced life ; that his son also remained uncorrupt. It would
appear, therefore, from these facts, that the introduction of
his wife into the midst of the apostles, on account of jealousy,
was rather the suppression of passion. And, therefore, absti
nence from those pleasures that are so eagerly pursued, was
inculcated by the expression, ' we ought to abuse the flesh.'
For I do not think, that, according to the saying of our Lord,
he wished to serve two masters, the flesh and the Lord. They
indeed say, that Matthew thus taught to fight against and to
abuse the flesh, not to give way to any thing for the sake of
pleasure, and to cultivate the spirit by faith and knowledge."
But it may suffice to have said thus much concerning those
who have attempted to mutilate the truth, and which again
became extinct, sooner than said.

CHAPTER XXX.
THE APOSTLES THAT LIVED IN MARRIAGE,
Clement indeed, whose words we have just cited, after the
above-mentioned facts, next gives a statement of those apos
tles that continued in the marriage state, on account of those
who set marriage aside. " And will they," says he, " reject
even the apostles ? Peter and Philip, indeed, had children ;
Philip also gave his daughters in marriage to husbands, and
Paul does not demur in a certain epistle to mention his own
wife, whom he did not take about with him, in order to ex
pedite his ministry the better." Since, however, we have
mentioned these, we shall not regret to subjoin another history
worthy of record, from the same author, continued in the
seventh book of the same work, Stromtteus. " They relate,"
says he, " that the blessed Peter, seeing his own wife led away
to execution, was delighted, on account of her calling and re
turn to her country, and that he cried to her in a consolatory
and encouraging voice, addressing her by name : ' Oh thou,

A. D. 98— 117. J TRAJAN. 105
remember the Lord ! " Such was the marriage of these blessed
ones, and such was their perfect affection towards their dear
est friends, and this account we have given in its proper place,
as weU adapted to the subject.

CHAPTER XXXI.
THE DEATH OF JOHN AND PHILIP.

The time and manner of the death of Paul and Peter, and
also the place where their bodies were interred after their de
parture from this life, has already been stated by us. Tho
time when John died has also, in some measure, been men
tioned, but the place of his burial is shown from the epistle
of Poly crates, who was bishop of the church of Ephesus, which
epistle he wrote to Victor, bishop of Rome, and at the same
time makes mention of him (John) and the apostle Philip, and
his daughters, thus : " For in Asia, also, mighty luminaries
have fallen asleep, which shall rise again at the last day, at
the appearance of the Lord, when he shall come with glory
from heaven, and shall gather again all the saints. Philip, one
of the twelve apostles who sleeps in HierapoUs, and his two
aged virgin daughters. Another of his daughters, who lived
in the Holy Spirit, rests at Ephesus. Moreover, John, that
rested on the bosom of our Lord, who was a priest that bore
the sacerdotal plate,1 and martyr and teacher, he, also, rests at
Ephesus." This may suffice as to their death ; and in the
dialogue of Caius, which we mentioned a little before, Proclus,
against whom he wrote his disputation, coinciding with what
we have aheady advanced concerning the death of Philip and
his daughters, speaks thus : " After this there were four pro
phetesses, the daughters of Philip at Hierapolis in Asia, whose
tomb, and that of their father, are to be seen there." Such is
his statement. But Luke, in the Acts of the Apostles, men-
1 To TrkraXov, is the word in Polycrates here quoted by Eusebius. The
Sept. so translate the Hebrew word in Exod. xxviii. 36, which properly
signifies " a flower," but by our English translators is rendered " a plate,"
and afterwards, Exod. xxxix. 30, is called " a plate of the holy crown."
It was a long plate of gold, two fingers broad, and reached from one ear
of the priest to the other, says Maimon. in his Treatise of the Implements
of the Sanctuary, chap. ix. sect. 1. See Ainsworth on the Pentat.

106 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. in. C. 32.
tions the daughters of Philip, tarrying in Caesarea of Judea,
and as endued with the gift of prophecy, in these words : " We
came to Caesarea, and having entered the house of Philip the
evangelist, one of the seven, we abode with him. But he had
four virgin daughters that prophesied." But as we have thus
set forth what has come to our knowledge respecting the
apostles and the apostolical times, as also respecting the sacred
books that they have left us, both the disputed writings, though
publicly used by many in most of the churches, and those that
are altogether spurious, and far removed from the correct
doctrine of the apostles, let us now proceed to our history in
order.
CHAPTER XXXII.
THE MARTYRDOM OF SIMEON, BISHOP OF JERUSALEM.
After Nero and Domitian, we have also been informed.
that in the reign of the emperor whose times we are now ref
cording, there was a partial persecution excited throughout
the cities, in consequence of a popular insurrection. In this
we have understood, also, that Simeon died as a martyr, who,
we have shown, was appointed the second bishop of the church
at Jerusalem. To this the same Hegesippus bears testimony,
whose words we have already so often quoted. This author,
speaking of certain heretics, superadds, that Simeon indeed,
about this time having borne the accusation of Christian, al
though he was tortured for several days, and astonished both
the judge and his attendants in the highest degree, terminated
his life with sufferings like those of our Lord. But it is best
to hear the writer himself, who gives the account as follows :
"Of these heretics," says he, "some reported Simeon the son
of Cleophas, as a descendant of David, and a Christian ; and
thus he suffered as a martyr, when he was an hundred and
twenty years old, in the reign of the emperor Trajan, and the
presidency of the consular Atticus." l The same author says,
1 That is, when Atticus was deputy of Syria. The Syrians used to show
their years by the name of these their presidents. Moreover, of the em
peror's deputies some were of the consular order ; others of the prtetorian.
Wherefore Atticus is here sailed virariKoe, to show that he was of the
consular order, or had been consul.

A. D. 98  117.] TRAJAN. 107
that as search was made for the Jews that were of the tribe of
David, his accusers, as if they were descended from this
family, were taken in custody. One might reasonably assert
that this Simeon was among the witnesses that bore testimony
to what they had both heard and seen of our Lord, if we are
to judge by the length of his life, and the fact that the Gospels
make mention of Mary the daughter of Cleophas, whose son
Simeon was, as we have aheady shown. But the same his
torian says, that there were others, the offspring of one of
those considered brothers of the Lord, whose name was
Judas, and that these hved until the same reign after their
profession of Christ, and the testimony under Domitian before-
mentioned. He writes thus: "There are, also, those that
take the lead ofthe whole church as martyrs, even the kindred
of our Lord. And when profound peace was established
throughout the church, they continued to the days of the em
peror Trajan, until the time that the above-mentioned Simeon,
the relative of our Lord, being the son of Cleophas, was way
laid by the heretics, and also himself accused for the same
cause, under Atticus, who was of similar dignity. After he
was tormented many days, he died a martyr, with such firm
ness, that aU were amazed, even the president himself, that a
man of a hundred and twenty years should bear such tortures.
He was at last ordered to be crucified." The same author,
relating the events of the times, also says, that the church
continued until then as a pure and uncorrupt virgin ; whilst if
there were any at all, that attempted to pervert the sound
doctrine of the saving gospel, they were yet skulking in dark
retreats ; but when the sacred choir of apostles became ex
tinct, and the generation of those that had been privileged to
hear their inspired wisdom had passed away, then also the
combinations of impious error arose by the fraud and delusions
of false teachers. These also, as there were none of the apos
tles left, henceforth attempted, without shame, to preach their
false doctrine against the gospel of truth. Such is the
statement of Hegesippus. Let us. however, proceed in oui
history.

108 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY [b. III. C. 3
CHAPTER XXXIII.
TRAJAN FORBIDS THE CHRISTIANS TO BE SOUGHT AFTER.
So great a persecution was then commenced against our
faith, in most places, that Plinius Secundus, one of the most
distinguished governors, moved by the number of martyrs,
communicated with the emperor respecting the multitudes
that were put to death for their faith. At the same time he
informed him, that as far as he had ascertained, they did no
thing wicked or contrary to the laws ; except that they rose
with the morning sun, and sang a hymn to Christ as to a god.
But that adultery, and murder, and criminal excesses like
these, were totaUy abhorred by them ; and that in all things
they acted according to the laws. To this Trajan, in reply,
issued a decree, the purport of which was, that no search should
be made after those that were Christians, but when they pre
sented themselves they should be punished. On this, the per
secution in some measure seemed abated in its extreme vio
lence, but there were no less pretexts left for those that wished
to harass us. Sometimes the people, sometimes the rulers of
different places, would waylay us to insnare us. So that
without an obvious persecution, there were partial persecu
tions in the provinces, and many of the faithful endured mar
tyrdoms of various kinds. We have taken the account from
the Apology of Tertullian, in Latin, mentioned above, of
which the translation is as follows : " And indeed," says he, "we
have found that the inquisition against us is prohibited. For
Plinius Secundus, who was governor of the province, having
condemned certain Christians, and deprived them of their dig
nity, was confounded by the great number, and in doubt what
course he should pursue. He communicated, therefore, the
fact to Trajan the emperor, saying, that with the exception
hey were not willing to sacrifice, he found nothing criminal
m them. He stated also this, that the Christians arose wiih
the sun, and sang to Christ as to a god ; and that for the pur
pose of keeping their disciphne, they prohibited adultery,
murder, overreaching, fraud, and all crimes like them. To
this, Trajan wrote in reply, that the Christians should not be
inquired after, but when they presented themselves they should

A. D. 98— 117.] . TRAJAN. 109
be punished." And such were the circumstances attending
these events.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
EUARESTUS, THE FOURTH BISHOP OF THE CHURCH AT ROME.
In the third year of the above-mentioned reign, Clement,
Bishop of Rome, committed the episcopal charge to Euarestus,
and departed this life, after superintending the preaching of
the divine word nine years.

CHAPTER XXXV.
JUSTUS, THE THIRD BISHOP OF JERUSALEM.
Simeon also having died in the manner shown above, a
certain Jew named Justus succeeded him in the episcopate of
Jerusalem. As there were great numbers from the circum
cision, that came over to the Christian faith at that time, of
whom Justus was one.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS.

About this time flourished Polycarp in Asia, an intimate
disciple of the apostles, who received the episcopate of the
church at Smyrna, at the hands of the eyewitnesses and serv
ants of the Lord. At this time, also, Papias was well known
us bishop of the church at Hierapolis, a man well skilled in
aU manner of learning, and well acquainted with the Scrip
tures. Ignatius, also, who is celebrated by many even to this
day, as the successor of Peter at Antioch, was the second that
obtained the episcopal office there. Tradition says that he
was sent away from Syria to Rome, and was cast as food to
wild beasts, on account of his testimony to Christ. And
being carried through Asia under a most rigid custody, for
tified the different churches in the cities where he tarried, u.v
his discourses and exhortations ; particularly to caution them

1 io ecclesiastical history. [b. in. c. 36.
more against the heresies which even then were springing up
and prevailing. He exhorted them to adhere firmly to the
tradition of the apostles ; which, for the sake of greater se
curity, he deemed it necessary to attest by committing it to
writing. When, therefore, he came to Smyrna, where Poly
carp was, he wrote one epistle, viz. that to the church of
Ephesus, in which he mentions its pastor Onesimus. An
other, also, to the church in Magnesia, which is situated on
the Meander, in which again he makes mention of Damas the
bishop. Another, also, to the church of the Trallians, of
which he states that Polybius was then bishop. To these
must be added, the epistle to the church at Rome, which also
contains an exhortation, not to disappoint him in his ardent
hope, by refusing to endure martyrdom. Of these, it is worth
while also to subjoin very short extracts, by way of specimen.
He writes, therefore, in the following manner : " From Syria
to Rome, I am contending with wild beasts by land and sea,
by night and day, being tied to ten leopards, the number of
the military band, who, even when treated with kindness, only
behave with greater ferocity. But in the midst of these ini
quities, I am learning. Yet I am not justified on this ac
count. May I be benefited by those beasts that are in readi
ness for me, which I also pray may be quickly found for me,
which also I shall entice and flatter to devour me quickly,
and not to be afraid of me as of some whom they did not
touch. But, should they perchance be unwilling, I will force
them. Pardon me ; I know what advantage it will confer.
Now I begin to be a disciple. Nothing, whether of things
visible or invisible, excites my ambition, as long as I can gain
Christ. Whether fire, or the cross, the assault of wild beasts,
the tearing asunder of my bones, the breaking of my limbs, the
bruising of my whole body, let the tortures of the devil all as
sail me, if I do but gain Christ Jesus." This he wrote from
the above-mentioned city to the aforesaid churches. But after
he had left Smyrna, he wrote an exhortation from Troas to
those in Philadelphia, and particularly to Polycarp, who was
bishop there ; whom he designates as an apostolical man and
as a good and faithful shepherd, commends the flock of Antioch
to him, requesting him to exercise a diligent oversight of the
church. Writing to the Smyrnians, he has also employed
words respecting Jesus, I know not whence they are taken,
to the following effect. "But I know and believe that he

ft. D. 98— 117.] TRAJAN. Ill
was seen after the resurrection, and that he said to those that
came to Peter, 'take, handle me, and see that I am not an in
corporeal spirit ;' and they immediately touched him and be
lieved." Irenseus, also, knew his martyrdom, and makes
mention of his epistles, as follows : " As some one of our faith
has said, who was condemned to the wild beasts, ' I am the
food of God, and am ground by the teeth of wild beasts that I
maybe found pure bread.'" Polycarp also makes mention o(
these same epistles in the Epistle to the Philippians, that heart
his name, in the foUowing words : " I exhort you, therefore,
aU to yield obedience, and to exercise aU the patience which
you see with your own eyes, not only in the blessed martyrs
Ignatius, and Rufus, and Zosimus, but likewise in others of
your feUow citizens, as also in Paul and the other apostles,
being persuaded that all these did not run in vain, but in faith
and righteousness, and that they are gone to the place destined
for them by the Lord, for whom also they suffered. For they
did not love the world that now is, but him that died for us,
and that was raised again by God." And afterwards he
writes : " You have also written to me, both you and Ignatius,
that if any one is going to Syria, he should carry your letters
thither, which shaU be done if I find a suitable opportunity,
either by me or the one that I send on this errand to you. The
epistles of Ignatius that were sent to us by him, I have sent
you at your request, and they are appended to this epistle,
from which you will be able to derive great benefit : for they
comprise faith, and patience, and all edification pertaining to
our Lord." Thus much respecting Ignatius. But he was
succeeded in the episcopal office at Antioch by Heros.

CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE PREACHING EVANGELISTS THAT WERE YET LIVING IN THAT AGE.
Of those that flourished in these times, Quadratus is said to
have been distinguished for his prophetical gifts. There were
many others, also, noted in these times, who held the first
rank in the apostolic succession. These, as the holy disciples
of such men, also built up the churches where foundations
had been previously laid in every place by the apostles. They
augmented the means of promulgating the gospel more and

112 ecclesiastical history. [b. m. c 38
more, and spread the seeds of salvation and of the heavenly
kingdom throughout the world far and wide. For the most
of the disciples at that time, animated with a more ardent love
of the divine word, had first fulfilled the Saviour's precept by
distributing their substance to the needy. Afterwards leaving
their country, they performed the office of evangelists to those
who had not yet heard the faith, whilst with a noble ambition
to proclaim Christ, they also delivered to them the books of
the holy Gospels. After laying the foundation of the faith in
foreign parts as the particular object of their mission, and after
appointing others as shepherds of the flocks, and committing to
these the care of those that had been recently introduced, they
went again to other regions and nations, with the grace and
co-operation of God. The Holy Spirit, also, wrought many
wonders as yet through them, so that as soon as the gospel
was heard, men voluntarily in crowds, and eagerly, embraced
the true faith with their whole minds. As it is impossible for
us to give the numbers of the individuals that became pastors
or evangelists, during the first immediate succession from the
apostles in the churches throughout the world, we have only
recorded those by name in our history, of whom we have re
ceived the traditional account as it is delivered in the various
comments on the apostolie doctrine, still extant.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE EPISTLE OF CLEMENT, AND THOSE THAT ARE FALSELY ASCRIBED
TO HIM.
We may mention as an instance what Ignatius has said in
the epistles we have cited, and Clement in that universally
received by all, which he wrote in the name of the church at
Rome to that of Corinth. In which, after giving many senti
ments taken from the Epistle to the Hebrews, and also
literally quoting the words, he most clearly shows that this
work is by no means a late production. Whence it is pro
bable that this was also numbered with the other writings of
the apostles. For as Paul had addressed the Hebrews in the
language of his country, some say that the evangelist Luke,
others that Clement, translated the epistle. Which also ap
pears more like the truth, as the epistle of Clement and that

A. D. 98  117.] TRAJAN. IJO
to the Hebrews, preserve the same features of style and
phraseology, and because the sentiments in both these works
are not very different. It should also be observed, that there
is a second epistle ascribed to Clement ; but we know not that
this is as highly approved as the former, and know not that
it has been in use with the ancients. There are also other
writings reported to be his, verbose and of great length.
Lately, and some time ago, those were produced that contain
the dialogues of Peter and Apion, of which, however, not a
syllable is recorded by the primitive church. For they do
not preserve the pure impress of apostolic orthodoxy. The
epistle, therefore, of Clement, that is acknowledged as genuine,
is evident. But sufficient has been said on the writings of
Ignatius and Polycarp.

CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE WRITINGS OF PAPIAS.

There are said to be five books of Papias, which bear the
title " Interpretation of our Lord's Declarations." Irenaeus,
also, makes mention of these as the only works written by
him, in the following terms : " These things are attested by
Papias, who was John's hearer and the associate of Polycarp,
an ancient writer, who mentions them in the fourth book of
his works. For he has written a work in five books." So
far Irenaeus. But Papias himself, in the preface to his dis
courses, by no means asserts that he was a hearer and an
eye-witness of the holy apostles, but informs us that he
received the doctrines of faith from their intimate friends,
which he states in the foUowing words : " But I shall not re
gret to subjoin to my interpretations, also, for your benefit,
whatsoever I have at any time accurately ascertained and
treasured up in my memory, as I have received it from the
elders, and have recorded it in order to give additional con
firmation to the truth, by my testimouy. For I have never,
like many, delighted to hear those that tell many things, but
those that teach the truth ; neither those that record foreign
precepts, but those that are given from the Lord, to our faith
and that came from the truth itself. But if I met with any
[eusebius.] '

114 ecclesiastical history. [b. hi. c. 39.
one who had been a foUower of the elders any where, 1 made
it a point to inquire what were the declarations of the elders.
What was said by Andrew, Peter, or Philip. What by
iiThomas, James, John, Matthew, or any other of the disciples
of our Lord. What vgac caid-by Aristion, and the presbyter
¦ John,^isciples of the Lord ; for I do not think that I derived
; so mufcn1 benefit from books as from the living voice of those
that are still surviving." Where, it is also proper to observe
the name of John is twice mentioned. The former of which
he mentions with Peter and James and Matthew, and the
other apostles ; evidently meaning the evangelists. But in a
separate point of his discourse, he ranks the other John, with
the rest not included in the number of apostles, placing
Aristion before him. He distinguishes him plainly by -the
name of presbyter. So that it is here proved that the state
ment of those is true, who assert there were two of the same
name in Asia, that there were also two tombs in Ephesus,
and that both are called John's even to this day ; which it is
particularly necessary to observe. For it is probable that the
second, if it be not allowed that it was the first, saw the
Revelation ascribed to John. And the same Papias, of whom
we now speak, professes to have received the declarations J
of the apostles from those that were in company with them,
and says also that he was a hearer of Aristion and the pres
byter John. For as he has often mentioned them by name,
he also gives their statements in his own works. These mat
ters, I trust, have not been uselessly adduced. But it may
be important also to subjoin other declarations to these pas
sages from Papias, in which he gives certain wonderful ac
counts, together with other matters that he seems to have
received by tradition. That the apostle Philip continued
at Hierapolis, with his daughters, has been already stated
above. But we must now show how Papias, coming to them,
received a wonderful account from the daughters of Philip.
For he writes that in his time there was one raised from the
dead. Another wonderful event happened respecting Justus,
surnamed Barsabas, who, though he drank a deadly poison,
experienced nothing injurious, through the grace of the Lord.
This same Justus is mentioned in the book of Acts, after the
resurrection, as the one over whom, together with Matthias,
the, holy apostles prayed, in order to fill up their number, by

A. D. 98  117. J TRAJAN. 115
casting lots, to supply the place of Judas the traitor. The
passage is as foUows: "And they placed two, Joseph, called
Barsabas, who was surnamed Justus, and Matthias. And
having prayed, they said." The same historian also gives
other accounts, which he says he adds as received by him
from unwritten tradition, Ukewise certain strange parables of
our Lord, and of his doctrine, and some other matters rather
too fabulous. In these he says there would be a certain mil
lennium after the resurrection, and that there would be a cor
poreal reign of Christ on this very earth ; which things he
appears to have imagined, as if they were authorized by the
apostohc narrations, not understanding correctly those matters
which they propounded mystically in their representations.
For he was very limited in his comprehension, as is evident from
his discourses ; yet he was the cause why most of the ecclesi
astical writers, urging the antiquity of the man, were carried
away by a similar opinion ; as, for instance, Irenaeus, or any
other that adopted such sentiments. He has also inserted in
his work other accounts given by the above-mentioned Aris
tion, respecting our Lord, as also the traditions of the pres
byter John, to which referring those that are desirous of
learning them, we shall now subjoin to the extracts from him,
already given, a tradition which he sets forth concerning
Mark, who wrote the gospel in the following words : " And
John the presbyter also said this, Mark being the inter
preter of Peter,1 whatsoever he recorded he wrote with
"great accuracy, but not, however, in the order in which it was
spoken or done by our Lord, for he neither heard nor foUowed
our Lord, but, as before said, he was in company with Peter,
who gave him such instruction as was necessary, but not to
give a history of our Lord's discourses : wherefore Mark has
not erred in any thing, by writing Some things as he has re
corded them ; for he was carefully attentive to one thing, not
! Jerome, in Catalogo, calls Mark the interpreter of Peter from this
place of Papias, as I judge. Hence it is that many of the Greeks write,
that the Gospel of Mark was dictated by Peter. So Athanasius in his
treatise De Libris Sacrae Scripturae. Which, how it is to be understood,
Papias declares in this place. For it is not to be supposed that Mark
wrote his Gospel from the mouth of Peter dictating to him ; but, when he
heard Peter preaching the word of God to the Jews in Hebrew, Mark
carefully digested those things in the Greek lanuuage which concerned
Christ. Vales.

1 16 ecclesiastical history. [b. IV. c. 1, 2.
to pass by any thing that he heard, or to state any thing falsely
in these accounts." Such is the account of Papias, respecting
Mark. Of Matthew he has stated as foUows : " Matthew
composed his hjstory_in the Hebrew dialect,1 and every one
translated it as he was able." The same author (Papias)
made use of testimonies from the First Epistle of John, and
likewise from that of Peter. He also gives another history
of a woman, who had been accused of many sins before the
Lord, which is also contained in the Gospel according to the
Hebrews. And this may be noted as a necessary addition to
what we have before stated.

BOOK IV.

CHAPTER L
THE BISHOPS OF ROME AND ALEXANDRIA, IN THE REIGN OF TRAJAN.
About the twelfth year of the reign of Trajan, the bishop
of the church of Alexandria, who was mentioned by us a
little before, departed this life. Primus was the fourth from
the apostles to whom the functions of the office were there
allotted. At the same time also, after Euarestus had com
pleted the eighth year as bishop of Rome, he was succeeded
in the episcopal office by Alexander, the fifth in the succes
sion from Peter and Paul.

CHAPTER II.
THE CALAMITIES OF THE JEWS ABOUT THIS TIME.
But the doctrines of our Saviour, and the church flourish
ing ii om day to day, continued to receive constant accessions.
1 The author here, doubtless, means the Syro-Chaldaic, which is some
times in Scripture, and primitiy£_writer|i_carlled Hebrew. .

A. D. 98 — 117.] TXvAJAN. 117
But the calamities of the Jews also continued to grew with
one accumulation of evil upon another. The emperor was
now advancing into the eighteenth year of his reign, and
another commotion2 of the Jews being raised, he destroyed
a very great number of them. For in Alexandria and the
rest of Egypt, and also in Cyrene, as if actuated by some
terrible and tempestuous spirit, they rushed upon seditious
measures against the Greeks of the same place. Having in
creased the insurrection to a great extent, they excited no
inconsiderable war the foUowing year, when Lupus was go
vernor of all Egypt. And in the first conflict, indeed, it
happened that they prevailed over the Greeks ; who, retreat
ing into Alexandria, took and destroyed the Jews that were
found in the city. But the Jews of Cyrene being deprived
of their assistance, after laying waste the country of Egypt,
also proceeded to destroy its districts, under their leader,
Lucuas. Against these the emperor sent Marcius Turbo,
with foot and naval forces, besides cavalry. He, however,
protracting the war a long time against them in many battles,
slew many thousand Jews, not only of Cyrene, but also of
Egypt, that had joined them, together with their leader, Lu
cuas. But the emperor suspecting that the Jews in Mesopo
tamia would also make an attack upon those there, ordered
Lucius Quietus3 to clear the province of them, who also led
2 The Jews who dwelt in the cities and towns with the Greeks and
Gentiles, and had equal freedom thereof with them, frequently disagreed
With them ; tumults being usually raised by reason of their different re
ligions. For the Greeks scorned that the Jews should be fellow citizens
with them, and enjoy the same privileges; on the other hand, the Jews
would not live in a meaner condition than the rest of the citizens
Hence arose frequent contentions, both in Egypt and Syria, as Philo and
Josephus attest.
3 A Moor, not of the province of Mauritania, but of the barbarous
Moors who were allies of the Roman empire. At first he commanded a
troop of Moors ; not long after, he was condemned for his lewdness, and
cashiered in disgrace. But afterwards, in the Dacian war, when the army
stood in need ofthe assistance ofthe Moors, he did a brave piece of service.
Upon which account being rewarded and honoured, he performed more
and braver exploits in the second Dacian war. At length, in the Par
thian war, which Trajan waged against the Parthians, he was so valiant
and fortunate, that he was chosen into the praetorian order, bore a con
sulship, and governed the province of Palestine, which promotion first
made him envied, then hated, and at last ruined him. Thus much Dion
Cassius relates, in Excerpt. Vales.

118 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [_U. IV. c. 3, 4
an army against them, and slew a great multitude of them.
Upon which victory, he was appointed governor of Judea by
the emperor. These things are recorded by the Greek writers
of the day, in nearly the same words.

CHAPTER III.

THE AUTHORS THAT WROTE IN THE DEFENCE OF THE FAITH, IN THE
REIGN OF ADRIAN.
But Trajan having held the sovereignty for twenty years,
wanting six months, is succeeded in the imperial office by
jElius Adrian. To him, Quadratus addressed a discourse,
as an apology for the religion that we profess ; because cer
tain malicious persons attempted to harass our brethren. The
work is still in the hands of some of the brethren, as also in
our own, from which any one may see evident proof, both of
the understanding of the man, and of his apostolic faith.
This writer shows the antiquity of the age in which he
lived, in these passages : " The deeds of our Saviour," says
he, " were always before you, for they were true miracles ;
those that were healed, those that were raised from the dead,
who were seen, not only when headed and when raised, but
were always present. They remained living a long time, not
only whilst our Lord was on earth, but Ukewise when he had
left the earth. So that some of them have also hved to our
own times." Such was Quadratus. Aristides, also, a man
faithfully devoted to the religion we profess, like Quadratus,
has left to posterity a defence of the faith, addressed to
Adrian. This work is also preserved by a great number,
even to the present day.

CHAPTER IV.

THE BISHOPS OF ALEXANDRIA AND ROME, UNDER THE SAME EMPEROR.
But in the third year of the same reign, Alexander, bishop
of Rome, died, having completed the tenth year of his minis
tration Xystus was his successor; and about the same

A ». 117 138.] ADRIAN. 17 9
time Primus dying, in the twelfth year of the episcopate, was
succeeded by Justus.

CHAPTER V.

THE BISHOPS OF JERUSALEM, FROM THE PERIOD OF OUR SAVIOUR UNTIL
THESE TIMES.
_ We have not ascertained in any way, that the times of the
bishops in Jerusalem have been regularly preserved on record,
for tradition says that they all lived but a very short time.
So much, however, have I learned from writers, that down to
the invasion of the Jews under Adrian, there were fifteen
successions of bishops in that church, all which, they say,
were Hebrews from the first, and received the knowledge of
Christ pure and unadulterated ; so that, in the estimation of
those who were able to judge, they were well approved, and
worthy of the episcopal office. For at that time the whole
church under them consisted of faithful Hebrews, who con
tinued from the time of the apostles, until the siege that then
took place. The Jews then again revolting from the Romans,
were subdued and captured, after very severe conflicts. In
the mean time, as the bishops from the circumcision failed, it
may be necessary now to recount them in order, from the
first. The first, then, was James called the brother of our
Lord ; after whom, the second was Simeon, the third Justus,
the fourth Zaccheus, the fifth Tobias, the sixth Benjamin, the
seventh John, the eighth Matthew, the ninth Philip, the
tenth Seneca, the eleventh Justus, the twelfth Levi, the
thirteenth Ephres, the fourteenth Joseph, and finally, the
fifteenth Judas. These are all the bishops of Jerusalem that
filled up the time from the apostles until the above-mentioned
time, all of the circumcision. And Adrian being now in the
twelfth year of his reign, Xystus, who had now completed the
tenth year of his episcopate, was succeeded by Telesphorus,
the seventh in succession from the apostles. In the mean
time, however, after the lapse of a year and some months,
Eumenes succeeded, the sixth in order in the episcopate of
Alexandria, his predecessor having filled the office eleven
years.

120 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. J^B. IV. C. 6.
CHAPTER VI.
THE LAST SIEGE OF THE JEWS, UNDER ADRIAN.
As the revolt of the Jews again proceeded to many and
great excesses, Rufus,1 who was lieutenant-governor of Judea,
having received an augmentation of forces from the emperor,
and using their madness as a pretext, destroyed, without
mercy, myriads of men, women, and children in crowds ; and
by the laws of war, he reduced their country to a state of
absolute subjection. The Jews were then led on by one
Barchochebas, signifying a star, but who was in other respects
a murderer and robber. But by means of his assumed title,
among a degraded race, now reduced to the condition of
slaves, he pretended to many miracles, as if he were a Ught
descending from heaven, whose object was to cheer them in
their oppression. But in the eighteenth year of the reign of
Adrian, when the war had reached its height at the city of
Bitthera, a very strong fortress not very far from Jerusalem,
the siege was continued for some time, and the revolters were
driven to the last extreme by hunger and famine. The author
of their madness had also suffered his just punishment, and
the whole nation from that time were totaUy prohibited,2 by
the decree and commands of Adrian, from even entering the
country about Jerusalem, so that they could not behold the
soil of their fathers even at a distance. Such is the statement
of Aristo of Pella. The city of the Jews being thus reduced
to a state of abandonment for them, and totally stripped of its
ancient inhabitants, and also inhabited by strangers ; the Ro
man city which subsequently arose, changing its name, was
called JElia, in honour of the emperor JElius Adrian ; and
1 Tinius Rufus. Eusebius, in his Chronicon, says this rebellion hap
pened in the 16th year of Adrian; at which time the said Rufus was
president of the province of Judea. Vales.
2 The same is attested by Tertullian, Apologet. c. 16 ; by Celsus, in
the latter end of b. viii. of Origen against him ; and by Gregor. Naz., in
his 12th Orat. Only on one day (that whereon Jerusalem was taken and
destroyed by the Romans) the Jews out of all nations were wont to meet
in Palestine, and, having paid a sum of money to the soldiers, they en
tered into that part of the city where Solomon's temple heretofore stood;
and there they bewailed the destruction of the city and temple. Sm
Scaliger in Animadvers- Euseb. p. 198. Vales.

A. D. 117 — 138.] ADRIAN. 121
when the church was collected there of the Gentiles, the first
bishop after those of the circumcision was Marcus.

CHAPTER VH.
IHOSE WHO WERE CONSIDERED LEADERS IN FALSE DOCTRINE AT THIS
TIME.
As the churches now were reflecting the light Uke splendid
luminaries throughout the world, and the faith of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ was spreading so as to embrace the
whole human race, the malignant spirit of iniquity, as the
enemy of all truth, and always the most violent enemy to the
salvation of men, was now devising every species of machin
ation against the church, as he had already before armed him
self against it by former persecutions. When, however, cut
off from those, he then waged a war by other methods, in
which he employed the agency of wicked impostors as certain
abandoned instruments and minions of destruction. Intent
upon every course, he instigated these insidious impostors and
deceivers, by assuming the same name with us (Christians),
to lead those believers whom they happened to seduce to the
depths of destruction, and by their presumption, also turn
those that were ignorant of the faith, from the path that led
to the saving truth of God. Hence a certain double-headed
and double-tongued serpentine power, proceeding from that
Menander whom we have already mentioned as the successor
of Simon, produced two leaders of different heresies ; Satur-
ninus, a native of Antioch, and Basilides, of Alexandria. The
former of these estabUshed schools of impious heresy in Syria,
the latter in Egypt. Irenaeus, indeed, states, that in most
respects Saturninus held the same false doctrine with Menan
der, but that Basilides, under the pretext of matters toe deep
to be divulged, stretched his inventions to a boundless extent,
in his astonishing fictions of impious heresy. But as there
were at the time many ecclesiastical writers who contended
for the truth, and defended the doctrine of the apostles and
the church, with more than common learning, so there were
also some who, by publishing their writings, furnished pre
ventives by th6 way against these heresies. Of these, the

122 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [p.. IV. C. 7
best refutation of Basilides that has come down to us, is that
of Agrippa Castor, one of the most distinguished writers of
that day. In this refutation he fuUy exposes the dreadful im
posture of the man, and reveals his pretended mysteries. He
says, that he composed twenty-four books upon the Gospels,
and that he mentions Barcabbas, and Barcoph, as prophets,
and invents others for himself that never existed. That he
also gave them certain barbarous names, in order to astonish
those the more who are easily insnared by such things as
these. That he taught also, it was indifferent for those that
tasted of things sacrificed to idols, and were betrayed unwarily
to abjure the faith in times of persecution. Like Pythagoras,
he enjoined, also, upon his followers a silence of five years.
Other accounts similar to these are given by the above-men
tioned author, respecting Basilides, in which he ably exposes
the fallacy of his heresy. Irenaeus also writes, that Carpo-
crates was contemporary with these, who was also the father
of another heresy, called the heresy of the Gnostics.
These did not, like the former, wish to retain the magic
arts of Simon in secret, but thought that they should be made
public. So that, as if it were something great and glorious,
they boasted of preparations of love potions, and of tutelary
and dream-exciting daemons, and other similar magic rites.
In accordance with these things, they also taught, that the
basest deeds should be perpetrated by those that would arrive
at perfection in the mysteries, or rather, that would reach the
extent of their abominations. So that, as they were accus
tomed to speak, one could in no other way escape the rulers of
the world, unless by performing his part of obscenity to all.
By the aid of such coadjutors, it happened, that the spirit of
wickedness enslaved those that were led astray by them to
their own destruction ; whilst to the unbelieving Gentiles
they afforded abundant scope to slander the truth of God, as thi
report proceeding from them extended with its infamy to the
whole body of Christians. In this way it happened, there
fore, for the most part, that a certain impious and most absurd
suspicion was spread abroad among the unbelievers respecting
us, as of those who had unlawful commerce with mothers and
sisters, and made use of execrable food. These artifices, how
ever, did not continue to advance far, as the truth neverthe
less established itself, and in process of time shed abroad its

A.D. 117  138.] ADRIAN. 123
own light more and more. Indeed, the machinations of its
enemies were almost immediately extinguished by the power
of truth ; one sect rising after another, the first always passing
away, and one in one way, and another in another, evaporat
ing into speculations of many modes, and as many forms. But
the splendour of the universal and only true church constantly
advanced in greatness and glory, always the same in all mat
ters under the same circumstances, and reflected its dignity,
its sincerity, its freedom, the modesty and purity of that
divine hfe and temper which it inculcates, to all nations, both
Greeks and barbarians. At the same time with the above
heresy, were extinguished, also, the aspersions upon our re
ligion. For the doctrine that we hold has alone survived, has
prevailed over all, and been universally acknowledged as sur
passing aU in dignity and gravity, in divine truths that evince
a genuine and sound philosophy. So that no one, down to
the present time, has dared to affix any calumny upon our
faith, nor any such slander, such as was formerly so eagerly
applied by those that rose up against us. Nevertheless, in
those times the truth presented many champions that under
took its defence, not only by unwritten argumentation, but,
also, by their written demonstrations against the prevailing
heretical impieties.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL WRITERS THEN FLOURISHING.
Among these, Hegesippus holds a distinguished rank, many
of whose writings we have already quoted, where we have
given some things as he has delivered them from apostolic
tradition. This author compiled, in five books, the plain tra
dition of the apostolic doctrine, in a most simple style of com
position, and clearly shows the time in which he lived, where
he writes respecting those that began to erect idols, as follows :
" To whom they made cenotaphs and temples, as we see to
this day. Among whom was Antinous, the slave of Adrian
the emperor, to whose honour likewise games ' are celebrated,
1 "Which were celebrated every fifth year, at Mantinea in Arcadia, says
Pausanias, in Arcad. Vales.

124 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IV. C. 8.
which has been done in our own days. For he (Adrian) also
built a city, called after Antinous, and instituted ' prophets." .
At this time also, Justin, a true lover of sound philosophy,
whilst he yet continued exercising himself in the hterature o*
the Greeks, likewise shows this very time in his Apology to
Antonine, as follows : " I do not think it out of place here, to
mention Antinous of our own day, whom all, notwithstandino'
they knew who and whence he was, yet affected to worship
as a god." The same author adds this remark, speaking of
the Jewish war : " And, indeed, in the Jewish war which has
happened in our times, Barchochebas, the leader of the Jew
ish revolt, commanded the Christians alone to be led to severe
and dreadful tortures, unless they would deny and blaspheme
Christ Jesus." In the same work, also, showing his own con
version from the Greek philosophy to religion to be the effect
of cool deliberation and judgment, and not without good rea
son, writes as follows : "For whilst I was delighted with the
doctrines of Plato, and heard the Christians calumniated, but
at the same time saw them intrepid at the prospect of death
and every thing deemed terrific, I reflected that it was impos
sible they should live devoted to vice and voluptuousness.
For what lover of pleasure, or intemperate man, or what man
deeming human flesh a delicacy, could embrace death in order I
to be deprived of the objects of his own desires; and wouldj
not rather strive to hve always to escape the eye of the ma
gistrate, and hot inform against himself, in the expectation of
certain death." The same author, moreover, relates, that
Adrian having received letters from Serenius Granianus, the
most illustrious proconsul, respecting the Christians, in which
he states, that it did not appear just to put the Christians to
death without a regular accusation and trial, merely to gratify
the outcries of the populace ; and that he wrote back to Minu-
1 Amongst the Egyptians, the chief priest, who was over the other
priests, and distributed to them the revenue of the temple, was called a
prophet. For the first officer of the temple was the cantor, then the
horoscopus, after him the scriba, then the vestitor ; last of all the pro-
pheta took his place, who carried a water-pot in his bosom. See Epiphan,
in b. iii. advers. Hajres., &c. Concerning these prophets of Antinous in
stituted by Adrian, there is mention made in an old Greek inscription, '
quoted by Casaubon in his notes on Spartianus. Wherefore it is no
wonder that Antinous, deified by Adrian, had his prophets, seeing ho nu
worshipped chiefly by the Egyptians. Vales.

A. D 117— 138. J ADRIAN. 123
cius Fundanus; proconsul of Asia, enjoining upon him to put
no one to death, without an indictment and lawful accusation.,
Of this epistle, also, he (Justin) adds a copy in the Latin
tongue, in which it was written. He also premises the follow
ing explanation. "Although we have good cause, from the
epistle of your most iUustrious father, the emperor Adrian, to
request of you as we requested of him, that the Christians
should be regularly tried ; this we have requested, not so
much because it was ordered by Adrian, as because we know
that the object of our request is just. We have also subjoin
ed a copy of Adrian's epistle, that you may know we declare
the truth likewise in this. And here it foUows." To this,
the author adds the copy of the epistle, in the Latin tongue ;
and we have translated it into the Greek, according to the
best of our abilities, as foUows.

CHAPTER IX
THE EPISTLE OF ADRIAN, FORBIDDING THE CHRISTIANS TO BE
PUNISHED WITHOUT TRIAL.
"To Minucius Fundanus. I have received an epistle,
written to me by the most iUustrious Serenius Granianus,
whom you have succeeded. I do not wish, therefore, that the
matter should be passed by without examination, so that these
men may neither be harassed, nor opportunity of malicious
proceedings be offered to informers. If, therefore, the pro
vincials can clearly evince their charges against the Christians,
so as to answer before the tribunal, let them pursue this course
only, but not by mere petitions, and mere outcries against the
Christians. For it is far more proper, if any one would bring
an accusation, that you should examine it. If any one, there
fore, bring an accusation, and can show that they have done
any thing contrary to the laws, determine it thus according to
the heinousness of the crime. So that indeed, if any one should
purpose this with a view to slander, investigate it according
to its criminality, and see to it that you inflict the punish
ment." Such, then, is the copy of Adrian's letter.

]2(5 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [«. IV. C. 10, 11
CHAPTER X.
THE BISHOPS OF ROME AND ALEXANDRIA, IN TUE REIGN OF ANTONINE.
But this emperor (Adrian) having finished his mortal ca
reer, after the twenty-first year of his reign, is succeeded by
Antonine, called the Pious, in the government of the Romans.
In the first year of this reign, and in the eleventh year of his
episcopate, Telesphorus departed this Ufe, and was succeeded
in the charge of the Roman church by Hyginus. Irenaeus,
indeed, relates that Telesphorus was rendered illustrious by
martyrdom ; showing, at the same time, that under the above-
mentioned Roman bishop Hyginus, Valentinus, the founder of
a peculiar heresy, and Cerdon, the leader in the errors propa
gated by Mareion, were both notorious at Rome. His state
ment is as follows.

CHAPTER XI.
THE HERESIARCHS OF THESE TIMES.
" Valentine came to Rome under Hyginus, was in his
prime under Pius, and lived until the time of Anicetus. But
Cerdon, who preceded Mareion, and flourished under the epis
copate of Hyginus the ninth in succession, coming to the
church, and acknowledging his error, continued in this way,
at one time secretly teaching his doctrines, at another re
nouncing them again, sometimes also, convicted of his perverse
doctrines, kept aloof from assembling with the brethren."
Such is the account of Irenasus in the third book against the
heresies. In the first, however, he relates the following re
specting Cerdon : " A certain man, however, by name Cerdon,
who derived his first impulse from the followers of Simon, and
who made some stay at Rome, under Hyginus .the ninthvthat
held the episcopate in succession from the /apostles, taught
that the God who had been proclaimed by the law and pro
phets, was not the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, for the
latter was revealed, the other was unknown ; the former also
was just, but the other was good. Mareion, who was from

A. D, 138  161. j ANTONINUS PIUS. 127
Pontus, having succeeded Cerdon, augmented his school by
uttering his blasphemies without a blush. But the same
Irenaeus, having most dexterously unravelled the bottomless
abyss of the errors enveloped in the Valentinian heresy, laid
bare the wickedness concealed in it, like a serpent lurking in
his nest." Besides these, he says there was another, (Marcus
was his name,) about the same time, who was a most perfect
adept in magic iUusions ; and he describes, also, their profane
rites of initiation, and their abominable mysteries, in the fol
lowing language : " Some of them," says he, "prepare a nup
tial bed, and they perform the mystery of initiation with
certain forms addressed to the initiated. This, they say, is
the spiritual marriage that has taken place with them, bearing
form and resemblance to the marriages above. Some conduct
them to water, and baptizing them, repeat these words, ' unto
the name of the unknown Father of the universe, unto the
truth the mother of all, unto Jesus, unto him that descended.'
Others, again, repeated Hebrew names in order the better to
confound the initiated." But Hyginus dying after the fourth
year of his office, Pius received the episcopate, but at Alex
andria Marcus was appointed the pastor, after Eumenes had
fiUed the office thirteen years in all. Marcus also dying, after
ten years of his ministrations, Celadin had charge ofthe church
of Alexandria, and Pius dying at Rome in the fifteenth year
of his episcopate, the church there was governed by Anicetus.
At this time Hegesippus writes that he was at Rome, and
continued there until the episcopate of Eleutherus. But
Justin was the most noted of those that flourished in those
times, who, in the guise of a philosopher, preached the truth
of God, and contended for the faith, also, in his writings. In
a work that he wrote against Mareion, he mentions, that at
the time he wrote, the man was yet living. He says that a
certain Mareion from Pontus, who is now still teaching those
>hat believe him, to think that there is another God greater
than God the creator ; that he, by means of conjunction with
Ircmons, persuaded many throughout the whole world, to utter
blasphemy, and to deny that the Creator of all things was the
father of Christ ; they asserted, also, that another who was great
er than He, was the creator. But, as we said before, aU the
followers of these were called Christians, just as the name of
philosophy is applied to philosophers, although they may have

128 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [d. IV. C. 12, 13
no opinions in common. To these he adds: "We have also
written a work against all the heresies that have arisen, which
we wiU give you to peruse if you wish." But this same
Justin, after having contended with great success against the
Greeks, addressed also other works, containing a defence of
our faith, to the emperor Antonine, surnamed the Pious, and
to the senate of Rome. He also had his residence at Rome,
but he shows who and whence he was in the foUowing extracts
in his Apology.

CHAPTER XII.
THE APOLOGY OF JUSTIN, ADDRESSED TO ANTONINUS.
" To the emperor Titus iElius Adrian Antoninus Pius
Caesar Augustus, and to Onesimus his son the philosopher,
and to Lucius the natural son of Caesar the philosopher, and the
adopted son of Pius, a votary of learning ; also, to the sacred
senate and the whole Roman people, in behalf of those who of
aU nations are now unjustly hated and aspersed ; I, Justin,
the son of Priscus, the grandson of Bacchius of Flavia,1 the
new city of Palestine, Syria, being one of their number, pre
sent this volume and address." The same emperor was also
addressed by others when the brethren in Asia were suffering
under every kind of injury from the provincials, and honoured
the people of Asia with an ordinance like the following.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE EPISTLE OF ANTONINE, TO THE ASSEMBLY OF ASIA, RESPECTING
OUR DOCTRINE.
The emperor Cassar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus,
Armenicus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune of the people XV.,
1 Neapolis, a city of Palestine, is called Flavia, because there was a
colony brought thither by Flavius Vespasianus. Before, it was called
Sichem. Yet Pliny does not say there was a colony there. Afterwards,
the emperor Severus deprived it of its privileges, and reduced it to a vil
lage, because it favoured Niger's side. Vales.

X. D 138 — Itl. J ANTONINUS PIUS. Jgg
Consul III., sends greeting, to the Assembly of Asia • " I
know, indeed, that the gods themselves will take care that
such men as these shaU not escape detection. For it would
more properly belong to them to punish those that will not
worship them, than to you. And whilst you drive them into
a tumult, you only confirm them the more in their mind, by
accusing them as impious. And thus, to them it would be
more desirable when arraigned, to appear to die for their God,
than to live. Whence, also, they may come off in triumph,
when they yield up their Uves in preference to a conformity
with those things which you exact of them. But as to those
earthquakes which have taken place, and still continue, it is
not out of place to admonish you who are cast down whenever
these happen, that you compare your own deportment with
theirs. They, indeed, become on these occasions so much
the more cheerful towards God ; but you, the whole of this
time in which you seem not to have correct knowledge, neglect
both the gods and other duties, especially the worship of the
Immortal. But the Christians, who worship Him, you expel
and persecute to death. Respecting these, however, many of
the governors of the provinces also wrote to our most divine
father. To whom, also, he wrote in reply, not to trouble
them at aU, unless they appeared to make attempts against
the Roman government. Many also have sent communica
tions to me respecting them, to whom, also, I wrote in reply,
following the course pursued by my father. But if any still
persevere in creating difficulties to any one of these because
he is of this description, (i. e. a Christian,) let him that is thus
arraigned be absolved from crime, although he should appear
to be such, but let the accuser be held guilty." This was pub
lished4 at Ephesus in the public convention of Asia. To these
events MeUto bears testimony, who was then bishop of Sardis,
and weU known at that time. This is clear from what he has
said in that most exceUent defence of our faith which he wrote
and addressed to the emperor Verus.
WTo some laws, in the Codex Theodosian., there is put [P. P.], which
mark signifies that that law of the emperor was made public in such a city.
For the emperors, as oft as they would have any edict be taken notice of
and known to all, were wont to write with their own hand this word
[Proponatur, i. c. Let it be published]. Vales,
[eusebius.1 k

130 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IV. C. l'J.
CHAPTER XIV.
CIRCUMSTANCES RELATED OF POLYCARP, AN APOSTOLIC MAN.
About this time, when Anicetus was at the head of the
Roman church, Irenaeus says that Polycarp was yet hving,
and coming to Rome, had a conference with Anicetus, on a
question respecting the day of the passover. He also gives
another account of Polycarp, which should be added to what is
already related respecting him. The story is taken from the
third book of Irenaeus against the heresies, and is as foUows :
" And Polycarp, a man who had been instructed by the apos
tles, and had familiar intercourse with many that had seen
Christ, and had also been appointed bishop by the apostles
in Asia, in the church at Smyrna, whom we also have seen
in our youth, for he lived a long time, and to a very ad
vanced age, when, after a glorious and most distinguished
martyrdom, he departed this life. He always taught what he
had learned from the apostles, what the church had handed
down, and what is the only true doctrine. All the churches
bear witness to these things, and those that have been the suc
cessors of Polycarp, to the present time, a witness ofthe truth
much more worthy of credit, and much more certain, than
either Valentine or Mareion, or the rest of those perverse
teachers. The same Polycarp, coming to Rome under the
episcopate of Anicetus, turned many from the aforesaid here
tics to the church of God, proclaiming the one and only true
faith, that he had received from the apostles, that, viz., which
was delivered by the church. And there are those still hving
vho heard him relate, that John the disciple of the Lord went
into a bath at Ephesus, and seeing Cerinthus within, ran out
without bathing, and exclaimed, " Let us flee lest the bath
should faU in, as long as Cerinthus, that enemy of truth,
is within." And the same Polycarp, once coming and meet
ing Mareion, who said, " Acknowledge us," he replied, " I
acknowledge ' the first-born of Satan." Such caution did the
apostles and their disciples use, so as not even to have any
communion, even in word, with any of those that thus muti
lated the truth, according to the declaration of Paul: "An
' It was customary in the primitive church to use this expression as a
form of salutation, particularly at the communion. " I acknowledge thee,"
therefore, is the same as " I salute thee."

A. D. 161  180.J AURL.LIUS AND VERDS. 131
heretical man after the first and second admonition avoid,
knowing that such an one is perverse, and that he sins, bring
ing condemnation upon himself." There is, also, an excellent
epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians. From which those
that wish, and that have any concern for their salvation, may
perceive both the character of his faith, and the doctrine of
the truth. Such is the account of Irenaeus. But Polycarp,
m the epistle to the Phihppians, stiU extant, has made use of
certain testimonies taken from the First Epistle of Peter.
About this time Antonine, surnamed the Pious, having com
pleted the twenty-second year of his reign, was succeeded by
Marcus AureUus Verus, who is also called Antoninus, his
son, together with his brother Lucius.

CHAPTER XV.
THE MARTYRDOM OF POLYCARP, WITH OTHERS, AT SMYRNA.
At this time, as there were the greatest persecutions ex
cited in Asia, Polycarp ended his life by martyrdom. But I
consider it all-important also to record his end in this history,
as it is handed down in writings stiU extant. There is, how
ever, an epistle of the church which he superintended, to the
churches of Pontus, which shows what befeU him, in the fol
lowing words : " The church of God at Smyrna, to that of Phi-
lomehus, and to all parts of the holy catholic, (universal
church,) every where, mercy, peace, and the love of God the
Father, and of our Lord Jesus Christ, be multiplied. We
have written to you, brethren, the circumstances respecting
the martyrs, and the blessed Polycarp, who, as if sealing it with
his martyrdom, has also put a stop to the persecution." After
these, before the account of Polycarp's death, they give the
account of the other martyrs, and show what firmness they
evinced against the tortures they endured. " For," say they
" those standing around were struck with amazement, at see
ing them lacerated with scourges, to their very blood and
arteries, so that now the flesh concealed in the very inmost
parts of the body, and the bowels themselves were exposed to
view. Then they were laid upon conch shells from the sea,
and on sharp heads and points of spears )n the ground, end
K 2

132 ECTLESIASTI :AL HISTORY. [^B. IV. C. 1ft,
after passing through every kind of punishment and torment,
were at last thrown as food to wild beasts." But they relate
that Germanious, a most noble youth, was particularly eminent
as a martyr ; "who, strengthened by divine grace, overcame
the natural dread of death implanted in us; although the
proconsul was desirous of persuading hira, and urged him
from considerations of his youth, and entreated him, that as he
was so very young and blooming he should take compassion
on himself. He, however, hesitated not, but eagerly irritated
the wild beast against him, all but forcing and stimulating
him, that he might the sooner be freed from this unjust and
lawless generation. On the glorious death of this one, the
whole multitude, amazed at the courage of the pious martyr,
and at the fortitude of the whole race of Christians, began to
cry out, 'Away with the wicked fellows, let Polycarp be
sought.' A very great tumult arising in consequence of
these outcries, a certain Phrygian, Quintus by name, who had
recently come from Phrygia, seeing the beasts and the ad
ditional tortures threatened, was so overcome by fear and
shaken in his resolution, that he finally gave up his salvation.
The contents of the aforesaid epistle show that this man had
frowardly rushed forward to the tribunal with others, and not
in a modest, retiring manner ; and yet, when seized, he gave
a manifest proof to all, that it is not proper for those in this
situation, to brave danger by rushing blindly and rashly upon
it. Thus far, however, respecting these. But the admirable
Polycarp hearing these things, continued unmoved, preserv
ing his firm and unshaken mind, and, at first, had determined
to remain there in the city. But persuaded by the entreaties
of those around him, and exhorting him to leave the city
secretly, he went forth to a farm not far from it. There he
staid with a few friends, night and day engaged in nothing
but constant prayer to the Lord, and imploring peace for all
the churches throughout the world. For this had always
been his practice. In this situation, three days before he was
seized, in a vision at night, and during prayer, the pillow
under his head seemed to him suddenly to take fire, and thus
to be consumed. On this, waking out of his sleep, he im
mediately began to interpret the vision to those present,
almost foretelling the event that was about to take place,, and
plainly declaring to those around him, that it would be neces-

A. D. 161  180.] ATJRELICS AND VERUS. 133
sary for him to give up his life in the flames for Christ's sake.
Those, however, that were in search of him, making every
effort to discover him, he was again constrained by the affec
tion and love of the brethren, to go away to another part of
the country. Thither the pursuers came upon him, not long
after, and caught two boys there, one of which they scourged
in order to direct them to the retreat of Polycarp. Entering
upon him at a late hour of the day, they found him, indeed,
resting in an upper room, whence, although he might easily
have escaped to another house, he would not, saying, " The
Lord's will be done ; " and having understood also that they
were come, as it is said, he descended and addressed the men
with a very cheerful and mild countenance, so that those who
did not know him before, thought they beheld a miracle, as
they beheld the advanced age of the man, the gravity and
firmness of his countenance, and were surprised that so much
zeal should be exercised to seize a venerable old man like this.
He, however, without hesitation, ordered a table to be imme
diately prepared for the men ; then requests them to partake
of food largely, and begged of them only one hour, that he
might pray undisturbed. As they gave him permission, he
arose and prayed, so fuU of the grace of the Lord, that those
present who heard him were amazed, and many of them now
repented, that so venerable and pious a man should be put to
death. Beside these things, the above-mentioned epistle re
specting him pursues the narrative as follows :
" But after he had ended praying, and had in this remem
bered aU that had ever been connected with him, smaU and
great, noble and obscure, and the whole catholic (universal)
church throughout the world, when the hour came for him to
go, they placed him upon an ass and conducted him to the city,
it being a great Sabbath day.1 He was met by Herod, who
was the irenarch,2 and his father Nicetes ; who, taking him
into their vehicle, persuaded him to take a seat with them,
and said, ' For what harm is there in saying, Lord Caesar,
and to sacrifice, and thus save your hfe ?' He, however, did
not at first make any reply ; but as they persevered, he said,
» The great Sabbath was the feast of unleavened bread, which imme
diately preceded the passover. See Beverege in Can. Apost.
» The irenarch, as the name implies, was an officer to preserve 'im
public peace.

134 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [fi. IV. C. 15.
' I shid not do what you advise me.' Failing, therefore, to
persuade him, they uttered dreadful language, and thrust him
down from the car with great vehemence, so that as he descend
ed from the car he sprained his thigh. But not at all moved
from his purpose, as if nothing had happened, he eagerly went
on, and was conducted to the stadium.1 But as there was so
great an uproar in the place that not many could hear, a voice
came from heaven to Polycarp as he entered the stadium:
' Be strong, Polycarp, and contend manfully.' No one saw
who it was that spoke ; but the voice itself was heard by many
of our brethren. When he was led forward, however, a great
tumult arose among those that heard Polycarp was taken.
At length, as he advanced, the proconsul2 asked him whether
he was Polycarp, and he answering that he was, he persuaded
him to renounce Christ, saying, ' Have a regard for your
age,' and adding similar expressions, such as is usual for
them to say, he said, ' Swear by the genius of Caesar. Re
pent ; say, Away with those that deny the gods.' But Poly
carp, with a countenance grave and serious, and contemplating
the whole multitude that were collected in the stadium, beck
oned with his hand to them, and with a sigh he looked up to
heaven, and said, 'Away with the impious.' As the governor,
however, continued to urge him, and said, ' Swear, and I
wiU dismiss you. Revile Christ ; ' Polycarp rephed, ' Eighty
and six years have I served him, and he never did me wrong ;
and how can I now blaspheme my King that has saved me V
The governor stiU continuing to urge him, and again saying,
' Swear by the genius of Cassar,' said Polycarp, ' If you are
so vain as to think that I should swear by the genius of Caesar,
as you say, pretending not to know who I am, hear my free
confession. I am a Christian. But if you wish to learn what
the doctrine of Christianity is, grant me a day and listen to
me.' The proconsul said, ' Persuade the people.' Polycarp
replied, ' I have thought proper to give you a reason ; for we
have been taught to give magistrates and powers appointed by
God, the honour that is due to them, as far as it does not in
jure us ; but I do not consider those the proper ones before
wiom I should deliver my defence.' The proconsul said, 'I
have wild beasts at hand, I wiU cast you to these unless you
1 The place where their sacred games and shows were exhibited.
a This proconsul's name was Statius Quadratus.

t. Si 161 — 180. | AUREL1US AND VERUS. 135
change your mind.' He answered, ' Call them. For we
have no reason to repent from the better to the worse, but it
is good to change from wickedness to virtue.' He again
urged him. ' I wiU cause you to be consumed by fire, should
you despise the beasts, and not change your mind.' Polycarp
answered, ' You threaten fire that burns for a moment and is
soon extinguished, for you know nothing of the judgment to
come, and the fire of eternal punishment reserved for the
wicked. But why do you delay ? Bring what you wish.'
Saying these, and many other similar declarations, he was
filled with confidence and joy, and his countenance was
brightened with grace. So that he not only continued undis
mayed at what was said to him, but on the contrary, the
governor, astonished, sent the herald to proclaim in the middle
of the stadium, ' Polycarp confesses that he is a Christian.
When this was declared by the herald, all the multitude,
Gentiles and Jews dweUing at Smyrna, cried out, ' This is
that teacher of Asia, the father of the Christians, the destroyer
of our gods ; he that teaehes multitudes not to sacrifice, not to
worship.' Saying this, they cried out, and asked Philip, the
Asiarch,3 to let loose a lion upon Polycarp. But he replied,
that he was not permitted, as he had already completed the
exhibition of the chase in the amphitheatre. Then aU cried
out together, that Polycarp should be burnt alive. For it
seemed necessary that the vision which he saw on his pillow
should be fulfiUed ; when seeing it on fire whilst he prayed,
he turned to those few faithful friends with him, and said
prophetically, ' I must be burnt alive.' These things were
executed, however, with such haste that they were no sooner
said than done. The crowd, however, forthwith collected
wood and straw from the shops and baths, especially the Jews,
as usual, freely offered their services for this purpose. But
when the pile was prepared, laying aside all his clothes, and
loosing his girdle, he attempted also to take off his shoes,
which he had not been in the habit of doing before, as he al
ways had some one of the brethren, that were soon at his
side, and rivalled each other in their service to him. For he
had always been treated with great respect on account of his
3 The Asiarchs were the priests of the assembly or common council of
Asia, whose office, among others, was to exhibit the public shows in the
amphitheatre.

136 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IT. C. IS,
exemplary life even before his gray hairs. Presently the in
struments prepared for the funeral pile were applied to him.
As they were also on the point of securing him with spikes,
he said, ' Let me be thus. For he that gives me strength to
bear the fire, will also give me power, without being secured
by you with these spikes, to remain unmoved on the pile.'
They, therefore, did not nail him, but merely bound him to
the stake. But he, closing his hands behind him, and bound
to the stake as a noble victim selected from the great flock, an
acceptable sacrifice to Almighty God, said : ' Father of thy
well-beloved and blessed Son Jesus Christ, through whom we
have received the knowledge of thee. The God of angels and
powers, and all creation, and of aU the family of the righteous,
that live before thee, I bless thee that thou hast thought me
worthy of the present day and hour, to have a share in the
number of the martyrs and in the cup of Christ, unto the
resurrection of eternal life, both of the soul and body, in the
incorruptible feUcity of the Holy Spirit. Among whom may
I be received in thy sight, this day, as a rich and acceptable
sacrifice, as thou the faithful and true God hast prepared, hast
revealed, and fulfilled. Wherefore, on this account, and for
all things I praise thee, I bless thee, I glorify thee, through
the eternal High Priest, Jesus Christ, thy well-beloved Son.
Through whom glory be to thee with him in the Holy Ghost,
both now and for ever. Amen.'
" After he had repeated amen, and had finished his prayer,
the executioners kindled the fire. And when it arose in
great flames, we saw a miracle, those of us who were privileged
to see it, and who, therefore, were preserved to declare the
facts to others. For the flames presented an appearance hke
an oven, as when the sail of a vessel is filled with the wind ;
and thus formed a wall around the body of the martyr. And
he was in the midst not like burning flesh, but like gold and
silver purified in the furnace. We also perceived a fragrant
odour, like the fumes of incense, or some other precious aro
matic drugs. At length the wicked persecutors, seeing that
the body could not be consumed by fire, commanded the exe
cutioner to draw near to him and to plunge his sword into
him ; and when he had done this, such a quantity of blood
gushed forth that the fire was extinguished. So that the
whole multitudaw«*a astonished that such a difference should

A D. 161  180.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. 137
be made between the unbelievers and the elect, of whom this
one, bishop of the catholic church in Smyrna, was the most
admirable, apostolical, and prophetical teacher of our times.
For every word that he uttered, was either fulfilled or wiU
yet be fulfiUed. But that envious and malignant adversary,
that wicked enemy of all the righteous, seeing the lustre of
his martyrdom, and his uniform walk and conversation, and
him now crowned with the crown of immortahty, and bearing
off the indisputable prize, had provided that not even his
corpse should be obtained by us, though many of us eagerly
wished it, so as to have communion with the sacred body.
Some, therefore, secretly engaged Nicetas, the father of Herod
and brother of Dalce, to go to the governor, so as not to give
the body, lest, said they, abandoning him that was crucified,
they should begin to worship this one. And this they said
on the suggestion and urging of the Jews, who were also
watching and looking out while we were preparing to take
him from the fire. Not knowing, however, that we can never
abandon Christ, who suffered for the salvation of those that
are becoming saved from aU the world, nor even worship any
other. For him we worship as the Son of God ; but the
martyrs we deservedly love as the disciples and imitators of
our Lord, on account of their exceeding love to their King and
Master. Of whom may we only become true associates and
feUow disciples. The centurion then, seeing the obstinacy of
the Jews, placed him in the middle, and burnt it according to
the custom of the Gentiles. Thus, at last, taking up his bones,
more valuable than precious stones, and more tried than gold,
we deposited them where it was proper they should be. There,
also, as far as we can, the Lord wiU grant us to collect and
celebrate the natal day ' of his martyrdom in joy and gladness,
both in commemoration of those who finished their contest
before, and to exercise and prepare those that shall hereafter."
Such is the account respecting the blessed Polycarp, who,
together with the twelve from PhUadelphia, was crowned a
martyr. Who, however, is rather mentioned alone by all, so
that he is spoken of by the Gentiles in every place. Of such
an end, then, was the admirable and apostolic Polycarp deemed
worthy, according to the account which the brethren in Smyrna
1 The martyrdom of Polycarp is here called his natal day, as lis birth
day for a better world.

138 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [fi. IV. C. 16.
recorded in the epistle that we have quoted. In this' same
epistle, also, respecting him, other martyrdoms are also re
corded, which took place in the same city, and about the time
of Polycarp's death. Among these, also, was Metrodorus, ,¦>
follower of Marcion's error, but who appears to have been a
presbyter, and who was committed to the flames. A very
celebrated martyr of those times was Pionius. Those who
feel inclined to know respecting him, we refer to that epistle
that has been embodied in the work on the ancient martyrs
collected by us, in which is given a very full account of his
particular confessions, of the freedom with which he spoke, of
his defence of the faith before the people and rulers. Also
his instructive exhortations ; moreover his strong invitations
to those that feU away under the temptation of persecution,
the consolations which he presented to the brethren that came
in to him in prison, what excruciating tortures he also endured
besides, when he was secured with spikes, his firmness on the
pile, and, after aU his extraordinary sufferings, his death.
There are, also, records extant of others that suffered martyr
dom in Pergamus, a city of Asia. Of these we mention only
Carpus and Papylus, and a woman named Agathonice ; who,
after many and illustrious testimonies given by them, glo
riously finished their course.

CHAPTER XVI.
HOW JUSTIN, THE PHILOSOPHER, SUFFERED MARTYRDOM, ASSERTING
THE DOCTRINE OF CHRIST.
About this time, the same Justin who was mentioned by
us a httle before, after having given a second defence of our
doctrines to the above-mentioned rulers, was crowned with
divine martyrdom, at the insidious instigation of Crescens the
philosopher, who was called a cynic, and emulated the life
and manners indicated by the name he bore. After having
frequently refuted him in discussion, in the presence of many
hearers, he at length also bore away the palm of victory, in
the truth which he asserted, by his own martyrdom. It is
also plainly stated by the same excellent and most learned
author, in the Apology aheady quoted, that he predicted the

A. D. 161  180.] AUREL1US AND VER OS. 139
issue just as it was about to happen in reference to him''.>,'f, in
the following words : " I also expect to be waylaid by some
one of those whom I have named, and to be put to the rack,
even by Crescens himself, that unphilosophical and vain
glorious opponent. For it seems not proper to caU a man a
philosopher, since he publicly attempts to contend against
matters that he does not understand, as if Christians were in
fidels and wicked characters, merely for the purpose of cap
tivating and gratifying the multitude. He has done aU this
under a strong delusion. For if he counteracts us without
having read the doctrines of Christ, he is most iniquitous in
his conduct, and much worse than common men, who for the
most part are cautious in speaking and bearing a false testi
mony in matters that they do not understand ; and if when
happening to read he does not understand the sublimity in
them, or if, understanding, he does those things that may lead
one to suspect he is not one of them, (i. e.) no Christian,
he is so much the more base and nefarious, inasmuch as he is
enslaved to vulgar applause and an absurd fear. And, in
deed, when I proposed certain questions to him, in order to
ascertain and convince him that he really was ignorant, I
would beg leave to inform you, that I found this to be the
case. And that you may know aU that I here say is true, if
these discussions have not yet reached you, I am prepared to
repeat these interrogations in your presence. This, too, would
be a work suited to your Majesties. But if these questions of
mine, and his answers, are known to you, it is obvious to you,
that he knows nothing of our doctrines, or if he knows, he
does not declare them on account of his hearers ; so that, as I
before said, he proves himself to be not a true lover of wis
dom, a philosopher, but a lover of vain-glory. He, indeed,
does not even regard that exceUent saying of Socrates, viz.
that no one is to be preferred to truth.'" Thus far Justin.
But that in consequence of his freedom against Crescens, he
was brought to his end, is shown by Tatian, a man who at
first, as a sophist, taught the various branches of literature
among the Greeks, and obtained no small celebrity in them,
and who left numerous monuments of his attainments in his
works. This he relates in the book against the Greeks, thus :
" And that most excellent Justin, justly declared that the
aforesaid persons were like robbers." Then, after some com-

140 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IV. C. 17.
ments on these philosophers, he adds the following : " Crescens
indeed, who had nestled in the great city, (Rome,) surpassed
aU in his unnatural lust, (iraifcpaaTta,) and was also whoUy en
slaved to the love of money. And he who advised others to
despise death, was himself so much in dread of death, that he
plotted death for Justin as a very great evil. Because that,
when proclaiming the truth, he proved the philosophers glut
tons and impostors." And such was the cause that produced
the martyrdom of Justin.

CHAPTER XVII.
THE MARTYRS MENTIONED BY JUSTIN IN HIS BOOKS.
But the same author before his conflict makes mention of
others that suffered martyrdom before him, in his first Apology.
In which he aptly introduces the foUowing statement : ""A
certain woman," says he, " had a husband that was intemper- ]
ate. She herself had also previously led a dissolute fife ; j
but after she was made acquainted with the doctrines of
Christ, she became modest, and endeavoured to persuade her
husband also to lead a virtuous life, presenting to his mind
the doctrines of Christianity, and the punishment of eternal
fire awaited those that would not hve virtuously, and accord
ing to right reason. But he still continuing in the same las
civious habits, wholly aUenated his wife's affections by his
practices. FinaUy, the woman considering it wicked to hve
with one who, contrary to the law of nature and propriety,
was intent upon every course to gratify his lusts, contem
plated a divorce. But when she was encouraged by her
friends, who advised her still to remain with him, as if he
might give hopes of a change of Ufe, she did violence to her
self and remained. Afterwards, however, her husband, who
had gone to Alexandria, was reported to be acting much
worse. Fearing, therefore, lest she should become a sharer
in his unrighteousness and impieties, if she continued united
to him, and should be his companion, she sent him what is
caUed the biU of divorce, and was separated. This good and
exceUent husband, however, who ought to have rejoiced that
his wife, who had formerly deUghted in debauchery and all

A. D. 161 — 180] AURELIUS AND VERUS. 14]
manner of vice, had now ceased from those deeds in which
she had formerly been wantonly engaged with servants and
hirelings, and that she now wished him, also, to cease from
doing the same things, would not do thus, when she left him,
but he brought an accusation against her, asserting that she
was a Christian. And she delivered to you, the emperor, a
petition, requesting that she might first be permitted to regu
late her domestic affairs, and then, after the regulation of
her affairs, she would make her defence in reference to the
accusation. And this you granted. But he, who had formerly
been the husband of the woman, not being able to say any
thing against her now, turned upon a certain Ptolemy, whom
Urbicius had punished, and who had become her instructor in
the principles of Christianity, in the foUowing manner :
" He had persuaded the centurion to seize Ptolemy his friend,
and cast him in prison, and to ask him only this, whether he
was a Christian ? Ptolemy, who was a lover of truth, and
averse to aU deceit and falsehood, confessed himself a Chris
tian ; in consequence of which, he was cast into prison and
punished by the centurion in this way for a long time. At
last, when the man came before Urbicius in like manner, only
this one thing was asked, whether he was a Christian ? And
as he was conscious of deriving every happiness and blessing
from the doctrine of Christ, he again professed the principles
of celestial virtue. — For he that denies that he is a Christian,
either denies because he despises, or because he is conscious
that he is unworthy of this religion, and a stranger to its ex
cellency ; and thus avoids the confession. Neither of these
things can apply to the true Christian. Urbicius, however,
having commanded him to be led forth, a certain Lucius, who
was also a Christian, seeing the judgment so unjustly passed,
says to Urbicius, 'What charge is this, that you should
punish one who is neither an adulterer, nor fornicator, nor a
murderer, nor a thief, nor a robber ; nor convicted, indeed, of
any crime, but simply confessing the name of a Christian ?
0 Urbicius, you do not judge what becomes our pious em
peror, nor the philosophic son of Cassar, nor the sacred senate.
But without any other reply, he said to Lucius, ' Thou ap-
pearest also to be one such as these ;' and as Lucius answered,
' by all means,' he in like manner commanded him to be led
forth. But he (Lucius) said he thanked him ; ' for now,'

142 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. ~B. IT. C. 18.
he added, ' he was liberated from wicked m isters, and was
going to the good Father and King, even God. And a second
and third coming up, were punished in the same way." To
these Justin, next in order, adds the passages that we quoted
above, where he says : " But I am now waiting to be way
laid by a certain one of those called philosophers," &c.

CHAPTER XVIII.
THE BOOKS OF JUSTIN THAT HAVE COME DOWN TO US.
This Justin has left us many monuments of a mind well
stored with learning, and devoted to sacred things, replete
with matter profitable in every respect. To these we shall
refer our studious readers, only indicating, as we proceed,
those that have come to our knowledge. There is a discourse
of his, addressed to Antonine, surnamed the Pious, and his
sons and the Roman senate, in defence of our doctrines. An
other work, comprising a defence of our faith, which he ad
dressed to the emperor of the same name, Antoninus Verus,
the successor of the preceding, the circumstances of whose
times we are now recording. Also, another book, against the
Greeks, in which, dilating upon most of the questions agitated
between us and the Greek philosophers, he also discusses the
nature of daemons ; of which it is not necessary to add any
thing here. There is also another work that has reached us,
also against the Gentiles, to which he gave the title, " Refuta
tion." Besides these, also another, " On the Sovereignty of
God," which he establishes not only by the Holy Scriptures,
but also by references to the works of the Greeks. Moreover,
he wrote a work called Psaltes, (the psalmist,) another, also
consisting of Remarks on the Soul, in which, after proposing
various questions on the subject, he adds the opinions that pre
vailed among the Greek philosophers, which he also promises
to disprove, and to give his own opinion in a separate work.
He also wrote a dialogue against the Jews, which he held at
Ephesus with Tryphon, the most distinguished among the
Hebrews of the day. In this he shows how the Divine grace
stimulated him to this discourse on the faith, wl at zeal also he
had before evinced in the studies of philosophy and what in-

A.D. 161  180.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. J 43
uefatigable research he had applied in the discovery of the
truth. In this also he states respecting the Jews, how in
sidiously they plotted against the doctrine of Christ, and ad
dresses the following words to Tryphon : " But you do not
only continue impenitent for your evil deeds, but selecting
chosen men, you sent them from Jerusalem to all the world,
declaring that the infidel sect of Christians had made its ap
pearance, and uttering all those falsehoods against us which
those that know us not are accustomed to repeat. Thus you
are the causes of iniquity not only to yourselves, but to all
others also." He writes also, that even down to his time,
gifts of prophecy shone forth in the church ; mentions, also,
the Revelation of John, plainly calling it the work of the
apostle, and records also certain prophetic declarations, in his
discussion with Tryphon, and showing that the Jews had ex
punged them from the Scriptures. There are also many
other works of his in the hands of many of our brethren. So
" valuable and worthy of study were these works esteemed by
the ancients, that Irenaeus quotes him often. This he does
in the fourth book against heresies, adding the words : " And
well does Justin, in his work against Mareion, say, ' I would
not even believe the Lord himself, if he were to announce any
other God but the. Creator.'" And in the fifth book he says :
"And well did Justin say, that before the appearance of our
Lord, Satan never ventured to blaspheme God, because1 he
did not yet know his own condemnation." These we deemed
necessary to state, in order, to stimulate the studious Ukewise
to the diligent perusal of these books. And thus much re
specting Justin.
* Epiphamus seems to have been of the same opinion. In his Pana-
rium (lib. i. Hseres 39, p. 289, edit. Petav.) he proposes to us as a certain
truth, that the devil, before the coming of Christ, tvb\i.& re revlaaSai tivos
hteovg, was in hopes of grace and pardon ; and that out of this persuasion
of his he never all that whi\e showed himself refractorv towards God •
but that having understood by the manifestation of our Saviour, tuai there
was left him no hopes of salvation, he from thenceforth had grown exceed
ingly enraged, doing as much mischief as possibly he could against Christ
and his church. But this opinion (as the learned Petavius has observe-1
in his note on that passage) vulgo non nrobatur. i. c. is not generally ap
proved of, as true-

144 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. IV. 0. 19— 2 J

CHAPTER XLX.
THOSE THAT PRESIDED OVER THE CHURCHES OF ROME AND ALEX
ANDRIA, IN THE REIGN OF VERUS.
It was in the eighth year of the above-mentioned reign,
viz., that of Verus, that Anicetus, who had held the episco
pate of Rome for eleven years, was succeeded by Soter ; but
at Alexandria, Celadion, who had presided over the church
fourteen years, was succeeded by Agrippinus.

CHAPTER XX.

THE BISHOPS OP ANTIOCH.

At this time, also, Theophilus, in the church of Antioch,
was well known as the sixth in succession from the apostles.
As Cornelius, who succeeded Heron, had been the fourth of
those that presided there, and after him Eros, the fifth in order
that held the episcopate.

CHAPTER XXI.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL (VRITERS THAT FLOURISHED IN THEiE TIMES.
About this time flourished Hegesippus, whom we quoted
above. Also Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, and Pinytus,
bishop of Crete. Moreover, Philip and ApoUinaris and Mu-
Uto. Musanns, also, and Modestus, and, lastly, Irenasus,
whose correct views of the sound faith have descended to uf
in the works written by them, as they received it from apos
tolio tradition.

A. D. 161  180.J AURELIUS AND VERUS. 14*

CHAPTER XXII.
OF HEGESIPrUS, AND THOSE WHOM HE MENTIONS.
Hegesippus, indeed, in the five books of commentaries that
have come down to us, has left a most complete record of his
own views. In these he states that he conversed with most
of the bishops when he travelled to Rome, and that he re
ceived the same doctrine from all. We may also add what he
says, after some observations on the Epistle of Clement to the
Corinthians : " And the church of Corinth," says he, " con
tinued in the true faith, until Primus was bishop there. With
whom I had familiar conversation, (as I passed many days at
Corinth,) when I was on the point of sailing to Rome, during
which time also we were mutually refreshed in the true
doctrine. After coming to Rome, I made my stay with
Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus. After Anicetus,
Soter succeeded, and after him Eleutherus. In every succes
sion, however, and in every city, the doctrine prevails
according to what is declared by the law and the prophets
and the Lord." The same author, also, treats of the begin
nings of the heresies that arose about bis time, in the follow
ing words : " But after James the Just had suffered martyr
dom, as our Lord had for the same reason, Simeon, the son of
Cleophas our Lord's uncle, was appointed the second bishop,
whom aU proposed, as the cousin of our Lord. Hence they
called the church as yet a virgin, for it was not yet corrupted
by vain discourses. Thebuthis made a beginning secretly to
corrupt it, on account of his not being made bishop. He was
one of those seven sects among the Jewish people. Of these,
also, was Simeon, whence sprung the sect of Simonians ; also,
Cleobius, from whom came the Cleobians ; also, Dositheus,1
the founder of the Dositheans. From these also sprung the
1 Some think that this Dositheus was much more ancient than the
times he is here mentioned to have lived in. Drusius (in Respons. ad
Minerval Seraii, cap. 10) asserts he lived in the times of Sennacherib,
king of Assyria ; and Jerome is of that opinion, as appears by what he
says in Dialog. Advers. Luciferian. But Scaliger (in Elencho trihasres.)
and Origen (book i. against Celsus) affirm he lived since our Saviour's
incarnation, and was contemporary with Simon Magus. See Photii
Bibliothec. cap. 230. Vales.
|~KUSEBIUS.J '

146 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IV. C. 22.
Gorthceonians, from Gorthoeus, and the Masbothceans, from
Masbothoeus. Hence, also, the Menandrians, and Marcionists,
and Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and Basilidians, and the
Saturnilians, every one introducing his own peculiar opinions,
one differing from the other. From these sprung the false
Christs and false prophets and false apostles, who divided the
unity of the church, by the introduction of corrupt doctrines
against God and against his Christ." The same author also
mentions in his history the ancient heresies prevalent among
the Jews, as follows : " There were also different opinions in
the circumcision among the children of Israel, against the
tribe of Judah and the Messiah, viz., the Essenes, the Gali
leans,1 Hemerobaptists, the Masbothceans,2 the Samaritans, the
Sadducees and Pharisees." He also speaks of many other
matters, which we have in part aheady quoted, and introduced
in their appropriate places. He also states some particulars
from the Gospel of the Hebrews and from the Syriac, and par
ticularly from the Hebrew language, showing that he himself
was a convert from the Hebrews. Other matters he also re
cords as taken from the unwritten tradition of the Jews. And
not only he, but Irenaeus also, and the whole body of the
ancients, called the Proverbs of Solomon, " Wisdom, compre
hending every virtue." Also in discoursing on the books called
Apocrypha, he relates that some of them were forged in his
day, by some of the heretics. But it is now time to proceed
to another.
1 Judas Galilseus was the original author of this sect, (says Josephus,
Antiq. b. xviii. chap. 2,) who, having joined Saddoc, a Pharisee, to him,
solicited the people to defection, telling them, that God was to be their
only prince and master, and no mortal to be acknowledged as such ; that
the requiring a lax from them, if it were by them paid, was a manifest
profession of servitude, and that it was their duty to vindicate their
liberty; by which means he raised a great sedition among the Jews, and
was the cause (under pretence of defending ihe public liberty) of in
numerable mischiefs to the nation. See Joseph. Antiq. b. xviii. chap. 2.
1 They are called also Marboneans and Morboneans ; they must be
distinguished from those whom Hegesippus mentions a little before; for
these here were one of the seven sects amongst the Jews; but those were
propagated from the seven sects; as were also the Simonians, Dosithcuns,
&c. Vales,

A. I>. 161 — 180. | AURELIUS AND VERBS. J 47
CHAPTER XXIII.
OF DIONYSIUS, BISHOP OF CORINTH, AND HIS EPISTLES.
And first we must speak of Dionysius, who was appointed
over the church at Corinth, and imparted freely, not only to
his own people, but to others abroad also, the blessings of his
divine labours. But he was most useful to all in the cathohc
epistles that he addressed to the churches. One of which is
addressed to the Lacedaemonians, and contains instructions in
the true rehgion, and inculcates peace and unity. One also
to the Athenians, exciting them to the faith, and the life pre
scribed by the gospel, from which he shows that they had
swerved, so that they had nearly fallen from the truth, since
the martyrdom of Publius, then bishop, which happened in
the persecutions of those times. He also makes mention of
Quadratus,3 who was bishop after the martyrdom of Publius,
bearing witness also that the church was again collected, and
the faith of the people revived by his exertions. He states,
moreover, that Dionysius the Areopagite, who was converted
to the faith by Paul the apostle, according to the statement
in the Acts of the Apostles, first obtained the episcopate of
the church at Athens. There is also another epistle of his
extant, addressed to the Nicomedians, in which he refutes the
heresy of Mareion, and adheres closely to the rule of faith.
In an epistle to the church of Gortyna, and to the other
churches in Crete, he commends their bishop Philip, for the
numerous instances of fortitude that the church evinced under
' This Quadratus, I judge, is not the same person with that Quadratus,
the disciple of the apostles, mentioned by Eusebius, book iii. chap. 37.
For the Quadratus last named was not a bishop, as it plainly appears.
from the foresaid place of Eusebius. But, that Quadratus (spoken of
by our author at the beginning of this fourth book) who presented an
apology to Adrian for our religion, was the disciple of the apostles, as
Eusebius, in his Chronicon, expressly affirms. Now this Quadratus here
spoken of (who was bishop of the Athenians) must, as I said, be distin
guished from Quadratus the disciple of the apostles : for this latter Hved
not beyond the times of Adrian ; but he that was bishop of the Athenians
governed that church in the times of M. Antoninus, as it is evident from
Dionysius's epistle to the Athenians ; for he speaks of him as being his
contemporary. Now Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, flourished in the reign
of M. Antoninus. Vales. l a

148 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. TV. C. 23.
him, according to the testimony of aU, whilst he cautions them
against the perversions of the heretics. He also wrote to the
church at Amastris, together with those at Pontus, in which
he makes mention of Bacchylides and Elpistus, as those who
urged him to write. He also adds some expositions of the
sacred writings, where he intimates that Palmas was then
bishop. He also recommends many things in regard to mar
riage, and the purity to be observed by those who enter this
state, and enjoins upon the church to receive again kindly all
that return again from any faU, whether of heresy or delin
quency. Among them is also inserted an epistle to the Gnos-
sians, in which he admonishes Pinytus, the bishop of the
church, not to impose upon the brethren without necessity, a
burden in regard to purity too great to be borne, but to pay
regard to the infirmity of the great mass. To which Pinytus,
writing in reply, admires and applauds Dionysius, but exhorts
him at the same time to impart some time or other stronger
food, and to feed the people under him with writings abound
ing in more perfect doctrine when he wrote again, so that they
might not remain constantly nurtured with milky doctrine,
and imperceptibly grow old under a discipline calculated only
for children. In which epistle, also, the correct views which
Pinytus cherished, and his solicitude respecting the welfare of
those that were committed to his care, also his learning and
intelligence in divine matters, are exhibited as in a most perfect
image. There is yet another epistle ascribed to Dionysius, to
the Romans, and addressed to Soter, the bishop of that city,
from which we may also subjoin some extracts, viz., from that
part where he commends a practice of the Romans retained
even to the persecution in our day, and writes as foUows:
" For this practice has prevailed with you from the very be
ginning, to do good to all the brethren in every way, and to
send contributions to many churches in every city. Thus re
freshing the needy in their want, and furnishing to the bre
thren condemned to the mines, what was necessary, by these
contributions which ye have been accustomed to send from the
beginning, you preserve, as Romans, the practices of your an
cestors the Romans. Which was not only observed by your
bishop Soter, but also increased, as he not only furnished
great supplies to the saints, but also encouraged the brethren
that came from abroad, as a loving father his children, with

A D. 161  180.J AURELIUS AND VERUS. 149
consolatory words." In this same letter he mentions that of
Clement to the Corinthians, showing that it was the practice
to read it in the churches, even from the earUest times. " To
day," says he, " we have passed the Lord's holy day, in which
we have read your epistle. In reading which we shah al
ways have our minds stored with admonition, as we shall,
also, from that written to us before by Clement." Besides
this, the same author writes respecting his own epistles as
having been corrupted : " As the brethren," says he, " desired
me to write epistles, I wrote them, and these the apostles of
the devil have fiUed with tares, exchanging some things, and
adding others, for whom there is a woe reserved. It is not,
therefore, matter of wonder, if some have also attempted to
adulterate the sacred writings- of the Lord, since they have
attempted the same in other works that are not to be com
pared with these." There is also another epistle attributed
to this Dionysius, addressed to his most faithful sister Chry-
sophora, in which he writes what was suitable to her, and
imparts also to her the proper spiritual food. And thus much
respecting Dionysius.

CHAPTER XXTV.
OF THEOPHILUS, BISHOP OF ANTIOCH.
There are three books containing the elements of the faith,
addressed to Autolycus, which are ascribed to Theophilus,
whom we have mentioned as bishop of Antioch. Another,
dso, which has the title, " Against the heresy of Hermoge-
nis ;" ' in which he makes use of testimony from the Revelation
of John, besides certain other catechetical works. And as the
heretics, no less then than at any other time, were like tares,
destroying the pure seed of the apostolical doctrines, the
pastors of the churches every where hastened to restrain them
as wild beasts from the fold of Christ. Sometimes they did
it by their exhortations and admonitions to the brethren,
sometimes more openly contending with the heretics them
selves, by oral discussions and refutations, and then again
' Concerning this Hermogenis and his heresy, soe Baronius, ad annum
Christi 170.

150 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [b. TV. C. 25, 26.
.wnfuting their opinions, by the most rigid proofs in their
written works.
Theophilus, therefore, with others, also contended against
these, as is manifest from a work of no mean character, writ
ten by him against Mareion, which, together with others that
we have mentioned, is still preserved. He was succeeded by
Maximinus, the seventh from the apostles in the church of
Antioch.

CHAPTER XXV.
OF PHILIP AND MODESTUS.

Philip, also, who we have seen from the words of Diony
sius, was bishop of the church at Gortyna, has written a very
elaborate work against Mareion. Irenseus, also, and Modestus,
the last of whom, beyond all others, has detected the error of
the man, and exposed it to the view of aU. Many others
have also written, whose labours are carefuUy preserved by
the brethren even. to this day.

CHAPTER XXVI.
OF MELITO, AND THE CIRCUMSTANCES HE RECORDS.
In these times also flourished Mehto, bishop of the church
in Sardis, and Apollinaris, the bishop of HierapoUs. Each
of these separately addressed discourses as apologies for the
faith, to the existing emperor of the Romans, already men
tioned. Of these, those that follow below, are those that have
come to our knowledge. Of Melito, two works On the Pass
over and those On the Conduct of Life, and the Prophets.
One, On the Church, and another discourse On the Lord's
day. One, also, On ihe Nature of Man, and another On his
Formation. A work On the Subjection of the Senses to Faith.
Besides these, a treatise On the Soul, the Body, and the Mind.
A dissertation also On Baptism ; - one also On Truth, and
Faith, and the Generation of Christ. His discourse On Pro
phecy, and that On Hospitality. A treatise caUed The Key

A. D. 161  180.] ALtltELlUS AND VERUS. 15!
his works On the Devil, and The Revelation of John. The
treatise On the Incarnate God. And last of all, the discourse
addressed to Antonine. In the work on the passover, he
shows the time in which he wrote it, beginning with these
words : " When Servilius Paulus was proconsul of Asia," says
lie, "at which time Sagaris suffered martyrdom, there was much
discussion in Laodicea, respecting the passover, which occurred
at that time in its proper season, and ,in which, also, these
works were written." This work is also mentioned by Cle
ment of Alexandria, in his own work on the passover, which,
he says, he wrote on occasion of Melito's work. But in the
book addressed to the emperor, he relates the following trans
actions against those of our faith, under this emperor. " What,
indeed," says he, "never before happened, the race of the pious
is now persecuted, driven about in Asia, by new and strange
decrees. For the shameless informers, and those that crave
the property of others, taking occasion from the edicts of the
emperors, openly perpetrate robbery ; night and day plunder
ing those who are guilty of no crime." And afterwards he
says, " and if these things are done by your orders, let them be
done at least in a proper way. For a just ruler should never
form unjust decrees. We, indeed, cheerfully bear the reward
of such a death, but we only urge upon you this request, that
you yourself would first take cognizance of these plotters of
mischief, and justly judge, whether they deserve death and
punishment, or safety and security. But if this decree, and
this unheard-of ordinance, which ought not to be tolerated
even against barbarous enemies, have not proceeded from you,
so much the more do we entreat you not to overlook us in the
midst of this lawless plunder of the populace." After a few
other remarks, he adds, " The philosophy which we profess,
first indeed flourished among the barbarians, but afterwards,
when it grew up, also among the nations under your govern
ment ; under the glorious reign of Augustus your ancestor, it
became, especially to your reign, an auspicious blessing. For
since that time, the Roman power has grown in greatness and
splendour. Whose desired successor you have become, and
will be, together with your son, if you preserve that philosophy
which has been nurtured with the empire, which commenced
its existence with Augustus, and which also your ancestors
did honour, with other religions ; and one of the greatest evi-

152 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IV. C. 28,
dences that our doctrine flourished, to the advantage of a reign
so happily begun, is this, that there has nothing disastrous
occurred to the empire since the reign of Augustus ; on the
contrary, all things have proceeded splendidly and gloriously
according to the wishes of all. Nero and Domitian, alone,
stimulated by certain malicious persons, showed a disposition
to slander our faith. From whom it has happened, also, that
this falsehood respecting Christians has been propagated by an
absurd practice of waylaying and informing. But your pious
fathers corrected what was done by the ignorance of those, by
frequently reproving many in writing, as many as dared to
attempt any innovations against those of our rehgion. Your
grandfather Adrian evidently wrote, among others, to Fun
danus, the proconsul of Asia. But your father,1 also, when
you held the government with him, wrote to the cities, for
bidding any strange movements against us. Among these
were the ordinances to the Larissasans, to the Thessalonians,
and Athenians, and all the Greeks. But as you cherish the
same opinion on these matters with those, and, indeed, have
still more benevolent and more philosophical views, we are so
much the more confident you will do what we entreat." This
passage is given in the discourse before-mentioned. But in
the selections made by him, the same writer, in the beginning
of his preface, gives a catalogue ofthe books ofthe Old Testa
ment acknowledged as canonical. This we have thought ne
cessary to give here, literally as follows :
" Melito sends, greeting, to his brother Onesimus. As you
have frequently desired in your zeal for the Scriptures, that I
should make selections for you, both from the law and the
prophets, respecting our Saviour, and our whole faith ; and
you were, moreover, desirous of having an exact statement of
the Old Testament, how many in number, and in what order
the books were written, I have endeavoured to perform this.
For I know your zeal in the faith, and your great desire to
acquire knowledge, and that especially, by the love of God, you
prefer these matters to all others, thus striving to gain eternal
life. When, therefore, I went to the east, and came as far as
1 The Rescript of Antoninus Pius (who is here meant) in favour of
Christians, is not now extant. It is mentioned in the Rescript of M,
Aurelius Antoninus to the cities of Asia, which Eusebius has given in
chap. 13 of this book. Vales.

A.D. 161  180.] AVRELIUS AND VERUS. 153
the place where these things were proclaimed and done, I ac
curately ascertained the books of the Old Testament, and send
them to thee here below. The names are as follows: Of
Moses, five books, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deu
teronomy. Jesus Nave, Judges, Ruth. Four of Kings. Two
of Paralipomena, (Chronicles,) Psalms of David, Proverbs of
Solomon, which is also called Wisdom, 'Ecclesiastes, Song of
Songs, Job. Of prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah. Of the twelve
prophets, one book. Daniel, Ezekiel, Esdras. From these I
have, therefore, made the selections which I have divided into
six books." Thus much of Melito's writings.

CHAPTER XXVII.
OF APOLLINARIS, BISHOP OF H1ERAPOLIS.
Although there are many works of ApoUinaris preserved
by many, those that have reached us are the following : An
Apology, addressed to the above-mentioned emperor, and^e
books against the Greeks. Two books on Truth, two also
against the Jews, and those that he afterwards wrote against
the Heresy of the Phrygians, which was revived not lon<*
after. Then, indeed, also began as it were to spring up the
sect of Montanus, who, with his false prophetesses, laid the
foundation of their errors. Thus much, however, may suffice.
also, concerning this author.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

OF MUSANUS AND HIS WORKS.

Musanus, also, whom we have mentioned among the fore
going authors, is said to have written a very elegant work ad
dressed to certain brethren, who had swerved from the truth to
the heresy of the Encratites, which had even then made its
appearance, and which introduced a singular and pernicious
error into the world. The founder of this singularity is said
to have been Tatianus.

15-1 ECCLESIASTICAL history. IB. IV. c. 29.

CHAPTER XXIX.
THE HERESY OF TATIANUS.
He is the same whose words we adduced before in reference
to the excellent Justin, mentioning that he was also the dis
ciple of that martyr. This is shown by Irenjeus, in the first
book against heresies, where he writes both respecting the
man and against his heresy : " Those," says he, " that sprung
from Saturninus and Mareion, called the Encratites, pro
claimed abstinence from marriage, setting aside the original
design of God, and tacitly censuring him that made male and
female for the propagation of the human race. They also in
troduced the abstinence from things called animate with them,
displaying ingratitude to God who made all things. They
also deny the salvation of our first parents. And this has been
but lately discovered by them, a certain Tatian being the first
that taught the horrible doctrine. This man, who had been
a hearer of Justin, as long as he was in company with him,
exhibited nothing like this, but after his martyrdom, having
apostatized from the church, and elated with the conceit of a
teacher, and vainly puffed up as if he surpassed all others,
he established a peculiar characteristic of his own doctrine, by
inventing certain invisible jEons, similar to those of Valenti-
nus. Marriage, also, he asserted, with Mareion and Saturni
nus, was only corruption and fornication. And he also
devised arguments of his own against the salvation of Adam."
Thus far Irenaeus then. A little after, however, a certain
man by the name of Severus, having strengthened the above-
mentioned heresy, became the cause of another sect, called,
after himself, the Severians. These, indeed, make use of the
Law and Prophets and Gospels, giving a peculiar interpretation
to the passages of the sacred writings, but abuse Paul the
apostle, and set aside his epistles ; neither do they receive the
Acts of the Apostles. But their chief and founder Tatianus,
having formed a certain body and collection of gospels, I know
not how, has given this the title, Diatessaron, that is, the gos
pel by the four, or the gospel formed of the four ; which is in
the possession of some even now. It is also said that he dared
to alter certain expressions of the apostles, in order to correct

A.D. Ibl  180.J AURELIUS AND VERUS. 155
the composition of the phrase. He has also left a great multi-
tude of writings, of which the most noted among all, is that
work against the Greeks, in which, as he records ancient
times, he proves Moses and the prophets are more ancient
than all the celebrated writers among the Greeks. This
book, indeed, appears to be the most elegant and profitable of
all his works. And so much for these.

CHAPTER XXX.
OF BARDESANES, THE SYRIAN, AND THE WORKS OF HIS EXTANT.
Under the same reign, also, as heresies abounded in the
country between the rivers, (Mesopotamia,) lived one Bar-
" desanes ; a man of very great abilities, and a powerful dis
putant in the Syriac tongue. This man composed dialogues
against Mareion and certain others of different opinions, and
committed them to writing in his native language, together
with many other works. These were translated from the
Syriac into the Greek, by his friends ; for as a powerful as-
sertor of the word, he had many followers. Among these
there is a most able dialogue On Fate, addressed to Antonine.
Many others also he is said to have written on occasion of the
persecution which then arose. He was at first indeed a dis
ciple of Valentine, but afterwards, rejecting his doctrine, and
having refuted most of his fictions, he appeared somehow to
himself to have returned again to the more correct opinion.
But he did not entirely wipe away the filth of his old heresy.
About this time, also, died Soter, bishop of the church at
Rome.

BOOK V.

PRELIMINARY.
Soter, bishop of Rome, died, after having held the episco
pate eight years. He was succeeded by Eleutherus, the twelfth
in order from the apostles. It was also the seventeenth year
of the reign of the emperor Antoninus Verus, when a more
violent persecution having broken out against our brethren,
in certain parts, occasioned by insurrections in the cities, it is
probable that innumerable martyrs obtained the crown of
eminence in the conflict, from the events that happened in a
single nation. These, as worthy of imperishable remembrance,
were also handed down to posterity in historical records. The
full account of these is given in our history of martyrs, com
prising not only historical narrative, but that which may con
tribute to edification. But whatsoever may have a reference
to our present purpose, I shaU here select for the present,
Others, indeed, that compose historical narratives, would re
cord nothing but victories in battle, the trophies of enemies,
the warlike achievements of generals, the bravery of soldiers,
sullied with blood and innumerable murders, for the sake of
children, and country, and property. But our narrative em
braces that conversation and conduct which is acceptable to
God. The wars and conflicts of a most pacific character, whose
ultimate tendency is to establish the peace of the soul. Those,
also, that have manfully contended for the truth, rather than
for their country, and who have struggled for piety, rather
than their dearest friends. Such as these our narrative would
engrave on imperishable monuments. The firmness of the
champions for the true rehgion, their fortitude in the en
durance of innumerable trials, their trophies erected over
dasmoniacal agency, and their victories over their invisible
antagonists, and the crowns that have been placed upon all
these, it would proclaim and perpetuate by an everlasting re
membrance.

A. D. 161  180.] ADRELIUS AND VERUS. 157

CHAPTER I.
THE NUMEER AND SUFFERINGS OF THOSE THAT SUFFERED FOR THE
FAITH IN GAUL.
Gaul was the place where the arena was prepared for the
above-mentioned conflict. Of these the two distinguished
capitals are celebrated as surpassing all the rest, viz., Lyons
and Vienna. Through both of these the river Rhone passes,
traversing the whole region with a mighty stream. The ac
count, however, of the martyrs, was sent by the most illustri
ous churches there, to those of Asia and Phrygia, by whom
the events that took place among them, are related in the fol
lowing, manner — I will subjoin their own declarations : " The
servants of Christ dwelling at Lyons and Vienna, in Gaul,, to
those brethren in Asia and Phrygia, having the same faith
and hope with us, peace and grace and glory from God the
Father and Christ Jesus our Lord." Then, premising some
other matters, they commence their subject in the foUowing
words :
" The greatness, indeed, of the tribulation, and the extent
of the madness exhibited by the heathen against the saints,
and the sufferings which the martyrs endured in this country,
we are not able fully to declare, nor is it, indeed, possible to
describe them. For the adversary assailed us with his whole
strength, giving us already a prelude, how unbridled his future
movements among us would be. And, indeed, he resorted to
every means, to accustom and exercise his own servants
against those of God, so that we should not only be excluded
from houses, and baths, and markets, but every thing belonging
to us was prohibited from appearing in any place whatever.
But the grace of God contended for us, and rescued the
weak, and prepared those who, hke firm pillars, were able,
through patience, to sustain the whole weight of the enemy's
violence against them. These coming in close conflict, en
dured every species of reproach and torture. Esteeming
what was deemed great, but little, they hastened to Christ,
showing in reality, ' that the sufferings of this time are not
worthy to be compared with the glory that shall be revealed
in us.' And first, they nobly sustained aU the evils that
were heaped upon them by the populace, clamours and

158 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. V, C. 1.
blows, plundering and robberies, stonings and imprisonments,
and whatsoever a savage people delight to inflict upon ene«
mies. After this they were led to the forum, and when
interrogated by the tribune, and the authorities of the city,
in the presence of the multitude, they were shut up in prison
until the arrival of the governor. Afterwards, they were led '
away to be judged by him, from whom we endured all man
ner of cruelty. Vettius Epagathus, one of the brethren, who
abounded in the fulness of the love of God and man, and
whose walk and conversation had been so unexceptionable
though he was only young, shared in the same testimony with
the elder Zacharias. He had walked, therefore, in aU the
commandments and righteousness of the Lord blameless, and
with alacrity in kind offices to man, abounding in zeal for
God, and fervent in spirit. As he was of this high character,
he could not bear to see a judgment so unjustly passed against
us, but gave vent to his indignation, and requested also that
he should be heard in defence of his brethren, whilst he ven
tured to assert that there was nothing either at variance with
religion or piety among us. At this, those around the tribunal
cried out against him, for he was a man of eminent stand
ing. Nor did the governor allow a request so just and so i
properly made, but only asked whether he also were a Chris
tian ? He confessed in as clear a voice as possible, and he,
too, was transferred to the number of martyrs, being publicly
called the advocate of the Christians. But he had the Para
clete (Advocate) within him, viz., the spirit more abundant
than Zacharias, which, indeed, he displayed by the fulness of
his love ; glorying in the defence of his brethren, and to ex
pose his own life for theirs. He was, indeed, a genuine dis
ciple of Christ, following the Lamb whithersoever he would
go. After this, the others were also set apart, and the first
martyrs endured their sufferings with promptness and alacrity,
most cheerfully finishing the confession of martyrdom. They
appeared, indeed, unprepared and inexperienced, and yet so.
weak as to be incapable of bearing the intensity of the mighty
contest. Of these, indeed, about ten also fell away, causing
great sorrow and excessive grief to our brethren, and damp
ing the ardour of those who had not yet been taken. These,
however, although they endured all manner of affliction,
nevertheless were always present with the martyrs, and never

A. D. 161 — 180.1 AURELIUS AND VERUS. 159
left them. Then, indeed, we were all struck with great fear.
on account of the uncertainty of their holding out in the pro
fession, not indeed dreading the tortures inflicted, but looking
at the end, and trembling, lest they should apostatize. Those,
indeed, that were worthy to fill up the number of the martyrs.
were seized from day to day, so that all the zealous members
of the two churches, and those by whose exertions the church
had been there estabUshed, were collected. Some domestics
that were heathen, belonging to our brethren, were also seized,
as the governor had publicly commanded search to be made
for all of us. But these, at the instigation of Satan, fearing
the tortures which they saw the saints suffering, and the
soldiers beside this urging them, charged us with feasts of
Thyestes,1 and the incests of CEdipus,2 and such crimes as
are neither lawful for us to speak nor to think ; and such,
indeed, as we do not even believe were committed by men.
These things being spread abroad among the people, all were
so savage in their treatment of us, that, if before some had
restrained themselves on account of some affinity, they now
carried their cruelty and rage against us to a great excess.
Then was fulfilled the declaration of our Lord, " that the day
would come when every one that slayeth you will think he is
doing God a service." The holy martyrs, after this, finally
endured tortures, beyond all description ; Satan striving with
all his power, that some blasphemy might be uttered by them.
Most violently did the collective madness of the mob, the
governor, and the soldiers, rage against the holy deacon of
Vienna, and against Maturus, a new convert, indeed, but a
noble champion of the faith. Also against Attalus, a native
of Pergamus, who was a pillar and foundation of the church
there. Against Blandina, also, in whom Christ made mani
fest that the things that appear mean, and deformed, and con
temptible among men, are esteemed of great glory with God,
on account of love to him, which is really and powerfully
displayed, and glories not in mere appearance. For whilst
we were all trembling, and her earthly mistress, who was
1 Thyestes, according to the heathen mythology, ate part of his own
son, whom his brother Atreus, to revenge the crime committed against
himself, had slain. _
2 CEdipus, in ignorance, slew his father Laius, and married hi3 re other
I'jcasta

160 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. fB. V. C. 1.
herself one of the contending martyrs, was apprehensive lest
through the weakness of the flesh she should not be able to
profess her faith with sufficient freedom, Blandina was filled
with such power, that her ingenious tormentors, who relieved
and succeeded each other from morning till night, confessed
that they were overcome, and had nothing more that they
could inflict upon her. Only amazed that she stiU continued
to breathe after her whole body was torn asunder and pierced,
they gave their testimony that one single kind of the torture
inflicted was of itself sufficient to destroy Ufe, without resort
ing to so many and such excruciating sufferings as these.
But this blessed saint, as a noble wrestler, in the midst of
her confession itself renewed her strength, and to repeat, " I
am a Christian, no wickedness is carried on by ' us," was to
her rest, refreshment, and relief from pain. But Sanctus2
himself, also nobly sustaining beyond all measure and human
power, the various torments devised by men, whUst the wick
ed tormentors hoped that, by the continuance and the great
ness of the tortures, they would get to hear something frorr.
him that he ought not to say, withstood them with so much
firmness, that he did not even declare his name, nor that of
his nation, nor the city whence he was, nor whether he was
a slave or a freeman, but to aU the questions that were pro
posed, he answered in the Roman tongue, "I am a Chris
tian." For this he confessed instead of his name, his city,
his race, and instead of every thing. No other expression
did the heathen hear from him. Whence, also, an ambitious
struggle in torturing arose between the governor and the
tormentors against him ; so that when they had nothing fur
ther that they could inflict, they at last fastened red-hot plates
of brass to the most tender parts of his body. But he con-
1 The servants ofthe Christians (before-mentioned) being afraid of the
tortures they were threatened with, had confessed that the Christiaus
killed infants, and committed incest ; and here the devil endeavoured that
the Christians themselves, who were apprehended, should in the same
manner calumniate the Christian religion. Therefore the judges tortured
them all manner of ways, that they should confess that they eat chil
dren, and committed incest. Upon this account Blandina (as hereafter
it follows) cried out amidst her tortures—" I am a Christian, and there is
nothing of wickedness acted amongst us.' ' Vales.
1 This Sanctus was born at Vienna, but was a deacon of the church at
Lyons. Vales.

A. D. 161 — 180.] AURELIUS AND VERCS. 1*51
tiuued unsubdued and unshaken, firm in his confession, re
freshed and strengthened by the celestial fountain of living
water that flows from Christ. But the corpse itself was evi
dence of his sufferings, as it was one continued wound, man
gled and shrivelled, that had entirely lost the form of man to
the external eye. Christ suffering in him exhibited won
ders ; defeating the adversary, and presenting a kind of model
to the rest, that there is notbing terrific where the love of the
Father, nothing painful where the glory of Christ, prevails.
For when the lawless tormentors tortured the martyr again
during the day, and supposed that whilst the wounds were
swollen and inflamed, if they applied the same torments, they
would subdue him, as if he would not then be able to bear
even the touch of the hand, or else, that dying under his tor
tures he would strike a terror into the rest, not only was
there no appearance like this, but, beyond all human expecta
tion, the body raised itself, and stood erect amid the torments
afterwards inflicted, and recovered the former shape and habit
of the limbs ; so that his second tortures became, through the
grace of Christ, not his torment, but his cure. But the devil
also led forth a certain Biblias to punishment, who was one
of those that had renounced the faith, thinking that he had
already swallowed her, was anxious to increase her condemn
ation by blasphemy, and constraining her as a frail and timid
character, easily overpowered, to utter impieties against us.
But in the midst of the torture she repented and recovered
herself, and as if awaking out of a deep sleep, was reminded
by the punishment before her, of the eternal punishment in
hell. And accordingly she contradicted the blasphemers in
her declarations. " How," said she, " could such as these de
vour children, who considered it unlawful even to taste the
blood of irrational animals ?" After that, she professed her
self a Christian, and was added to the number of martyrs.
But as all the tortures of the tyrants were defeated by Christ,
through the patience of the martyrs, the devil devised other
machinations ; among these were their confinement in priso. .
in a dark and most dismal place ; their feet also stretched in
the stocks,3 and extended to the fifth hole, and other torments,
* The instrument of punishment here mentioned was a piece of timber,
with five pair of holes cut at certain distances apart. The feet were put
into these and secured with cords and fetters.
[eusebius.] u

162 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. £ll. V. C. 1.
which the enraged minions of wickedness, especiaUy when
stimulated by the influence of Satan, are accustomed to inflict
upon the prisoners. Numbers of them were, therefore, suf
focated in prison, as many, viz., as the Lord would have to
depart, thus showing forth his glory. Some of them, indeed,
had been cruelly tormented, so that it appeared they could
scarcely live, though every means were applied to recover
them. Though confined in prison, devoid of aU human aid,
they were strengthened by the Lord, and filled with power
from him both in body and mind, and even stimulated and
encouraged the rest. But the new converts and those that
were recently taken, whose bodies were not exercised in trial,
did not bear the oppression of incarceration, but died withir.
the prison.
" But the blessed Pothinus, who had faithfully performed the
ministrations of the episcopate at Lyons, and who was past his
ninetieth year, and very infirm in body ; who, indeed, scarcely
drew his breath, so weak was he in body at the time ; yet in
the ardour of his soul, and his eager desire for martyrdom, he
roused his remaining strength, and was himself also dragged
to the tribunal. Though his body, indeed, was aheady nearly
dissolved, partly by age and partly by disease, yet he still
retaining his life in him, that Christ might triumph by it.
When carried by the soldiers to the tribunal, whither the
public magistrates accompanied him, as if he were Christ him
self, and when all the mob raised every outcry against him,
he gave a noble testimony. When interrogated by the go
vernor, who was the God of the Christians ? he said, ' If thou
art worthy, thou shalt know.' After this, he was unmerci
fully dragged away and endured many stripes, whilst those
that were near abused him with their hands and feet in every
possible way, not even regarding his age. But those at a
distance, whatsoever they had at hand, every one hurled at
him, all thinking it would be a great sin and impiety if they
fell short of wanton abuse against him. For they supposed
they would thus avenge their own gods. Thus, scarcely
drawing breath, he was thrown into prison, and after two
days he there expired. A wonderful interposition of God
was then exhibited, and the boundless mercy of Christ clearly
displayed a thing that had rarely happened among brethren,
but by no moans beyond the reach of the skill of Christ. For

A. D. 161 — 180.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. 163
those that had fallen from the faith on the first seizure, were
also themselves imprisoned, and shared in the sufferings of
the rest. Their renunciation did them no good at this time,
but those that confessed what they really were, were im
prisoned as Christians ; no other charge being alleged against
them. But these, at last, were confined as murderers and
guilty culprits, and were punished with twice the severity of
the rest. The former, indeed, were refreshed by the joy of
martyrdom, the hope of the promises, the love of Christ, and
the Spirit of the Father ; but the latter were sadly tormented
by their own conscience. So that the difference was obvious
to aU in their very countenances, when they were led forth.
For the one went on joyful, much glory and grace being mixed
in their faces, so that their bonds seemed to form noble orna
ments, and, like those of a bride, adorned with various golden
bracelets, and impregnated with the sweet odour of Christ,
they appeared to some anointed with earthly perfumes. But
the others, with downcast look, dejected, sad, and covered
with every kind of shame, in addition to this, were reproached
by the heathen as mean and cowardly, bearing the charge of
murderers, and losing the honourable, glorious, and live-giving
appellation of Christians. The rest, however, seeing these
effects, were so much the more confirmed, and those that were
taken immediately, confessed, not even admitting the thought
suggested by diabolical objections." Introducing some further
remarks, they again proceed : " After these things their mar
tyrdom was finally distributed into various kinds ; for platting
and constituting one crown of various colours and aU kinds of
flowers, they offered it to the Father. It was right, indeed,
that these noble wrestlers, who had sustained a diversified
contest, and had come off with a glorious victory, should bear
away the great crown of immortality. Maturus, therefore,
and Sanctus, and Blandina, and Attalus, were led into the
amphitheatre to the wild beasts, and to the common spectacle
of heathenish inhumanity, the day for exhibiting the fight with
wild beasts being designedly published on our account. Ma
turus, however, and Sanctus again passed through all the
tortures in the amphitheatre, just as if they had suffered no
thing at aU before, or rather as those who in many trials before
had defeated the adversary, and now contending for the crown
u 2

164 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. |_B. V. C. 3.
itself, again, as they passed, bore the strokes of the scourge '
usuaUy inflicted there, the draggings and lacerations from the
beasts, and aU that the madness of the people, one here and
another there, cried for and demanded ; and last of all the iron
chair, upon which their bodies were roasted, whUst the fumes
of their own flesh ascended to annoy them. The tormentors
did not cease even then, but continued to rage so much the
more, intending if possible to conquer their perseverance.
They could not, however, ehcit or hear any thing from
Sanctus, besides that confession which he had uttered from
the beginning.
" These two, therefore, in whom hfe for the most part had
remained through the mighty conflict, were at last despatched.
On that day they were made an exhibition to the world, in
place of the variety of gladiatorial combats. Blandina, how
ever, was bound and suspended on a stake, and thus exposed
as food to the assaults of wild beasts, and as she thus appear
ed to hang after the manner of the cross, by her earnest pray
ers she infused much alacrity into the contending martyrs.
For as they saw her in the contest, with the external eyes,
through their sister they contemplated Him that was crucified
for them, to persuade those that believe in him, that every
one who suffers for Christ, will for ever enjoy communion
with the living God. But as none of the beasts then touched
her, she was taken down from the stake, and remanded back
again to prison to be reserved for another contest ; so that by
gaining the victory in many conflicts, she might render the
condemnation of the wily serpent irrefragable, and though
small and weak and contemptible, but yet clothed with the
mighty and invincible wrestler Christ Jesus, might also en
courage her brethren. Thus she overcame the enemy in many
trials, and in the conflict received the crown of immortality.
But Attalus himself, being vehemently demanded by the po
pulace, as he was a distinguished character, came weU pre
pared for the conflict, conscious as he was of no evh done by
him, and as one who had been truly exercised in Christian
discipline, and had always been a witness of the truth with
1 The punishment here inflicted was much like what was called run
ning the gauntlet. The hunters stood in a long line, and as the marlyra
passed, each one inflicted a stroke with a scourge upon the naked body.

A.D. 161  ISO.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. lf)5
ns. When led2 about in the theatre, with a tablet before him,
on which was written in Latin, ' This is Attalus the Chris
tian,' and the people were violently incensed against him, the
governor, learning that he was a Roman, ordered him to be
remanded back again to prison with the rest, concerning whom
he had written to Csesar, and was now awaiting his de er-
mination. But he (Attalus) in the mean time was neither idle
nor unprofitable to them, but, by their patient endurance, the
immeasurable mercy of Christ was manifested. For by means
of those that were yet Uving, were things dead made to live.
And the martyrs conferred benefits upon those that were no
martyrs, (i. e. upon those that had fallen away.) Much joy
was also created in the virgin mother, (the church,) for those
whom she had brought forth as dead she recovered again as
living. For by means of these the greater part of those that
fell away, again retraced their steps, were again conceived,
were again endued with vital heat, and learned to make the
confession of their faith. And now hving again, and strength
ened in their faith, they approached the tribunal, where that
God that wUleth not the death of the sinner, but inviteth all
to repentance, sweetly regarding them, they were again inter
rogated by the governor. For as Caesar had written that they
should be beheaded, but if any renounced the faith these
should be dismissed ; at the commencement of the fair which
is held here, which indeed is attended by an immense con
course of people from aU nations, the governor led forth the
martyrs, exhibiting them as a show and public spectacle to
the crowd. Wherefore, he also examined them again, and as
many as appeared to have the Roman citizenship, these he
beheaded. The rest he sent away to the wild beasts. But
Christ was wonderfully glorified in those that had before re
nounced him, as they then, contrary to all suspicion, on the
part of the Gentiles, confessed. And these indeed were se
parately examined, as if they were soon to be dismissed ; but
as they confessed, they were added to the number of the mnr-
2 The Gladiators and the Bestiarii, before they began the encouruer
were led about in the presence of the spectators. See Lucian, in Toxari.
This was usually done not only with those who let themselves out to play
prizes, but also with those offenders who were condemned to the sword,
and to the wild beasts. So Martial, " Traducta est gyris, nee cepit area*
nwentes." Vales.

166 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. V. C. 1.
tyrs. Those, however, who had never any traces of the faith,
nor any conception of the marriage garment, nor any thought
of the fear of God, remained without, who, as the sons of per
dition, blasphemed the way by their apostacy. AU the rest,
however, were attached to the church, of whom, when ex
amined, a certain Alexander was found to be one, a Phrygian
by birth, and physician by profession. Having passed many
years in Gaul, and being well known for his love of God and
his freedom in declaring the truth, for he was not destitute of
apostolical grace, hs stood before the tribunal, and by signs
encouraged them to a good confession, appearing to those
around the tribunal as one in the pains of childbirth. The
mob, however, chagrined that those who had before renounced
the faith were again confessing, cried out against Alexander,
as if he had been the cause of this. And when the governor
urged and asked him who he was, and he rephed that he was
a Christian, in his rage he condemned him to the wild beasts,
and, accordingly, on the following day he entered the arena
with Attalus. For the governor, to gratify the people, also
gave up Attalus a second time to the beasts.
" Thus, enduring all the torments that were invented as
punishment in the amphitheatre, and after sustaining the ardu
ous conflict, these were hkewise finally despatched. As to
Alexander, he neither uttered a groan nor any moaning sound at
all, but in his heart communed with God ; and Attalus, when
placed upon the iron chair, and the fumes from his roasting
body arose upon him, said to the multitude in Latin : ' Lo,
this is to devour men, what you are doing. But as to us, we
neither devour men nor commit any other evil.' And when
asked what was the name of God, he answered, God has no
name like a man. After all these, on the last day of the
shows of gladiators, Blandina was again brought forth, to
gether with Ponticus, a youth about fifteen years old. These
were brought in every day to see the tortures of the rest.
Force was also used to make them swear by their idols ; and
when they continued firm, and denied their pretended divinity,
the multitude became outrageous at them, so that they nei
ther compassionated the youth of the boy nor regarded the
sex of the woman. Hence they subjected them to every hor
rible suffering, and led them through the whole round of tor
ture, ever and anon striving to force them to swear, but were

A. D. 161 — 180.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. 167
unable to effect it. Ponticus, indeed, encouraged by his sis
ter, so that the heathen could see that she was encouraging
and confirming him, nobly bore the whole of these sufferings,
and gave up his life. But the blessed Blandina, last of all, as
a noble mother that had animated her children, and sent them
as victors to the great King, herself retracing the ground of
all the conflicts her children had endured, hastened at last,
with joy and exultation at the issue, to them, as if she were
invited to a marriage feast, and not to be cast to wild beasts.
And thus, after scourging, after exposure to the beasts, after
roasting, she was finally thrown into a net and cast before a
buU, and when she had' been well tossed by the animal, and
had now no longer any sense of what was done to her by rea
son of her firm hope, confidence, faith, and her communion
with Christ, she too was despatched. Even the Gentiles con
fessed, that no woman among them had ever endured sufferings
as many and great as these. But not even then was their
madness and cruelty to the saints satisfied ; for these fierce
and barbarous tribes, stimulated by the savage beast Satan,
were in a fury not easily to be assuaged, so that their abuse
of the bodies assumed another novel and singular aspect. Not
abashed when overcome by the martyrs, but evidently desti
tute of all reason, the madness both of the governor and the
people, as of some savage beast, blazed forth so much the
more, to exhibit the same unjust hostility against us. That
the Scriptures might be fulfilled, ' He that is unjust let him
be unjust still, and he that is righteous let him be righteous
still.' Rev. xxii. 1 1 . For those that were suffocating in the
prison, they cast to the dogs, carefully watching them night
and day, lest any should be buried by us, and then also cast
away the remains left by the beasts and the fire, howsoever
they had either been mangled or burnt. They also guarded
the heads of the others, together with the trunks of their
bodies, with military watches, for many days in succession, in
order to prevent them from being buried. Some, indeed.,
raged and gnashed their teeth against them, anxious to find
out some better way of punishment. Others, again, laughed
at and insulted them, extolling their idols, and imputing to
them the punishment of the martyrs. But others, more
moderate, and who in some measure appeared to sympathize,
frequently upbraided them, saying, ' Where is their God and

168 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. 7. 0. 2.
what benefit has their religion been to them, which they pre
ferred to their own life ?' Such was the variety of disposi
tion among the Gentiles, but among ,our brethren, matters
were in great affliction for want of liberty to commit the
bodies to the earth. For neither did the night avail us for
this purpose, nor had money any effect to persuade, nor could
any prayers or entreaties move them. But they guarded
them in every possible way, as if it were a great gain, to pre
vent them from burial." To these, they afterwards add other
accounts, saying : " The bodies of the martyrs, after being
abused in every possible manner, and thus exposed to the
open air for six days, were at length burned and reduced to
ashes by the wretches, and finally cast into the Rhone that
flows near at hand, that there might not be a vestige of them
remaining on the land. These things they did as if they
were able to overcome God, and destroy their resurrection,
(iraXiyyeveaiav,) as they themselves gave out, ' that they might
not have any hope of rising again, in the belief of which, they
have introduced a new and strange religion, and contemn the
most dreadful punishments, and are prepared to meet death
even with joy. Now we shall see, whether they will rise
again ; and whether their God is able to help them, and rescue
them out of our hands.'"

CHAPTER II.
THOSE THAT HAD FALLEN AWAY, KINDLY RESTORED BY THE PIOUS
MARTYRS.
Such were the occurrences that befell the church of Christ
under the above-mentioned emperor, from which it is easy to
conjecture what was the probable course of things in the re
maining provinces. It may be well here to add to these
accounts, other extracts from the same epistle, in which the
moderation and benevolence of these martyrs whom we have
mentioned, is recorded in the following words : " They were
also so zealous in their imitation of Christ, who, though in the
form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God,
that though they were esteemed in tbe same light, and had
neither once nor twice, but frequently, endured3 martyrdom,

A.D. 161 — 180. AURELIUS AND VERUS. 169
and had been again taken away from the beasts to prison, and
had brands, and scars, and wounds spread over them, they did
not proclaim themselves martyrs, for it did not become us to
apply this name to them ; but if any one of us, eithei by letter
or in conversation, called them martyrs, they seriously re
proved us. For they cheerfully yielded the title of martyr to
Christ, the true and faithful Martyr, (witness,) the First-begot
ten from the dead, the Prince of divine lifo. They also made
mention of those martyrs that had already departed, and said :
" They now are martyrs whom Christ has thought worthy to
be received in their confession, setting the seal to their martyr
dom (testimony) by the issue. But we are but indifferent
and mean confessors, and with tears did they entreat the
brethren, that they should offer up incessant prayers, that they
might be made perfect. They exhibited, indeed, the power
of martyrdom in fact, exercising much freedom in declaring
themselves to all people, and manifested their noble patience
and fearless intrepidity ; but the name of martyrs (witnesses)
they declined receiving from the brethren, filled as they were
with the fear of God." Again, after a little, they say, " They
humbled themselves under the mighty hand, by which they
were now highly exalted. Then, however, they pleaded for
all, they accused none, they absolved all, they bound none,
and prayed for those that were so bitter in their hostility, like
Stephen, that perfect martyr. ' Lord, impute not this sin to
them.' But if he prayed for those that stoned him, how much
more for the brethren." And again they say, after mention
ing other matters, " This was their greatest conflict against
him, (the devil,) on account ofthe genuine character of their
love, that the beast being choked and throttled might be
forced to return alive again (to vomit up) those whom he had
already thought to have swallowed. For they did not arro
gate any superiority over the backsliders : but in those things
wherein they themselves abounded, in this they supplied
those that were deficient, exercising the compassion of
mothers, and pouring forth many prayers to the Father on
•their account. They implored life, and he gave it to_ them,
which they also shared with their neighbours ; coming off
victorious over all, to God : always lovers of peace, they al
ways recommended peace, and with peace they departed to
God. Not leaving grief to their mother, (the church,) no

170 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. fB. V. C 3.
discord or dissensions to the brethren, but joy and peace,
unanimity and love. This account may be profitably added,
respecting the love of those blessed brethren towards those
that fell away, on account of those1 also, who, after these
events, unsparingly exercised an inhuman and merciless dis
position towards the members of Christ."

CHAPTER III.
THE VISION THAT APPEARED TO ATTALUS THE MARTYR, IN A DREAM.
The same epistle of the above-mentioned martyrs, also
contains another account worthy of record, which no one
could regret to be presented to the knowledge of our readers.
It is as follows : " A certain Alcibiades, who was one of these
(martyrs), and who had led a hard and rough kind of hfe,
partook of no food usually eaten, but merely bread and water.
When cast into prison, and he attempted to lead the same
kind of life, it was revealed to Attalus, after the first conflict
which he finished in the amphitheatre, that Alcibiades did
not do well in not making use of the creatures of God, and
affording an example of offence to others. Alcibiades, there
fore, in obedience to this, partook of all kinds of food, and
gave thanks to God ; for neither were they destitute of divine
grace, but the divine Spirit was their counsellor." But let
this suffice concerning these. Now as Montanus, and Alci
biades,2 and Theodotus, in Phrygia, then first began to be
esteemed by many for their gifts, (as there were many other
wonderful powers of divine grace, yet exhibited even at that
time in different churches,) they created the belief with many,
that they also were endued with prophecy. And as there
was a dissension in consequence of these men, the brethren in
Gaul again presented their own pious and correct judgment
also concerning these, and published several letters of the
martyrs that had been put to death among them. These they
had written whilst yet in prison, and addressed to the brethren
in Asia and Phrygia. And not only to these, but likewise to
1 He means the Novatians, who afterwards excluded such as fell in
time of persecution from all hope of absolution. Vales.
¦ This is a different Alcibiades from the one before-mentioned.

AD. 161 — 180.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. 171
Eleutherus,3 who was then bishop of Rome, negotiating as it
were for the peace of the churches.

CHAPTER IV.
THE MARTYRS COMMEND IRENAEUS IN THEIR EPISTLE.
But these same martyrs recommending also Irenaeus, who
was then a presbyter of the church at Lyons, to the bishop of
Rome before-mentioned, bear abundant testimony in his fa
vour, as the following extracts show : " We pray and desire,
father Eleutherus, that you may rejoice in God in all things
and always. We have requested our brother and companion
Irenteus to carry this epistle to you, and we exhort you to
consider him as commended to you as a zealous follower of
the testament (covenant) of Christ. For if we knew that any
place could confer righteousness upon any one, we would cer
tainly commend him among the first as a presbyter of the
church, the station that he holds." Why should we here
transcribe the list of those martyrs given in the above-men
tioned epistles, of whom some were made perfect by decapita
tion, some cast to be devoured by wild beasts, and others
igain fell asleep in prison ? Why repeat the number of con
fessors still living ? For whoever wishes to learn these, ean
more easily obtain the fullest account by consulting the epis
tle itself, which, as I said, has been inserted by us in our
;ollection of martyrs. But such were the events that hap
pened under Antonine.
* Eleutherus, bishop of Rome, was first deceived by the Montanists,
<vho craftily hid their error under the pretence of a feigned piety. More
over, being moved thereto by the letters and exhortations of the martyrs
of Lyons,, he wrote an epistle to the churches of Asia and Phrygia, con
cerning the receiving of the Montanists into the church. But being soon
after admonished by one Praxeas of Asia, he revoked his pacific letters
which he had sent; and, following the authority of his predecessor
Anicetus, refused to admit of a new propi ccy. So Tertullian, in his
book against Praxeas. Vales.

1?2 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. V. C. 5.

CHAPTER V.
GOD SENT RAIN FROM HEAVEN TO MARCUS AURELIUS, THE EMPEROR,
AT THE PRAYERS OF OUR BRETHREN.
But it is said that Marcus Aurelius Cassar, the brother of
the former, when about to engage in battle with the Germans
and Sarmatians, and his army was suffering with thirst, was
greatly at a loss on this account. Then, however, those sol
diers that belonged to the Melitine legion, as it was called, by
a faith which has continued from that time to this, bending
their knees upon the earth whilst drawn up in battle array
against the enemy, according to our peculiar custom of pray
ing, entered into prayer before God. And as this was a sin
gular spectacle to the enemy, a still more singular circum
stance is reported to have happened immediately ; that the
lightning drove the enemy into flight and destruction, but that
a shower came down and refreshed the army of those that
then called upon God, the whole of which was on the point of
perishing with thirst. This history is related also by histo
rians ' who are strangers to our doctrine, who, however, took
au interest in the writings of those whom we have mentioned;
but it is also stated by our own writers, whilst the wonderful
event is also added by historians who differ from our faith,
but who do not admit that this happened at the prayers of our
brethren. But the fact is handed down on record by our
brethren, as lovers of truth, in a plain and undisguised man
ner. Of these we might mention ApoUinaris, who says that
from that time the legion at whose prayers the wonder took
place, received an appellation appropriate to the event, from
the emperor, being called the fulminea, or thundering legion.
Tertullian also might be cited as a suitable witness of these
things, in the Apology that he addressed to the Roman senate
1 Some of the heathen writers, who have mentioned this thing, say the
rain was procured by the enchantments of magicians : others assert it to
have been done by the prayers of Marcus the emperor. So Capitolinus
in the Life of Marcus, and Claudian in the Sixth Consulate of Honorius.
M oreover, they have set down the very words of Ihe prayer that Marcus
used ; which are these, Hanc dextram ad te, Jupiter, tendo, quse nullius
unquam sanguinem fudit ; i. e. " I stretch forth this right hand to thee,
O Jupiter, which never shed the blood of any man." Vales.

A. D. 161 — 180.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. 173
for the faith, the work which has been already mentioned by
us, in which he confirms the history with greater and more
powerful proof, where he writes as follows : " There are
epistles of the most learned emperor Marcus still extant, in
which he himself bears testimony, that when his army was
ready to perish for want of water, it was saved by the prayers
of the Christians;" he says also, "that the same emperor
threatened death to those that attempted to accuse us." To
which he also adds, " What kind of laws are those which the
wicked, unjust, and cruel put in force against us alone ? which
neither Vespasian observed, although he conquered the Jews ;
which Trajan in part annulled, forbidding that the Chris
tians should be hunted up ; which not even Adrian, though
very inquisitive in all matters, nor he that was surnamed the
Pious, confirmed." But every one may place these to what
account he pleases. Let us proceed to the order of our history.
Pothinus having died with the other martyrs of Gaul, in the
ninetieth year of his age, he was succeeded by Irenseus 2 in
the episcopate of the church at Lyons. We have understood
he was a hearer of Polycarp in his youth. This writer has
inserted the succession of the bishops in his third book against
the heresies, where he reviews the catalogue down to Eleu
therus, whose times we are now examining, as he laboured
with him in the production of this work, writing as follows.

CHAPTER VI.
CATALOGUE OF THE BISHOPS OF ROME.
"The blessed apostles having founded and established the
jhjirch, transmitted the office of the episcopate to Linus. Of
this Linus, Paul makes mention in his Epistles to Timothy,
He was succeeded by Anencletus, and after him Clement held
the episcopate, the third from the apostles. Who, as he had
2 Baronius has placed the election of Irensus to the see of Lyons in
the year of Christ 180. For after the death of Pothinus, which happened
in the year 179, he says that see was vacant till the heat of the persecu
tion was over. Vales. Dr. Cave, in his Chronological Table, says Po
thinus died in the year of Christ 177, to whom succeeded Irenajus the
/ear following.

174 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [fi. V. C. 7.
seen the blessed apostles, and had been connected with them,
might be said to have the doctrine of the apostles still sound
ing in his ears, and what they delivered before his eyes. And
not only he, but many others were stiU left, who had been
taught by the apostles. In the times of this Clement, there
was no little dissension among the brethren at Corinth, on
occasion of which the church at Rome wrote a considerable
epistle to the Corinthians, confirming them in peace, and re
newing their faith and the doctrine they had lately received
from the apostles. After a little, he subjoins: "But this
Clement was succeeded by Euarestus, and Euarestus by Alex
ander. Xystus followed as the sixth from the apostles, after
whom was Telesphorus, who also illustriously suffered mar
tyrdom ; then came Hyginus, and after him Pius. He was
followed by Anicetus, and as he was succeeded by Soter, the
twelfth from the apostles in the episcopate now is Eleutherus,
in the same order and the same doctrine (or succession1) in
which the tradition of the apostles in the church and the pro
mulgation of the truth has descended to us."

CHAPTER VII.
MIRACLES WERE PERFORMED IN THOSE TIMES BY THE BELIEVERS.
These accounts are given by Irenaeus in those five books
of his, to which he gave the title of " Refutation and Over
throw ot False Doctrine." In the second book of the same
work, he also shows that even down to his times, instances of
divine and miraculous power were remaining in some churches.
" So far are they," says he, " from raising the dead, as the
Lord raised, and as the apostles by means of prayer, for even
among the brethren frequently in a case of necessity, when a
whole church united in much fasting and prayer, the spirit
has returned to the ex-animated body, and the man was grant
ed to the prayers of the saints." And again, he says, after
other observations : " But if they say that our Lord also did
these things only in appearance, we shall refer them back to
the prophetic declarations, and shall show from them that aU
1 The word succession, in the parenthesis, is adopted by Valesius as
the correct reading.

A. LI. It)l  180.] AURELIUS AND VERUS. 175
those things were strictly foretold, and were, done by him, and
that he alone is the Son of God. Wherefore, also, those that
were truly his disciples, receiving grace from him, in his name
performed these things for the benefit of the rest of men, as
every one received the free gift from him. Some, indeed,
most certainly and truly cast out daemons, so that frequently
those persons themselves that were cleansed from wicked
spirits, believed and were received into the church. Others
have the knowledge of things to come, as also visions and
prophetic communications ; others heal the sick by the im
position of hands, and restore them to health. And, moreover,
as we said above, even the dead have been raised and con
tinued with us many years. And why should we say more ?
It is impossible to tell the number of the gifts which the
church throughout the world received from God, and the
deeds performed in the name of Jesus Christ, that was cru
cified under Pontius Pilate, and this too every day for the be
nefit of the heathen, without deceiving any, or exacting their
money. For as she has received freely from God, she also
freely ministers." In another place the same author writes :
"As we hear many of the brethren in the church who have
prophetic gifts, and who speak in all tongues through the
Spirit, and who also bring to light the secret things of men
for their benefit, and who expound the mysteries of God."
These gifts of different kinds also continued with those that .
were worthy until the times mentioned.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE STATEMENT OF IRENAUS RESPECTING THE SACRED SCRIPTURES.
Since we have promised in the outset of our work to give
extracts occasionaUy when we refer to the declarations of the
ancient presbyters and historians of the church, in which they
have transmitted the traditions that have descended to us re
specting the sacred Scriptures, among these Irenaeus was one.
Let us now give his words, and first of all what he has said
ofthe holy Gospels: "Matthew, indeed," says he, "produced
his Gospel written among the Hebrews in their own dialect,
whilst Peter and Paul proclaimed the gospel and founded thu

176 ecclesiastical history. [b. v. c. 8.
church at Rome. After the departure of these, Mark, the
disciple and interpreter of Peter, also transmitted to us in
writing what had been preached by Peter. And Luke, the
companion of Paul, committed to writing the Gospel preached
by him, i. e. Paul. Afterwards John, the disciple of our Lord,
the same that lay upon his bosom, also published the Gospel,
whilst he was yet at Ephesus in Asia." This is what this
author says in the third book of the work already mentioned ;
and in the fifth, he thus descants on the Revelation of John
and the calculation of antichrist's name :" As matters are
thus, and the number is thus found in all the genuine and
ancient copies, and as they who saw John attest, reason itself
shows that the number of the name of the beast is indicated
by the Greek letters which it contains." And a Uttle further
on he speaks of the same John : " We, therefore," says he,
" do not venture to affirm any thing with certainty respecting
the name of antichrist. For were it necessary that his name
should be clearly announced to the present age, it would have
been declared by him who saw the revelation. For it has not
been long since it was seen, but almost in our own genera
tion, about the end of Domitian's reign." These are what he
states respecting the Revelation. He also mentions the First
Epistle of John, extracting many testimonies from it : he also
mentions the First Epistle of Peter. And he not only knew,
but also admitted the book called Pastor, in these words:
" Well is it said in that work which declares, ' First of all be
lieve that there is one God, who created and arranged aU
things,'" &c.
He also quotes some expressions from the Wisdom of So
lomon, almost in these words: "The vision of God is pro
ductive of immortality, but immortality makes us to be next
to God." He also mentions the commentaries of a certain
apostolical presbyter, whose name he has passed by in silence ;
he also adds his expositions of the sacred Scriptures. He
moreover makes mention of Justin Martyr and Ignatius, tak
ing some testimony also from the works written by these. He
also promises in a separate work to refute some of the writ
ings of Mareion. Hear also what he has written respecting
the translation of the Holy Scriptures by the seventy. " God,"
says he, "became man, and the Lord himself saved us, giving
us the sign of the Virgin. But not as some say, that now

A. D. 161  180] AUREL1CS AND VERUS. If,
presume to interpret the Scriptures : ' Behold, a young woman
shall conceive and bear a son,' as Theodotion of Ephesus and
Aquila of Pontus have translated, both of them Jewish prose
lytes. Whom the Ebionites following, assert that Jesus was
begotten of Joseph." After a little, he adds : " For before
the Romans established their empire, whilst yet the Mace
donians had possession of Asia, Ptolemy the son of Lagus,
being ambitious to adorn the library established by him in
Alexandria with the works of all men, as many as were worthy
of being studied, requested of the inhabitants of Jerusalem to
have their works translated into the Greek ; but as they were
yet subject to the Macedonians, they sent seventy of their
elders that were best skilled in the Scriptures, and in both
languages, to Ptolemy, and thus Providence favoured his de
sign. But as he wished them to make the attempt separately,
and apprehensive lest by concert they might conceal the
truth of the Scriptures by their interpretation, therefore se
parating them from one another,1 he commanded all to write
the same translation. And this he did in all the books. As
sembling therefore in the same place, in the presence of
Ptolemy, and each of them comparing their respective ver
sions, God was glorified, and the Scriptures were recognised
as truly divine, as all of them rendered the same things, in the
very same expressions, and the same words, from the begin
ning to the end. So that the Gentiles present knew that the
Scriptures were translated by a divine inspiration. Neither
was it any thing extraordinary that God should have done
this, who, indeed, in the captivity of the people under Ne
buchadnezzar, when the Scriptures had been destroyed, and
the Jews returned to their country after seventy years, sub
sequently in the times of Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, he
inspired Esdras the priest, of the tribe of Levi, to compose
anew all the discourses of the ancient prophets, and to restore
to the people the laws given by Moses." Thus far Irenasus.
1 Justin Martyr (in his Ttapaiveatg to the Gentiles) says the seventy-
two seniors were by Ptolemy put into so many cells; the ruins of which
he saw at Alexandria. Epiphanius (De Ponderib.) says the king placed
them two and two in a cell. These words of Irenams agree best with
Justin's account of this matter. Others there are, who deride this whole
»r>ry about the cell; because neither Josephus, nor Aristeas, nor Phih
ih.ike any mention of them. See Petavii Aimotat. on Epiphanius, p. 378,
edit- Paris ; and Gregory's Discourse concerning the Seventy Interpreters.
[iveEBTue \

173 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. fB. V. C. 9, 10,

CHAPTER IX.
THE RISHO 'S UNDER C0MM0DUS.

Antoninus having held the empire nineteen years, Com-
modus received the government. In his first year Julian
undertook the superintendence ofthe churches of Alexandria,
after Agrippinus had filled the office twelve years.

CHAPTER X.
OF PANT.OJUS T.HE PHILOSOPHER.

About the same time, the school of the faithful was govern
ed by a man most distinguished for his learning, whose name
was Pantsenus. As there had been a school of sacred learning
established there from ancient times, which has continued
down to our own times, and which we have understood was
held by men able in eloquence, and the study of divine things.
For the tradition is, that this philosopher was then in great
eminence, as he had been first disciplined in the philosophical
principles of those called Stoics. But he is said to have dis
played such ardour, and so zealous a disposition, respecting
the divine word, that he was constituted a herald of the gos
pel of Christ to the nations of the East, and advanced even as
far as India. There were even there yet many evangelists of
the word, who were ardently striving to employ their inspired
zeal after the apostolic example, to increase and build up the
divine word. Of these Pantsenus is said to have been one,
and to have come as far as the Indies. And the report is, that
he there found his own arrival anticipated by some who there
were acquainted with the Gospel of Matthew, to whom Bar
tholomew, one of the apostles, had preached, and had left them
the Gospel of Matthew in the Hebrew, which was also pre
served until this time. Pantsenus, after many praiseworthy
deeds, was finally at the head of the Alexandrian school, com
menting on the treasures of divine truth, both oraUy and in
his writings.

a. v. 180 — 192.1 comjiodus. 179

CHAPTER XI.
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA.
At this time, also, flourished Clement, at Alexandria, of the
same name with him who anciently presided over the church
of Rome, and who was a disciple of the apostles. This Cle
ment was devoted to the study of the same Scriptures with
Pantasnus, and in his Institutions expressly mentions the latter
by name as his teacher. He also appears to me to designate
this same one in the first book of his Stromata, when he points
out the most distinguished of the apostolic succession, which
he had received from tradition, in the foUowing words:
" These books," says he, " were not fabricated as a work of
ostentation, but they are treasured up by me as a kind of
commentaries for my old age, and an antidote to forgetfulness,
as a natural image and sketch of those efficacious and inspired
doctrines whieh I was honoured to have from those blessed
and truly exceUent men. Of these, the one was Ionicus in
Greece, but the other in Magna Grascia; the one of them
being a Syrian, the other a native of Egypt. Others, how
ever, there were, living in the East ; and of these, one was
from Assyria, another of Palestine, a Hebrew by descent.
The last that I met with was the first in excellence. Him I
found concealed in Egypt ; and, meeting him there, I ceased
to extend my search beyond him, as one who had no superior
in abilities. These, indeed, preserved the true tradition of
the salutary doctrine, which, as given by Peter and James,
John and Paul, had descended from father to son. Though
there are few like their fathers, they have, by the favour of
God, also come down to us to plant that ancient and apostolic
seed likewise in our minds."

CHAPTER XII.

THE BISHOPS OF JERUSALEM.

At this time, also, Narcissus, who is celebrated among
many even at this day, was noted as bishop of Jerusalem,
N 2

180 ecclesiastical history. [b. v. c. 13.
being the fifteenth in succession since the invasion of the
Jews under Adrian. Since this event, we have shown that
the church there consisted of Gentiles after those of the cir
cumcision, and that Marcus was the first bishop of the Gen
tiles that presided there. After him, Cassianus held the
episcopal office ; after him followed Publius, then Maximus ;
these were foUowed by Julian, then Caius ; after him Sym-
machus, and another Caius ; and then another Julian, who
was followed by Capito, and Valens, and Dolichianus. Last
of all Narcissus, the thirtieth in regular succession from the
apostles. '

CHAPTER XIII.
OF RHODO, AND THE DISSENSION OCCASIONED BY MARCION, WHICH
HE RECORDS.
About this time, also, Rhodo, a native of Asia, being in
structed, as himself says, by Tatian, with whom we have
already become acquainted, and having written various other
books, among the rest, also combated the heresy of Mareion.
This, he says, was split into various opinions in his time ;
and describing those that occasioned the division, he also
accurately refutes the perverse doctrines devised by each of
them. Hear him in his own words : " Hence," says he, " they
are also divided among themselves, as they maintain a doc
trine that cannot stand. For from this herd arose Apelles,
who, assuming a gravity of deportment, and presuming upon
his age, professed to believe but one principle, and that the
prophetic declarations proceeded from an adverse spirit. He
was deluded, however, by the responsive oracular answers of
a certain virgin under demoniacal influence, and whose name
was Philumena. But others, as the Mariner Mareion himself,
1 The most famous churches, especially those which were founded by
the apostles, did with great care keep the successions of their bishops
laid up amongst their archives, recording their names, and the day of
their deaths, in a pair of writing tables. These our Eusebius had dili
gently examined, as appears from this place ; and he has digested the
bishops of the principal sees from the authority of these tables only.
Wherefore, the successions of bishops which are recounted in the His
tory and Chronicles of Eusebius, are highly to be prized, as being the
mos! ancient and most certain. Vales.

a. i). 180—192.] commodus. 181
introduced two principles to which sect belonged Potitus and
Basilious. These following that wolf of Pontus, (Mareion,)
and, like the former, unable to find the division of things,
sunk into licentiousness, and roundly asserted, without any
proof, that there were two principles. Others, again, declin
ing from them to a still greater error, established not only two
but three natures." Of these, the chief and leader was Syne-
ros, as those that established his school say. But the same
author writes, that he also had some conference with Apelles.
" For," says he, " the old man Apelles, when he' came into
conversation with us, was refuted in many of his false asser
tions. Hence, he also said, that one ought not to examine
doctrine, but that each one should continue as he believed.
For he asserted, that those who trusted in him that was cru
cified would be saved, if they were only found engaged in
good works. But he asserted, that the most obscured of all
things was, as we before said, the question respecting the
Deity." For he said there was one principle, as our doctrine
asserts: then, after advancing the whole of his opinion, he
subjoins the foUowing : " When I said to him, ' How do you
prove this ? or, how can you say there is one principle ? I
wish you to explain,' he said, ' that the prophecies refuted
themselves, because they uttered nothing that was true. For
they are inconsistent and false, and contradict themselves.
But said, that he did not, however, know there was only one
principle, he was only moved to adopt this opinion.' Then
conjuring him to speak the truth, he swore that he did speak
the truth, and said he did not understand how there could be
a God without being produced, but that he believed it. On
learning this, I laughed, and reproved him ; because whilst
he asserted that he was a teacher, he knew not how to estab
lish that which he taught."
In the same work which he addressed to Callistion, he con
fesses that he himself was taught by Tatian at Rome, and
¦jays, also, that a book of questions had been written by Tatian,
in which Tatian, having promised that he would explain what
was hidden and obscure in the sacred writings ; Rhodon him
self promises that he would give solutions to these questions
in a work of his own. There is also a commentary of his ex
tant, on the Hexahemeron. But this same Apelles uttered
innumerable impieties against the law of Moses, and iu many

182 ecclesiastical history. [b- v- c- 1**, 15.
works he reviled the sacred Scriptures, using no small ex
ertions, as it seems, to refute and overturn them. Thus far,
however, respecting these.

CHAPTER XIV.
THE FALSE PROPHETS OF THE PHRYGIANS.
But as the enemy of the church of God is the great adver
sary of all goodness, the promoter of evil, and omits no method
of plotting against men, he was active again in causing new
heresies to spring up against the church. Some of these crept
like venomous reptiles over Asia and Phrygia, pretending
that Montanus was the Paraclete,1 but that the two women
who followed him, Priscilla and MaximiUa, were prophetesses
of Montanus.

CHAPTER XV.
OF THE SCHISM OF BLASTUS, AT ROME.
Others there were that flourished at Rome, at the head of
whom was Florinus, who falling from his office as a presbyter
of the church, Blastus was very nearly involved in the same
fall with him. These, also, drawing away many of the church,
seduced them into their opinions, each one endeavouring se
parately to introduce his own innovations respecting the truth.
1 Paraclete, the epithet of the Holy Spirit, occurring in St. John's
Gospel. It is the Greek derivative, signifying Comforter or Advocate.
Other false teachers, besides Montanus, have either assumed or had this
epithet applied to them ; among these, the impostor Mahomet is not the
least noted. In the Gospel of Barnabas, his name, by a mere change oi
the vowels, is irepiicXvTog, the most glorious, instead of irapaicXriTOQ. As
this expresses the meaning of Mahomet's name, this Gospel of Barnabas
is much valued, at least among the Africai Mahometans. See the Koran,
Sur. LXI.

k. D. 180 — 192.] commodus. 183
CHAPTER XVI.
THE AFFAIRS OF MONTANUS, AND HIS FALSE PROPHETS.
Against the above-mentioned heresy of the Cataphrygians.
that power which is the defender of the truth, raised up a
powerful weapon and antagonist in ApoUinaris of Hierapolis.
whom we mentioned before, and many other eloquent mei
with him there. Of whom, also, most abundant matter has
been left us for our history. A certain one of them, in the
very beginning of his work agaiust them, (the Cataphrygians,)
first intimates that he would meet and refute them by open
argument. For thus he commences his work : " As for a
long and very considerable time, O beloved Avircius Marcel
lus, I have been urged by thee to write a discourse against
the heresy which is called after Miltiades, I have been some
how too much in doubt until now, not, indeed, for want of
argument to refute the false doctrine, or to bear witness
to the truth, but fearing and apprehensive, lest, perhaps, I
should appear to any to give any new injunctions, or to super
add any thing to the doctrine of the New Testament, to which
it is impossible that any thing should be added or diminished,
by one who has resolved to live according to the gospel.
Lately, however, having been at Aneyra, a city of Galatia,
and having understood that the church in Pontus was very
much agitated by this new prophecy, as they call it, but which,
as shall be shown, with divine assistance, deserves rather the
name of false prophecy, I discoursed many days in the church,
both respecting these matters and others that were proposed
by them. So that the church, indeed, rejoiced, and was
strengthened in the truth ; but the adversaries were put to
flight, and the opponents were cast down. But as the pres
byters of the place requested that we should leave some com
ment of those things that we said, in opposition to the oppo
nents of the truth, Zoticus Otrenus also being present, who
was our fellow presbyter ; this, indeed, I did not perform, but
I promised writing thither, and. to send it as soon as possible,
if the Lord permitted." Such, and other matters, lie states
in the beginning of his work, premising the cause of the men
tioned heresy, as follows; "Their combination, therefore.

is 4 ecclesiastical history. [b. v. c. 16
and the recent heretical severance of theirs from the church,
had for its origin the following cause : — There is said to be a
certain village of Mysia in Phrygia, called Ardaba. There
they say, one of those who was but a recent convert, Monta
nus by name, when Cratus was proconsul in Asia, in the
excessive desire of his soul to take the lead, gave the adver
sary occasion against himself. So that he was carried away
in "spirit, and wrought up into a certain kind of frenzy and
irregular ecstasy, raving, and speaking, and uttering strange
things, and proclaiming what was contrary to the institutions
that" had prevailed in the church, as handed down and pre
served in succession from the earhest times. But of those
that happened then to be present, and to hear these spurious
oracles, some, being indignant, rebuked him as one under the
influence of daemons and the spirit of delusion, and who was
only exciting disturbances among the multitude. These bore
in mind the distinction and the warning given by our Lord,
when he cautioned them to be vigilantly on their guard
against false prophets. Others again, as if elated by the Holy
Spirit, and the gift of grace, and not a little puffed up, and
forgetting the distinction made by our Lord, challenged this
insidious, flattering, and seducing spirit, being themselves
captivated and seduced by him ; so that they could no longer
restrain him to keep silence. Thus, by an artifice, or rather
by a certain crafty process, the devil having devised destruc
tion against those that disobeyed the truth, and thus exces
sively honoured by them, secretly stimulated and fired their
understandings, already wrapt in insensibility, and wandering
away from the truth. For he excited two others, females,
and filled them with the spirit of delusion, so that they also
spake like the former, in a kind of ecstatic frenzy, out of aU
season, and in a manner strange and novel, whilst the spirit
of evil congratulated them, thus rejoicing and inflated by him,
and continued to puff them up the more, by promises of great
things. Sometimes pointedly and deservedly, directly con
demning them, that he might appear also disposed to reprove
them. Those few that were deceived were Phrygians ; but
the same inflated spirit taught them to revile the whole church
under heaven, because it gave neither access nor honour to
this false spirit of prophecy. For when the faitiiul held
frequent conversations in many places throughout Asia for

a.d. 180 — 192.] commodus. 185
this very purpose, and examined their novel doctrines, and
pronounced them vain, and rejected them as heresy, then in
deed they were expelled and prohibited from communion with
the church." After relating these facts in the beginning of
his work, and introducing the refutation of their error in the
body of the work, he adds the following remarks in the se
cond book, respecting their end : " Therefore," says he, "since
they caU us slayers of the prophets, because we did not
promptly receive their talkative prophets, saying, ' these were
those whom the Lord promised to send to the people ; ' let
them answer us in the name of God, O friends, which of these
who began prating from Montanus and his women, is there
that suffered persecution, or was slain by the evil-doers ?
None. Not even one of them has been seized and crucified
for the name (of Christ). None at all. Not one of their
women was ever scourged in the synagogues of the Jews, or
stoned. No, never.
" Montanus and MaximiUa, indeed, are said to have died
another death than this, for at the instigation of that mis
chievous spirit, the report is, that both of them hung them
selves, not indeed at the same time, but at the particular time
of each one's death, as the general report is ; and thus they
died and terminated their life like the traitor Judas. Thus,
also, the general opinion is, that Theodotus, one of the first
that was carried away by their prophecy, as it was called, and
who became a kind of patron of the delusion, as if he should at
some time be taken up and received into the heavens, and who
falling into trance-3, gave himself up to the spirit of deception,
was finally tossed by him like a quoit in the air, and thus
miserably perished. They say this happened as we have
stated. But, my friend, we do not presume to know any thing
certain of these matters, unless we had seen them. For per
haps both Montanus and Theodotus, and the above-mentioned
woman, may have died in this way, or they may not." He
mentions also in the same book, that the holy bishops of that
time attempted to refute the spirit in MaximiUa, but were
prevented by others who manifestly co-operated with the
spirit. His statement is as follows : " And let not, as is said
in the same work of Asterius TJrbanus, let not the spirit of
MaximiUa say, ' I am chased like a wolf from the flock, I am
no wolf. I am utterance, spirit, and power.' But let him

186 ecclesiastical history. [b. v. c. 16
show the power in the spirit effectually, and prove it. And
let him by the Spirit face those that were present at the time,
to examine and argue with the babbling spirit, men who
were eminent, and bishops of the church, Zoticus of Comana,
Julian of Apamea, whose tongues the followers of Themison
bridled, and prevented them from refuting the false and se
ducing spirit."
In the same work, after stating other matters in refuta
tion of the false predictions of MaximiUa, he likewise indicates
the time that he wrote this, and mentions also her declara
tions in which she foretold that there would be wars and
political convulsions. The falsity of which is evinced by him
as follows : " And has not," says he, " the falsehood of this
been made obvious ? For it is now more than thirteen years
since the woman died, and neither has there been a partial nor
a general war, but rather, by the mercy of God, continued
peace to the Christians." This he writes in the second book.
I shaU also subjoin some extracts from the third book, in
which he speaks as follows, against those who boasted that
there were many of their number that had suffered martyr
dom : " But," says he, "since they are at a loss what to reply
to the refutation of their errors, they attempt to take refuge
in their martyrs, saying they have many martyrs, and that
this is one sure evidence of the power of that spirit which
they call prophetical. But this, as it appears, is nothing the
more true on that account. For some of the other heresies
also have a vast number of martyrs, but neither do we the
more on that account agree with them, nor acknowledge that
they have truth on their side. Indeed, they who are called
Marcionites, say that they had vast numbers that were martyrs
for Christ. But they do not confess Christ in truth." And
a little after he adds : " Hence, whenever those that are call
ed martyrs by the church, on account of enduring martyrdom
for the true faith, happen to fall in with those called martyrs
of the Phrygian heresy, they always separate from them and
undergo death, having no communion with them, because they
do not assent to the spirit of Montanus and the women, and
that all this is true, and happened in our own times at Apa
mea on the Menander, is manifest from those who suffered
martyrdom with Caius and Alexander of Eumenia,"

A. d. 180—192.1 commodus. 187
CHAPTER XVII.

OF MILTIADES AND HIS WORKS.

In the same work he also makes mention of the historian
Miltiades, who also wrote a book against the same heresy.
After quoting some passages from them, he adds : " As 1
found these statements in one of their works against another
work written by our brother Alcibiades, in which he demon
strates the impropriety of a prophet's speaking in ecstasy.
This work I have abridged." After stating other matters, he
enumerates those who had prophesied under the New Testa
ment. Among these he mentions one Am mias and Quadratus.
" But the false prophet," says he, " is carried away by a
vehement ecstasy, accompanied by want of all shame and
fear. Beginning, indeed, with a designed ignorance, and
terminating, as beforesaid, in involuntary madness. They
will never be able to show that any of the Old, or any of the
New Testament, were thus violently agitated and carried
away in spirit. Neither wiU they be able to boast that
Agabus, or Judas, or Silas, or the daughters of Philip, or
Ammias in Philadelphia, or Quadratus, or others that do not
belong to them, ever acted in this way." Again, after a little,
he says : " If after Quadratus and Ammias in Philadelphia,
the women that followed Montanus succeeded in the gift of
prophecy, let them show us what women among them suc
ceeded Montanus and his women. For the apostle shows that
the gift of prophecy should be in all the church until the
coming of the Lord, but they can by no means show any one
at this time, the fourteenth year from the death of MaximiUa."
Thus far of this author. But the Miltiades mentioned by him
has left other monuments of his study in the Holy Scriptures,
both in the works that he wrote against the Greeks, and those
against the Jews. Both treatises are composed in two separate
volumes. He has, moreover, written a work against the
philosophers of the age, in favour of ihe philosophy which he
embraced.

188 ecclesiastical history. "b. v. c. 18,

CHAPTER XVIII.
APCLLONIUS ALSO REFUTES THE PHRYGIAN HERESY, AND THOSE
WHOM HE HAS MENTIONED.
But the heresy of the Phrygians, as it was caUed, still con-
tinuing to prevail in Phrygia, ApoUonius undertook to refute '
it in a particular work which he wrote ; on the one hand cor
recting their false predictions in reference to what they said,
and on the other describing the life that those led who were
its founders. Hear him in his own words respecting Mon
tanus : "But who," says he, " is this new teacher ? His works
and his doctrines sufficiently show it. This is he that taught
the dissolutions of marriage, he that imposed laws of fasting,'
that called Pepuza and Tymium, little places in Phrygia, a
Jerusalem, in order to collect men from every quarter thither ;
who established exactors of money, and under the name of
offerings, devised the artifice to procure presents ; who pro
vided salaries for those that preached his doctrine, that it
might grow strong by gormandizing and gluttony." Thus
far concerning Montanus ; and further on he writes concern
ing his prophetesses : " We show, therefore," says he, " that
these same leading prophetesses, as soon as they were filled
with the spirit, abandoned their husbands. How then can
they utter this falsehood, who caU Prisca a virgin?" He
afterwards proceeds again : " Does it not appear to you that
the Scripture forbids any prophet to receive gifts and money ?
When, therefore, I see a prophetess receiving both gold and
silver, and precious garments, how can I fail to reject her?'
Again, further on, respecting a certain one of their confessors,
he says : " Moreover, Themison, who was completely clad in
a most plausible covetousness, could not bear the great
characteristic of confession, but threw aside bonds and im
prisonment for the abundance of wealth, and though it Decame
him to walk humbly, boasted as a martyr, and dared to imitate
the apostles by drawing up a certain catholic epistle, to instruct
those who had a better faith than himself, to contend for
doctrines of empty sound, and to utter impieties against the
1 Montanus instituted three Lents every year, and besides them, two
weeks of abstinence, wherein nothing but dry meats were to be eaten.

a. d. 18a— 192.J commodus. 1S9
Lord and his apostles and the holy church." Again, speaking
of others that are honoured among them as martyrs, he writes
thus : " But not to speak of many, let the prophetess tell us
the circumstances of Alexander, who called himself a martyr,
with whom she feasted, the same too that is adored by num
bers ; whose robberies and other crimes, for which he was
punished, it is not for us to tell, but which are preserved in
the public records. Which of them forgives another his sins ?
Does the prophetess forgive the martyr his robberies ? or the
martyr forgive the prophetess her avarice ? Although the
Lord has said, ' Lay not up for yourselves gold or silver, nor
two coats,' these, in direct opposition, have committed great
crimes in regard to the possession of things thus prohibited.
For we shall show, that those that are caUed martyrs and
prophets among them, have derived pecuniary gain, not only
from the wealthy, but from the poor, and from widows and
orphans, and if they have any confidence (of innocence) in this,
let them stand and settle these matters with us ; so that if they
are convicted, they may abandon their misdemeanors hereafter.
" The fruits of a prophet must be examined ; for by its
fruits the tree is known. But that those who wish may un
derstand the circumstances respecting this Alexander, he was
tried by iEmilius Frontinus, the proconsul (of Asia) at Ephe
sus, not for the name (of Christian), but for the robberies
which he dared to commit, as he had already been a trans
gressor. — Then, however, pretending to the name of the Lord.
he was liberated, after he had spread his errors among the
faithful there. But the church of the place whence he sprung
would not receive him, because he was a robber. Those, how
ever, that wish to learn his history, can consult the public ar
chives of Asia. And yet the prophet professed to be totally
ignorant of having lived with him many years ; but by re
futing him, through him, we also overturn the pretensions of
the prophet. • The same thing could be shown in many others,
and if they have the courage let them undergo the test of ar
gument." In another part of the same work, he adds the fol
lowing, respecting their boasted prophets : " If," says he,
" they deny that their prophets took presents, let them at least
acknowledge, that if they should be proved to have received
them they are no prophets. And of these matters we will furnish
a thousand proofs. But it is necessary that all the fruits of a

190 ecclesiastical history. [b. v. c. 19,
prophet should be examined. Tell me, does a prophet dye (his
hair) ? Does a prophet stain (his eyelids) ? Does a prophet
delight in ornament ? Does a prophet play with tablets and
dice ? Does he take usury ? Let them first acknowledge these
things, whether they are right or not ; and I wiU show that
they have been done by them."
This same ApoUonius relates, in the same work, that it was
forty years from the time that Montanus undertook his pre
tended prophecy down to the period when he wrote his work.
And again he says, that Zoticus, who was also mentioned by
the former historian, when MaximiUa was pretending to utter
prophecies at Pepuza, attempted to interfere and reason with
the spirit by which she was stimulated, but was hindered by
those that followed her opinions. He mentions, also, a certain
Thraseas among the martyrs of the times, and also that it was
handed down by tradition, that our Saviour commanded his
disciples not to depart from Jerusalem for twelve years. He
quotes, also, the Revelations of John as testimony ; and re
lates, also, that a dead man was raised by the divine power,
through the same John, at Ephesus. Many other matters he
also states ; by which he abundantly refutes the error of the
above-mentioned heresy. — These are the matters stated by
ApoUonius.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE OPINION OF SERAPION RESPECTING THE HERESY OF THE
PHRYGIANS.
Serapion, who is said about this time to have been the
bishop of the church of Antioch, after Maximinus, has also
made mention of the writings of Apollinaris against the same
heresy. In a private letter, which he wrote to Caricus and
Ponticus, he mentions him, and also refutes his heresy in the
following words : "But that you may also see, that the influ
ence of this lying party of a new prophecy, as it is called, is
abominated by aU the brethren in the world, I have also sent
you the epistle of Claudius Apollinaris, that most blessed
bishop of Hierapolis in Asia." In this same epistle of Sera
pion are also given the subscriptions of several bishops. Of

A. E. 180—192.] COMMODDS. 191
whom one wrote as follows : " I, Aurelius Cyrenius, a wit
ness, wish you health." Another, as follows : " -iElius Publius
Julius, bishop of Debeltum, a colony of Thrace, as sure as
God lives in the heavens, the blessed Sotas, in Anchialus,
wished to cast out the daemon from Priscilla, and the hypocrites
would not suffer him." The signatures of many other bishops
who bear witness to the facts, are given in their own hand in
this epistle And such are the statements referring to these.

CHAPTER XX.
THE WRITINGS OF IRENjEUS AGAINST THE SCHISMATICS AT ROME.
But Irenaeus composed various epistles in opposition to
those that attempted to disfigure the sound institutions of the
church at Rome. One addressed to Blastus, On Schism. One
to Florinus, On Sovereignty, or on the truth that God is not
the author of evil : for the latter appeared to maintain this
opinion. On whose account, as he was again on the point of
being carried away by the Valentinian delusion, Irenaeus also
wrote the treatise on the Ogdoad, or the number eight ; in
which book he also shows that he was the first that received
the original succession from the apostles. There, also, at the
close of the work, we found a most delightful remark of his,
which we shall deem incumbent on us also to add to the pre
sent work. It is as follows : •' I adjure thee, whoever thou
art, that transcribest this book, by our Lord Jesus Christ,
and by his glorious appearance, when he shall come to judge
the quick and dead, to compare what thou last copied, and to
correct it by this original manuscript, from which thou hast
carefully transcribed. And that thou also copy this adjura
tion, and insert it in the copy." These things may be profit
ably read in his works, and we hope with equal profit have
been related by us, that we may have these ancient and truly
holy men, as the noblest examples before us. In that epistle,
indeed, which we have already mentioned, and which Irenajus
addressed to Florinus, he again speaks of his intimacy with
Polycarp. " These doctrines," says he, " 0 Florinus, to say
the least, are not of a sound understanding. These doctrines
are inconsistent with the church, and calculated to thrust those

192 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. V. C. 20.
that follow thf m into the greatest impiety. These doctrines,
not even the heretics out of the church ever attempted to
assert. These doctrines were never delivered to thee by the
presbyters before us, those who also were the immediate dis
ciples of the apostles. For I saw thee when I was yet a boy
in the Lower Asia with Polycarp, moving in great splendour
at court, and endeavouring by all means to gain his esteem.
I remember the events of those times much better than those
of more recent occurrence. As the studies of our youth,
growing with our minds, unite with them so firmly, that I can
tell also the very place where the blessed Polycarp was accus
tomed to sit and discourse ; and also his entrances, his walks,
the complexion of his Ufe, and the form of his body, and his
conversations with the people, and his familiar intercourse
with John, as he was accustomed to tell, as also his familiarity
with those that had seen the Lord. How also he used to re
late their discourses, and what things he had heard from them
concerning the Lord. Also concerning his miracles, his doc
trine, all these were told by Polycarp, in consistency with
the Holy Scriptures, as he had received them from the eye
witnesses of the doctrine of salvation. These things, by the
mercy of God, and the opportunity then afforded me, I atten
tively heard, noting them down, not on paper, but in my
heart ; and these same facts I am always in the habit, by the
grace of God, to recall faithfully to mind. And I can bear
witness in the sight of God, that if that blessed and apostolic
presbyter had heard any such thing as this, he would have
exclaimed, and stopped his ears, and according to his custom
would have said, ' 0 goo 1 God, unto what times hast thou
reserved me, that I should tolerate these things ! ' He would
have fled from the place in which he had sat or stood, hearing
doctrines like these. From his epistles also, which he wrote
to the neighbouring churches, in order to confirm them, or to
some of the brethren, in order to admonish or to exhort
them, the same thing may be clearly shown." Thus far
Irenaeus.

k. D. 180 — 192. i commodus. 198
CHAPTER XXI.
THE MARTYRDOM OF AP0LL0NIUS, AT ROME.
_ About the same period, in the reign of Commodus, our
circumstances were changed to a milder aspect, as there
was peace by the grace of God prevailing in the churches
throughout the whole world. Then also the salutary doctrine
brought the minds of men from every race on earth, to the
devout veneration of the Supreme God. So that now, many
of those eminent at Rome for their wealth and kindred, with
their whole house and family, yielded to their salvation. But
this was not to be easily borne by the adversary of all good,
that dasmon who in his own nature is envy itself : for he
again prepared for action, and commenced plotting various
devices against us. He led to the tribunal ApoUonius, one of
the faithful at that day, renowned for his learning and wisdom,
by stimulating a certain man, weU calculated to be his minis
ter for such a purpose, to bring accusation against him. But
this miserable instrument, entering upon the charge out of
season, when such informers were not suffered to live accord
ing to the imperial edict, his limbs were immediately broken,
after Perennis the judge had pronounced the sentence. But
this most approved and divinely favoured martyr, as the judge
earnestly desired and entreated him to give an account of him
self before the senate, delivered a most eloquent defence of
the faith for which he was suffering, in the presence of all, and
terminated his life, by decapitation, according to the decree
of the senate ; as there was a law of long standing with them,
that those who had once been led to trial, and that would by
no means change their purpose, should not be dismissed. But
the declarations of this martyr before the judge, and the an
swers that he gave to the questions of Perennis, and his whole
defence before the senate, whoever wishes to know, may learn
from the narratives }f ancient martyrs collected by us.

Brezuus.]

liH ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. V 0. 22 i?,
CHAPTER XXII.
THE BISHOPS THAT FL0URISHEL AT THIS TIME.
In the tenth year of the reign of Commodus, Eleutherus,
who had held the episcopate for thirteen years, was succeeded
by Victor. In this year, also, Julianus, who had the episco
pal charge of the churches at Alexandria ten years, was suc
ceeded by Demetrius. At this time, also, was yet living the
above-mentioned Serapion, bishop of Antioch, and the eighth
in succession from the apostles. At Csesarea, in Palestine,
Theophilus presided ; and Narcissus, who was mentioned
before, had yet at the same time the administration of the
church in Jerusalem. BacchyUus was then also bishop of
Corinth, in Greece, and Polycrates of the church at Ephesus,
and many others besides these, as is probable, were prominent.
We have only given the names of those whose orthodoxy has
descended to us on record.

CHAPTER XXIII.
THE QUESTION THEN AGITATED RESPECTING THE PASSOVER.1
There was a considerable discussion raised about this
time, in consequence of a difference of opinion respecting the
observance of the paschal season. The churches of all Asia,
guided by a remoter tradition, supposed that they ought to
keep the fourteenth day of the moon 2 for the festival of the
Our English word passover, happily, in sound and sense, almost cor
responds to the Hebrew nos, of which it is a translation. Exod. xii. 27.
The Greek pascha, formed from the Hebrew, is the name of the Jewish
festival, applied invariably in the primitive church to designate the festival
of the Lord's resurrection, which took place at the time of the passover.
Our word, Easter, is of Saxon origin, and of precisely the same import
with its German cognate Ostern. The latter is derived from the old Teu
tonic form of auferstehn, auferstehung, i. e. resurrection. The name
Easter, as expressive of meaning, is undoubtedly preferable to pascha or
passover, but the latter was the primitive name.
2 That is, the fourteenth day after the appearance of the new moon ;
for the religious part of the Jewish calendar was concerned in these ap
pearances ofthe new moon, the reports whereof were made by the «,uii.

A. d. 180 — 192 ] commodus. 195
Saviour's passover, in which day the Jews were commanded
to kiU the paschal lamb ; and it was incumbent on them, at
all times,3 to make an end of the fast on this day, on whatever
day of the week it should happen to faU. But as it was not
the custom to celebrate it in this manner in the churches
throughout the rest of the world, who observe the practice
that has prevailed from apostolic tradition until the present
time, so that it would not be proper to terminate our fast on
any other but the day of the resurrection of our Saviour.
Hence there were synods and convocations of the bishops on
this question ; and all unanimously drew up an ecclesiastical
decree, which they communicated to all the churches in all
places, that the mystery of our Lord's resurrection should be
celebrated on no other day than the Lord's day ; and that on
this day alone we should observe the close of the paschal fasts.
There is an epistle extant even now, of those who were as
sembled at the time ; among whom presided Theophilus, bi
shop of the church in Caesarea,4 and Narcissus, bishop of Je
rusalem. There is also another epistle extant on the same
question, bearing the name of Victor. An epistle, also, of the
bishops in Pontus, among whom Palmas, as the most ancient,
presided; also ofthe churches of Gaul, over whom Irenaeus pre
sided. Moreover, one from those in Osrhoene, and the cities
there. And a particular epistle from Bacchyllus, bishop of
the Corinthians ; and epistles of many others, who, advancing
one and the same doctrine, also passed the same vote. And
try people. See Cudworth's Discourse concerning the true Notion ofthe
Lord's Supper. See also Mr. J. Gregory, of Oxford, in his Discourse
concerning Uppef Rooms.
3 The learned Archbishop Usher, in his dissertation prefixed to Igna-
tius's Epistles, chap, ix., says, that the Asiatics, who celebrated Easter,
with the Jews, on .he first day of unleavened bread, passed over that day
with mourning an_ fasting ; after which day they concluded their Lent
fast. Which opinion Eusebius does here contradict, and affirms expressly,
that the Asiatics put an end to their fastings on the fourteenth day of the
first month, although it were not Sunday. Vales.
* The bishop of Caesarea (before the Nicene Council, and a long time
after} had the dignity and honour of a metropolitan, and presided in all
the councils of Palestine, as being bishop of the chief see. Nevertheless,
the bishops of Jerusalem had a respect shown them ; theirs being the apos
tolic church which first had a bishop. Therefore the bishops of that see
were not under the bishops of Cassarea, but were avTOKstpaXoi, i.e. " were,
as to their privileges, independent of the see of Cassarea." See the seventh.
canon of the Nicene Council. \ ales. c 2

196 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. V. C. 24.
this, their unanimous determination, was the one already
mentioned.

CHAPTER XXIV.
THE DISSENSION OF THE CHURCHES IN AS.A,
The bishops, however, of Asia, persevering in observing "
the custom handed down to them from their fathers, were
headed by Polycrates. He, indeed, had also set forth the tra
dition handed down to them, in a letter which he addressed
to Victor and the church of Rome. " We," said he, " there
fore, observe the genuine day; neither adding thereto nor
taking therefrom. For in Asia great lights have fallen asleep,
which shall rise again in the day of the Lord's appearing, in
which he will come with glory from heaven, and will raise up
all the saints ; Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who sleeps
in Hierapolis, and his two aged virgin daughters. His other
daughter, also, who having lived under the influence of the
Holy Ghost, now likewise rests in Ephesus. Moreover, John,
who rested upon the bosom of our Lord ; who also was a
priest, and bore the sacerdotal plate,1 (7rtra\ov,)both a martyr
and teacher. He is buried in Ephesus ; also Polycarp of
Smyrna, both bishop and martyr. Thraseas, also, bishop and
martyr of Eumenia, who is buried at Smyrna. Why should
I mention Sagaris, bishop and martyr, who rests at Laodicea.
Moreover, the blessed Papirius ; and Melito, the eunuch,
whose walk and conversation was altogether under the influ
ence of the Holy Spirit, who now rests at Sardis, awaiting
the episcopate from heaven, when he shall rise from the dead
All these observed the fourteenth day of the passover accord
ing to the gospel, deviating in no respect, but following the
rule of faith. Moreover, I, Polycrates, who am the least of
all of you, according to the tradition of my relatives, some of
whom I have followed. For there were seven of my relatives
bishops, and I am the eighth ; and my relatives always ob
served the day when the people (i. e. the Jews) threw away
1 The sacerdotal plate here mentioned, is not to be understood of the
Jewish priesthood, for John had no connexion with that. It is probable
that he, with others, wore a badge like this, as the priests of a better
covenant.

».. ». 180 — 19 .] commodus. 197
the leaven. I, therefore, brethren, am now sixty-five years
in the Lord, who having conferred with the brethren through-
out the world, and having studied the whole of the sacred
Scriptures, am not at all alarmed at those things with which I
am threatened, to intimidate me. For they who are greater
than I, have said, ' We ought to obey God rather than men.' "
After this, he also proceeds to write concerning all the bishops
that were present, and thought the same with himself : " I
could also mention," says he, " the bishops that were present,
whom you requested to be summoned by me, and whom I did
call. Whose names, did 1 write them, would present a great
number. Who, however, seeing my slender body, consented
to the epistle, well knowing that I did not bear my gray hairs
for nought, but that I did at all times regulate my life in the
Lord Jesus." Upon this, Victor, the bishop of the church of
Rome, forthwith endeavoured to cut off the churches of all
Asia, together with the neighbouring churches, as heterodox.
from the common unity. And he publishes abroad by letters,
and proclaims, that all the brethren there are wholly excom
municated. But this was not the opinion of aU the bishops.
They immediately exhorted him, on the contrary, to contem
plate that course that was calculated to promote peace, unity,
and love to one another.
There are also extant, the expressions they used, who
pressed upon Victor with much severity. Among these also
was Irenasus, who, in the name of those brethren in Gaul over
whom he presided, wrote an epistle, in which he maintains
the duty of celebrating the mystery of the resurrection of our
Lord, only on the day of the Lord. He becomingly also ad
monishes Victor, not to cut off whole churches of God, who
observed the tradition of an ancient custom. After many
other matters urged by him, he also adds the following : "For
not only is the dispute respecting the day, but also respecting
the manner of fasting.2 For some think, that they ought to
fast only one day, some two, some more days ; some compute
2 Amongst the ancient Christians there were three kinds of fasts : the
first was the fast on Wednesdays and Fridays, which ended at the 9th
hour of the day, (i. e. 3 o'clock in the afternoon,) after the end of the
station, or holy communion. The second, the Lent fast, which ended
about the evening. The third sort was the strictest of all, and lasted till
the cock-crowing ; which was therefore by the Greeks caiied inripOtwe,
in Latin " Superpositio."

198 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. V. C. 24.
their day as consisting of forty hours night «nd day ; and this
diversity existing among those that observe it, is not a matter
?hat has just sprung up in our times, but long ago among those
before us, who perhaps not having ruled with sufBcient strict
ness, established the practice that arose from their simplicity
and inexperience. And yet with all, these maintained peace,
and we have maintained peace with one another ; and the
very difference in our fasting establishes the unanimity in our
faith." To these he also adds a narrative, which I may here
appropriately insert. It is as follows : " And those presby
ters who governed the church before Soter, and over which
you now preside, I mean Anicetus and Pius, Hyginus with
Telesphorus and Xystus, neither did themselves observe, nor
did they permit those after them to observe it. And yet,
though they themselves did not keep it, they were not the
less in peace with those from churches where it was kept,
whenever they came to them ; although to keep it then was
so much the more in opposition to those who did not.1 Nei
ther at any time did they cast off any merely for the sake of
the form. But those very presbyters before thee, who did
not observe it, sent the eucharist 2 to those of churches who
did. And when the blessed Polycarp went to Rome, in the
time of Anicetus, and they had a little difference among them
selves likewise respecting other matters, they immediately
were reconciled, not disputing much with one another on this
head. For neither could Anicetus persuade Polycarp not to
observe it, because he had always observed it with John the
disciple of our Lord, and the rest of the apostles, with whom he
associated ; and neither did Polycarp persuade Anicetus to ob
serve it, who said that he was bound to maintain the practice of
the presbyters before him. Which things being so, they com
muned with each other ; and in the church, Anicetus yielded
to Polycarp, out of respect no doubt, the office of consecrating,
and they separated from each other in peace, aU the church
being at peace ; both those that observed and those that did
1 The meaning of this passage, if it has any obscurity, is, that the act
of observing and celebrating, was a more decided attitude of opposition,
in the very face of the church that did not observe the festival at this
time. And that the western church bore with this, is here adduced as
proof of the love and unity prevailing in the churches.
* The bishops were accustomed at Easter to send the euchaiist to one
another.

A. D. 180 — 192.] COMMODUS. 199
not observe, maintaining peace. And this same Irenasus, as
one whose character answered well to his name, being in this
way a peacemaker, exhorted and negotiated such matters as
these for the peace of the churches. And not only to Victor,
but likewise to the most of the other rulers of the churches.
he sent letters of exhortation on the agitated question.

CHAPTER XXV.
ALL AGREE TO ONE OPINION RESPECTING THE PASSOVER.
The bishops indeed of Palestine, whom we have just men
tioned, Narcissus and Theophilus, and Cassius with them, the
bishop of the church at Tyre, and Clarus of Ptolemais, and
those that came together with them, having advanced many
things respecting the tradition that had been handed down to
; hem by succession from the apostles, regarding the passover,
at the close of the epistle, use these words : " Endeavour to
send copies of the epistle through all the church, that we may
not give occasion to those whose minds are easily led astray.
But we inform you also, that they observe the same day at
Alexandria which we also do ; for letters have been sent by
us to them, and from them to us, so that we celebrate the holy
season with one mind and at one time."

CHAPTER XXVI.
THE ELEGANT WORKS OF IRENAUS THAT HAVE COME DOWN TO US.
Besides the works and epistles of Irenaeus above-mention
ed, there is a certain very brief and most important discourse
by him On Knowledge, against the Greeks ; another also,
which he dedicated to his brother named Mareion, as a proof
of the apostolic preaching ; a book also of various disputes, in
which he mentions the Epistle to the Hebrews ; and the book
called the Wisdom of Solomon, quoting certain passages from
them. These are the works of Irenaeus that have come down
to us. But after Commodus had ended his reign in the thir
teenth year, and Pertinax had held the government not quite
six months, Severus was created emperor, and ruled the state.

2(K ecclesiastical history. | B. v. c 27, 28
CHAPTER XXVII.
TH3 WORKS OF OTHERS THAT FLOURISHED AT THE TIME.
Numerous works, indeed, of ancient ecclesiastical writers
are stiU preserved by many, the monuments of a virtuous in
dustry. Those which we would select of them, might be the
commentaries of Herachtus On the Apostle; the works of
Maximus, also, on that question so much agitated among the
heretics, The Origin of Evil; also, On the Creation of Matter.
Also, the works of Candidus On the Hexahemeron.1 And
Apion's work on the same subject. Sextus, also, On the Re
surrection, and a certain other treatise of Arabianus, with
many others, of whom, as we have no data, we can neither
insert the times nor any extracts in our history. Innumera
ble others there also are, that have come down to us, even the
names of whom it would be impossible to give. AU of these
were orthodox and ecclesiastical writers, as the interpretation
which each gives of the sacred Scriptures shows ; yet they
are not known to us, because the works themselves do not
give their authors.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

THOSE THAT FOLLOWED THE HERESY OF ARTEMON, IN THE BEGINNING.
THEIR CHARACTER AND CONDUCT; AND THEIR ATTEMPT AT CORRUPT
ING THE SCRIPTURES.
In a work written by a certain one of these authors against
the heresy of Artemon, which Paul of Samosata again at
tempted to revive among us, there is a narrative well adapted
to the history we are now investigating. This writer, not
long since, in refuting the heresy mentioned, which asserts
that Christ is a mere man, since its leaders wish to boast as
if it were the ancient doctrine, besides many other arguments
that he adduces in refutation of their impious falsehood, he
gives the foUowing account : " For they assert," says he, " that
all those primitive men and the apostles themselves, both
1 The Greek name, designating the six days of the creation.

a. d 193—211.] s. severus. 201
received and taught these things as they are now taught by
them, and that the truth of the gospel was preserved until the
times of Victor, who was the thirteenth bishop of Rome from
Peter. But that from his successor, Zephyrinus, the truth was
mutilated. And perchance what they say may be credible,
were it not that the Holy Scriptures contradict them ; and
then, also, there are works of certain brethren older than
Victor's times, which they wrote in defence of the truth, and
against the heresies then prevaihng. I speak of Justus and
Miltiades, and Tatian and Clement, and many others, in all
which the divinity of Christ is asserted. For who knows not
the works of Irenaeus and Melito, and the rest, in which
Christ is announced as God and man ? Whatever psalms
and hymns 2 were written by the brethren from the beginning,
celebrate Christ the word of God, by asserting his divinity.
How then could it happen, that since the doctrine of the
rhurch has been proclaimed for so many years, that those un
til the times of Victor preached the gospel after this manner ?
And how are they so devoid of shame to utter these falsehoods
against Victor, weU knowing that Victor excommunicated that
currier Theodotus, the leader and father of this God-denying
apostacy, as the first one that asserted Christ was a mere man.
For had Victor entertained the sentiments which their im
pious doctrine promulgates, how could he have expelled
Theodotus, the inventor of this heresy?" Thus much with
respect to Victor. But after this author had superintended
the church, Zephyrinus was appointed his successor about the
ninth year of the reign of Severus. The same author that
composed the book aheady mentioned respecting the founder
of this heresy, also adds an account of another event that oc
curred in the times of Zephyrinus, in these words : "I shall re
mind many ofthe brethren of a fact," says he, " that happened
in our days, which, had it happened in Sodom, I think would
have led them to reflection. There was a certain Natahus,
who lived not in remote times, but in our own. This man
was seduced on a certain occasion by Asclepiodotus, and an
other Theodotus, a money-changer. Both of these were dis-
diples of Theodotus the currier, the first that bad been excom-
J Hence it appears that it was an ancient custom in the church to
compose psalms and hymns in honour of Christ. Pliny (in his Epistle to
Trajan) mentions this usage amongst the Christians.

202 ecclesiastical history. [b. v. c. 28.
municated by Victor, then bishop, as before said, on account
of this opinion, or rather insanity. Natalius was persuaded
by them to be created a bishop of this heresy, with a salary
from them of one hundred and fifty denarii a month. Being
connected, therefore, with them, he was frequently brought to
reflection by the Lord in his dreams. For the merciful God
and our Lord Jesus Christ, would not that he who had been a
witness of his own sufferings, should perish, though he was out
of the church. But as he paid but little attention to these
visions, being insnared both by the desire of presiding among
them, and that foul gain which destroys so many, he was
finally lashed by holy angels, through the whole night, and
was thus most severely punished ; so that he arose early in the
morning, and putting on sackcloth and covered with ashes, in
great haste, and bathed in tears, he feU down before Zephy
rinus the bishop, rolling at the feet not only of the clergy, but
even of the laity, and thus moved the compassionate church
of Christ with his tears. And, although he implored their cle
mency with much earnestness, and pointed to the strokes of
the lashes he had received, he was at last scarcely admitted to
communion." To this, we will also add other extracts from
the same writer respecting this sect : " The sacred Scriptures,"
says he, " have been boldly perverted by them : the rule of
the ancient faith they have set aside, Christ they have re
nounced, not inquiring what the Holy Scriptures declared, but
zealously labouring what form of reasoning may be devised to
establish their impiety. And should any one present a pas
sage of divine truth, they examined first whether a connected
or disjoined form of syllogism1 can be formed from it. But
they abandon the Holy Scriptures for the study of geometry,2
1 Logicians call the syllogisms here spoken of, hypothetical and dis
junctive. In the former, the premises are supposed ; in the latter, they
are separated by a disjunctive conjunction, whence their names.
s The author whose words are here quoted, plays upon the word
geometry, in its original. The word literally means earth or land-mea
suring. The science appears to owe its origin to the necessity of fre
quently measuring the lands in Egypt, after the inundations of the Nile ;
and when reduced to its more abstract principles, it still continued to
bear its original name. The author here quoted seems to reprove, in
these men, an absorbing devotedness to a science, the study of which is
doubtless a powerful auxiliary in disciplining the human mind, inde
pendently of its practical utility. It was considered so important a pre-

A. i). 193— 211.] s. sevekus. 203
as being of the earth they talk of the earth, and know not him
that cometh from above. Euclid, therefore, is industriously
measured3 by them. Aristotle and Theophrastus are also
admired, and as to Galen, he is even perhaps worshipped by
some. But as to these men who abuse the acts of the unbe
lievers, to their own heretical views, and who adulterate the
simplicity of that faith contained in the Holy Scriptures, by
the wily arts of impious men ; where is the necessity of assert
ing that they are not right in the faith ? For this purpose
they fearlessly lay their hands upon the Holy Scriptures, say
ing that they have corrected them. And that I do not say this
against them without foundation, whoever wishes may learn ;
for should any one collect and compare their copies one with
another, he would find them greatly at variance among them
selves. For the copies of Asclepiodotus will be found to
differ from those of Theodotus. Copies of many you may find in
abundance, altered, by the eagerness of their disciples to insert
each one his own corrections, as they call them, i. e. their cor
ruptions. Again, the copies of Hermophilus do not agree
with these, for those of ApoUonius are not consistent with
themselves. For one may compare those which were pre
pared before by them, with those which they afterwards per
verted for their own objects, and you will find them widely
differing. But what a stretch of audacity this aberration in
dicates, it is hardly probable themselves can be ignorant.
For either they do not believe that the Holy Scriptures were
uttered by the Holy Spirit, and they are thus infidels, or they
deem themselves wiser than the Holy Spirit, and what alter
native is there but to pronounce them daemoniacs ? For
neither can they deny that they have been guilty of the daring
act, when the copies were written with their own hand, nor
did they receive such Scriptures from those by whom they
were instructed in the elements of the faith ; nor can they
show copies from which they were transcribed. But some of
paratory discipline among the ancients, that the words ovhig aytuific-
Tprjrog uSi eiaeXQn were written over the gates of their philosophical
schools. 3 Measured. Another play upon the word geometry, the force of which
is entirely lost in a translation. The author had already hinted that this
was only an earthly study ; and now he sarcastically remarks, Euclid
earth measured by them.

20-i ecclesiastical history [b. vi. c. 1, 2.
them did not even deign, or think it worth while, to mutilate
the Scriptures, but directly denying the law and the prophets
by their lawless and impious doctrine, under the pretext of
grace, they sunk down to the lowest depths of perdition.'
But let this suffice on this subject.

BOOK VI.

CHAPTER L
THE PERSECUTION UNDER SEVERUS.
But when Severus raised, a persecution against the churches,
there were illustrious testimonies given by the combatants of
religion in all the churches every where. They particularly
abounded in Alexandria, whilst the heroic wrestlers from
Egypt and Thebais were escorted thither as to a mighty thea
tre of God, where, by their invincible patience under various
tortures and modes of death, they were adorned with crowns
from heaven. Among these was Leonides, said to be the
father of Origen, who was beheaded, and left his son behind
yet very young. His early predilection for the divine word,
as instructed by his father, it is not out of place here briefly
to state, so much the more especially as his fame is celebrated
by many.
CHAPTER II.
THE EDUCATION OF ORIGEN, FROM HIS EARLIEST YOUTH.
One might, indeed, say much in attempting to write the
life of the man at school, for the subject respecting him would
require a particular and separate work. Nevertheless, for
the present, we shaU endeavour, by abridging the most of the
materials, as briefly as possible to relate some few events re-

A. D. 193—211.] S. SEVERUS. 205
specting him, and adduce the facts from certain epistles and
histories which have come down to our own day, by those of
his familiar friends who are yet living. The life of Origen,
indeed, appears to me worthy of being recorded, even from
his tender infancy. It was in the tenth year of the reign of
Severus, when Alexandria and the rest of Egypt were under
the government of his viceroy Laetus, and the churches there
were under the episcopal administration of Demetrius, the
successor of Julian, that the kindled flame of persecution
blazed forth mightily, and many thousands were crowned with
martyrdom. It was then, too, that the love of martyrdom so powerfully
seized the soul of Origen, though yet an almost infant boy,
that he advanced so close to encounter danger, and was eager
to leap forward and rush upon the conflict. And, indeed,
there had been now but httle wanting, and the termination
of his life had not been far off, unless the heavenly providence
of God, for the benefit of vast numbers, had, by means of
his mother, interposed an impediment to his eager desire.
She, indeed, at first, implored and entreated him to spare
a mother's tenderness regarding him, but seeing him only
the more vehemently bent upon it, as he understood that
his father was taken and kept a prisoner, and he was
wholly borne away by the desire of becoming a martyr,
his mother concealed his clothes in order to compel him
to remain at home. But when he saw that there was no
other course for him to pursue, as his great zeal was far be
yond his years, he could not remain inactive, but sent to his
father a most encouraging letter on martyrdom, in which he
encourages him, saying, " Take heed (father) not to change
thy mind on account of us." This may serve as the first
specimen that we mention of Origen's shrewdness, and his
genuine devotedness to piety. For he had even then made no
little progress in the doctrine of faith, as he had been con
versant with the Holy Scriptures even when a child. He had
been considerably trained in them by his father, who, besides
the study of the liberal sciences, had also carefully stored his
mind with these. First of aU, therefore, before he studied the
Grecian literature, he led him to frequent exercise in the study
of sacred things, appointing him to commit and repeat some
passages every day ; and these things were not unwiUingly

206 ecclesiastical history. [b. vx c 2.
done by the child, but studies most cheerfully performed with
great diligence. So that it was not sufficient for him merely
to read what was simple and obvious in the sacred books, but
he sought also what was beyond this, into the deeper senses of
the text, and was busily employed in such speculations even
at that age ; so that he gave his father trouble, by his ques
tions what forsooth the passage of the inspired Scriptures
should mean. He, indeed, to appearance, rebuked him to his
face, telling him not to inquire into things beyond his age, nor
to search beyond the obvious meaning of Scriptures. But he,
greatly delighted in his own mind, gave most hearty thanks
to Almighty God, the author of all good, that he had honoured
him to be the father of such a child. And they say, that
frequently, when standing over his sleeping boy, he would
uncover his breast, and as a shrine consecrated by the divine
Spirit, he reverently kissed it, and congratulated himself upon
his favoured offspring. These and other similar circumstances
are related of Origen when yet a boy. But now, as his father
had ended his days as a martyr, he is left in this bereaved
condition with his mother and younger brothers, in number
six, when he was yet in his seventeenth year. And as his
father's property was forfeited to the imperial treasury, he was
reduced, with his relatives, to great straits for the necessaries.
of life. But he was honoured with a provision from God.
For he found a kind reception and retreat with a certain lady
of great wealth and distinction ; but who at the same time
patronized a certain celebrated man who was an advocate of
the heretics then existing in Alexandria. This man was a
native of Antioch, and was taken home by the lady as an
adopted son, and was treated with the greatest kindness by
her. But as Origen thus necessarily associated with him, he
thenceforth gave him strong specimens of his orthodox faith.
As great numbers not only of heretics, but ours also, induced
by the apparent eloquence of the man, collected to hear this
Paul, for that was his name, he could never be induced to join
with him in prayer, observing even from a boy that rule of
the church, and as he himself says, some where, abominating
the inculcation of heretical doctrines. But as he had been in
structed by his father in Greek literature, and after his death
devoted himself more ardently to the sole study of literature,
go that he acquired a tolerable acquaintance with philology, he

u. 193 — 211.] s. severus. 207
jvoted himself not long after 1
id, young as he was, he thus s
necessary wants in abundance.

devoted himself not long after his father's death to this study,
sind, young as he was, he thus acquired sufficient to supply his

CHAPTER III.
WHEN A VERT YOUNG MAN HE PREACHED THE GOSPEL.
But whilst he was thus engaged with his school where he
abode, as he some where states, and there was no one at Alex
andria that applied himself to give instruction in the principles
of the faith, but all driven away by the threatening aspect of
persecution, some of the Gentiles came to him with a mind to
hear the word of God. The first of whom, he states, was
Plutarch ; who, after a hfe of piety, was also crowned with
divine martyrdom. The second was Heraclas, the brother of
Plutarch, who, indeed, having given abundant proof of a life
of retired contemplation and discipline, was deemed worthy of
the episcopate of Alexandria after Demetrius. But he was
in his eighteenth year when he conducted the school for ele
mentary instruction in the faith, in which also he made great
proficiency under the persecutions of Aquila, governor of
Alexandria ; where, also, he obtained a celebrated name with
all the beUevers, on account of that cordiality and promptness
which he exhibited to all the martyrs, whether known to him
or not. For not only was he with them when in bonds, nor
only until the last of their trial at the tribunal ; but, even after
this, when led away to die, he conversed freely with these
holy martyrs, and advanced in the face of danger. So that
as he boldly proceeded, and with great freedom saluted the
brethren with a kiss, the infuriate multitude who stood around
had more than once almost overwhelmed him (with stones),
had he not this once experienced the helping hand of God,
and wonderfuUy escaped. But this same celestial grace, at
one time and another, again and again, and indeed no one can
tell how often, in consequence of his great zeal for the doc
trine of Christ, and his fearlessness, as often protected him in
danger. So great, indeed, was the hostility of the unbelievers
to him, that they formed themselves into companies, to station
ioldiors about the house where he abode, on account of the

208 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [*B. VI. C. 3.
numbers that were instructed by him in the principles of tho
faith. But the persecution against him daily blazed forth
with such virulence, that the whole city of Alexandria could
no longer contain him, as he removed from house to house,
driven about in every direction, on account of the great num
ber of those that had been brought over by him to the true
faith, since also his daily actions afforded admirable specimens
of a conduct resulting from a sound philosophy. For " as his
doctrine," say they, " so was his life ; and as his hfe, so also
was his doctrine." Wherefore, also, with the divine assist
ance, he induced numbers to imitate him. But when he saw
a greater number of pupils coming, the instruction of them -
having been committed to him entirely by Demetrius, the
bishop of the church, he thought that to teach literature ex
clusively1 was inconsistent with the study of divine truth,
and without delay abandoned the school of philosophy, as use
less, and an obstruction to his sacred studies. Then, also,
with a becoming consideration that he might not stand in
need of aid from others, he disposed of whatsoever works he
had formerly written on ancient works, and composed with
great elegance and taste, and was content with receiving four
oboli2 the day from the purchaser. Many years he continued
to lead this life of philosophy,3 completely removing aU
the incentives to youthful passions from . him, during the
whole day undergoing no trifling amount of laborious exer
cise, and at night devoting himself the most of the time to
the study of the Holy Scriptures, and restraining himself,
as far as possible, by a most rigid and philosophical life.
Sometimes he was exercised in the disciphne of fasting;
1 Literature exclusively. We have added the word exclusively as the
obvious meaning. Origen could not, without great inconsistency, con
sider the business of literary instruction as hostile to the study of divine
things, nor does this appear to have been his opinion. But the exclusive
occupation of such a teacher in his relative situation was incorr patible
with a higher duty. We have also rendered ypapparixoi Xoyoi, contrary
to our predecessors, by the terms literature and philology. Others render
grammar, but seem to have overlooked the fact, that the terms, beside
the grammatical study of a language, also comprehend the whole compass
of philology and the belles lettres.
2 Oboli. The obolus was a small coin, about a penny in value.
3 Philosophy. Our author uses this word, when applied to the primi
tive Christians, in a practical sense, indicating the austerity of life and
self-denial which they exercised.

AD. 193 — 211."} S. SEVERUS. 209
then, again, at night, he limited his times for sleep, which, in
consequence of his great zeal, he never enjoyed on his bed,
but upon the bare ground. But, most of all, he thought that
the evangelical precepts of our Saviour should be observed, in
which he exhorts that we should not have two coats, nor
make use of shoes, nor pass our time in cares for the future.
But indulging, also, an ardour greater than his years, he per
severed in cold and nakedness ; and advancing to the greatest
extremes of poverty, astonished, most of all, his nearest friends.
Many, indeed, that wished to impart to him some of their
means, were grieved on account of the laborious toil that he
endured for the sake of inspired truth. He did not, however,
relax in his perseverance. He is said, indeed, to have walked
the ground for many years without any shoes ; and also to
have abstained from the use of wine and other food not neces
sary for sustenance, many years. So that now he was greatly
in danger of subverting and destroying his constitution.4 But
/in presenting such specimens of his ascetic life to the beholders,
he naturally induced many of his visitors to pursue the same
course ; so that now many, both of the unbelieving heathen,
and some of the learned, and even philosophers of no mean
account, were prevailed upon to adopt his doctrine. Some of
these, also, having been deeply imbued by him, with the sound
faith in Christ deeply implanted in the soul, were also eminent
in the midst of the persecution then prevailing ; so that some
were taken, and finished their course by martyrdom.

CHAPTER IV.
THE NUMBER OF HIS CATECHUMENS THAT SUFFERED MARTYRDOM.
Op these, then, the first was that Plutarch, mentioned
above, at whose martyrdom, when led away to die, the same
Origen of whom we are now speaking, being present with
him to the last of his life, was nearly slain by his own country
men, as if he were the cause of his death. But the provi
dence of God preserved him likewise then. But after Plu
tarch, the second of Origen's disciples that was selected wsi
* The word used here is Siopaf, the chest.
{busebws.] r

210 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VI. C. 0.
Severus, who presented in the fire a proof of that unshaken
faith which he had received. The third that appeared as
martyr from the same school, was Heraclides ; and the fourth,
after him, was Heron : both of these were beneaded. Besides
these, the fifth of this school that was announced a champion
for religion, was another Severus, who, after a long series of-
tortures, is said to have been beheaded. Of women also,
Herais, who was yet a catechumen, and, as Origen himself
expresses it, after receiving her baptism by fire, departed
this life.

CHAPTER V.
OF POTAMI^iNA.
But, among these, Basilides must be numbered the seventh;
he who led away the celebrated Potamiama to execution, con
cerning whom many traditions are stiU circulated abroad
among the inhabitants of the place, of the innumerable con
flicts she endured for the preservation of her purity and
chastity, in which indeed she was eminent. For, besides the
perfections of her mind, she was blooming also in the matur
ity of personal attractions. Many things are also related of
her fortitude in suffering for faith in Christ ; and, at length,
after horrible tortures and pains, the very relation of which
makes one shudder, she was, with her mother MaceUa, com
mitted to the flames. It is said indeed that the judge, Aquila
by name, after having applied the severest tortures to her on
every part of her body, at last threatened that he would give
her body to be abused by the gladiators ; but that she, having
considered the matter a little, after being asked what she
would determine, made such a reply as made it appear that
she uttered something deemed impious with them. Immedi
ately, therefore, receiving the sentence of condemnation, she
was led away to die by Basilides, one of the officers in the
army. But when the multitude attempted to assault and in
sult her with abusive language, he, by keeping off, restrained
their insolence ; exhibiting the greatest compassion and kind
ness to her. Perceiving the man's sympathy, she exhorts him
to be of good cheer, for that after she was gone, she would
intercede for him with her Lord, and it would not be long

A u. i93 — 211.J S. SEVERUS. 211
before she would reward him for his kind deeds towards her.
Saying this, she nobly sustained the issue ; having boiling
pitch poured over different parts of her body, gradually by
little and httle, from her feet up to the crown of her head.
And such, then, was the conflict which this noble virgin en
dured. But not long after, Basihdes, being urged to swear
on a certain occasion by his fellow soldiers, declared that it
was not lawful for him to swear at all, for he was a Christian,
and this he plainly professed. At first, indeed, they thought
that he was thus far only jesting ; but as he constantly per
severed in the assertion, he was conducted to the judge, be
fore whom confessing his determination, he was committed to
prison. But when some of the brethren came to see him,
and inquired the cause of this sudden and singular resolve,
he is said to have declared, that Potamiaena indeed for the
three days after her martyrdom, standing before him at night,
placed a crown upon his head, and said that she had entreated
the Lord on his account, and she had obtained her prayer,
and that ere long she would take him with her. On this, the
brethren gave him the seal ' in the Lord ; and he, bearing a
distinguished testimony to the Lord, was beheaded. Many
others also, of those at Alexandria, are recorded as having
promptly attached themselves to the doctrine of Christ in
these times ; and this by reason of Potamiaena, who appeared
in dreams, and exhorted many to embrace the divine word.
But of these let this suffice.

CHAPTER VI.

CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA.

Clement having succeeded Pantaenus in the office of ele
mentary instruction, had charge of it until this time ; so that
Origen, whilst yet a boy, was one of his pupils. Clement, in
the first book of the work that he wrote, caUed Stromata, gives
us a chronological deduction of events down to the death of
Commodus. So that it is evident these works were written
in the reign of Severus, whose times we are now recording.
1 Our author here means baptism, which, in the primitive church, was
Bometimes thus figuraiively called. p 2

£12 ecclesiastical history. Ib. vi. c. 7, S

CHAPTER VII.
THE HISTORIAN JUDAS.
At this time, also, another historian, discoursing on the
seventy weeks of Daniel, extends his chronology down to the
tenth year of the reign of Severus, who also thought that the
appearance of antichrist, so much in the mouths of men, was
now fully at hand. So mightily did the agitation of persecu
tion, then prevailing, shake the minds of many.

CHAPTER VIIL
THE RESOLUTE ACT OF ORIGEN.

Whilst at this time Origen was performing the office of an
elementary instructor at Alexandria, he also carried a deed
into effect, which would seem, indeed, rather to proceed from
a youthful understanding not yet matured ; at the same time,
however, exhibiting the strongest proof of his faith and con
tinence. For understanding this expression, " There are
eunuchs who have made themselves such (who have acted
the eunuch) for the sake of the kingdom of heaven," in too
literal and puerile a sense, and at the same time thinking
that he would fulfil the words of our Saviour, whilst he also
wished to preclude the unbelievers from aU occasion of foul
slander, it being necessary for him, young as he was, to converse
on divine truth not only with men but with females also, he
was led on to fulfil the words of our Saviour by his deeds,
expecting that it would not be known to the most of his friends.
But it was impossible for him, much as he wished it, to con
ceal such an act. And when it was at last ascertained by
Demetrius, the bishop of the church there, well did he admire
the courage of the deed ; and perceiving the ardour and the
soundness of his faith, he immediately exhorts him to cherish
confidence ; and at this time, indeed, urges him the more to
continue in his work of instruction. Such, indeed, was his
conduct then. But not long after this, the same Demetrius,
seeing him doing well, great and iUustrious, and celebrated

A D. 211.] ANTONINUS. 213
among all, was overcome by human infirmity, and wrote
against him to the bishops throughout the world, and at
tempted to traduce what he had done as a most absurd act.
Then, as the most distinguished bishops of Palestine, and those
of Caesarea and Jerusalem, judged Origen worthy of the first
and highest honour, they ordained him to the presbytery by
the imposition of hands. He advanced, therefore, at this time,
to great reputation, and obtained a celebrity among all men, and
no little renown for his virtue and wisdom ; but Demetrius,
though he had no other charge to urge than that act which
was formerly done by him when but a boy, raised a violent
accusation against him. He attempted, also, to involve those
in his accusations who had elevated him to the presbytery.
These things were done a long time after. But Origen per
formed, without fear, his labours of instruction at Alexandria,
night and day, to aU that came ; devoting the whole of his
leisure incessantly to the study of divine things, and to those
that frequented his school. In the mean while, Severus, hav
ing held the government about eighteen years, was succeeded
by his son Antoninus. At this time, one of those that had
courageously endured the persecution, and who, by the provi
dence of God, had been preserved after the persecution, was
Alexander, who we have already shown was bishop of the
church at Jerusalem, and had been deemed worthy of this
episcopate on account of his distinguished firmness in his con
fession of Christ during the persecution. This happened
whilst Narcissus was yet living.

CHAPTER IX.
THE MIRACLE OF NARCISSUS.

Many miracles are attributed to Narcissus by his country
men, as they received the tradition handed down from the
brethren. Among these they relate a wonderful event like
the following. About the great watch of the passover, they
say, that whilst the deacons were keeping the vigils the oil
failed them ; upon which aU the people being very much de
jected, Narcissus commanded the men that managed the Ughts

214 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VI. C. 9.
to draw water from a neighbouring weU, and to bring it to
him. He having done it as soon as said, Narcissus prayed
over the water, and then commanded them in a firm faith in
Christ, to pour it into the lamps. When they had also done
this, contrary to all natural expectation, by an extraordinary
and divine influence, the nature of the water was changed
into the quality of oil, and by most of the brethren a small
quantity was preserved from that time until our own, as a
specimen of the wonder then performed. They relate also
many other matters worthy of note respecting the life of this
man. Among these, such as the following. Certain feUows
not being able to endure the firm and constant character of
his life, fearing also lest they should be taken and punished
for the numerous crimes of which they were conscious, en
deavoured to anticipate him, by plotting an artifice against
him.1 They gave currency therefore to a foul slander against
him. Then, in order to make the hearers believe, they con
firmed their accusations with oaths ; and one of them swore
that he might perish with fire ; another, that his body might
be wasted with a miserable and foul disease ; a third, that he
should be deprived of his eyes; but notwithstanding their
oaths, none of the faithful heeded them, on account of the
well-known continent and virtuous life which Narcissus had
always led. Unable, however, to endure the wickedness
of these men, and having besides already long before em
braced a life of contemplation, he ran away from the body ofthe
church, and continued many years concealed in deserts and
trackless wilds. But the omnipotent eye of justice did not
remain inactive in the midst of these things ; but soon de
scended with his judgments upon the impious wretches, and
bound them with the curses they had invoked. The first in
deed, in consequence of a Ught spark falling upon his habita
tion without any apparent cause, was burnt with his whole
family. The next was forthwith covered with the disease
which he had imprecated upon himself, from the extremity of
his feet to the top of his head. But the third, perceiving the
events of the former two, and dreading the inevitable judg
ment of the all-seeing God, confessed indeed to aU the slander
1 The meaning is, that Narcissus was so rigid in his discipline, that
these slanderers could not bear his uniform and exemplary life, whilst
they were also afraid of detection and punishment for their own crimes.

AD. 211 — 217.] CARACALLA AND GETA. 215
which had been concocted in common among them. But he
was so wasted with excessive grieving, and so incessantly dif
fused with tears, that at last both his eyes were destroyed.
And these suffered the punishment due to their calumnies,

CHAPTER X.
THE BISHOPS IN JERUSALEM.

Narcissus having retired from the world, and no one know
ing whither he had gone, it seemed proper to the bishops of
the neighbouring churches to proceed to the ordination of
another bishop. Dius was his name, who, after presiding over
the church a short time, was succeeded by Germanio, and he
by Gordius, in whose times Narcissus appearing again as one
raised from the dead, was entreated by the brethren to under
take the episcopate again ; all admiring him still more, both
for his retired Ufe, and his philosophy, and above aU on ac
count of the punishment inflicted by God upon his slanderers.

CHAPTER XI.

OF ALEXANDER.

But as, on account of his extreme age, he was now no
longer able to perform the duties of his office, by a divine
dispensation revealed in a dream at night, the above-men
tioned Alexander, who was bishop of another church, was
called to the office at the same time with Narcissus. Influ
enced by this, as if an oracle from God had commanded him,
he performed a journey from Cappadocia, where he was first
made bishop, to Jerusalem, in consequence of a vow and the
celebrity of the place. Whilst he was there, most cordially
entertained by the brethren, who would not suffer him to re
turn home, another revelation also appeared to them at night,
and uttered a most distinct communication to those that were
eminent for a devoted life. This communication was, that by
going forth beyond the gates, they should receive the bishop
pointed out to them by God. Having done this, with the

216 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VI. c 11.
common consent of the bishops of the neighbouring churches,
they constrain him to stay among them. Alexander indeed,
himself, in his particular epistles to the Antinoites, which are
still preserved among us, makes mention of the episcopal
office as shared by himself with Narcissus, in the foUowing
words, at the end of the epistle : " Narcissus salutes you, the
same who before me held the episcopate here, and is now col-
leagued with me in prayers, being now advanced to his hun
dred and tenth year, and who with me exhorts you to be of
one mind." Such, then, were these events. But Serapion
dying at Antioch, he was succeeded by Asclepiades ; he, also,
was distinguished among the confessions ' in the persecution.
His consecration is also mentioned by Alexander, who writes
to the inhabitants of Antioch thus : " Alexander, a servant
and prisoner of Jesus Christ, sends, greeting, in the Lord, to
to the blessed church at Antioch, in the Lord. The Lord has
made my bonds easy and light during the time of my impri
sonment, since I have ascertained, that by divine providence,
Asclepiades, who in regard to his faith is most happily quali
fied, has undertaken the trust of the episcopate of your holy
church." This same epistle intimates, that he sent it by Cle
ment, writing at the end of it, as foUows : " This epistle, my
brethren, I have sent to you by Clement, the blessed presbyter,
a man endued with all virtue, and weU approved, whom you
already know, and will learn still more to know ; who, also,
coming hither, by the providence, and superintendence of the
Lord, has confirmed and increased the church of God."
1 The primitive church, as is evident from our author, distinguished a
confession from martyrdom. The former implied all sufferings and trials
for the sake of religion, except the loss of life. The latter was attended
with this also. Hence, the latter was regarded as the highest grade of
confession, and as such the martyr, in contradistinction to the confessor,
was said to be perfected. The expression, therefore, " to be perfected,"
often occurs in our author, in the sense of being put to death. This re
mark will explain the expression as it occurs sometimes in the book cl
martyrs.

A.D. 211 — 21". J CARACALLA AND GETA. 217
CHAPTER XII.
SERAPION, AND THE WRITINGS ASCRIBED TO HIM.
Serapion, however, it is probable, has left many monuments
of his application to learning, which are preserved by others ;
but only those that are addressed to Domninus have come
down to us. He was one of those that had fallen away from
the faith, at the time of the persecution, and relapsed into
Jewish superstition. Those epistles, also, that he addressed
to Pontus and Caricus, ecclesiastical writers, and many others
to others. There is also another work composed by him on
the Gospel of Peter, as it is called ; which, indeed, he wrote
to refute the false assertions which it contains, an account of
some in the church of Rhosse,2 who by this work were led
astray to perverted doctrines. From which it may be well to
add some brief extracts, by which it may be seen what he
thought of the book : —
"We, brethren," say he, "receive Peter and the. other
apostles as Christ himself. But those writings which falsely
go under their name, as we are weU acquainted with them,
we reject, and know also, that we have not received such
handed down to us. But when I came to you, I had sup
posed that aU held to the true faith ; and as I had not pe
rused the Gospel presented by them under the name of Peter,
I said, ' If this be the only thing that creates difference among
you, let it be read ;' but now having understood, from what
was said to me, that their minds were enveloped in some
heresy, I wiU make haste to come to you again ; therefore,
brethren, expect me soon. But as we perceived what was
the heresy of Marcianus, we plainly saw that he ignorantly
contradicted himself, which things you may learn from what
has been written to you. For we have borrowed this Gospel
from others, who have studied it, that is, from the successors
of those who led the way before him, whom we call Docetae
(for most opinions have sprung from this sect). And in this
we have discovered many things, superadded, to the sound
faith of our Saviour ; some, also, attached that are foreign to
it, and which we have also subjoined for your sake." Thus
far of the works of Serapion.
* Rhosse was a town of Cilicia. Plutarch calls it Orossus.

2l£ ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [n. VI. C. 13.

CHAPTER Xin.
THE WORKS OF CLEMENT.
Of Clement there are, in all, eight books extant, called
Stromata,1 t3 which he has prefixed the foUowing title:
" Stromata of Commentaries, by Titus Flavius Clement, on
the Knowledge of the True Philosophy."
Equal in number to these, are the books that go under the
title of Hypotyposes, or Institutions. In these, he also men
tions Pantaenus by name, as his teacher, giving the opinions
that he expressed, and traditions that he had received from.
him. There is also a book of exhortation, addressed by him
to the Greeks. Also, one entitled the Paedagogue, and an
other with the title, " What Rich Man may be saved." A
work also on the Passover. Discussions also on Fasting and
Detraction. An Exhortation, also, to Patience, or an Address
to the New Converts (Neophytes). A work, also, with the
title, Ecclesiastical Canon, or an Address to the Judaizing
(Christians), which he dedicated to the above-mentioned
bishop Alexander. In these Stromata, he has not only spread
out 2 the divine Scriptures, (made a spreading,) but he also
quotes from the Gentiles where he finds any useful remark
with them, elucidating many opinions held by the multitude
both among the Greeks and barbarians. Moreover, he refutes
the false opinions of the heresiarchs. He also reviews a great
point of history, in which he presents materials of great va
riety of learning. With aU these he intermixes the opinions
of philosophers ; whence, in aU probability, he took the title
Stromata, as corresponding to the materials (of his book). In
these he also makes use of testimony from the Antilegomenoi,
the disputed Scriptures ; also from that book caUed the Wis-
1 The Greek word stromateus, which Clement prefixed as the title to
each of his books, means a covering, or hangings for a table, or couch,
mostly of various colours. It also signified, in later times, the bag in
which the beds and covers were tied up. The former, however, gave rise
to the use of it as a title for books of various contents. Hence, they were
miscellanies. The plural of this word is stromates, or stromateis, to avoid
which we use the synonymous stromata.
2 Our author here plays upon the title Stromateus, giving us by the way
to understand what was meant by the word, viz., a variegated covering
spread out.

A, D. 211 — 217.] CARACALLA AND GETA. 219
dom of Solomon, and that of Jesus the son of Sirach ; also the
Epistle to the Hebrews, that of Barnabas, and Clement, and
Jude. He mentions also the work of Tatian against the
Greeks ; Cassian, also, who wrote a history of the times in
chronological order. Moreover, he mentions the Jewish au
thors Philo, and Aristobulus, Josephus, and Demetrius, and
Eupolemus, as all of these in their works prove that Moses
and the Jewish nation are much older than the earliest origin
of the Greeks. The works of this writer here mentioned,
also abound in a great variety of other learning. In the first
of these he speaks of himself as being the next that succeeded
the apostles, and he promises in his works also, to write a
commentary on Genesis ; also in his treatise on the Passover,
he acknowledges that for the benefit of posterity he was urged
by his friends to commit to writing those traditions that he
had heard from the ancient presbyters. He mentions, also,
Melito and Irenaeus, and others, some of whose narratives he
also gives.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE BOOKS THAT CLEMENT MENTIONS.
In the work called Hypotyposes, to sum up the matter
briefly, he has given us abridged accounts of all the canonical
Scriptures, not even omitting those that are disputed, (The
Antilegomenoi,) I mean the book of Jude, and the other ge
neral epistles. Also the epistle of Barnabas, and that called the
revelation of Peter. But the Epistle to the Hebrews he as
serts was written by Paul, to the Hebrews, in the Hebrew
tongue ; but that it was carefully translated by Luke, and
pubhshed among the Greeks. Whence, also, one finds the
same character of style and of phraseology in the epistle, as in
the Acts. " But it is probable that the title, Paul the Apostle,
was not prefixed to it. For as he wrote to the Hebrews, who
had imbibed prejudices against him, and suspected him, he
wisely guards against diverting them from the perusal, by
giving his name." A little after this he observes : " But now
as the blessed presbyter used to say, ' Since the Lord who was
the apostle of the Almighty, was sent to the Hebrews, Paul,
by reason of his inferiority, as if sent to the Gentiles, did not

220 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VI C. 14.
subscribe himself an apostle of the Hebrews ; both out of re
verence for the Lord, and because he wrote of his abundance
to the Hebrews, as a herald and apostle of the Gentiles.'"
Again, in the same work, Clement also gives the tradition re
specting the order of the Gospels, as derived from the oldest
presbyters, as follows : " He says that those which contain the
genealogies were written first ; but that the Gospel of Mark
was occasioned in the following manner : ' When Peter had
proclaimed the word publicly at Rome, and declared the gos
pel under the influence of the Spirit ; as there was a great
number present, they requested Mark, who had followed him
from afar, and remembered well what he had said, to reduce
these things to writing, and that after composing the Gospel
he gave it to those who requested it of him. Which when
Peter understood, he directly neither hindered nor encouraged
it. But John, last of aU, perceiving that what had reference
to the body in the gospel of our Saviour, was sufficiently de
tailed, and being encouraged by his familiar friends, and urged
by the Spirit, he wrote a spiritual gospel.' " Thus far Clement.
But again, the above-mentioned Alexander mentions both
Clement and Pantasnus, in a certain epistle to Origen, as men
with whom he was familiarly acquainted. Thus he writes :
" For this, thou knowest, was the divine wiU, that the friend
ship which has existed between us from our ancestors, should
remain unshaken, rather, that it should grow warmer and
firmer. For we well know those blessed fathers, that have
trod the path before us, and to whom we ere long shaU go.
Pantaanus, that truly blessed man, my master, also the holy
Clement, who was both my master and benefactor, and who
ever there may be like them, by whom I have become ac
quainted with thee, my lord and brother, surpassing aU."
Such is the complexion of these matters. But Adamantius,
for this too was Origen's name, whilst Zephyrinus, at this
time, was bishop of the church of Rome, says that he also
came to Rome, being desirous of seeing the very ancient
church of Rome. After no long stay, he returned to Alex
andria, and there fulfilled the duties of an instructor, with
the greatest diligence, in which he was also encouraged by
Demetrius, who was then bishop, and who earnestly counseUed
him to labour cheerfully for the benefit of the brethren.

Ji. D. 211 — 217.1 CARACALLA AND GETA. 221

CHAPTER XV.
OF HERACLAS.
_ But when he saw that he was not adequate at the same
time to the more intense study of divine things, and to the
interpretation of the Scriptures, and in addition to the in
struction of the catechumens, who scarcely allowed him even
to draw breath, one coming after another from morning till
night, to be taught by him, he divided the multitude, and se
lected Heraclas, one of his friends, who was devoted to the
study of the Scriptures, and in other respects also a most
learned man, not unacquainted with philosophy, and asso
ciated him with himself in the office of instruction. To him,
therefore, he committed the elementary initiation of those that
were yet to be taught the first beginning, or rudiments, but
reserved for himself lecturing to those that were more familiar
with the subject.

CHAPTER XVI.
THE GREAT STUDY WHICH ORIGEN DEVOTED TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.
But so great was the research which Origen applied in the
investigation of the Holy Scriptures, that he also studied the
Hebrew language ; and those original works written in the
Hebrew and in the hands of the Jews, he procured as his
own. He also investigated the editions of others, who, be
sides the Seventy, had published translations of the Scriptures,
and some different from the weU-known translations of Aquila,
Symmachus, and Theodotion, which he searched up and traced
to I know not what ancient lurking-places, where they had
lain concealed from remote times, and brought them to the
Hght. In which, when it was doubtful to him from what
author they came, he only added the remark that he had
found this translation at Nicopolis near Actium, but this other
translation in such a place. In the Hexapla, indeed, of the
Psalms, after those four noted editions, he adds not only a
fifth, but a sixth and seventh translation, and in one it is re-

222 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [b. VI. C. 17, 18.
marked that it was discovered at Jericho, in a tub, in the
times of Antonine the son of Severus. Having collected all
these versions, and divided them by punctuation into their
proper members, and arranged them opposite one another in
parallel columns, together with the Hebrew texts, he left us
those copies of the Hexapla which we now have. In a
separate work he also prepared an edition of Aquila and
Symmachus, and Theodotion, together with the Septuagint,
in what is called the Tetrapla.

CHAPTER XVII.
OF THE TRANSLATOR SYMMACHUS.

Of these translators it should be observed that Symmachus
was an Ebionite; but the heresy of the Ebionites, as it is
called, asserts that Christ was born of Joseph and Mary, and
supposes him to be a mere man, and insists upon an observ
ance of the law too much after the manner of the Jews, as
we have aheady seen in a previous part of our history. There
are also commentaries of Symmachus still extant, in which
he appears to direct his remarks against the Gospel of Mat
thew,1 in order to establish this heresy. But Origen remarks
that he received these, with interpretations of others, from
one Juliana, who, he also said, derived them by inheritance
from Symmachus himself.

CHAPTER XVIII.
OF AMBROSE.

About this time also, Ambrose, who had favoured the
heresy of Valentinus, being convinced by the truth as main
tained by Origen, and as if illuminated by a light beaming en
his mind, became attached to the sound doctrine of the church.
1 The Ebionites admitted only St. Matthew's Gospel to be genuine ;
but that Gospel of the Ebionites was not the same Gospel of St. Matthew
which we now have, but a forged one, which wanted the genealogy ol
Christ, as Epiphanius declares, in Heres. Ebic n.

A. D. 211 — 217.] CARACALLA AND GETA. 223
Many others, also, induced by the celebrity of Origen's learn
ing, came to him from all parts, to make trial of the man's
skill in sacred hterature. Many also of the heretics, and of
distinguished philosophers not a few, were among his diligen t
hearers, deriving instructions from him, not only in divine
things, but also in those which belonged to foreign philosophy .
As many as he saw endowed with abilities, he also taught
the philosophical branches, such as geometry, arithmetic, and
other preparatory studies; and then advancing them to the
opinions in vogue among the philosophers, and explaining
their writings, he commented and speculated upon each, so
that he was celebrated as a great philosopher even among
the Greeks. He also instructed many of the more common
people in the liberal studies, asserting frequently that they
would receive no small advantage from these in understanding
the Holy Scriptures ; whence also he considered the studies
of pohtical and philosophical matters particularly necessary
for himself.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE ACCOUNTS GIVEN OF ORIGEN BY OTHERS.
But the GentUe philosophers themselves, among the
Greeks who flourished in the age of Origen, bear witness to
his proficiency in these studies, in whose works we find fre
quent mention made of the man ; at one time quoting his own
words, at another referring their own labours to his judgment
as to a master. Why should we say this, when even Por
phyry, who was our contemporary, wrote books against us,
and attempted to slander the sacred writings ; when he men
tioned those that had expounded them, and when unable to
urge any opprobrious censure against the doctrines, for want
of argument, he turned to reviling, and to slander especially
the commentators, among whom he is particularly fierce
against Origen, saying that he knew him when he was a
young man. But, in fact, without knowing it, he commends
the man ; saying some things in confirmation of the truth
when he could not do otherwise, and in other matters uttering
falsehoods where he thought he would not be detected. Some
times he accuses him as a Christian, and sometimes he ad-

fc24 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b.VI. C. 19.
mires and describes his proficiency in the branches of philoso
phy. Hear his own words : " But some," says he, " ambitious
rather to find some solution to the absurdities of the Jewish
writings, instead of abandoning them, have turned their minds
to expositions, inconsistent with themselves, and inapplicable
to the writings ; and which, instead of furnishing a defence
of these foreigners, only give us encomiums and remarks in
their praise. For boasting of what Moses says plainly in his
writings, as if they were dark and intricate propositions, and
attaching to them divine influence, as if they were oracles re
plete with hidden mysteries ; and in their vanity pretending
to great discrimination of mind, they thus produce their ex
positions." Then, again, he says : " But let us take an example of thi3
absurdity, from the very man whom I happened to meet when
I was very young, and who was very celebrated, and is stUl cele
brated by the writings that he has left ; I mean Origen, whose
glory is very great with the teachers of these doctrines. For
this man having been a hearer of Ammonius, who had made the
greatest proficiency in philosophy among those of our day, as
to knowledge, derived great benefit from his master, but with
regard to a correct purpose of life he pursued a course directly
opposite. For Ammonius, being a Christian, had been educated
among Christians by his parents, and when he began to ex
ercise his own understanding, and apply himself to philosophy,
he immediately changed his views, and lived according to the
laws. But Origen, as a Greek, being educated in Greek liter
ature, declined to this barbarian impudence.1 To which, also,
betaking himself, he both consigned himself and his attain
ments in learning, living like a Christian, and swerving from
the laws ; but in regard to his opinions, both of things and
the Deity, acting the Greek, and intermingling Greek liter
ature with these foreign fictions. For he was always in com
pany with Plato, and had the works also of Numenius and
Cranius, of Apollophanes and Longinus, of Moderatus and
Nicomachus, and others whose writings are valued, in his
1 The heathens called the Christians' and Jews' rej^on^bsfd
Justin, Tatian, and others affirm : so they termed eveS-ything wH
not Grecian. Porphyrius calls this " barbarous impudence," to i
the Roman gods, and the emperor's edicts, and be forced by no torments
or persecutions to sacrifice to those heathen gods. Vales.

A. D. 211  217.] CARACALLA AND GKTA. 225
hands. He also read the works of Chaeremon, the stoic, and
those of Cornutus. From these he derived the allegorical mode
of interpretation usual in the mysteries of the Greeks, and ap
plied it to the Jewish Scriptures."
Such are the assertions made by Porphyry, in the third
book of his works, against the Christians, in which he asserts
the truth respecting the study and great learning of the man,
but also plainly asserts a falsehood, (for what would not a man
do writing against Christians ?) when he says that he went
over from the Greeks to the Christians, and that Ammonius
apostatized from a life of piety to hve like the heathen. For
the doctrine of Origen, and his Christian instruction, he de
rived from his ancestors, as our history has already shown ;
and Ammonius continued to adhere unshaken, to the end of
his days, to the unadulterated principles of the inspired phi
losophy. This is evident from the labours of the man that
are extant, in his written works, and that establishes his re
putation with most men, even at the present day. As, for
instance, that work with the title, " The Harmony of Moses
and Jesus," and whatsoever others are found among the learned.
Let these, therefore, suffice to evince both the calumnies of
the false accuser, and also the great proficiency of Origen in
the branches of Grecian hterature. Respecting this, he de
fends himself, in an epistle, against the aUegations of some
who censured him for devoting so much study to these, writ
ing as follows : " But," says he, " when I had devoted my
self whoUy to the word, and my fame went abroad concerning
my proficiency, as I was sometimes visited by heretics, some
times by those who were conversant with the studies of the
Greeks, especially those that were pursuing philosophy, I was
resolved to examine both the opinions of the heretics, and
those works of the philosophers which pretend to speak of
truth. This we have also done, in imitation of Pantaenus, by
whom so many have been benefited before us, and who was
not meanly furnished with erudition like this. In this I have
also followed the example of Heraclas, who has now a seat in
the presbytery of Alexandria, who I have found persevered
five years with a teacher of philosophy before I began to at
tend to these studies. Wherefore, also, as he had before used
a common dress, he threw it aside, and assuming the habit2 of
* The philosophic habit was the pallium, or cloak; which was the
( EUSEBIUS.] Q

226 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VT. C. 19.
philosophers, he retains it even until1 now. He also still
continues to criticise the works of the Greeks with great dili
gence." These remarks were made by Origen, when he de
fended himself for his application to the study of the Greeks,
About the same time, also, whilst he was staying at Alexan
dria, a soldier arriving, handed a letter both to Demetrius, the
bishop of the place, and to the prefect of Egypt, from the
governor of Arabia ; the purport of which was that he should
send Origen to him, in aU haste, in order to communicate to
him his doctrine. Wherefore he was sent by them. But, ere
long, having finished the objects of his visit, he again returned
to Alexandria. Some time after, however, when a consider
able war broke out in the city, he made his escape out of the
city ; and not thinking it would be safe to stay in Egypt, came
to Palestine, and took up his abode in Cassarea. There he
was also requested by the bishops to expound the sacred
Scriptures publicly in the church, although he had not yet
obtained the priesthood by the imposition of hands. This
might also be shown, from what was written to Demetrius
respecting him, by Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, and
Theoctistus, bishop of Caesarea, who defended him in the
following manner:2 — "He has added (i. e. Demetrius) to his
letter, that this was never before either heard or done, that
laymen should deliver discourses in the presence of the
bishops. I know not how it happens that he is here evidently
so far from the truth. For, indeed, wheresoever there are
found those qualified to benefit the brethren, these are ex
horted by the holy bishops to address the people. Thus at
Laranda, Euelpis was exhorted by Neon, and at Iconium,
Paulinus by Celsus, and at Synada, Theodore by Atticus, our
blessed brethren. It is also probable that this has happened
in other places, but we know not that it has." In this way
usual badge of the Greek philosophers, different from that which was worn
by the ordinary Greeks ; which those Christians still retained, who before
their conversion had been professed philosophers : this our Eusebius
affirms of Justin the martyr, (b. iv. chap. 11,) ev 0t\o<ro0ou axvpan Ttpia-
j3eviov tov Selov Xoyov, " one that in a philosophic habit was an asserterof
the divine word."
1 Hence we may conjecture that the clergy had at that time no peculiar
habit ; seeing that Heraclas, a presbyter of Alexandria, and afterwards
bishop, always retained his philosophi? habit. Vales.
* Demetrius is here addressed, by way of respect, in the third person

A. D. 217, 218.] MACRINUS. 227
the selfsame Origen was honoured, when yet a young man,
not only by his own familiar friends, but also by bishops
abroad. But Demetrius, recaUing him by letter, and urging
his return to Alexandria, by sending members and deacons of
the church, he returned and pursued the accustomed duties cf
his occupation.

CHAPTER XX.
THE WORKS OF THE WRITERS OF THE DAY STILL EXTANT.
Many learned men of the church also flourished in these
times, of wl.om we may easily find epistles, which they wrote
to one another, stiU extant. These have been also preserved
for us in the library of .ZEUa, which was built by Alexander,
who was bishop there. From this we have also been able to
coUect materials for our present work. Of these Beryllus has
left us, together with epistles and treatises, also different kinds
of works written with elegance and taste. But he was bishop
of Bostra, in Arabia. Hippolytus, also, who was bishop of
another church, has left us some works. There is beside, a
discussion that has come down to us, of Caius, a most learned
man, held at Rome in the times of Zephyrinus, against
Proclus, who contended for the Phrygian heresy. In which,
whilst he silences the rashness and daring of his opponents in
composing new books, (i. e. of Scripture,) he makes mention
of only thirteen epistles, not reckoning that to the Hebrews
with the rest ; as there are, even to this day, some of the
Romans who do not consider it to be the work of the apostles.

CHAPTER XXI.
IHE BISHOPS THAT WERE NOTED AT THIS TIME.
Antonine reigned seven years and six months, and was
succeeded by Macrinus ; and he, after the lapse of a year, was
succeeded by another Antonine, in the sovereignty of Rome.
In the first year of the latter, Zephyrinus, the bishop of Rome,
departed this life, after having charge of the church eighteen
o 2

228 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [b. VI. C. 22, 23.
years. He was succeeded in the episcopate by Callisthus
who survived him five years, and left the church to fjrbanus.
After these the government of Rome was held by the emperor
Alexander, Antonine having lived only four years from the
commencement of his reign. At this time also, Philetas suc
ceeds Asclepiades in the church of Antioch But Mamsea,
the emperor's mother, a woman distinguished for her piet)
and religion, when the fame of Origen had now been every
where spread abroad, so that it also reached her ears, was
very eager both to be honoured with a sight of the man, and
to make trial of his skill in divine things so greatly extoUed.
Therefore, whilst staying at Alexandria, she sent for him by
a military escort. With her he staid some time, exhibiting
innumerable matters calculated to promote the glory of the
Lord, and to evince the excellence of divine instruction, after
which he hastened back again to his accustomed engagements.

CHAPTER XXII.
THE WORKS OF HIPPOLYTUS, THAT HAVE REACHED US.
At the same time, Hippolytus, who composed many other
treatises, also wrote a work on the passover. In this he traces
back the series of times, and presents a certain canon com
prising a period of sixteen years, on the Passover, limiting
his computation of the times to the first year of the emperor
Alexander. But the remaining works written by him, that
have come down to us, are the foUowing : On the Hexdheme-
ron, On the Works after the Hexahemeron, To Mareion, On
the Canticles, On parts of Ezekiel, On the Passover, Against
all the Heresies. You will also find many others stiU preserved
by many.

CHAPTER XXIII.
ORIGEN'S ZEAL, AND HIS ELEVATION TO THE PRIESTHOOD.
From this time, however, Origen began his Commentaries
on the sacred Scriptures, to which he was particularly urged

A E. 222 — 235.] ALEXANDER SEVERUS. 229
by Ambrose, who presented innumerable incentives, not only
by verbal exhortation, but by furnishing the most ample sup
plies of all necessary means ; for he had more than seven
amanuenses, when he dictated, who relieved each other at ap
pointed times. He had not fewer copyists, as also girls, who
were weU exercised in more elegant writing. For all which,
Ambrose furnished an abundant supply of all the necessary
expense. And indeed he, for his own part, evinced an inex
pressible zeal in the study of the sacred Scriptures, by which
also he particularly stimulated Origen to write his Commen
taries. Whilst this was the state of things, Urban, who had
been bishop of Rome eight years, was succeeded by Pontianus.
At Antioch, Philetus was succeeded by Zebinus. At this^
time Origen, being compelled by some necessary affairs of the
church, went to Greece by way of Palestine, where he re- \y
ceived the ordination to the priesthood, at Cassarea, from the
bishops of that country. The matters that were agitated upon
this in reference to him, and the decisions of the bishops of
the churches, in consequence of these movements, and what
soever other works he wrote in the prime of his life, to advance
the divine word, as it demands a separate treatise, we have
sufficiently stated in the second book of the work we have
written in his defence.

CHAPTER XXIV.
THE EXPOSITIONS HE GAVE AT ALEXANDRIA.
To these it might be necessary, perhaps, to add, that in the
sixth book of his exegetical works on the Gospel of John, he
shows that the first five were composed by him whilst yet at
Alexandria. But of the whole work on this Gospel, only
twenty-two books have come down to us. But in the ninth
book on Genesis, for there are twelve in all, he not only shows
that the eight preceding ones were written at Alexandria, but
also, his commentaries on the first five and twenty Psalms.
Moreover, those on Lamentations, of which five books have
reached us, in which he also makes mention of his books on
the resurrection. But these are two in number. Likewise,
the works on the Principles were written before his removal

230 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VI. C. 25.
from Alexandria, and also those eLtitled Stromata, in number
ten, he composed in the same city during the reign of the
emperor Alexander, as is shown by his own notes, fuUy writ
ten out before the books.

CHAPTER XXV.
HIS REVIEW OF THE COLLECTIVE SCRIPTURES.
In his exposition of the first Psalm, he has given a cata
logue of the books in the sacred Scriptures of the Old Testa
ment, as foUows : " But it should be observed that the
collective books, as handed down by the Hebrews, are
twenty-two, according to the number of letters in their alpha
bet." After some further remarks, he subjoins : " These
twenty-two books, according to the Hebrews, are as foUows :
That which is caUed Genesis, but by the Hebrews, from the
beginning of the book, Bresith, which means, ' in the begin
ning.' Exodus, Walesmoth,1 which means, 'these are the
names.' Leviticus, Waikra, ' and he caUed.' Numbers, Anmes-
phekodlim. Deuteronomy, Elle haddabarim, that is, 'these are
the words.' Jesus the son of Nave, in Hebrew, Joshue ben
Nun. Judges and Ruth, in one book, with the Hebrews,
which they call Sophetim. Of Kings, the First and Second,
one book, with them caUed Samuel, ' the caUed of God.' The
Third and Fourth of Kings, also in one book with them, and
called, Wahammelech Dabid,2 which means, 'and king David.'
The First and Second Book of the Paralipomena, contained
in one volume with them, and called Dibre Hamaim, which
means the words, i. e. ' the records of days.' The First and
Second of Esdras, in one, caUed Ezra, i. e. 'an assistant.' The
Book of Psalms, Sepher ThehiUim. The Proverbs of Solo-
1 We haye here given the Hebrew pronunciation according to Origen's
Greek, which differs sometimes from the common pronunciation ; allow
ance must also be made for the pronunciation of the Greek itself.
2 David is here written with a j3, and we have given it according to our
usual Greek pronunciation. But Origen appears to have pronounced the
beta as v ; as also the Septuagint, who, in several instances, give the name
Aa/SiS, from the Hebrew, where it would be impossible to suppose they
had the sound of 6. Some of the older grammarians, as Clenardus, fol
low the same pronunciation.

A.. I>. 222 — 235.J ALEXANDER SEVERUS. 231
mon, Misloth. Ecclesiastes, Coheleth. The Song of Songs,
Sir Hasirim. Isaiah, Iesaia. Jeremiah, with the Lamenta
tions, and his Epistle, in one, Jeremiah. Daniel, Daniel.
Ezekiel, Jeezkel. Job, Job. Esther, also with the Hebrews,
Esther. Besides these, there are, also, the Maccabees, which
are inscribed Sarbeth sarbane el.'"
These, then, are the books that he mentions in the book
mentioned above. But in the first book of his Commentaries
on the Gospel of Matthew, following the Ecclesiastical Canon,
he attests that he knows of only four Gospels, as follows : "As
I have understood from tradition, respecting the four Gospels,
which are the only undisputed ones in the whole church of
God throughout the world. The first is written according to
Matthew, the same that was once a publican, but afterwards
an apostle of Jesus Christ, who having published it for the
Jewish converts, wrote it in the Hebrew. The second is ac
cording to Mark, who composed it as Peter explained to him,
whom he also acknowledges as his son in his general Epistle,
saying, 'The elect church in Babylon salutes you, as also
Mark my son.' And the third, according to Luke, the Gospel
commended by Paul, which was written for the converts from
the Gentiles ; and last of all the Gospel according to John."
And in the fifth book of his Commentaries on John, the same
author writes as foUows : "But he being well fitted to be a
minister of the New Testament, Paul, I mean a minister not of
the letter, but of the spirit ; who, after spreading the gospel
from Jerusalem and the country around as far as Illyricum,
did not even write to aU the churches to which he preached,
but even to those to whom he wrote he only sent a few lines.
But Peter, upon whom the church of Christ is built, against
which the gates of hell shall not prevail, has left one epistle
andisputed. Suppose, also, the second was left by him, for on
this there is some doubt. What shall we say of him who re
clined upon the breast of Jesus, I mean John ? who has left
one Gospel, in which he confesses that he could write so many
that the whole world could not contain them. He also wrote
the Apocalypse, commanded as he was, to conceal, and not to
write the voices of the seven thunders. He has also left an
epistle consisting of very few lines ; suppose, also, that a
second and third is from him, for not all agree that they are
genuine, but both together do not contain a hundred lines."

232 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VI. C. 26.
To these remarks he also adds the following observation on
the Epistle to the Hebrews, in his homilies on the same : " The
style of the Epistle with the title, ' To the Hebrews,' has not
that vulgarity of diction which belongs to the apostle, who
confesses that he is but common in speech, that is, in his
phraseology. But that this Epistle is more pure Greek in the
composition of its phrases, every one wiU confess who is able
to discern the difference of style. Again, it will be obvious
that the ideas of the Epistle are admirable, and not inferior to
any of the books acknowledged to be apostohc. Every one
wiU confess the truth of this, who attentively reads the apos
tle's writings." To these he afterwards again adds : " But I
would say, that the thoughts are the apostle's, but the diction
and phraseology belong to some one who has recorded what
the apostle said, and as one who noted down at his leisure
what his master dictated. If, then, any church considers this
Epistle as coming from Paul, let it be commended for this, for
neither did those ancient men deliver it as such without cause.
But who it was that really wrote the Epistle, God only knows
The account, however, that has been current before us is, ac
cording to some, that Clement, who was bishop of Rome, wrote
the Epistle ; according to others, that it was written by Luke,
who wrote the Gospel and the Acts." But let this suffice on
these subjects.

CHAPTER XXVI.
HERACLAS SUCCEEDS TO THE EPISCOPATE OF ALEXANDRIA.
But this was the tenth year of the above-mentioned reign,
(of Alexander,) in which Origen, after removing from Alex
andria to Cassarea, left his school for catechetical instruction
there in the charge of Heraclas. But ere long Demetrius, the
bishop of the church of Alexandria, died, having performed
the duties of the office, upon the whole, forty-three years.
He was succeeded by Heraclas. About this time also flour
ished Firmilianus, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia.

a. d. 235—238.] maximinus. 233

CHAPTER XXVII,
HOW THE BISHOPS REGARDED HIM.
This bishop was so favourably disposed towards Origen,
that he then caUed him to the regions in which he dwelt, to
benefit the churches ; at another time, he went to visit him in
Judea, and passed some time with him there, for the sake of
improvement in things divine. Moreover, Alexander, the
bishop of Jerusalem, and Theoctistus, bishop of Caasarea, at
tending him the whole time nearly like pupils their master,
allowed him alone to perform the duties of expounding the
sacred Scriptures, and other matters that pertain to the doc
trines of the church.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE PERSECUTION UNDER MAXIMINUS.
But the emperor Alexander being carried off after a reign
of thirteen years, was succeeded by Maximinus, who, in
flamed with hatred against the house of Alexander, consisting
of many believers, raised a persecution, and commanded at
first only the heads of the churches to be slain, as the abettors
and agents of evangelical truth. It was then that Origen
wrote his book on Martyrdom, which he dedicated to Am
brose and Protoctetus, a presbyter of the church at Caesarea,
because both of these encountered no common danger in the
persecution. In which also it is said that these men were
pre-eminent for (persevering in) their confession, as Maximinus
did not reign longer than three years. Origen has assigned
the time of this persecution, both in the twenty-second book ol
his Commentaries on John, and in different epistles.

234 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Tb. VI. C. 29.

CHAPTER XXIX.
OF FABIANUS, WHO WAS REMARKABLY APPOINTED B:.SHOP OF ROME BY
A DIVINE COMMUNICATION.
Gordian succeeded Maximinus in the sovereignty of Rome,
when Pontianus, who had held the episcopate six years, was
succeeded by Anteros in the church of Rome ; he also was suc
ceeded by Fabianus, after having been engaged in the service
about a month. It is said that Fabianus had come to Rome
with some others from the country, and staying there in the
most remarkable manner, by divine and celestial grace, was
advanced to be one of the candidates for the office. When
all the brethren had assembled in the church, for the purpose
of ordaining him that should succeed in the episcopate, though
there were very many eminent and iUustrious men in the esti
mation of many, Fabianus being present, no one thought of
any other man. They relate, further, that a dove suddenly
flying down from on high, sat upon his head, exhibiting a
scene like that of the Holy Spirit once descending upon our
Saviour in the form of a dove. Upon . this the whole body
exclaimed, with all eagerness and with one voice, as if moved
by the one Spirit of God, that he was worthy ; l and without
delay they took and placed him upon the episcopal throne.
At the same time Zebinus, bishop of Antioch, dying, was suc
ceeded in the government (of the church) by Babylas, and at
Alexandria, Demetrius held the episcopate forty-three years,
and was succeeded in the office by Heraclas. But in the
catechetical school there he was succeeded by Dionysius, who
was also one of Origen's pupils.
1 This was the common acclamation at the election of bishops, of which
<ve have many examples in Philostorgius, b. ix. ch. 10. And in the re
gion of things done at Eradius's election, (recorded in Augustine's
epistles,) we read that they cried out twenty times, Dignus et Justus est,
" He is worthy and just ;" and five times, Bene meritus, bene dignus est^
" He is very deserving, he is very worthy." Vales.

A. d. 238— 244. J gordian. 235
CHAPTER XXX.
THE PUPILS OF ORIGEN.
Whilst Origen was attending to his accustomed duties
at Caesarea, many frequented his school, not only of the re
sidents of the place, but also innumerable others from abroad,
who left their country in order to attend his lectures. Of
these the most noted whom we know is Thedorus, known also
by the name of Gregory, and so celebrated among the bishops
of our day; also his brother Athenodorus. Origen, seeing
them excessively wrapt in the prosecution of the studies of
the Greeks and Romans, infused into them the love of philo
sophy, and induced them to exchange their former zeal for
the study of divine things. But after being with him five
years, they made such improvement in the divine oracles, that
both, though very young, were honoured with the episcopate
in the churches of Pontus.

CHAPTER XXXI.
OF AFRICANUS.

At this time, also, flourished Africanus, who wrote the
books with the title Cesti. There is an epistle of his extant,
addressed to Origen, in which he intimates his doubts on the
history of Susannah, in Daniel, as if it were a spurious and
fictitious composition. To which Origen wrote a very full
answer. Other works of the same Africanus that have reach
ed us, are his five books of Chronography, a most accurate
and laboured performance. In these, he says that he had gone
to Alexandria, on account of the great celebrity of Heraclas,
the same that we have already shown was advanced to the
episcopate there, and who was, also, very eminent for his skill
in philosophical studies, and the other sciences of the Greeks.
Another epistle of the same Africanus is also extant, addressed
to Aristides, on the supposed discrepancy between Matthew
and Luke in the genealogy of Christ. In this he most clearly
establishes the consistency of the two evangelists, from an ac

236 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [b. VI. C. 32, 33.
count which had been handed down from his ancestors, which,
in its proper place, we have aheady anticipated in the first
book cf the work we have in hand.

CHAPTER XXXII.
THE COMMENTARIES THAT ORIGEN WROTE IN PALESTINE.
About this time, also, Origen composed his Commentary
on Isaiah, as also on Ezekiel. Of the former, thirty books !
have come down to us, as far as the third part of Isaiah, until
(the chapter beginning) the vision of the beast in the desert.
On Ezekiel there are twenty-five books, which are aU that he
wrote upon this prophet. But when he came to Athens, he,
indeed, finished his Commentaries on Ezekiel, but also com
menced his Notes on the Song of Solomon, and advanced
there as far as the fifth book. But on his return to Cassarea,
he also brought these to a close, in number ten. Why
should we, however, give a minute statement of the man's
labours, a performance, in itself, that would require a se
parate and distinct work? And, indeed, this has aheady
been done by us in our Life of Pamphilus,2 that holy mar
tyr of our day, in which, after exhibiting the great zeal of
Pamphilus, we also subjoin the catalogues of the library col
lected by him, of the works written by Origen and other
ecclesiastical writers. By which any one that wishes may
most satisfactorily learn what works of Origen have come
down to us.

CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE ERROR OF EERYLLUS.

Beryllus, who was mentioned a little before, as bishop of
Bostra in Arabia, perverting the doctrine of the church, at
tempted to introduce certain opinions that are foreign to
1 The word ropog, from which we get tome, properly signifies a sec
tion ; and as the sections of a work were sometimes on different scrolls,
hence they were called books, volumes, and ropoi.
* Eusebius wrote the Life of Pamphilus the martyr, in three books.

a. d. 244 — 249.] philip. 237
Christian faith, daring to assert that our Lord and Saviour
did not exist in the proper sense of existence, before his
dweUing among men ; neither had he a proper divinity, but
only that divinity which dwelt in him from the Father. As
the bishops had many examinations and discussions on this
point with the man, Origen, who was also invited together
with the rest, at first entered into conversation with him, in
order to ascertain what opinion the man held. But when he
understood what he advanced, after correcting his error, by
reasoning and demonstration, he convinced him, and thus re
covered him to the truth in doctrine, and brought him back
again to the former sound opinion. There are also works still
extant, both of Beryllus and the synod that was held on his
account, containing the questions put to him by Origen, and
the discussions held in his church, together with aU that was
done there. Innumerable other facts are reported by our
elder brethren, which I have thought proper to pass by, as
having no reference to the objects of the present work ; but
whatsoever it was necessary to select of matters concerning
him, these may be collected from that defence of him which
we and PamphUus, that holy martyr of our times, have writ
ten, which work we performed jointly, in order to obviate the
malevolence of some.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
OF PHILIP CESAR.

Gordianus had held the government of Rome six years,
when he was succeeded by Philip, together with his son Philip.
it is said that, as a Christian, on the day of the last vigil of
the passover, he wished to share with the multitude in the
prayers of the church, but was not permitted by the existing
bishop to enter before he had confessed his sins, and numbered
himself with those who were referred to transgressors, and
had space for repentance. For otherwise he would never be
received by him, unless he first did this, on account of tho
many crimes which he had committed. The emperor is said
to have obeyed cheerfully, and exhibited a genuine and reli
gious disposition in regard to his fear of God.

238 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [b. VI. C 35, 36.
CHAPTER XXXV.
DIONYSIUS SUCCEEDS HERACLAS IN THE EPISCOPATE.
In the third year of this reign also, Heraclas dying, after
an episcopate of sixteen years, was succeeded by Dionysius in
the supervision of the church of Alexandria.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
OTHER WORKS WRITTEN BY ORIGEN.
Then also, as was to be expected, our religion spreading
more and more, and our brethren beginning to converse more
freely with all, Origen, who they say was now more than
sixty years of age, and who from long practice had acquired
the greatest facility in discoursing, permitted his discourses to
be taken down by ready writers, a thing which he had never
allowed before. At this time, also, he composed in eight
books a reply to that work written against us by Celsus the
Epicurean,1 bearing the title, " The True Doctrine," and the
twenty-five books on Matthew's Gospel, those also on the
twelve apostles, of which we have found only twenty-five.
There is also an epistle of his extant, addressed to the emperor
Philip, and another to his wife Severa ; several others also to
different persons. Of these, as many as we have been able
to collect, scattered in the hands of different individuals, we
have reduced to certain distinct books, in number exceeding
one hundred. But he also wrote to Fabianus, bishop of Rome,
and to many others of the bishops of churches respecting his
orthodoxy ; and of these you have the proof in the sixth book
of our Apology for the man.
' There were two Epicurean philosophers named Celsus, one of whom.
lived in the reign of Nero : the other about the times of Antoninus : it
was against the latter Celsus that Origen wrote eight books, still extant.
This is the same Celsus to whom Lucian dedicates his book caJed, Alex
ander, or, The False Prophet. Va.es.

a. d. 244—249.] piiilip. 23S
CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE DISSENSION OF THE ARABIANS.
But about this time, also, other men sprung up in Arabia
as the propagators of false opinions. These asserted, that the
human soul, as long as the present state of the world existed,
perished at death and died with the body, but that it would
be raised again with the body at the time of the resurrection.
And as a considerable council was held on account of this,
Origen being again requested, likewise here discussed the
point in question with so much force, that those who had
been before led astray, completely changed their opinions.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE HERESY OF THE HELCESAITES.
Another error also sprung up about this time, called the
heresy of the Helcesaites, which, however, was almost stifled
in its birth. But it is mentioned by Origen, in his public
lecture on the eighty-second Psalm : " A certain one," says he,
"came recently, with a great opinion of his abilities, to main
tain that ungodly and wicked error of the Helcesaites,2 which
has but lately appeared in the churches. The mischievous
assertions of this heresy I will give you, that you may not be
carried away with it. It sets aside certain parts of the col
lective Scriptures, and it makes use of passages from the Old
Testament, and from the Gospels. It rejects the apostles
2 Theodoret, in his second book Fabularum Hffireticarum, chap, vii.,
calls these men'EXictaaiovg, and says they were so called from one Elee-
sai'. Epiphanius names him Elxaeus, a false prophet, who joined himself
to the Ebionites, and was the author of a strange opinion concerning
Christ, which he relates, and which differs little from Theodoret's story
in the place quoted. Hence it appears that Elxaeus and Elcesai' are one
and the same man. Epiphanius, in his Haeresi Ossenorum, calls him
Elxai and says he lived in Trajan's time. At first, he says, he put forth
a bock full of divine wisdom, and a prophesying spirit; but afterwards
he affirmed it was no sin for a man to sacrifice to idols, in the time oi
persecution, if he do it not with his whole heart. Vales.

240 ECCLESIASTICAL history. [b.-vi. c 39
altogether. It asserts, also, to deny (Christ) is indifferent,
and that one who has made up his mind, in case of necessity
will deny with his mouth, but not in his heart. They also
produce a certain book, which they say (ell from heaven : and
that whoever has heard and believed this, will receive remis
sion of sins ; a remission different from that given by Christ."
And such is the account respecting th< ae.

CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE PERSECUTION OF TiCIUS.
Philip, after a reign of seven yei rs, was succeeded by
Decius, who, in consequence of his hati-ed to Philip, raised a
persecution against the church, in which Fabianus suffered
martyrdom, and was succeeded as bishop of Rome by Cor
nelius. — In Palestine, however, Alexander, bishop of Jeru
salem, was again brought before the tribunal of the governor,
at Caesarea, and after an eminent perseverance in his profes
sion, though crowned with the hoary locks of venerable age,
he was cast into prison. After giving a splendid and illus
trious testimony at the governor's tribunal, and expiring in
prison, he was succeeded by Mazabanes as bishop of Jerusa
lem. But Babylas, like Alexander, dying in prison at Anti
och, after his confession, the church there was governed by
Fabius. But the number and greatness of Origen's sufferings
there during the persecution, and the nature of his death,
when the spirit of darkness drew up his forces, and waged a
war with all his arts and power against the man, and assailed
him particularly beyond all that were then assaulted by him ;
the nature and number of bonds which the man endured on
account of the doctrine of Christ, and aU his torments of
body, the sufferings also which he endured under an iron col
lar, and in the deepest recesses of the prison, when for many
days he was extended and stretched to the distance of four
holes on the rack ; besides the threats of fire, and whatsoever
other sufferings inflicted by his enemies he nobly bore, and
finally the issue of these sufferings, when the judge eagerly
strove with all his might to protract his life, (in order to
prolong his sufferings,) and what expressions after these he

a D. 249— 251.] decids.. 241
left behind, replete with benefit to those needing consolation
all this the many epistles of the man detail with no less truth
than accuracy.

CHAPTER XL.
WHAT HAPPENED TO DIONYSIUS.

I shall now subjoin the occurrences that befell Dionysius,
from his epistle to Germanus, where, speaking of himself, he
gives the following account : " But I speak before God, and
he knows that I lie not ; it was never by my own counsel, nor
without divine intimation, that I projected my flight. But
before the persecution of Decius, Sabinus, at the very hour,
sent Frumentarius to search for me. And I, indeed, staid at
home about four days, expecting the arrival of Frumentarius.
But he went about examining aU places, the roads, the rivers,
the fields, where he suspected that I would go or lie concealed.
But he was smitten with blindness, not being able to find the
house, for he could not believe that I would remain at home
when persecuted. Four days had scarcely elapsed when God
ordered me to remove, and opened the way for me in a most
remarkable manner. I and my domestics, and many of my
brethren, went forth together. And that this happened by the
providence of God, was shown by what foUowed, and in which,
perhaps, we were not unprofitable to some." After this, he
shows the events that befell him after his flight, adding the
foUowing : " But about sun -set, being seized, together with my
company, by the soldiers, I was led to Taposiris. But Timo
thy, by the providence of God, happened not to be present,
nor even seized. But coming afterwards, he found the house
deserted, and servants guarding it, and us he found reduced to
slavery." After other remarks, he observes : " And what
was the manner of this divine interposition of his ? For the
truth shall be told. A certain man of the country met Timo
thy flying, and much disturbed, and when he was asked the
cause of his haste, he declared the truth. When he heard it,
he went his way, for he was going to a marriage festival, (as
it is the custom with them on these occasions to keep the whole
night,) and when he entered he told it to those that were pre-
'eusebius.] a

242 eccleslastical history. [k. vi. c. 41,
sent at the feast. These, forthwith, with a single impulse, as
if by agreement, all arose, and came as quick as possible in
a rush upon us, and as they rushed they raised a shout. The
soldiers that guarded us immediately took to flight, and they
came upon us, lying as we were upon the bare bedsteads. ]
indeed, as God knows, supposed them at first to be robbers.
who had come to plunder and pillage. Remaining, therefore,
on my bed, naked as I was, only covered with a Unen gar
ment, the rest of my dress I offered them as it lay beside me.
But they commanded me to rise and to depart as quick as
possible. Then, understanding for what purpose they had
come, I began to cry, beseeching and praying them to go away
and to let us alone. But if they wished to do us any good, to
anticipate those that had led me away, and to cut off my head.
When I thus cried out, as my companions and partners in aU
my distresses well know, they attempted to raise me by force.
I then cast myself on my back upon the ground. But they
seized me by the hands and feet, and dragged me away, whilst
those who were witnesses of all these things, Caius, Faustus,
Peter, and Paul, followed on. These also, taking me up, bore
me away from the town, and carried me off on an unsaddled
ass." Such is the account of Dionysius respecting himself.

CHAPTER XLI.
OF THOSE WHO SUFFERED MARTYRDOM AT ALEXANDRIA.
But the same writer in the epistle which he addressed to
Fabius, bishop of Antioch, relates the conflicts of those who
suffered martyrdom at Alexandria in the following manner :
" The persecution with us did not begin with the imperial
edict, but preceded it a whole year. And a certain prophet
and poet, inauspicious to the city, whoever he was, excited the
mass of the heathen against us, stirring them up to their native
superstition. Stimulated by him, and taking full liberty to
exercise any kind of wickedness, they considered this the only
piety, and the worship of their daemons, viz. to slay us. First
then, seizing a certain aged man named Metra, they caUed
upon him to utter impious expressions, and as he did not obey,
they beat his body with clubs, and pricked his face and eyesi

a. d. 249—251.] decius. 243
after which they led him away to the suburbs, where they
stoned him. Next they led a woman called Quinta, who was
a beUever, to the temple of an idol, and attempted to force
her to worship ; but when she turned away in disgust, they
tied her by the feet, and dragged her through the whole city,
over the rough stones of the paved streets, dashing her against
the miUstones, and scourging her at the same time, until they
brought her to the same place, where they stoned her. Then,
with one accord, aU rushed upon the houses of the pious, and
whomsoever of their neighbours they knew, they drove thither
in aU haste, and despoiled and plundered them, setting apart
the more valuable of the articles for themselves ; but the moro
common and wooden furniture they threw about and burnt in
the roads, presenting a sight like a city taken by the enemy.
" But the brethren retired, and gave way, and like those to
whom Paul bears witness, they also regarded the plunder of
their goods with joy. And I know not whether any besides
one, who feU into their hands, has thus far denied the Lord.
But they also seized that admirable virgin, ApoUonia, then in
advanced age, and beating her jaws, they broke out all her
teeth, and kindling a fire before the city, threatened to burn
her ahve, unless she would repeat their impious expressions.
^he appeared at first to shrink a little, but when suffered to
go, she suddenly sprang into the fire and was consumed. They
also seized a certain Serapion in his own house, and after tor
turing him with the severest cruelties, and breaking all his
limbs, threw him headlong from an upper story. But there
was no way, no public road, no lane, where we could walk,
whether by day or night ; as they all, at aU times and places.
cried out, whoever would refuse to repeat those impious ex
pressions, that he should be immediately dragged forth and
burnt. " These things continued to prevail for the most part after
this manner. But as the sedition and civil war overtook the
wretches, their cruelty was diverted from us to one another.
We then drew a Uttle breath, whilst their rage against us was
a little abated. But, presently, that change from a milder
reign was announced to us, and much terror was now threat
ening us. The decree had arrived, very much hke that which
was foretold by our Lord, exhibiting the most dreadful as
pect ; so that, if it were possible, the very elect would stumble.
a 2

2-±4 ecclesiastical history. [b. vi. c. 41.
All, indeed, were greatly alarmed, and many of the more
eminent immediately gave way to them ; others, who were in
public offices, were led forth by their very acts ; others were
brought by their acquaintance, and when called by name, they
approached the impure and unholy sacrifices. But, pale and
trembling, as if they were not to sacrifice, but themselves to
be the victims and the sacrifices to the idols, they were jeered
by many of the surrounding multitude, and were obviously
equally afraid to die and to offer the sacrifice. But some ad
vanced with greater readiness to the altars, and boldly asserted
that they had never before been Christians. Concerning
whom the declaration of our Lord is most true, that they will
scarcely be saved. Of the rest, some followed the one or the
other of the preceding ; some fled, others were taken, and of
these some held out as far as the prison and bonds, and some
after a few days' imprisonment abjured (Christianity) before
they entered the tribunal. But some, also, after enduring the
torture for a time, at last renounced. Others, however, firm
and blessed pillars of the Lord, confirmed by the Lord him
self, and receiving in themselves strength and power, suited
and proportioned to their faith, became admirable witnesses
of his kingdom.
" The first of these was Julian, a man afflicted with the
gout, neither able to walk nor stand, who, with two others that
carried him, was arraigned. Of these, the one immediately
denied, but the other, named Cronion, surnamed Eunus, and
the aged Julian himself, having confessed the Lord, was car
ried on camels throughout the whole city, a very large one as
you know, and in this elevation were scourged, and finaUy
consumed in an immense fire, surrounded by the thronging
crowds of spectators. But a soldier, whose name was Besas,
standing near them, who had opposed the insolence of the
multitude, whilst they were led away to execution, was him-
aeit assailed with their loud vociferations, and thus this brave
soldier of God, after he had exceUed in the great conflict of
piety, was beheaded. Another, who was a Libyan by birth,
both in name and blessedness a Macar, (blessed,) after much
solicitation from the judge to have him renounce, stiU remain
ing inflexible, was burnt alive. After these, Epimachus and
Alexander, who had continued for a long time in prison, en
during innumerable sufferings from the scourges and scrap-

a. d 249— 251. J decius. 245
ers,1 were also destroyed in an immense fire.2 With these there
were also four women ; Ammonarium, a holy virgin, who was
ingeniously tortured for a very long time by the judge, be
cause she had plainly declared she would utter none of those
expressions which he dictated ; and having made good her
promise, she was led away. The others were, the venerable
and aged Mercuria ; Dionysia, also, who was the mother of
many children, but did not love them more than the Lord.
These, after the governor became ashamed to torture them
to no purpose, and thus to be defeated by women, all died by
the sword, without the trial by tortures. But as to Ammona
rium, she, like a chief combatant, received the greatest tor
tures of aU. Heron and Ater and Isidorus, who were Egyp
tians, and with them a youth named Dioscorus, about the age
of fifteen, were delivered up. At first he attempted to deceive
the youth with fair words, as if he could be easily brought
over, and to force him by tortures, as if he would readily yield.
Dioscorus, however, was neither persuaded by words nor con
strained by tortures.
" After scourging the rest in a most savage manner, and
seeing them persevere, he also delivered these to the fire.
But Dioscorus was dismissed by the judge, who admired the
great wisdom of his answers to the questions proposed to him,
and was also iUustrious in the eyes of the people, with the
view, as he said, to give him further time for repentance on
account of his age. And now this most godly Dioscorus is
among us, expecting a longer and a more severe conflict. A
certain Nemesion, also an Egyptian, was first indeed accused
as a companion of thieves ; but when he had repeUed this
1 The instrument of torture here mentioned was an iron scraper, cal
culated to wound and tear the flesh as it passed over it.
2 The same expression, wupi aafieaTta, occurs here as above. We have
rendered it, therefore, as above, by the word fire. Valesius, who is fol
lowed by Shorting, translates unslaked lime. But why he should under
stand it differently here from what he does above, does not appear. The
martyrs here were destroyed by the same kind of death as the preceding.
If the word irvp did not determine the signification, there might be soma
reason, perhaps, for this version, the word aer/3eoroc having nravoe un
derstood. But it is surely going far out of our way to look for this mean
ing when the meaning is so obviously determined by the many circum
stances which here combine. It may be remarked, by the way, that the
expression is literally \iextingmshable fire, a strong hyperbole for im
mense fire.

246 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VI. C. 42.
charge before the centurion, as a slander against him, in which
there was no truth, being reported as a Christian, he was
brought as a prisoner before the governor. He, a most un
righteous judge, inflicted a punishment more than double that
of robbers, both scourges and tortures, and then committed
him to the flames between thieves ; thus honouring the blessed
martyr after the example of Christ. But there was a band
of soldiers, standing in a dense body before the tribunal, who
were Ammon, and Zeno, and Ptolemy, and Ingenuus, together
with the aged Theophilus. A certain one being brought and
tried as a Christian, and already inclining to deny, they stood
near, gnashed with their teeth, and beckoned to them with
their faces, and stretched out their hands, and made gestures
with their bodies. And whilst aU were directing their eyes
upon them, before they were seized by any one else, they ran
up to the tribunal and declared that they were Christians ; so
that the governor and his associates themselves were greatly
intimidated, whilst those who were condemned were most
cheerful at the prospect of what they were to suffer ; but their
judges trembled. And these, therefore, retired from the tri-
junals, and rejoiced in their testimony, in which God had
mabled them to triumph gloriously."

CHAPTER XLII.
OTHER ACCOUNTS GIVEN BY DIONYSIUS.
" But many others were also torn asunder in cities and vil
lages, of which I shaU mention one as an example. Ischyrion
was hired by one of the rulers in the capacity of a steward.
This man was ordered by his employer to sacrifice, but as he
did not obey, he was abused by him. Persevering in his pur
pose, he was treated with contumely, and as he still continued
to bear with aU, his employer seized a long pole and slew him,
by thrusting it through his bowels. Why should I mention
the multitudes that wandered about in deserts and mountains,
that perished by hunger and thirst, and frost and diseases,
and robbers and wild beasts ? The survivors of whom are the
witnesses both of their election and victory. But I will add
one fact to iUustrate this : Chaeremon was a very aged bishop

A. v. 249—251/ decius. 247
of the city called Nile. He fleeing into the Arabian ' moun
tain, with his partner, did not return again, nor could the
brethren learn any thing of him any more, though frequent
search was made for him. They neither found them nor their
bodies, but many were carried off as slaves by the barbarous
Saracens, to the same mountains. Some of these were ran
somed with difficulty, others not even to the present day.
And these facts I have stated, brethren, not without an ob
ject, but that thou mayest see how great and terrible distresses
have befallen us. Of which, indeed, they who have been
most tried, also understand the most." Then, after a few re
marks, he observes : " But these same martyrs, who are now
sitting with Christ, and are the sharers in his kingdom, and
the partners in his judgment,2 and who are now judging with
him, received those of the brethren that fell away, and had
been convicted of sacrificing (to idols), and when they saw
their conversion and repentance, and that it might be accept
able to him who doth not by any means wish the death of the
sinner so much as their repentance, and having proved them
(as sincere), they received and assembled with them. They
also communicated 3 with them in prayer and at their feasts.
What then, brethren, do ye advise concerning these ? What
should we do ? Let us join in our sentiments with them, and
let us observe their judgment and their charity; and let us
kindly receive those who were treated with such compassion
by them. Or should we rather pronounce their judgment
unjust, and set ourselves up as the judges of their opinion,
and thus grieve the spirit of mildness, and overturn estab
lished order ? " These remarks were probably added by
1 Valesius thinks that the mountain here mentioned was not, as the
name seems to imply, in Arabia, but translates in both places where it oc
curs, Arabicus mons, Arabian mountain. He thinks that it was so called
merely from its vicinity or contiguity to Arabia.
2 It was the opinion of the ancient Fathers, that martyrs should be
Christ's assessors, and should judge the world together with him.
3 Communion in the church is twofold, of prayer, and of the sacra
ments. That of the prayers was granted to penitents after a certain
time ; but the communion of the body of Christ was not granted except
to those who were reconciled after long repentance. Dionysius here
means private communion, which was granted by private persons, and not
by the bishop ; and consisted in permitting penitents, who desired thcirpit*
cl intercession, tn *ray tu God witl them. V*-**'

2 IS ecclesiastical history. [b. vi. c. 43.
Dionysius when he spoke of those that had fallen away through
weakness, during the persecution.

CHAPTER XLIII.
OF NOVATUS, HIS MANNERS AND HABITS, AND HIS HERESY.
About this time appeared Novatus, a presbyter of the
church of Rome, and a man elevated with haughtiness against
these (that had faUen), as if there was no room for them to
hope salvation, not even if they performed every thing for a
genuine and pure confession. He thus became the leader of
the peculiar heresy of those who, in the pomp of their imagin
ations, called themselves Cathari. A very large council being
held on account of this, at which sixty indeed of the bishops,
but a stiU greater number of presbyters and deacons, were
present ; the pastors of the remaining provinces, according
to their places, deliberated separately what should be done : this
decree was passed by all ; " That Novatus, indeed, and those
who so arrogantly united with him, and those that had determin
ed to adopt the uncharitable and most inhuman opinion of the
man, these they considered among those that were alienated from
the church ; but that brethren who had incurred any calamity
should be treated and healed with the remedies of repentance."
There are also epistles of CorneUus, bishop of Rome, ad
dressed to Fabius, bishop of Antioch, which show the trans
actions of the council of Rome, as also the opinions of all
those in Italy and Africa, and the regions there. Others there
are also written in the Roman tongue, from Cyprian, and the
bishops with him in Africa. In these, it is shown that they
also agree in the necessity of relieving those who had fallen
under severe temptations, and also in the propriety of excom
municating the author of the heresy, and all that were of his
party. To these is attached also an epistle from Cornelius
on the decrees of the council, besides others on the deeds of
Novatus, from which we may add extracts, that those who
read the present work may know the circumstances respect
ing him. What kind of a character Novatus was, Cornelius
informs Fabius, writing as follows : " But that you may know."

A. D. 249—251.] decius. 249
says he, " how this singular man, who formerly aspired to the
episcopate, and secretly concealed within himself this preci
pitate ambition, making use of those confessors that adhered
to him from the beginning, as a cloak for his own folly, I will
proceed to relate : Maximus, a presbyter of our church, and
Urbanus, twice obtained the highest reputation for their con
fessions. Sidonius also, and Celerinus, a man who, by the
mercy of God, bore every kind of torture in the most heroic
manner, and by the firmness of his own faith strengthened the
weakness of the flesh, completely worsted the adversary.
These men, therefore, as they knew him, and had weU sound
ed his artifice and dupUcity, as also his perjuries and false
hoods, his dissocial and savage character, returned to the holy
church, and announced aU his devices and wickedness, which
he had for a long time dissembled within himself, and this too
in the presence of many bishops ; and the same also, in the
presence of many presbyters, and a great number of laymen,
at the same time lamenting and sorrowing that they had been
seduced, and had abandoned the church for a short time,
through the agency of that artful and mahcious beast." After
a little, he further says : " We have seen, beloved brother,
within a short time, an extraordinary conversion and change
in him. For this most iUustrious man, and he who affirmed
with the most dreadful oaths, that he never aspired to the
episcopate, has suddenly appeared a bishop, as thrown among
us by some machine. For this dogmatist, this (pretended)
champion of ecclesiastical discipline, when he attempted to
seize and usurp the episcopate not given him from above,
selected two desperate characters as his associates, to send
them to some smaU, and that the smaUest, part of Italy, and
from thence, by some fictitious plea, to impose upon three
bishops there, men altogether ignorant and simple, affirming
and declaring, that it was necessary for them to come to Rome
in all haste, that all the dissension which had there arisen
might be removed through their mediation, in conjunctior-
with the other bishops. When these men had come,1 being,
as before observed, but simple and plain in discerning the ar-
1 Theodoret, in his Heretic. Fabul. b. iii. chap. 5, writes that Novatus
himself went into Italy to fetch these bishops, and when he with the
bishops, upon their journey, came into some town or other, he forced
them to ordain him. Vales.

250 ecclesiastical history. £b. vi. c. 43.
tifices and villany of the wicked, and when shut up with men
of the same stamp with himself, at the tenth hour, when
heated with wine and surfeiting, they forced them, by a kind
of shadowy and empty imposition of hands,1 to confer the
episcopate upon him, and which, though by no means suited
to him, he claims by fraud and treachery. One of these, not
long after, returned to his church, mourning and confessing
his error, with whom also we communed as a layman, as all
the people present interceded for him, and we sent successors
to the other bishops, ordaining them in the place where
they were. This assertor of the gospel then did not know
that there should be but one bishop in a catholic church.2
(ev KadoXiKri tKKX-ncria.) In which, however, he well knew, (for
how could he be ignorant ?) that there were forty-six pres
byters, seven deacons, seven sub-deacons, forty-two acoluthi
(clerks), exorcists, readers, and janitors, in all fifty-two: wi
dows, with the afflicted and needy, more than fifteen hundred ;
all which the goodness and love of God doth support and
nourish. But neither this great number, so necessary in the
church, nor those that by the providence of God were wealthy
and opulent, together with the innumerable multitude of the
people, were able to recall him and turn him from such a
desperate and presumptuous course."
1 Cornelius calls this an imperfect and empty ordination, because it
was solemnized by bishops of another diocese, and not by the bishops ot
Ostia, Tibur, and others, who had the right and power of ordaining the
bishops of Rome ; it was also ineffectual and vain, because it was done
by men who were drunk, and by force, at the tenth hour of the day, none'
of the clergy or people being present ; and lastly, because another bishop
was before regularly ordained. Vales.
2 The word catholic, in its Greek etymology, means universal, as we
have sometimes explained it in this translation. It is applied to the
Christian, as a universal church, partly to distinguish it from the ancient
church of the Jews, which was limited, partial, and particular in its dura
tion, subjects, and country. The Christian is also called a universal or
¦catholic church, because it must in regard to doctrine hold guod semper,
guod ubique, guod ab omnibus. In this latter view, which it should be
well observed is the original application, it is synonymous with orthodox.
This is evident, from the fact that our author appCias it to different churches
in other parts of his history. And in the present instance the expression
is general, a catholic church. It is in a sense allied to this also, that we
are, no doubt, to understand the title of our general (catholic) epistles in
the New Testament. They are catholic, because, as consonant to the
doctrines of the church in all respects, they have been also universally
-"reived. In this sense, the term is also synonymous with canonical.

a. d. 249 — 251.] decius. 251
And again, after these, he subjoins the foUowing : " Now
let us also teU by what means and conduct he had the assur
ance to claim the episcopate. Whether, indeed, it was be
cause he was engaged in the church from the beginning, and
endured many conflicts for her, and encountered many and
great dangers in the cause of true religion ? None of all this.
To him, indeed, the author and instigator of his faith was
Satan, who entered into and dwelt in him a long time. Who,
aided by the exorcists, when attacked with an obstinate dis
ease, and being supposed at the point of death, was baptized
by aspersion, in the bed on which he lay ; if, indeed, it be
proper to say that one Uke him did receive baptism. But
neither, when he recovered from disease, did he partake of
other things, which the rules of the church3 prescribe as duty,
nor was he sealed (in confirmation) by the bishop. But as he
did not obtain this, how could he obtain the Holy Spirit?"
And again, soon after, he says : " He denied he was a
presbyter, through cowardice and the love of life, in the time
of persecution. For when requested and exhorted by the
deacons, that he should go forth from his retreat, in which he
had imprisoned himself, and should come to the relief of the
brethren, as far as was proper and in the power of a presbyter
to assist brethren requiring relief, he was so far from yielding
to any exhortation of the deacons, that he went away offended
and left them. For he said that he wished to be a presbyter
no longer, for he was an admirer of a different philosophy."
Passing over some other matters, our author again adds : —
" This illustrious character abandoning the church of God, in
which, when he was converted, he was honoured by the
presbytery, and that by the favour of the bishop placing his
hands upon him, (ordaining him,) to the order of bishops, and
as aU the clergy and many of the laity4 resisted it, since it
3 The canon was, that they who were baptized in their beds, if they re
covered again, should afterwards go to the bishop, that he might supply
what was wanting in that baptism. Vales.
4 Formerly bishops could not ordain priests without the consent of the
clergy and people. The Nicene Fathers, in their synodical epistle to the
bishops of Egypt, show that the consent ofthe people was required in the
ordination of clergymen. In those days the bishops gave to the people
the names of those who were to be ordained, that if they had any thing to
object against any of them, they might attest it openly ; as we may read
in the Sacramentarium of Gregory the Great. There is also a passage on
this subject in St. Chrysostom's 18th Homily upon the Second Epistle of

252 ecclesiastical history. [b. vi. c. 44
was not lawful that one baptized in his sick bed by aspersion,
as he was, should be promoted to any order of the clergy, tha
bishop requested that it should be granted him to ordain only
this one." After this, he adds another deed, the worst of all
the man's absurdities, thus : " For having made the oblation,
and distributed a part to each one, whUst giving this, he com
pels the unhappy men to swear instead of blessing ; holding
the hands of the one receiving with both of his own, and not
letting them go until he had sworn in these words, for I shall
repeat the very words : ' Swear to me, by the body and blood
of our Saviour, Jesus Christ, that you will never desert me,
nor turn to Cornelius.' And the unhappy man is then not
suffered to taste until he has first cursed himself; and instead
of saying Amen after he had taken the bread, he says, ' I will
no longer return to CorneUus.'" And, after other matters, he
again proceeds, as follows : " Now, you must know, that he is
stripped and abandoned, the brethren leaving him every day
and returning to the church. He was also excommunicated
by Moses, that blessed witness, who but lately endured a
glorious and wonderful martyrdom, and who, whilst yet
among the living, seeing the audacity and the folly of the man,
excluded him from the communion, together with the five
presbyters that had cut themselves off from the church."
At the close of the epistle, he gives a list of the bishops
who had come to Rome, and had discarded the incorrigible
disposition of Novatus ; at the same time adding the names,
together with the churches governed by each. He also men
tions those that were not present at Rome, but who, by letter,
assented to the decision of the former, adding also the names
and the particular cities whence each one had written. Such
is the account written by Cornelius to Fabius, bishop of
Antioch.

CHAPTER XLIV.
DIONYSIUS'S ACCOUNT OF SERAPION.

In a letter to this same Fabius, who in some measure seemed
to incline to this schism, Dionysius of Alexandria, amongst
Paul to the Corinthians. The whole solemnity is described in the Sacra-
mentarium of Gregory the Great, p. 236.

a, d. 249— 251.] decius. 253
many other matters tl.at he wrote to him on repentance, and
in which he describes the conflicts which the martyrs had re^
cently endured at Alexandria, with other accounts, relates one
fact wonderful indeed. This we deem belonging to our
history, and is as foUows : " But I will give you one example
that occurred with us. There was a certain Serapion, an aged
believer, who had passed his long life irreproachably, but as
he had sacrificed during the persecution, though he frequently
begged, no one ' would listen to him. . He was taken sick,
and continued three days in succession speechless and sense
less. On the fourth day, recovering a little, he caUed his
grandchild to him, and said, ' O son, how long do you detain
me ? I beseech you hasten, and quickly absolve me. Call
one of the presbyters to me.' Saying this, he again became
speechless. The boy ran to the presbyter. But it was night,
and the presbyter was sick. As I had, however, before issued
an injunction, that those at the point of death, if they desired
it, and especially if they entreated for it2 before, should re
ceive absolution, that they might depart from life in comfort
able hope, I gave the boy a small portion 3 of the eucharist,
teUing him to dip it in water, and to drop it into the mouth of
the old man. The boy returned with the morsel. When he
came near, before he entered, Serapion having again recovered
himself, said, ' Thou hast come, my son, but the presbyter
could not come. But do thou quickly perform what thou art
commanded, and dismiss me.' The boy moistened it, and at
the same time dropped it into the old man's mouth. And he,
having swaUowed a little, immediately expired. Was he not,
then, evidently preserved, and did he not continue Uving until
he was absolved ; and his sins being wiped away, he could be
acknowledged as a believer for the many good acts that he
li ad done?" Thus far Dionysius.
1 None of the clergy or laity were moved by his entreaties so as to think
him worthy of absolution. The people's suffrages were required when
any one who had been excommunicated was to be received into the church,
and the bishop himself sometimes asked the consent of the people. The
people also often interceded for the penitents to the bishop. Vales.
2 This was the decree of the African synod about the same time that
Dionysius wrote these things. Vales.
3 What Dionysius here says concerning the giving of the eucharist to a
boy to carry to a sick person was frequently done a long time after ; sc
that Katherius, bishop of Verona, in his synodical epistle to his clergy
thought it necessary expressly to prohibit it Vales.

254 ecclesiastical history, [b. vt. c. 45, 4(\
CHAPTER XLV.
THE EPISTLE OF DIONYSIUS TO NOVATUS.
Let us also see what kind of epistle the same writer ad
dressed to Novatus, who was then disturbing the brethren at
Rome ; since he pretended that certain brethren were the
cause of his apostacy and schism, because he had been forced
by them to proceed thus far. Observe the manner in which
he writes to him : " Dionysius sends, greeting, to his brother
Novatus. If, as you say, you were forced against your will,
you will show it by retiring voluntarily. For it was a duty
to suffer any thing at all, so as not to afflict the church of
God ; and, indeed, it would not be more inglorious to suffer
even martyrdom for its sake, than to sacrifice ; and in my
opinion it would have been a greater glory. For there, in the
one case, the individual gives a testimony for his own soul,
but in the other he bears witness for the whole church. And
now, if thou persuade or constrain the brethren to return to
unanimity, thy uprightness will be greater than thy delusion,
and the latter wiU not be laid to thy charge, but the other will
be applauded ; but if thou art unable to prevail with thy
friends, save thy own soul. With the hope that thou art de
sirous of peace in the Lord, I bid thee fareweU." Such was
the epistle of Dionysius to Novatus.

CHAPTER XLVI.
OTHER EPISTLES OF DIONYSIUS.

He wrote, also, an epistle to the brethren in Egypt, On
Repentance, in which he gives his opinion respecting those
who had fallen, and in which he also gives the degrees of
faults. There is also a separate work of his extant, On Re
pentance, addressed to Conon, bishop of Hermopolis; and also
another epistle of reproof to his flock at Alexandria. Among
these, is also the work addressed to Origen, On Martyrdom";
also, an epistle to the brethren of Laodicea, where Thelymi-
dres was bishop. He wrote in like manner to the Armenians,

A. d. 251—254.1 galluh- 255
On Repentance, where Meruzanes was bishop. Besides all
these, he wrote to Cornelius at Rome, in answer to an epistle
from him, against Novatus ; in which answer he shows that
he had been invited by Helenus, bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia,
and the rest that were coUected with him, vir;. FirmUianus,
bishop in Cappadocia, and Theoctistus of Palestine, that he
should meet them at the council of Antioch, where certain
persons were trying to estabhsh the schism of Novatus. Be
sides this, he wrote that he had been informed Fabius was
dead, but that Demetrianus was appointed his successor in the
episcopate of the church at Antioch. He also writes repect-
ing the bishop of Jerusalem, in these words : " As to the
blessed Alexander, he was cast into prison, and departed hap
pily." Next to this, there is also another epistle of Dionysius
to the Romans, On the Office of Deacons, sent by Hippolytus.
To the same people he also wrote another epistle, On Peace ;
also, On Repentance ; and another, again, to the confessors
there, who were yet affected with the opinions of Novatus.
To these same he wrote two others, after they had returned
to the church. To many others, also, he addressed letters of
admonition and exhortation, calculated to afford various ad
vantage, even now, to those who wish to study his writings.

BOOK VII.

That great bishop of Alexandria, Dionysius, shaU aid us
also in the composition of the seventh book of our history, by
extracting from his works whatsoever particulars of his day
he has separately detailed in the epistles that he has left us.
With these, at least, we shall commence our account.

CHAPTER I.
THE GREAT WICKEDNESS OF DECIUS AND GALLUS.
DecdjS had scarcely reigned two years, when he, with his
children,1 was slain. Gallus was his successor. Origen died
1 Decius had two sons ; the elder named Quintus Herennius Etruscus

256 ecclesiastical history, [b. vn. c 2, 3.
at, this time, in the seventieth year of his age. Dionysius, in
an epistle to Hermamon, makes the following remarks on
Gallus : " But neither did Gallus understand the wickedness
of Decius, nor did he foresee what it was that had destroyed
him, but he stumbled at the same stone lying before his eyes.
For when his reign was advanced prosperously, and his affairs
succeeding according to his wishes, he persecuted those holy
men, who interceded with God both for his peace and safety.
Hence, together with them, he also persecuted the very
prayers that were offered up in his behalf." Thus much he
has said respecting him.

CHAPTER H.
THE BISHOPS OF ROME AT THIS TIME.
After Cornelius had held the episcopal office at Rome about
three years, he was succeeded by Lucius, but the latter did
not hold the office quite eight months, when dying he trans
ferred it to Stephen. To this Stephen, Dionysius wrote the
first of his epistles on baptism, as there was no little contro
versy, whether those turning from any heresy whatever, should
be purified by baptism ; as the ancient practice prevailed with
regard to such, that they should only have imposition of hands
with prayer.

CHAPTER IH.

CYPRIAN, AND THE BISHOPS CONNECTED WITH HIM, MAINTAINED THAT
THOSE WHO HAD TURNED FROM HERETICAL ERROR SHOULD BE BAF-
TIZED AGAIN.
Cyprian, who was bishop (ttoi/ij/v) of the church of Car
thage, was of opinion, that they should be admitted on no
conditions, before they were first purified from their error by
Messius Decius; the younger, Caius Valens Hostilianus Messius Quintus.
They were both made Csesars by their father, ai id afterwards Augusti, as
appears by their coins, Vales.

A. d. 251 — 254.J gallus. 257
baptism.1 But Stephen, who thought that no innovations
should be made contrary to traditions that had prevailed from
ancient times, was greatly offended at this.

CHAPTER IV.
THE EPISTLES THAT DIONYSIUS WROTE ON THIS SUBJECT.
Dionysius, therefore, after addressing to him many argu
ments by letter, on this subject, finaUy showed, that as the
persecution had abated, the churches, every where averse to
the innovations of Novatus, had peace among themselves.
But he writes as foUows.

CHAPTER V.
THE PEACE AFTER THE PERSECUTION.
" Now I wish you to understand,2 my brother, that aU the
churches throughout the east, and farther, that were formerly
divided, have been united again. AU the bishops, also, are
every where in harmony, rejoicing exceedingly at the peace
which has been established beyond all expectation. These
are, Demetrianus of Antioch, Theoctistus of Caesarea, Maza-
banes of -ZElia after the death of Alexander, Marinus of Tyre,
Heliodorus of Laodicea after the decease of Thelymidres,
Helenus of Tarsus, and aU the churches of Cilicia, Firmili-
anus, and all Cappadocia ; for I have mentioned only the
more distinguished of the bishops by name, that neither the
length of my letter, nor the burden of my words, may offend
1 Cyprian was not the author of this opinion ; but Agrippinus, who
was bishop of Carthage a long time before him, and who, having assem
bled together the bishops of Africa and Numidia, made a deciee that
heretics should be rebaptized, as Cyprian says in Ep. 71, 73. This custom
of rebaptizing heretics had been used in Cappadocia time out of mind, as
Firmilianus, bishop of Csesarea in Cappadocia, testifies in his epistle to
Cyprian. Vales.
' Baronius, from this epistle of Diouysius's, (at the year of Chris-'
259,) gathers that the Eastern bishops had renounced their error, and
adhered to Stephen's opinion, that heretics were not to be rebaptized.
[eusebius.] a

258 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VII. C. 6
you. All the provinces of Syria and Arabia, which at differ
ent times you supplied with necessaries,1 and to whom you
have now written, Mesopotamia, Pontus, and Bithynia, and
to comprehend aU in a word, aU are rejoicing every where at
the unanimity and brotherly love now prevailing, and are glo
rifying God for the same." Such are the words of Dionysius.
But after Stephen had held the episcopal office two years,
he was succeeded by Xystus, and Dionysius having addressed
a second letter to him on baptism, at the same time showing
the opinion and decision passed by Stephen and the rest of
the bishops, makes the following remarks on Stephen : " He
had written before respecting Helenus and Firmilianus, and
all those from Cilicia, and Cappadocia, and Galatia, and all
the nations adjoining, that he would not have communion
with them on this account, because they, said he, rebaptized
the heretics. And behold, I pray you, the importance of the
matter. For in reality, as I have ascertained, decrees have
been passed in the greatest councils of the bishops, that those
who come from the heretics, are first to be instructed, and
then are to be washed and purified from the filth of their old
and impure leaven. And respecting all these things, I have
sent letters entreating them." After stating other matters,
he proceeds : " But I have also written to our beloved and
fellow presbyters, Dionysius and Philemon, who agreed before
with Stephen in sentiment, and wrote to me on these matters ;
before, indeed, I wrote briefly, but now more fully." Such
were the accounts respecting the controversy mentioned.

CHAPTER VI.
THE HERESY OF SABELLIUS.

Speaking of the heresy of Sabellius, that arose about this
time, and that was then increasing, he writes as foUows:
1 The church of Rome was wont formerly to relieve other churches,
and to send money and clothes to the brethren in captivity, and to those
which wrought as slaves in the mines. So Dionysius, bishop of Corinth.
says in his Epistle to Pope Soter ; which epistle Eusebius quotes in his
fourth book, chap. 23. Eusebius also in that same place says, that this
laudable custom continued in the church of Rome in his days. Vales.

a. d. 251— 254. J gallus. 259
•' But as to the opinion which is now agitated at Ptolemais of
Pentapolis, it is impious, and replete with blasphemy towards
Almighty God and the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and
abounds also in much infidelity in regard to his only-begotten
Son, and the first-born of all creation, the incarnate Word ;
it abounds also in irreverence to the Holy Spirit. But as the
brethren came to me from both sides, both before the letters
were received and the question was discussed, I drew up a
more regular treatise on the subject, as far as I was enabled
under God ; copies of which I have sent to thee."

CHAPTER VII.

THE EXECRABLE ERROR OF THE HERETICS, THE DIVINE VISION OF
DIONYSIUS, AND THE ECCLESIASTICAL CANON GIVEN TO HIM.
But in the third epistle on baptism, which Dionysius
wrote to Philemon, a presbyter of Rome, he relates the follow
ing circumstances : " I perused," says he, " the works and
traditions of the heretics, defiling my mind for a little with
their execrable sentiments ; but I have also derived this bene
fit from them, viz. to refute them in my own mind, and to
feel the greater disgust at them. And when a certain brother
of the presbyters attempted to restrain me, and was much in
dread lest I should be carried away by this sink of iniquity,
saying that my mind would be corrupted, in which he spoke
the truth, as I thought, I was confirmed in my purpose by a
vision sent me from heaven, when a voice came to me and
commanded me in words as follows : ' Read all that thou takest
in hand, for thou art qualified to correct and prove aU, and
this very thing has been the cause of thy faith in Christ from
the beginning.' I received the vision, as coinciding with the
apostolic declaration, which says to the more competent, ' Be
ye skilful money-changers.' "
Then after some remarks on aU the heresies, he adds ;
" This rule and form I have received from our father 2 (iraira)
3 The word wairag, here used, and applied by Dionysius to his prede
cessor at Alexandria, was, as we see in this instance, applied to the more
aged and venerable prelates. We thus see the origin of the word pope,
Latin papa, German pabst. This word is no doubt to be traced to the
s 2

260 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [li. VII. 0. 7.
the blessed Heraclas, that those who come from the heretics,
although they had J apostatized from the church, or rather
that had not apostatized, but seemed to have communion with
the brethren, but were reported as frequenting some one of
those who taught strange doctrines, after they had been ex
pelled from the church, were not admitted again by him,
though they entreated much, until they had publicly declared
all that they had heard from their adversaries ; and then in
deed he admitted them to commune, without deeming another
baptism necessary for them. For they had aheady before
received the Holy Spirit 2 from him." But after agitating the
question again considerably, he adds : " I have also understood
that this practice was introduced not only by those of Africa,
but also long since, during the times of those bishops before.
us, in the most ¦ populous churches, the same thing was de
creed by the councils of the brethren at Iconium and Synada."
To overturn their determinations, and to drive them into con
tention and strife, I cannot endure. For thou shalt not re
move, as it is said, the landmarks of thy neighbour, which thy
fathers have placed. His fourth epistle, On Baptism, was
written to Dionysius at Rome, who was then a presbyter, but
ere long was ordained bishop of that church. From this it is
evident, that this same Dionysius of Rome was a learned and
excellent man, as is proved by the Dionysius of Alexandria.
But he wrote to him, among other matters, respecting the af
fairs of Novatus, as follows.
language of nature, as forming the first syllables that the liifimt lisps. It
is explained by a scholiast on Juvenal, Senex veneratione dignus, pater.
See Juv. Sat. vi. 632.
1 Here we see the difference between apostates and those that are
simply called heretics. Apostates were those who had been baptized in
the catholic church, but had deserted the church and revolted to heretics :
simple heretics were those who had never been admitted into the church.
And it was the custom in the church that apostates, as well as simple here
tics, should be received when they returned to the church by imposition oi
hands. St. Augustine, in his 48th Epistle to Vincentius, saith, the church
dealt more kindly with those who had not been received into the church
thau with those who had been received into her, and deserted her. Vales
2 This phrase was applied where the bishop admitted the heretics by
the imposition of hands

A. !>. 251— 254.1 GALLUS. 261

CHAPTER VIII.
THE HETERODOXY OF NOVATUS.
" We justly cherish an aversion to the Novatian," says he,
" by whom the church is split asunder, and some of the brethren
have been drawn into impiety and blasphemy, and most nefa
rious doctrine has been introduced respecting God, and our
most gracious Lord and Saviour Christ has been calumniated
as devoid of compassion ; which also, beside all this, sets aside
the holy baptism, and overturns the faith and confession 3 that
precede it, and totaUy drives away the Holy Spirit from them
selves, should there happen to be any hope yet, that he would
remain or return to them.

CHAPTER IX.
THE UNGODLY BAPTISM OF HERETICS.
But there was also a fifth epistle written by him to Xystus,
bishop of Rome, in which, stating many things against the
heretics, he relates that some occurrence like the foUowing
took place in his times. " ReaUy, brother," says he, " I need
your counsel, and I beg your opinion, on an affair that has
presented itself to me, and in which, indeed, I am afraid I
may be deceived. One of the brethren that collected with us,
who was considered a believer long since, even before my
ordination, and who I think assembled with us before the ap
pointment (consecration) of the blessed Heraclas ; this man
happening to be present with those that were immediately
oaptized, and hstening to the questions and answers, came to
•ne weeping and bewaihng himself, casting himself also at my
"eet ; he began to acknowledge and abjure his baptism by the
3 It was the custom for the catechumeni, or catechised, before receiving
baptism to repeat the creed. And at every article the priest asked them
whether they believed, to which they answered, " Yes, I believe ; " where
fore, when they said that '• they believed the remission of sins," Novaii-
anus, who did not allow remission of sins, but abolished it, must also
abolish that confession of faith which the cater > ^d repeated before bap •
tisrp See Cyprian, Ep. 70, 76. Vales.

262 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b, VII. C. 10.
heretics, because their baptism was nothing like this, nor in
deed had any thing in common with it, for it was filled with
impiety and blasphemies. He said also, that his soul now wa3
wholly pierced, and he had not confidence enough to raise his
eyes to God, coming from those execrable words and deeds.
Hence he prayed that he might have the benefit of this most
perfect cleansing, reception and grace, which indeed I did not
dare to do, saying, that his long communion was sufficient for
this. For one who had been in the habit of hearing thanks
giving, and repeating the amen, and standing at the table, and
extending ' his hand to receive the sacred elements, and after
receiving and becoming a partaker of the body and blood of
our Lord and Saviour Christ for a long time, I would not dare
to renew again any further. I exhorted him, therefore, to
take courage, and with a firm faith and good conscience to
approach and take part with the saints in the solemnity of the
holy supper. But he did not cease lamenting. He shuddered
to approach the table, and scarcely could endure it,, even when
exhorted to be present at prayers."
There is beside the above epistles, also, one and another of
the same on baptism, from him and his church, addressed to
Xystus and the church of Rome. In this he protracts his dis
course to a great length of argument on the question there
discussed. There is also a certain other epistle of his besides
these, addressed to Dionysius of Rome, that concerning Luci-
anus. But thus much respecting these.

CHAPTER X.
VALERIAN, AND THE PERSECUTION RAISED BY HIM.
Gallus had not held the government quite two years when
he was removed, and Valerian, with his son Gallienus, suc
ceeded in his place. What Dionysius has also said respecting
1 In the primitive church the faithful communicants came to the altar
with their hands carefully washed, and when they were about to receive
the body of our Lord, they stretched out their right hands, bending them
and making them hollow, and they put their left hands under them lest
they should drop any of that holy food. See Chrysost. Homil. 3, upon
the Ephesians, and Homil. 52, upon Matthew. Vales.

A. D. 254— 260.] VALERIAN AND GALLIENUS. 263
him, may be learned from his epistle to Hermamon, in which
he gives the foUowing account : " In like manner it was re
vealed to John, and there was," says he, " a mouth given him,
speaking great things, and blasphemy. And there was given
him power, and forty-two months. But it is wonderful that
both took place in Valerian, and especially when we consider
the condition of the man before this, how kind and friendly he
was towards the pious. For never was there any of the
¦mperors before him so favourably and benevolently disposed
toward them, not even those who were openly said to be
Christians, so plainly received them, with such excessive
civility and friendship, in the commencement of his reign. All
his house was likewise filled with pious persons, and was, in
deed, a congregation (ekkXtjo-io) of the Lord. But the master
and chief ruler of the Egyptian magi (Macrianus) persuaded
him to abandon this course, exhorting him to persecute and
slay these pure and holy men, as enemies and obstacles to their
wicked and detestable incantations, For there were, and still
are, men who, by their very presence, or when seen, and only
breathing and speaking, are able to dissipate the artifices of
wicked dasmons. But he suggested to him to study the rites of
initiation, and abominable arts of sorcery, to perform execrable
sacrifices, to slay unhappy infants, and to sacrifice the children
of wretched fathers, and to search the bowels of new-born
babes, and to mutilate and dismember the creatures of God, as
if by doing this they should obtain great felicity." To this
account he also subjoins the following : " Macrianus, there
fore, returned them handsome rewards for his desired acces
sion to the government, who before was generally called, from
his character, the emperor's steward and receiver-general, now
did nothing that could be pronounced for the public good, or
even reasonable;2 but that prophetic malediction which says,
' Woe to those that prophesy according to their own hearts,
and do not see to the public good ! ' for neither did he per
ceive that Providence that regulates the whole ; and neither
did he expect that judgment of him that is before all, and
through all, and over all. Hence, he became an enemy to his
2 Dionysius here puns upon the honourable title and office that Ma
crianus had borne, as the emperor's faithful minister, em nadoXov Xoywv,
but to which his subsequent conduct did not correspond. The pun is
Lost in a translation.

2(54 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [li. MI C. 1 i,
universal church. But he also estranged and stripped himsel
of the mercy of God, and thus fled as far as possible from hit
salvation. In this, indeed, he really expressed the peculiarity
of his name." l Again, he says : " Valerian, indeed, was thus
urged by this man to these measures, whilst he exposed him
self to insults and reproaches, according to what Isaias hat
said : ' And these have chosen their own ways, and their owr
abominations, which their soul hath desired. And I wil,
choose their derisions, and will repay them their sins.' Bul
the latter, (viz. Macrianus,) anxious without any merit to
have the government, and yet unable to assume the imperial
garb, with his feeble body, appointed his two sons to take
upon them, as it were, their father's crimes. For the declara
tion of God respecting such, proved its truth, when he said,
' visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children, to the third
and fourth generations of them that hate me.' For heaping
his own wicked passions, in the gratification of which he did
not succeed, upon the heads of his children, he swept off upor
them his own wickedness and hatred of God." And such is
the account which Dionysius has given of Valerian.

CHAPTER XI.
THE SUFFERINGS OF DIONYSIUS, AND THOSE IN EGYPT.
But as to the persecutions that raged so violently under
hini, and what sufferings he with others endured for their
piety towards the Supreme God, his own words shall declare,
which he addressed to Germanus, one of the contemporary
bishops that attempted to slander him. His words are as fol
lows : " But," says he, " I apprehend that as I am forced to
relate the wonderful providence of God respecting us, I shall
be liable to much folly and insensibility. But, as it is said,
it is honourable to conceal the secrets of the king, and
glorious to make manifest the works of God, I will face the
violence, of Germanus. I came to JEmilianus not alone, but
in company with my feUow presbyter Maximus, and- the dea
cons Faustus, Eusebius, and Chasremon, together with a cer-
' Macrianus, derived from the Greek paxpog, 'ong, or paicpav, at a dis
tance ; another witty allusion.

X>. 254 — 260. ^ VALERIAN A#TD GALtlENUS. 265
Uin one of the brethren who had come from Rome. JEmili-
<tnus, however, did not at first say to me, hold no assemblies,
as this was superfluous, and was the last to one who was aim
ing at what was the first in importance ; 2 for he was not con
cerned about my collecting others, but that we should not be
Christians, and from this he commanded me to desist, think
ing, no doubt, that if I changed, others would foUow my ex
ample. But I answered him not without good reason, and
without many words, ' We must obey God rather than man.'
But I directly bore witness, that I could neither change wor
shipping the only true God and none other, nor ever cease to
be a Christian. Upon this he commanded us to go away to a
neighbouring village of the desert, called Cephro.
" But hear the words that were uttered by both of us, as
they were recorded. Dionysius and Faustus, Maximus, Mar
cellus, and Chseremon, being arraigned, ^Emilianus, the pre
fect, said : ' I have even personally reasoned with you on the
clemency of our sovereigns, which you have also experienced.
For they have given you the chance of saving yourselves, if
you are disposed to turn to the course of nature, and worship
the gods that have preserved them in their government, and
to forget those practices which are so unnatural (to>v wapu
a>vaiv). What, then, say ye to these things ? For neither do
I expect that you will be ungrateful for their kindness, since
they would dispose you to a better cause.' Dionysius answered,
' AU the gods are not worshipped by aU, but each party wor
ships those whom they think to be gods. We, therefore,
worship the one God and Creator of all things, and the very
same that has committed the government to their most excel
lent and sacred majesties, Valerian and Gallienus. Him we
worship and adore, and to him we incessantly pray that their
reign may continue firm and ur°haken.' iEmilianus, the
prefect, again replied : ' But who prevents you from worship
ping this one God, if he is a god, together with those that are
the natural gods ? For you are commanded to worship the
gods, and those gods which all know to be such.' Dionysius
2 The great question with the judge was, not whether those arraigned
held meetings, but whether they were Christians. To have commenced
with the former, when the latter was the great object, would have been a
kind of vOTepov vporepov, that abandoned the primary for the secondary.
Hostility to Christianity as a religion, was the great incentive hero, to
which all other acts were referred, as their head and fountain.

266 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VII. C. 1 1
answered : ' We worship no other one.' .ZEmilianus, the
prefect, said, ' 1 perceive that you are at the same time un
grateful, and insensible to the clemency of our Caesars. There
fore you shall not remain in this city, but you shall be sent to
the parts of Libya, to a place called Cephro. For this place I
have selected according to the orders of our Csesars. But
neither you, nor any others, shall in any wise be permitted
either to hold conventions, or to enter what you caU your
cemeteries.1 But if any one appear not to have gone to the
place which I have commanded, or if he shall be found in any
assembly, he will do it at his peril. For the necessary pun
ishment will not fail. Remove, therefore, whither ye are
commanded.' Thus he compelled me, sick as I was, nor did
he grant me a day's respite. What leisure, then, had I to
hold assemblies, or not to hold them ? "
After other matters, he says again, " But neither did we
keep aloof from assembling ourselves by divine assistance;
but so much the more diligently did I gather those that were
in the city, as if I were in their midst : absent, indeed, in the
body, as I said, but present in spirit. But in Cephro a large
congregation collected with us, partly of the brethren that
accompanied us from the city, partly of those that joined us
from Egypt ; and thus God opened a door for the word like
wise there. And at first, indeed, we were persecuted, we
were stoned ; but, at last, not a few of the heathen, abandon
ing the idols, turned to God, for the word was then first sown
among them, as they had never before heard it. And thus, as
if God had conducted us for this cause to them, after we had
fulfilled this ministry, we were again transferred to another
part. For iEmilianus designed to transport us, as it seemed,
to places more rough, and more replete with Libyan horrors,
(more Libyan-like,) and he commanded those in the Mareotic
district every where to collect, appointing them separate vil-
1 The Christians called their burial-places cemeteries, KoiuijT-npia dor
mitories, because death, in the light of the gospel, is a sleep These
dormitories, as we here see, were frequented by the Christians, as pecu
liarly calculated to cherish religious sentiments, particularly if these places
had been the depositories of martyred confessors. It was here, too where
m the firm faith that death is but a sleep, they could hold a kind 'of com
munion with departed virtue, and find their own strengthened by it "Well
may Christianity be pronounced the only true philosophy, when she arrays
our greatest terrors in such a light.

A. D. 254 — 260.] VALERIAN AND GALLIENUS. 267
lages throughout the country. But our party, together with
those that should be first taken, he commanded to be left on
the way. For, no doubt, it was among his plans and prepara
tions, that whenever he wished to seize us he might easily
take us captive. But when I was first ordered to go away to
Cephro, though I knew not the place where it was, having
scarcely even heard the name before, yet I nevertheless went
away cheerfully and calmly. But when it was told me to
remove to the parts of CoUuthion, those present know how I
was affected. For here I shah accuse myself. At first, indeed,
I was afflicted, and bore it hard. For though these places hap
pened to be more known and familiar to me, yet they said that
it was a region destitute of brethren and good men, and ex
posed to the insolence of travellers, and the incursions of
robbers. But I received comfort from the brethren, who re
minded me that it was nearer to the city. Cephro, indeed,
brought us a great number of brethren promiscuously from
Egypt, so that we were able to spread the church farther ;
but as the city was nearer there, we should more frequently
enjoy the sight of those that were really beloved and most
dear to us. For they would come, and would tarry, and as if
in the more remote suburbs, there would be still meetings in
part. And so it was."
After these, and other remarks, he proceeds to tell what
happened to him again : " Germanus, indeed, may pride him
self for many confessions ; he may have much to say of what
happened to him : he may, as well as we, speak of the great
number of sentences of condemnation, confiscations, proscrip
tions, spohations of goods ; loss of dignities ; contempt of
worldly honour ; contempt of praise from the prefects or from
counseUors, and the endurance of the opposite threats of out
cries ; of dangers of persecutions ; of exile ; of great trouble
and various kinds of affliction, suoh as happened to me under
Decius and Sabinus,2 such as I have suffered until the present
persecution of JEmilianus. But where in the world was Ger
manus ? What is said of him ? But I will abstain from the
great folly into which I have fallen on account of Germanus.
5 This Sabinus was prefect of Egypt under Decius the emperor ; of
him Dionysius speaks in his epistle to Fabius, which is quoted supra,
b. vi. c. 41 ; but ^Emilianus afterwards seized the empire, as Pollio writes
r» his Thirty Tyrants. Vales.

268 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VTI. C. 11.
And hence, also, I shall dismiss giving a particular account
of what happened to the brethren, who already know the
facts." The same writer, also, in the epistle to Domitius and
Didymus, again makes mention of some particulars in refer
ence to the persecution, as follows : "But it is superfluous
for me to recount to you our brethren by name, as they are
both numerous and unknown to you. But you must know
that they are men and women, young and old; young virgins
and aged matrons, soldiers and private men, every class and
every age, some that obtained the crown of victory under
stripes and in the flames, some by the edge of the sword. For
many, however, the lapse of a very long time was not suffi
cient to appear acceptable to God, as indeed it has not appear
ed to me to the present time. Therefore I have been re
served for a time which he knows most suitable, who has said,
' In the accepted time I have heard thee, and in the day of
salvation I have assisted thee.' But since you have inquired,
and wish to be informed of aU concerning us, you have fully
heard how we fare : how we were led away as prisoners by
the centurion and magistrates, and the soldiers and officers
with them, myself and Caius, Faustus, Peter, Paul, when a
certain party came from Mareotis and forcibly dragged us
away, we following them not of our own accord, but forced.
But now Caius and Peter, with myself, solitary and deprived
of the rest of our brethren, are shut up in a wild and desert
place of Libya, three days' journey distant from Parsetonium."
After some further remarks, he proceeds : " But in the city
some concealed themselves, secretly visiting the brethren ;
presbyters Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius.
For Faustinus and Aquila, who are more prominent in the
world, are wandering about in Egypt. But of those that died
of the sickness, the surviving deacons are Faustus, Eusebius,
Chasremon. Eusebius, who was strengthened by the Lord
from the beginning, and who was weU qualified to fulfil the
arduous and necessary duties to those confessors that were in
prison, and to perform the dangerous office of burying those
perfected and blessed men who suffered martyrdom. For, to
the present day, the governor does not cease kilhng some, as I
before said, in a most cruel manner, whenever they are ar
raigned, torturing others with scourging, wasting others with

A. D. 254 — 260. J VALERIAN AND GALLIENUS. 26"9
imprisonment and bonds, and commanding that no one shall
go nigh them, and examining whether any, perhaps, is seen
to do so. And yet God, by the alacrity and kindness of the
brethren, has afforded some relief to the afflicted." Such is
the statement of Dionysius in this epistle.
But it should be observed, that this Eusebius, whom he
called a deacon, was not long after appointed bishop of Lao
dicea, in Syria. But Maximus, whom he called a presbyter,
at that time succeeded Dionysius as bishop of the church at
Alexandria. But Faustus, who was at that time greatly dis
tinguished for his confession, being reserved until the perse
cution of our times, in a very advanced age, and full of days,
was made perfect as a martyr, and was beheaded. Such;
however, were the events that happened to Dionysius at this
time.

CHAPTER XII.
THE MARTYRS AT CISAREA OF PALESTINE.
In the persecution of Valerian, mentioned above, three
men of Cassarea in Palestine, who shone gloriously in their
confession of Christ, were honoured with divine martyrdom
by becoming the food of wild beasts. Of these, one was called
Priscus, another Malchus, the third was named Alexander.
These, it is said, lived at first in the country, pretending to be
careless and indifferent ; but when occasion presented itself
from heaven to them, already burning with desire to obtain
the prize, they would then cease, with the view that they
might not be too forward in seizing the martyr's crown. With
these purposes, therefore, they hasted to Caesarea, and advanced
to the judge, and obtained the sentence mentioned. It is also
said, that a certain female endured a similar conflict in the
same persecution and city but who is also said to have beea
of the sect of Mareion.

S70 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [b. VII. C. 1 3, 14.
CHAPTER XIII.

THE PEACE AFTER GALLIENUS

But as it was not long before Valerian was taken captive,
and reduced to slavery by the barbarians, his son Galhenus,
obtaining the sole command, was disposed to use more cle
mency in the exercise of his power. He, therefore, immedi
ately restrained the persecution against us, by sending edicts,
in which he commanded that the ministers of the word might
perform the customary duties of their office with freedom,
the copy of which was as follows : " The emperor Caesar
Pubhus Licinius Gallienus Pius Felix Augustus, to Diony
sius, Pinna, Demetrius, and the other bishops. The benefit
of the privilege granted by me, I have ordered to be issued
throughout the whole world, that all may depart from their
religious retreats ; and therefore you also may make use of
this copy of my edict, that no one may molest you. And this
liberty indeed, which you are now permitted to have, has been
long since granted by me. Aurelius Cyrenius, therefore, who
has the chief administration of affairs, will observe the copy
here given by me." This, that it may be the better understood,
we have here presented to our readers, in a translation from
the Latin tongue. There is also another ordinance from him,
which he addressed to other bishops, in which he grants per
mission to recover what are called the cemeteries.1

CHAPTER XIV.
THE BISHOPS THAT FLOURISHED AT THIS TIME.
At this time the episcopate in the Roman church was ye
held by Xystus ; but in the church of Antioch, after Fabius
by Demetrianus ; of Caesarea in Cappadocia, by Firmilianus
of the churches in Pontus, by Gregory, and his brother Athe-
nodorus, both of them familiar friends of Origen. At Csesarea,
however, of Palestine, after the death of Theoctistus, the epis-
1 The places where they buried their dead, and often assembled foi
religious solemnities, especially the memorials of the martyrs.

A. d. 260—268.] gallienus. 271
copal office was conferred on Domnus, and he not surviving
long, was succeeded by Theotecnus our contemporary. He
was also of the school of Origen, but in Jerusalem, after the
decease of Mazabanus, Hymenasus followed as his successor
in the episcopal seat, the same that has obtained much cele
brity in our times for many years.

CHAPTER XV.
THE MARTYRDOM OF MARINUS AT CjESAREA.
About this time, as peace was every where restored to the
churches, Marinus of Caesarea in Palestine, who was one of the
army, distinguished for his military honours, and illustrious
for his family and wealth, was beheaded for his confession of
Christ, on the following account : " There is a certain honour
among the Romans, called the vine, which they who obtain
are said to be centurions. A place becoming vacant, Marinus,
by the order of succession, was called to this promotion ; but
when he was on the point of obtaining this, however, another
one advancing to the tribunal began to make opposition, by
saying that according to the ancient institutions it was not
lawful for him to share in the Roman honours, as he was a
Christian, and refused to sacrifice to the emperors ; but that
the office devolved on him. The judge, whose name was
Achasus, roused at this, first began to ask what the opinions of
Marinus were ; and when he saw him constantly affirming
that he was Christian, he granted him three hours for reflec
tion. But as soon as he came out of the praetorium, or judg
ment haU, Theotecnus, the bishop of the place, coming to him,
drew him aside in conversation, and taking him by the hand,
conducted him to the church ; and having placed him within
by the altar, he raised his cloak a little, and pointing to the
sword that was attached to his side, at the same time present
ing before him the book of the Holy Gospels, told him tc
choose either of the two according to his wish. Without he
sitation he extended his hand and took the book. " Hold fast,
then, hold fast to God," said Theotecnus, " and strengthened
by him, mayest thou obtain what thou hast chosen — go in
peace." Immediately upon his return from thence, a crier

272 ecclesiastical history, [b. vn. c. 16, 17.
began to proclaim before the praetorium, for the appointed
time had aheady passed away ; and being thus arraigned,
after exhibiting a still greater ardour in his faith, he was
forthwith led away as he was, and made perfect by martyrdom.

CHAPTER XVI.
SOME ACCOUNT OF ASTYRIUS.

Mention is also made in these times of the pious confi
dence of Astyrius, a man who was a Roman of senatorial
rank, in great favour with the emperors, and weU known to
all for his noble birth and his wealth. As he was present at
the death of the above-mentioned martyr, taking up the
corpse, he bore it on his shoulder in a splendid and costly
dress, and covering it in a magnificent manner, committed it
to a decent burial. Many other facts are stated of the man
by his friends, who have lived to the present times.

CHAPTER XVII.
THE MIRACLES OF OUR SAVIOUR AT PANEAS.
Among these there was the foUowing remarkable occur
rence. At Caesarea Philippi, which is caUed Paneas by the
Phoenicians, they say there are springs that are shown there,
at the foot of the mountain caUed Panius, from which the
Jordan rises ; and that on a certain festival-day there was
usually a victim thrown into these and that this, by the power
of the daemon, in some wonderful manner entirely disappeared.
The thing was a famous wonder to aU that were there to see
it. Astyrius happening to be once present at these rites, and
seeing the multitude astonished at the affair, pitied their de
lusion. Then raising his eyes to heaven, he implored the God
over all, through Christ, to refute this seducing daemon, and
to restrain the delusion of the people. As soon as he prayed,
it is said that the victim floated on the stream, and that thus
this miracle vanished, no wonder ever more occurring in this
place.

A. D. 260—268.] gallienus. 273
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE STATUE ERECTED BY THE WOMAN HAVING AN HEMORRHAGE
But as we have mentioned this city, I do not think it right
to pass by a narrative that also deserves to be recorded for
posterity. They say that the woman who had ah issue of
blood, mentioned by the evangelists, and who obtaiaed deliver
ance from her affliction by our Saviour, was a native of this
place, and that her house is shown in the city, and the won
derful monuments of our Saviour's benefit to her are still
remaining. At the gates of het house, on an elevated stone,
stands a brazen image of a woman on her bended knee, with
her hands stretched put before her like one entreating. Oppo
site to this there is another image of a man, erect, of the same
materials, decently clad in a mantle (oWXoioa) and stretch
ing out his hand to the woman. Before her feet, and on the
same pedestal, there is a certain strange plant growing, which
rising as high as the hem of the brazen garment, is a kind
of antidote to aU kinds of diseases. This statue, they say,
is a statue of Jesus Christ, and it has remained even until
our times ; so that we ourselves saw it whilst tarrying in that
city. Nor is it to be wondered at, that those of the Gentiles
who were anciently benefited by our Saviour, should have
done these things. Since we have also seen representations
of the apostles Peter and Paul, and of Christ himself, still
preserved in paintings ; as it is probable that, according to a
practice among the Gentiles, the ancients were accustomed to
pay this kind of honour indiscriminately to those who were
as saviours or deliverers to them.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE EPISCOPAL SEAT OF JAMES.

James being the first that received the dignity of the epis
copate at Jerusalem, from our Saviour himself,1 as the sacred
' It was an old tradition, that James the apostle was ordained bishop
of Jerusalem by Christ. Saint Chrysost. Homil. 38, upon the Epistle to
[eusebius.] »

274 ecclesiastical history, [b. vii. c. 20, 21.
Scriptures show that he was generally called the brother of
Christ ; this see, which has been preserved until the present
times, has ever been held in veneration by the brethren that
have followed in the succession there, in which they have suf
ficiently shown what reverence both the ancients and those of
our own times exhibited, and stiU exhibit, towards holy men
on account of their piety. But enough of this.

CHAPTER XX.

THE EPISTLES OF DIONYSIUS, ON FESTIVALS, IN WHICH HE GIVES THE
CANON ON THE PASSOVER.
Besides these epistles, the same Dionysius, about this time
also composed others, called his Festival Epistles, in which he
discourses much in praise of the festival of the Passover. One
of these he addressed to Flavius, another to Domitius and
Didymus, in which also he gives the canon for eight years,/
showing that it is not proper to observe the paschal festival
before the vernal equinox was past. Beside these, he com
posed another epistle, addressed to his compresbyters at Alex
andria. Also, to several others, and these during the preva
lence of the persecution.

CHAPTER XXL
THE EVENTS THAT OCCURRED AT ALEXANDRIA.
Peace having been scarcely established, he returned, in
deed, to Alexandria ; but as sedition and war again broke
out, so that it was impossible for him to superintend all the
brethren then divided into different parties, he again addresses
them by letter at the passover, as if he were still an exile from
the Corinthians, on these words, Deinde visus est Jacobo, " Then he
was seen of James," expressly affirms it ; as also do Epiphanius, Niceph.
Callist. They all seem to borrow this opinion from the first book of
Clemens's Recognitions. In his Constitutions, b. viii. chap. 35, we find
him speaking of James, the bishop of Jerusalem, in these words, in avrov
rov Kvpiov, xai tuiv curoaroXiav xfipoTovnOiig, " ordained by our Saviour
himself, and the apostles."

a. e. 260 — 268.] gallienus. 275
Alexandria. He also wrote, after this, another paschal letter
to Hierax, a bishop of Egypt, in which he makes mention ofthe
sedition then existing at Alexandria, as follows : " But what
cause of wonder is there, if it be difficult for me also to address
epistles to those that are so very remote, when I am at a loss to
consult for my own life, or to reason with myself? For indeed,
I have great need to send epistolary addresses to those wh<5 are
as my own bowels, my associates and dearest brethren and
members of the same church. But how I shall send these I
cannot devise. For it would be more easy for any one, I
would not say to go beyond the limits of the province, but
even to travel from east to west, than to go from Alexandria
to Alexandria itself. For the very heart of the city is more
desolate and impassable than that vast and trackless desert
which the Israelites traversed in two generations, and our
smooth and tranquil harbours have become like that sea which
opened and arose like walls on both sides, enabling them to
drive through, and in whose highway the Egyptians were
overwhelmed. For often they appear like the Red Sea, from
the frequent slaughters committed in them ; but the river
which washes the city, has sometimes appeared more dry than
the parched desert, and more exhausting than that in which
Israel was so overcome with thirst on their journey that they
exclaimed against Moses, and the water flowed for them from
the broken rock, by the power of Him who alone doeth
wondrous works. Sometimes, also, it has so overflowed, that
it has inundated all the country round; the roads and the
fields seeming to threaten that flood of waters which happened
in. the days of Noah. It also flows always polluted with blood
and slaughter, and the constant drowning of men, such as it
formerly was, when, before Pharaoh, it was changed by Moses
into blood and putrid matter. And what other purification
could be applied to water which itself purifies all ? Could
that vast and impassable ocean ever wash away this bitter
sea ? or could that great river itself, which flowed from Eden,
though it poured the four heads into which it was divided,
into one Gihon, wash away this filth ? When will this air, cor
rupted as it is by the noxious exhalations every where rising,
become pure and serene ? For there are such vapours from
the earth, and such storms from the sea-breezes, from the
rivers and mists coming from the harbours, that make it ap-
t 2

2^6 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. VII. C. 22;
pear as if we should have for dew the gore of those dead
bodies that are putrifying in all the elements around us.
" Then, and notwithstanding all this, men wonder, and are
at a loss to know whence come the constant plagues ; whence
these malignant diseases ; whence those variegated infections ;
whence all that various and immense destruction of human
lives. Wherefore it is, that this mighty city no longer
cherishes within it such a number of inhabitants, from speech
less children to the aged and decrepit, as it formerly had of
those whom it could pronounce firm and vigorous in years.
But those of forty years and up to seventy, were so much the
more numerous then, that their number cannot now be made
up, if even those from fourteen to eighty were inserted and
enrolled among the receivers of the public grain. And those
who in appearance are but the youngest, are now as of an age
with those formerly the oldest. And yet, though they con
stantly see the human race diminishing, and constantly wast
ing away, in the very midst of this increasing destruction,
and this annihilation, they are not alarmed."

CHAPTER XXII.
THE PESTILENCE WHICH THEN PREVAILED.
The pestilence, after these things, succeeding the war, and
the festival being at hand, he again addresses the brethren
in epistles ; in which he shows the great calamities attending
this affliction, as follows : " To other men, indeed, the present
would not appear a fit season for a festival, and neither is this
nor any other time a festival for them, not to speak of sorrow
ful times, but not even that which a cheerful person might
especially deem such. But now all things are filled with
tears, all are mourning, and by reason of the multitudes al
ready dead, and still dying, groans are daily resounding
throughout the city. For as it is written respecting the first
born of Egypt, thus now, also, a great lamentation has arisen,
for there is not a house in which there is not one dead. And
I wish, indeed, this were aU. Many, indeed, and horrille
calamities have preceded this. First, indeed, they drive us
away, and solitary and in exile, and persecuted ard put to

A. D. 260—268.] GALLIENCfl. 277
death by all, we stiU celebrated the festival ; and every place,
marked by some particular affliction, was still a spot distin
guished by our solemnities ; the open field, the desert, the
ship, the inn, the prison. But the most joyous festival of all
was celebrated by those perfect martyrs who are now feasting
in the heavens.
" After this, war and famine succeeded, which indeed we
endured with the heathen, but bore alone those miseries with
which they afflicted us, whilst we also experienced the effects
of those which they inflicted, and suffered from one another.
And again we rejoiced in the peace of Christ, which he gave
to us alone, and when both we and they obtained a very short
respite, then we were assailed by this pestilence. A calamity
more dreadful to them than any dread, and more afflictive
than any affliction, and which, as one of their own historians
has said, was of itself alone beyond all hope. To us, however,
it did not wear this character, but no less than other events it
was a school for exercise and probation. For neither did it
keep aloof from us, although it assailed the heathen most,"
To this he afterwards adds : " Indeed, the most of our
brethren, by their exceeding great love and brotherly affec
tion, not sparing themselves, and adhering to one another,
were constantly superintending the sick, ministering to their
wants without fear and without cessation, and healing them in
Christ, have departed most sweetly with them." Though
filled with the disease from others, and taking it from their
neighbours, they voluntarily, by exsuction, extracted their
pains. Many also, who had healed and strengthened others,
themselves died, transferring their death upon themselves, and
exemplifying in fact, that trite expression which seemed be
fore only a form of politeness, or an empty compliment ; they
were in fact, in their death, ' the offscotiring of all ' (ntpixbinfia
wavTwv). The best of our brethren, indeed, have departed
this hfe in this way, some indeed presbyters, some deacons,
and of the people those that were exceedingly commended. So
that this very form of death, with the piety and ardent faith
which attended it, appeared to be but little inferior to martyr
dom itself. They took up the bodies of the saints with their
open hands and on their bosoms, cleaned their eyes and closed
their mouths, carried them on their shoulders, and composed
their limbs, embraced, clung to them, and prepared them de*

£78 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. ]_B. Vil. C. 23.
cently with washing and garments, and ere long they them
selves shared in receiving the same offices. Those that sur
vived always following those before them. Among the heathen
it was the direct reverse. They both repelled those who began
to be sick, and avoided their dearest friends. They would cast
them out into the roads half dead, or throw them when dead.
without burial, shunning any communication and participation
in death, which it was impossible to avoid by every precaution
and care." After this epistle, when the city was at peace, he
addressed another paschal epistle to the brethren in Egypt,
and wrote many others besides. There is one of his extant,
On the Sabbath, another On Exercise. He also addressed one
to Hermammon, and to the brethren in Egypt. Many other
facts, after describing the wickedness of Decius and his suc-
aessors, he states, and also mentions the peace of Gallienus.

CHAPTER XXIII.
THE REIGN OF GALLIENUS.

But it is best to hear his own words, as follows : " He in
deed, viz. Macrianus, having betrayed the one, and waged war
with the other emperor, suddenly perished with his whole fa
mily. But Gallienus was proclaimed and universally acknow
ledged emperor, an emperor at once new and old, having been
before them, and now surviving them. For as it is said by
the prophet Isaiah, Those things that were from the first, lo
they have come, and those are new which shall now arise. As
the cloud which enters the sun's rays, and for a little obscures
it by its shadow and appears in its place, when the cloud has
passed by, or is dissipated, the sun which had arisen before
seems to rise again. Thus Macrianus, who had established
himself, and aspired higher, to the very power of Gallienus,
himself is now no more, because he never was ; but the latter
is just as he was, and his government as if it had lost the
feebleness of age, and had become purified of its former filth,
now <u-ose and assumed a more flourishing aspect. And it is
now '^en and heard at a greater distance, and expanded to
ever)- part." After this he also indicates the time when he
wrote this, "And it occurs to me again, to survey the days

A. d. 260—268.] gallienus. 279
of our emperor's reign. For I see, indeed, that those most
impious men, once honoured, and famous, ere long became
without a name. But the more holy and pious emperor, sur
viving the seventh year, is now in the ninth, in which we are
about to celebrate the festival."

CHAPTER XXIV.
OF NEPOS, AND HIS SCHISM.

Besides these, there are two works of his on the Promises ;
the occasion of which was Nepos, a bishop in Egypt. He
taught, that the promises given to holy men in the Scriptures,
should be understood more as the Jews understood them, and
supposed that there would be a certain millennium of sensual
luxury on this earth. Thinking, therefore, that he could
establish his own opinion by the Revelation of John, he com
posed a book on this subject, with the title, Refutation of the
AUegorists. This, therefore, was warmly opposed by Diony
sius, in his work on the Promises. In the former, indeed, he
gives his own opinion on the subject ; in the other he enters
into a discussion on the Revelation of John, where, in the in
troduction, he makes mention of Nepos, as follows : " But
they produce a certain work of Nepos, upon which they lay
great stress, as if he advanced things that are irrefragable,
when he asserts that there wiU be an earthly reign of Christ.
In many other respects I accord with and greatly love Nepos,
both on account of his faith and industry, and his great study
in the Scriptures ; as also for his great attention to psalmody,
by which many are still delighted. I greatly reverence tbe
man also, for the manner in which he has departed this life.
But the truth is to be loved and honoured before all. It is
just, indeed, that we should applaud and approve whatever is
said aright, but it is also a duty to examine and correct what
ever may not appear to be written with sufficient soundness.
If, indeed, he were present, and were advancing his sentiments
orally, it would be sufficient to discuss the subject without
writing, and to commence and confirm the opponents by
question and answer. But as the work is published, and, as
it appears to some, is calculated to convince, that there ara

280 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VII. C. 24.
some teachers who say that the law and prophets are of no
value, and who give up following the Gospels, and who depre
ciate the Epistles of the apostles, and who at the same time
announced the doctrine of this work as a great and hidden
mystery, and who also do not allow that our brethren have
any sublime and great conception, either of the glorious' and
truly divine appearance of our Lord, nor of our own resurrec
tion, and our being gathered, and assimilated to him; but
persuade them to expect what is little and perishable, and such
a state of things as now exists in the kingdom of God. It
becomes, therefore, necessary for us also, to reason with our
brother Nepos as if he were present." To these he adds, after
other remarks : " When I was at Arsinoe, where, as you know,
long since, this doctrine was afloat, so that schisms and apos-
tacies of whole churches foUowed, after I had called the pres
byters and teachers of the. brethren in the villages, when those
brethren had come who wished to be present, I exhorted them
to examine the doctrine publicly. When they had produced
this book as a kind of armour and impregnable fortress, I sat
with them for three days, from morning tiU evening, attempt
ing to refute what it contained. Then, also, I was greatly
pleased to observe the constancy, the sincerity, the docility,
and intelligence of the brethren, as we proceeded to advance
in order, and the moderation of our questions and doubts and
mutual concessions. For we carefully and studiously avoided,
in every possible way, insisting upon those opinions which were
once adopted by us, though they might appear to be correct.
Nor did we attempt to evade objections, but endeavoured as
far as possible to keep to our subject, and to confirm these.
Nor ashamed, if reason prevailed, to change opinions, and to
acknowledge the truth ; but rather received with a good con
science and sincerity, and with single hearts, before God,
whatever was established by the proofs and doctrines of the
Holy Scriptures. At length Coracio, who was the founder
and leader of this doctrine, in the hearing of all the brethren
present, confessed and avowed to us, that he would no longer
adhere to it, nor discuss it, that he would neither mention nor
teach it, as he had been fuUy convinced by the opposite argu
ments. The other brethren present rejoiced also at this con
ference, and at the conciliatory spirit and unanimity exhibited
by all."

A. D. 260—268.] GALLIENUS. 281
CHAPTER XXV.
THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN.
After this, he proceeds further to speak of the Revelation
of John, as follows : " Some, indeed, before us, have set aside;
and have attempted to refute the whole book, criticising every
chapter, and pronouncing it without sense and without reason.
They say that it has a false title, for it is not of John. Nay,
that it is not even a revelation, as it is covered with such a
dense and thick veil of ignorance, that not one of the apostles,
and not one of the holy men, or those of the church, could, be
its author. But that Cerinthus, the founder of the sect of
Cerinthians, so called from him, wishing to have reputable
authority for his own fiction, prefixed the title. For this is
the doctrine of Cerinthus, that there will be an earthly reign
of Christ ; and as he was a lover of the body, and altogether
sensual in those things which he so eagerly craved, he dreamed
that he would revel in the gratification of the sensual appetite,
i. e. in eating and drinking, and marrying ; and to give the
things a milder aspect and expression, in festivals and sacri
fices, and the slaying of victims. For my part I would not
venture to set this book aside, as there are many brethren
that value it much ; but having formed a conception of its
subject as exceeding my capacity, I consider it also containing
a certain concealed and wonderful intimation in each particu
lar. For, though I do not understand, yet I suspect that
some deeper sense is enveloped in the words, and these I do
not measure and judge by my private reason; but allowing
more to faith, I have regarded them as too lofty to be com
prehended by me, and those things which I do not under
stand, I do not reject, but I wonder the more that I cannot
comprehend." After this he examines the whole book of the Revelation,
and after proving that it is impossible that it should be under
stood according to the obvious and literal sense, he proceeds :
" The prophet, as I said, having completed the whole prophecy,
he pronounces those blessed that should observe it as also
himself. ' For blessed,' says he, 'is he that keepeth the words

282 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VH. C. 25.
of the prophecy of this book, and I, John,1 who have seen and
heard these things.' I do not, therefore, deny that he was
called John, and that this was the writing of one John. And
I agree that it was the work, also, of some holy and inspired
man. But I would not easily agree that this was the apostle,
the son of Zebedee, the brother of James, who is the author
of the Gospel, and the General (catholic) Epistle that bears
his name. But I conjecture, both from the general tenor of
both, and the form and complexion of the composition, and the
execution of the whole book, that it is not from him. For
the evangelist never prefixes his name, never proclaims him
self, either in the Gospel or in his Epistle."
A little further, he adds : " But John never speaks as of
himself, (in the first person,) nor as of another, (in the third,)
but he that wrote the Apocalypse declares himself immedi
ately in the beginning : ' The Revelation of Jesus Christ,
which he gave to him to show to his servants quickly. And
he sent and signified it by his angel, to his servant John, who
bare record of the word of God, and of his testimony (of Je
sus Christ) and of all things that he saw.'
" Besides this, he wrote an epistle : ' John to the seven
churches of Asia, grace and peace to you.' But the evangelist
does not prefix his name even to his General Epistle ; but,
without any introduction or circumlocution, begins from the
very mystery of the divine revelation : ' That which was from
the beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with
our eyes ;' for upon such a revelation as this Peter was blessed
by our Lord : ' Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-jona, because
flesh and blood hath not revealed it to thee, but my Father in
heaven.' But neither in the second nor third Epistle ascribed
to John (the apostle), though they are very brief, is the name
of John presented. But anonymously it is written, the pres
byter. But the other did not consider it sufficient to name
himself but once, and then to proceed in his narration, but
afterwards again resumes, ' I, John, your brother and partner
in tribulation, and the kingdom and patience of Jesus, was
1 Dionysius here understands the author of the Apocalypse, introducing
himself as a subject of the same blessedness of which he speaks. This
connexion, though not usually regarded, is obvious on an inspection of the
original. •

A. D. 260—268.] GALLIENUS 283
on the island called Patmos, on account of the word of God,
, and the testimony of Jesus.' And, likewise, at the end (of
the book) he says ; ' Blessed is he that keepeth the words of
the prophecy of this book, and I am John that saw and heard
these things.'
" That it is a John that wrote these things we must believe
him, as he says it ; but what John it is, is uncertain. For he
has not said that he was, as he often does in the Gospel, the
beloved disciple of the Lord, neither the one leaning on his
'bosom, nor the brother of James, nor he that himself saw and
heard what the Lord did and said. For he certainly would
have said one of these particulars, if he wished to make him
self clearly known. But of all this there is nothing, he only
calls himself our brother and companion, and the witness of Je
sus, and blessed on account of seeing and hearing these revela
tions. I am of opinion there were many of the same name with
John the apostle, who, for their love and admiration and emu
lation of him, and their desire at the same time, like him,- to
be beloved of the Lord, adopted the same epithet, just as we
find the name of Paul and of Peter to be adopted by many
among the faithful.2
" There is also another John, surnamed Mark, mentioned
in the Acts of the Apostles, whom . Paul and Barnabas took
in company with them. Of whom it is again said, ' But they
had John as their minister.' (Acts xiii. 5.) But whether this
is the one that wrote the Apocalypse, I could not say. For
it is not written that he came with them to Asia. But he
says, ' When Paul and his company loosed from Paphos, they
came to Perga in Pamphylia, but John, departing from them,
2 We ought to take special notice of this passage concerning the -primi
tive Christians' custom of calling their children by the names of Peter and
Paul, which they did both for the reverence and love they bare to those
samts, and also that their children might be beloved and no less dear in
the sight of God than those saints were. Chrysostom, in his Oration con
cerning St. Meletius, says, that the Antiochians had such a reverence and
esteem for him, that the parents called their child-re:i after his name, that
they might have their houses in a manner adorned with his presence ;
and in his 21st Homily upon Genesis, he advises his auditors that they
should not carelessly call their children by their grandfathers' or great
grandfathers', or some noble heroes' names, but should rather give them
the names of some men who were famous for virtue and piety ; that the
children, by their example, might be excited to an imitation of them.
Vales.

284 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORf. [b. VIL C. 25.
returned to Jerusalem.' I think, therefore, that it was another
one of those in Asia. For they say that there are two monu
ments at Ephesus, and that each bears the name of John, and
from the sentiments and the expressions, as also their compo
sition, it might be very reasonably conjectured that this one
is different from that. For the Gospel and Epistle mutually
agree. They commence in the same way ; for the one says,
' In the beginning was the Word ; ' the other, ' That which
was from the beginning.' The one says, ' And the Word was
made flesh, and dwelt (tabernacled) among us, and we saw
his glory, the glory as of the only-begotten of the Father,'
The other says the same things, a little altered : ' That which
we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, that which
we have seen and our hands have handled of the Word of life,
and the life was manifested.' These things, therefore, are
premised, alluding, as he has shown in the subsequent parts,
to those who say that the Lord did not come into the flesh.
Wherefore, also, he has designedly subjoined : ' What we have
seen we testify, and we declare to you that eternal life, which
was with the Father, and was made manifest to us ; what we
have seen and heard we declare to you.' He keeps to the
point, and does not depart from his subjects, but goes through
all in the same chapters and name, some of which we shall
briefly notice.
" But the attentive reader will find the expressions, the
life, the light, frequently occurring in both ; in both he will
find the expressions, fleeing from darkness, the truth, grace,
joy, the flesh and blood of the Lord, the judgment, forgiveness
of sins, the love of God to us, the commandment given us oj
love to one another, that we ought to keep all the command
ments, the conviction of the world, the devil, of antichrist, the
promise of the Holy Spirit, the adoption of God, (i. e. the
adoption made by God,) the faith to be exhibited by us in al.
matters, the Father and the Son, every where occurring in
both. And altogether throughout, to attentive observers, it
will be obvious that there is one and the same complexion
and character in the Gospel and Epistle. Very different and
remote from all this is the Apocalypse ; not even touching,
or even bordering upon them in the least, I might say ; not
even containing a syllable in common with them. But the
Epistle, to say nothing of the Gospel, has not made any met-

i.. d. 260—268.1 gallienus. 285
tion, or given any intimation of the Apocalypse ; nor does the
Apocalypse mention the Epistle. Whereas Paul indicates
something of his revelations in his Epistles ; which, however,
he never recorded in writing.
" We may, also, notice how the phraseology of the Gospel
and the Epistle differs from the Apocalypse. For the former
are written not only irreprehensibly, as it regards the Greek
language, but are most elegant in diction in the arguments
and the whole structure of the style. It would require much
lo discover any barbarism or solecism, or any odd peculiarity
of expression ¦ at all in them. For, as is to be presumed, he
was endued with all the requisites for his discourse ; the Lord
having granted him both that of knowledge and that of ex
pression and style. That the latter, however, saw a revela
tion, and received knowledge and prophecy, I do not deny.
But I perceive that his dialect and language is not very ac-
eurate Greek ; but that he uses barbarous idioms, and in some
places solecisms, which it is now unnecessary to select ; for
neither would I have any one suppose that I am saying these
things by way of derision, but only with the view to point
out the great difference between the writings of these men."

CHAPTER XXVI.

THE EPISTLES OF DIONYSIUS.

xJesides these, there are many other epistles of Dionysius
extant, as those to Ammon, bishop of the church at Bernice,
against Sabellius ; another to Telesphorus, and one to Euphra-
nor ; another to Ammon and Euporus. He wrote also four
books on the same subject, which he addressed to his name
sake Dionysius at Rome. There are also many other epis
tles beside these written by him, together with longer treatises
in the form of epistles, as those addressed to the youth Timothy,
and that On Temptations, which he also dedicated to Euphra-
nor. He also says, in a letter to Basilides, bishop (of the
churches) of Pentapolis, that he had written a commentary on
the beginning of Ecclesiastes. But he has also left us several
1 We have here paraphrased the word ilioTiopoc,

286 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, [b. VII. c. 27, 2?.
epistles addressed to the same Basilides. These are the works
of Dionysius. Having given this account, let us now proceed
to inform posterity of the nature and character of our own age.

CHAPTER XXVH.
PAUL OF SAMOSATA, AND THE HERESY INTRODUCED BY HIM AT ANTIOCH.
Xystus had been bishop of Rome eleven years, when he~
was succeeded by Dionysius, the namesake of the bishop of
Alexandria. At this time also, Demetrianus dying at Anti
och, the episcopate was conferred on Paul of Samosata. As
he entertained low and degrading notions of Christ, contrary
to the doctrine of the church, and taught that he was in na
ture but a common man, the Dionysius of Alexandria being
invited to attend the council, urged his age and the infirmity
of his body, as his reason for deferring his attendance, but gave
his sentiments of the subject before them in an epistle. But
the other heads of churches, assembled in aU haste from dif
ferent parts, at Antioch, as against one who was committing
depredations on the flock of Christ.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE DIFFERENT BISHOPS THEN DISTINGUISHED.
Among these, the most eminent were Firmihanus, bishop
of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Gregory and Athenodorus, bro
thers and pastors of the churches in Pontus ; also Helenus,
bishop of the church at Tarsus, and Nicomas, of Iconium ;
besides Hymenasus, of the church at Jerusalem, and Theo
tecnus, of the adjacent church at Caesarea: moreover, Maxi
minus, who governed the brethren at Bostra with great
celebrity. The vast number of others, both presbyters and
deacons, that assembled in the said city, for the same cause,
one could hardly number, but these were the most distin
guished ; all, therefore, having convened at different times and
frequently, various subjects and questions were agitated at
every meeting : the adherents of the Samosatians, attempting

A. d. 270 — 275.] aurelian. 287
to conceal and cover over their heterodoxy, but at the same
time those on the other side used every effort to unmask and
bring to light the heresy, and the blasphemy, of the men
against Christ. In the mean time Dionysius died, in the
twelfth year- of the reign of Gallienus, having presided over
the church of Alexandria seventeen years. He was succeed
ed by Maximinus. But Galhenus reigned fifteen years in aU,
when he was succeeded by Claudius, who, after the lapse of
two years, transferred the government to Aurelian.

CHAPTER XXIX.

PAUL, REFUTED BY A CERTAIN MALCUION, ONE OF THE PRESBYTERS
WHO HAD BEEN A SOPHIST, WAS DEPOSED.
It was in the reign of this emperor when a final council
was convened, in which a great number of bishops was pre
sent, and this arch-heretic at Antioch being detected, and now
evidently discarded by all, was now excommunicated from
the whole cathoUc church under heaven. He was refuted,
however, and argued out of his lurking-place, chiefly by Mal-
chion ; a man well versed in other departments of learning,
and who had been at the head of the sophists' Greek school
of sciences at Antioch ; but who also, on account of his great
and sincere faith in Christ, was honoured with the office of
presbyter in that church. This man, indeed, was the only
one who, after commencing the discussion with him, which,
as there were ready writers that took down the whole, we
know to be now extant, was able to ferret out the sly and de
ceitful sentiments of the man.

CHAPTER XXX.
THE EPISTLE OF THE COUNCIL AGAINST PAUL.
The pastors, therefore, who had been convened, having
drawn up an epistle, by common consent addressed it to
Dionysius, bishop of Rome, and to Maximus of Alexandria,
and sent it to all the provinces. In this, they set forth their

288 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. rB.VH. c. 3(X
own zeal to all, and the perverse doctrine of Paul, together
with the arguments and discussions which they had had with
him ; stating at the same time, the whole life and conduct of
the man, from whose statement it may be well perhaps to give
the following extracts for the present. The epistle : "To
Dionysius and Maximus, and to aU our fellow ministers
throughout the world, the bishops and presbyters1 and
deacons, and to the whole catholic church throughout the
world under heaven : Helenus, Hymenaeus, and Theophilus,
and Theotecnus, and Maximus, Proculus, Nicomas, and iEli-
anus, Paul, and Bolanus, and Protogenes, Hierax, and Euty-
chius, and Theodorus, and Malchion, and Lucius, and aU the
rest, who are bishops, presbyters, or deacons, dwelling with
us, in the neighbouring cities and nations, together with the
churches of God, wish joy to the beloved brethren in the
Lord." After a short preliminary, the following is subjoined:
" We have addressed epistles, and at the same time have ex
horted many of the bishops at a distance, to come to our relief
from this destructive doctrine : among these, to Dionysius the
bishop of Alexandria, and Firmilianus of Cappadocia, those
holy men, of whom the one wrote to Antioch, not even deign
ing to honour the leader in this delusion with an address, nor
writing to him in his name, but to the whole church, of which
epistle we have also added a copy. But Firmilianus, who
came twice to Antioch, despised his new-fangled doctrines, as
we who were present, and many others besides, well know,
and can attest. But as he promised to change his mind, he
believed him, and hoped that, without any reproach upon the
word, the matter would be settled in a proper manner. He
deferred it therefore ; in which, however, he was deceived by
this denier of his God and Lord, and this deserter of his'
former faith. Firmilianus was now, also, on his way to
Antioch, and had come as far as Tarsus, because he had be
fore made trial of his infidel wickedness ; but whilst we were
thus collecting and requesting him to come, and awaiting his
arrival, he departed this life."
1 We ought to take notice of the inscription of this epistle ; for we find
here not only the names of bishops, but also of presbyters and deacons,
and of the laity also. The same we may see in the Acts of the Council o'
Carthage ia which Cyprian was president, and in the Council of Elibem
Vales,

A. D. 270 — 275.] AURELIAN. 289
After these, and other mat:ers, they also describe what kind
- of a life the man led, as follows : " But in those instances
where he abandoned the rule of faith, and went over to spuri
ous and corrupt doctrines before, there is no necessity of
judging his conduct, when he was yet in no connexion with
the church ; nor that he was in poverty and beggary ; and
that he who had received neither wealth from his fathers, nor
obtained possessions by any art, or any trade or business, has
now arrived at excessive wealth, by his iniquities and sacri-
" leges, and by those various means which he employed to exact
and extort from the brethren, depressing the injured, and
promising to aid them for a reward ; and yet how he deceived
them, and without doing them any good, took advantage of
the readiness of those who were in difficulties, to make them
give any thing in order to be freed from their oppressors. We
shall say nothing of his making merchandise of piety (1 Tim.
vi.) ; nor how he affected lofty things, and assumed with great
haughtiness worldly dignities, wishing rather to be called a
magistrate (ducenarius) than a bishop, strutting through the
forum, and reading letters, and repeating them as he walked
in public, and how he was escorted by multitudes going before
and foUowing after him: how he, also, brought envy and
odium upon the faith, by his pomp, and the haughtiness of his
heart. We shaU say nothing of the vanity and pretensions
with which he contrived, in our ecclesiastical assemblies, to
catch at glory and empty shadows, and to confound the minds
of the more simple, with such things as these ; nothing of his
preparing himself a tribunal2 and throne, not as a disciple of
Christ, but having, like the rulers of this world, a secretum,3
and calling it by this name ; nothing of his striking his thigh
and his stamping on the tribunal with his feet, and his re-
' The Fathers do not here condemn Paul because he had a throne ; for
that was customary amongst bishops, even from the times of the apostles,
as we may see in b. vii. c. 19, concerning the throne of James, the brother
rf the Lord. But they condemn him because he erected a tribunal for
himself in the church, and built a high throne. Bishops did sit higher
than the people ; but they had not a tribunal. Vales.
3 The secretum was the exclusive seat or place where the magistrate
sat to decide cases. It was elevated and enclosed wiih railings and cur
tains, so as the more effectually to keep the magistrate separate from
those present. Hence ils name from the Latin secerno, to separate.
The Latin word is used in the Greek text here.
"eusebius.] U

290 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VII C. 30.
proving ana insulting those that did not applaud nor clap l as
in the theatres, nor exclaim and leap about at these things
with his partisans, men and women around him, who were
the indecent listeners to these things ; but, I say, reproving
those that were modestly and orderly hearing as in the house
of God : nothing of his harsh invectives in the congregation,
against the expounders of the word, who had departed this
life, and of his magnifying himself, not as a bishop, but as a
sophist and juggler. Besides this, he stopped the psalms that
were sung in honour of our Lord Jesus Christ, as the late
compositions of modern men, but in honour of himself he had
prepared women to sing at the great festival in the midst of
the church, which one might shudder to hear. He suborned,
also, those bishops and presbyters of the neighbouring districts
and cities of his party, to advance the same things in their ad
dresses to the people. For if we may here anticipate some
thing of what we intend to write below, he does not wish to
confess with us that the. Son of God descended from heaven.
And this we do not intend merely to assert in words, but it
is proved abundantly from those records that we have sent
you, and that too not the least, where he says that Jesus is
from below. Whilst they who sing to his praise, and extol
him among the people, say that he has descended as an angel
from heaven. And these things he by no means prohibits,
but the haughty mortal is even present when they are said.
And as to these women, these adopted sisters,2 as the inhabit
ants of Antioch call them, which belong to him, and the pres
byters and deacons about him, whose incurable sins, in this
and other respects, he conceals with them, though he is con
scious of the facts, and has convicted them, he dissembles, in
order to have them subservient to his purposes ; so that fear
ing for themselves, they dare not venture to accuse him in
regard to his impious conduct and doctrine. Besides this, he
has made them rich, for which he is both beloved and admired
by those who covet these things. But why should we write
these things ? For, beloved, we know that the bishop and all
1 The practice here referred to, was that of shaking and striking the
oraria, or linen handkerchiefs, in token of applause. It was accompanied
with Other expressions of popular approbation.
2 The words literally mean, sub-introduced sisters, a sort of female com
panions, on such terms of familiarity as gave occasion to scandal.

A. D. 270— 275. J AURELIAN. 29!
the clergy ought to be an example to the people of all good
works. Nor are we ignorant how many, by the introduction
of such females, have faUen, or have incurred suspicion. So
that should any one even grant, that nothing disgraceful has
been done by him, yet it was a duty to avoid, at least, the
suspicion growing out of the matter ; so that no one might
take offence, nor any be induced to imitate him. For how
could any one reprove or admonish another to beware of
yielding too much to this familiarity with a woman, lest per
chance he should slip, as it is written ; especially when, after
having already dismissed one, he retains two others with him,
blooming in age and eminent for beauty, and takes them with
him wherever he goes ; and all this, too, indulging in luxury
and surfeiting, on account of which things all around them
are groaning and lamenting. But they are so much afraid of
his tyranny and power, that they do not venture to accuse
him. And these matters, indeed, one might perhaps correct,
in a man who was of the catholic faith, and associated with
us ; but as to one who has trifled away the sacred mystery (of
religion), and who parades with the execrable heresy of Ar-
temas, (for why should we not mention his father ?) we deem
it unnecessary to exact of him a reason for aU these things."
After this, at the close of the epistle, they add the follow
ing. " We have been compeUed, therefore, to excommunicate
this man, who sets himself up in opposition to God, and is un-
whling to yield, and to appoint another bishop in his place
over the catholic church ; and this, we trust, with the pro
vidence of God, viz. Domnus the son of Demetrianus, of
blessed memory, and who before this presided with much
honour over the same church, a man we beheve fully endowed
with all the excellent qualities of a bishop. We have also
communicated this to you, that you may write, and receive
letters of3 communion from him. But the other may write to
3 Td Kotvwvuca ypappara. The Latins call them literas communica-
torias, " communicatory letters ; " the use whereof is very ancient in the
church. They were also called formatse. August, in Epist. 163. There
were two sorts of these letters ; one given to the clergy and laity who
were going to travel, that they might be admitted to communion by fo
reign bishops ; another sort, which bishops sent to other bishops, to attest
and declare their mutual communion. They were usually sent by new
bishops a little after their ordination. See August. 162 Epist., and Cy.
prion's Ep. to Cornelius, p. 92. Vales. 0 8

292 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VH. C. 30.
Artemas if he pleases, and those that think with Artemas may
have communion with him." And this may suffice in this
place. Paul, therefore, having thus fallen from the episcopate,
together with the true faith, as aheady said, Domnus suc
ceeded in the administration of the church at Antioch. But
Paul being unwilling to leave the building of the church, an
appeal was made to the emperor Aurelian,1 who decided most
equitably on the business, ordering the building to be given
up to those whom the Christian bishops of Italy and Rome
should write. Thus, then, this man was driven out of the
church with extreme disgrace, by the temporal power itself.
And such was the disposition of Aurelian at this time ; but
in the progress of his reign, he began to cherish different sen
timents with regard to us, and then proceeded, influenced by
certain advisers, to raise a persecution against us. And the
rumour of this was now every where abroad. But whilst he
was already on the point, and, so to say, in the very act of sub
scribing the decrees, the divine vengeance overtook him, all
but, as wre might say, restraining him from his design at the
very elbow, and illustriously proving to aU, that there can be
no privilege granted the rulers of the world against the
churches of Christ, unless by the sovereign hand of God, and
the decree of heaven permitting it to be done for our correction
and amendment, and in those times and seasons that he may
approve. Aurelian, therefore, after a reign of six years, was
succeeded by Probus, and he held the government the same
number of years, when he was succeeded by Carus, togethei
with Carianus and Numerianus. These again did not con
tinue three full years, when the government devolved on Dio
cletian, and those subsequently associated with him. In theil
times the persecution of our own day was begun, and the de
struction of the churches at the same time ; but a little before
this, Dionysius, who had been bishop of Rome for nine years,
was succeeded by Felix.
' After the sentence of deposition was passed against Paul, he kept his
church for some years, and would not obey the decree of the bishops
relying on the power of Zenobia, an Eastern queen. Theodoret says„H«e
retic. Fabul. b. ii., that Paul flattered her, and- used all means possible t(
get her favour. When Zenobia was conquered, the Christian prelates
petitioned Aurelian that this Paul, who had conspired wth Zenobia
against the Romans, might be removed from the see of Antioch, which was
•lone iii the thir 1 year of Aurelran. Vales.

A. d. 284— 286.1 diocletian. 293
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE ERROR OF THE MANICHEES, WHICH COMMENCED AT THIS TIME.
In the mean time, also, that madman (pavug rag (jtpevag)
Manes,2 as he was caUed, well agreeing with his name, for
his demoniacal heresy, armed himself by the perversion of his
reason, and at the instigation of Satan, to the destruction of
many. He was a barbarian in his hfe, both in speech and
conduct, but in his nature as one possessed and insane,
Accordingly, he attempted to form himself into a Christ,
and then also proclaimed himself to be the very Para
clete3 and the Holy Spirit, and with aU this was greatly
puffed up with his madness. Then, as if he were Christ, he
selected twelve disciples, the partners of his new rehgion, and
after patching together false and ungodly doctrines, collected
from a thousand heresies long since extinct, he swept them off
like a deadly poison, from Persia, upon this part of the world.
Hence the impious name of the Manichees spreading among
many, even to the present day. Such then was the occasion
of this knowledge, as it was falsely called, that sprouted up in
these times.
* Our author here uses an epithet, paveig, instead of the proper name
of this heretic. Eusebius here taking occasion to rail at the folly of
Manes, by an allusion to his name, finds a word in his own language
which seems to characterize, whilst it gives his name nearly. We can
not, however, infer from this, that Eusebius considered the name Greek.
He doubtless knew, as well as we, that Manes was a Persian name, or at
least that it was not Greek. But he wanted nothing more than similarity
of sound for his purpose.
Shorting is mistaken in supposing our author here to intimate the word
was Greek. The truth is, the Orientals call the name Mani, whence the
Greek and Latin Manes. The resemblance of this name to the Greek
uaveig, madman, gave our author an opportunity to exercise his wit, by
the application of the epithet without the name.
1 Paraclete. See note, book v. ch. 16. The names of three promi
nent leaders in delusion, to whom the holy epithet Paraclete was either
applied, or by whom it was claimed, however different their errors, seem
Umost to coalesce by alliteration ; Montanus, Manes, Mahomet ; the first
a deluded and ignorant fanatic, the second a crazed philosopher, and the
third an ambitious, artful voluptuary, presenting a singular concordia dis-
eors, all at antipodes in doctrine, yet all aspiring to the exalted attributes
of the Paraclete.

294 ecclesiastical history. [b vii. c. 32.

CHAPTER XXXII.
OF THOSE DISTINGUISHED ECCLESIASTICAL WRITERS OF OUR OWN DAY,
AND WHICH OF THEM SURVIVED UNTIL THE DESTRUCTION OF THB
CHURCHES. At this time Felix, having held the episcopate at Rome five
years, was succeeded by Eutychianus, and he did not hold the
office quite ten months, when he left his place to be occupied
by Caius of our own day. Caius, also, presided about fifteen
years, when he was succeeded by MarceUinus. He was over
taken by the persecution, and in these times, also, Timaeus,
after Domnus, governed the church of Antioch, who was suc
ceeded by our contemporary Cyrillus, under whom we have
known Dorotheus, a learned wan, who was honoured with the
¦rank of presbyter of Antioch at that time. He was a man of
fine taste in sacred literature, and was much devoted to the
study of the Hebrew language, so that he read the Hebrew
Scriptures with great facility. He, also, was of a very liberal
mind, and not unacquainted with the preparatory studies pur
sued among the Greeks, but in other respects a eunuch by
nature, having been such from his birth ; so that the emperor,
on this account, as if it were a great miracle, received him
into his house and famuy, and honoured him with an appoint
ment over the purple dye estabhshment of Tyre. Him we
have heard in the church expounding the Scriptures with
great judgment. After CyriUus, the duties of the episcopal
office in the church of Antioch were administered by his suc
cessor Tyrannus, under whom the deetruction of the churches
took place. At Laodicea, the church was governed by Euse
bius, the successor of Socrates, who Was sprung from an
Alexandrian family. The occasion of his removal was the
affair respecting Paul of Samosata, on which account having
come to Syria, he was prevented from returning home by
those who took great interest in the Scriptures there. He
¦was also an amiable instance of rehgion among our contem
poraries, as may be readily seen in those extracts from Diony
sius, which we have inserted above. Anatolius was appointed
his successor, a good man, as they say, in the place of the
good. He, too, was an Alexandrian. But for his learning

a. n. 2£4 — 286.] diocletian. 295
and skiU in the Greek philosophy, he was superior to any of
the most distinguished men of our day, as he had attained
unto the highest eminence in arithmetic, geometry, and
astronomy, besides his proficiency in dialectics, and physics,
and rhetoric. On this account it is said, that he was also re
quested by the Alexandrians to establish a school there of the
succession (or order) of Aristotle. They relate innumerable
achievements of his at the siege of the Bruchium,1 at Alexan
dria, as he was honoured by all in office, with extraordinary
distinction ; but as a specimen, we shall only mention this.
— When the bread, as they say, failed in the siege, so that
they were better able to sustain their enemies from without
than the famine within, Anatolius, being present, devised a
project Uke the following. As the other part of the city was
in alhance with the Roman army, and therefore happened
not to be besieged, he sent to inform Eusebius, who was among
those not besieged, for he was yet there before his removal
to Syria, and was very celebrated, and in high repute even
with the Roman general, to inform him of the siege and those
perishing with famine. On learning this, he begs of the
Roman general to grant safety to those who would desert
from the enemy, as the greatest favour he could grant him.
Obtaining his request, he immediately communicates it to
Anatolius. The latter receiving the promise, coUected the
senate of Alexandria, and at first began to propose that they
should come to a reconcihation with the Romans. But as he
perceived that they were incensed at the suggestion, he said,
But I do not think you wiU oppose me, if I should advise, you
to send forth the superfluous number, and those that are of
no use to us, the old women and children, and old men, and let
them go where they wish. For why should we keep those
with us, who wiU ere long at any rate die to no purpose ? and
why should we destroy with famine those that are already
bereft of sight and mutilated in body ? We ought to feed only
men and youth, and furnish the necessary provisions to those
that are necessary for the defence of the city. With such
reasoning, having persuaded the senate, he was the first that
rose and proposed the resolution, that the whole multitude,
whether of men or women, that were not needed for the army,
1 The Bruchium here mentioned, was a part of Alexandria ; it seems
derived from rrvpovxog, annonce pnefectus, and was a kind of corn-market.

296 ecclesiastical history. [b. vii. c. 32.
should be dismissed from the city, because there would be m
hope of safety at all for them, who, at any rate, were about t j
perish with the famine, if they continued and lingered in th >,
city until the state of affairs was desperate. All the rest of
the senate agreeing to this decree, he nearly saved the whob
of the besieged ; among the first providing, that those of ths
church, then those of every age in the town, should make their
escape, and among these not only those that were included in
the decree, but taking the opportunity, many others, secretly
clad in women's clothes, went out of the city by his manage
ment at night, and proceeded to the Roman camp. There
Eusebius receiving them all, like a father and physician, re
covered them, wasted away by a protracted siege,1 with every
kind of attention to their wants. With two such pastors in
succession was the church of Laodicea honoured by the
Divine interposition, who after the termination of the war
mentioned, had left the city of Alexandria, and came to these
parts. But in other respects not many books were written by
Anatolius ; so many, however, have come down to us, by
which we may both learn his eloquence and erudition. In
these he sets forth his opinions on the Passover, from which
it might be proper to extract the following : — Extracts from
the Canons of Anatolius on the Paschal Festival. "You
have, therefore, in the first year, the new moon of the first
month, which is the beginning of every cycle of nineteen years,
on the twenty-sixth of the Egyptian month Phamenoth. But
according to the months of the Macedonians the twenty-
second of Dystrus. But as the Romans would say, before the
eleventh of the calends of April. But the sun is found on the
said twenty-sixth of the month Phamenoth, not only as enter
ing the first segment (of the zodiac), but on the fourth day is
already found passing through it. But this segment they
generally call the first dodecatemorium, and the equinox, and
the beginning of the months, and the head of the cycle, and
the head of the planetary course. But that (segment) before
this, they caU the last of the months, the twelfth segment, and
the last dodecatemorium, and the end of the planetary revolu
tion. Hence, also, those that place the first month in it, and
that fix the fourteenth of the month by it, commit, as we think,
1 Hieronymus, in his Chronicle, says that this siege of the Bruchium
lasted several years. Valen

A. D. 284—286.] diocletian. 297
no little and no common blunder. But neither is this our
opinion only, but it was also known to the Jevs s anciently,
and before Christ, and was chiefly observed by them, as We
may learn from Philo, Josephus, and Musseus ; and not only
from these, but also from those still more ancient, i. e. the
two Agathobuli, commonly called the masters, and of Aris-
tobulus, that most distinguished scholar, who was one of the
seventy that translated the Holy Scriptures from the Hebrew
for Ptolemy Philadelphus, and his father, and dedicated his
exposition of the law of Moses to the same kings. These,
when they resolve inquiries on Exodus, say that aU ought to
sacrifice the passover alike after the vernal equinox, in the
middle of the first month. But this is found to be when the
sun passes through the first segment of the solar, or, as some
call it, the zodiacal circle. But this Aristobulus also adds, it
was requisite that not only the sun should have passed the
equinoctial segment for the feast of the passover, but the moon
also. For as there are two equinoctial segments, the vernal
and the autumnal, and diametrically opposite to each other,
and since the day of the passover is given on the fourteenth
of the month at the evening, the moon will stand diametrically
opposite to the sun, as may be seen in full moons. Thus the
sun wiU be at the vernal equinox, the moon, on the contrary,
at the autumnal equinox.
" Many other matters, I know, have been discussed by him ;
some of them with great probability, others established with
the most certain demonstrations, in which he attempts to show
that the festival of the passover, and of unleavened bread,
ought to be observed altogether after the equinox ; but I
shall omit demanding such full demonstrations of matters from
which the veil of the Mosaic law has been removed ; and it
now remains for us, in this uncovered surface, to contemplate,
as in a mirror, the reflected doctrines and sufferings of Christ.
But that the first month of the Hebrews is about the equinox,
may be gathered from the book of Enoch." 2
2 This book of Enoch is quoted by Jude in his Canonical Epistle. It
was an apocryphal book, and not received amongst the authentic Scrip
tures of the Jews. But the apostles, and the ancient Fathers in imitation
of them, have not been afraid to quote apocryphal books which seemed
to confirm the truth. Georgius Syncel., in his Chronicle, quotes a irag-
ment of this book of Enoch's. Vales

298 ecclesiastical history. [b. vh. c. 32
The same author has also left an elementary work, On Cal
culation,1 ten books in aU ; and other proofs of his great study
and proficiency in sacred literature. Theotecnus, bishop of
Caesarea in Palestine, was the first that laid his hands upon
him in his ordination to the episcopate, designing to constitute
him his successor in his own church after his death ; and,
indeed, both of them presided for a short time over the same
church.2 But when the synod at Antioch caUed him to An
tioch against Paul, as he passed through the city of Laodicea,
Eusebius, the bishop of that place being dead, he was con
strained by the brethren to remain. And Anatolius also dying,
Stephen was made bishop of that church, the last bishop be
fore the persecution ; a man greatly admired for his know
ledge of philosophy, and other branches of Greek learning.
But he was not equaUy disposed towards the divine faith, as
the progress of the persecution evinced ; in which he was
proved to be timid and cowardly, rather than a sound phi
losopher. The affairs of the church, however, were not likely
to be ruined by this, for these were corrected and restored by
Theodotus, who, under a special providence of God, the Savi
our of aU, was ordained bishop of the church there ; and by
his deeds proved the reality of his name, (given of God,) and
of his office as bishop. For he exceUed in his knowledge of
the medical art, as applied to the body, and was skiUed in that
healing art which is applied to the soul. No one was ever
his equal in kindness, sincerity, sympathy, and a zeal to bene
fit those that needed his aid. He was, also, much exercised in
the study of divine things. Such was he.
But at Cassarea in Palestine, Theotecnus, after a most dili
gent and active episcopate, was succeeded at his death by
Agapius. Him we knew to have laboured much, and to have
kept a most thorough oversight in superintending the people,
and with his liberal hand to have paid regard especially to
the poor. In his time, we were acquainted with that most
1 Some excerptions out of this work of Anatolius's are yet extant.
Vales. 2 We have the like example in b. vi. c. 11. Where Alexander ruled
the church of Jerusalem jointly with Narcissus. Thisis the most ancient
instance of assistant bishops, as they are now called. These assistants
were first instituted for the ease of aged bishops, but afterwards grew cus
tomary, and were chosen not out of necessity, but ambition and pride :
but the Fathers of the Council of Sardis put a stop hereto. Vales.

A. d. 284 — 286. | diocletian. 299
eloquent man, and truly practical philosopher, who was hon
oured with the rank of presbyter in that church ; I mean
Pamphilus, whose character and greatness would be no tri
fling subject to elucidate. But we have dwelt in a separate
work on the particulars of his life, and the school which he
established, as also the trials which he endured amid the per
secution in the different confessions, and besides this, the
death of martyrdom with which he was crowned. He, indeed,
was the most admirable of all here. Among the very eminent
men that have flourished near our own times, of presbyters
we have known Pierius of Alexandria ; Melchius also, bishop
of the churches in Pontus. The former indeed was greatly
celebrated for his voluntary poverty, and his philosophical
knowledge, and was abundantly exercised in expositions of
the Scriptures, and the discourses in the public assemblies of
the church. But Melchius was called by the learned, the honey
(peXt) of Attica, and was the most perfect original of learned
men that could be described. It is impossible also to admire
sufficiently the superiority of his eloquence : it might be said
perhaps that he derived this from nature, but who is there
that could excel him in the excellence of his other skill and
erudition. For in all the sciences that require the exercise
of argumentation, if you were to make trial, you would readily
say that he was a most subtle and acute reasoner. The vir
tues of his life were also a parallel to these. We have had
the opportunity of observing him during the persecution,
escaping its fury for seven years, in the regions of Palestine.
But the church of Jerusalem, after Hymenseus, was under the
episcopal care of Zambdas, and he not long after dying, Her
mon was the last before the persecution of our day ; the same
that now holds the apostoUc chair preserved there to this day.
At Alexandria, however, Maximus, who held the episcopal
office eighteen years after the death of Dionysius, was suc
ceeded by Theonas. In his time Achillas, who had been
honoured with the order of presbyter, was noted at Alexan
dria, having intrusted to him the school for religious instruc
tion. In his life and actions he exhibited a most rare instance
of sound wisdom, and a genuine specimen of evangelical de
portment. But after Theonas had discharged the duties of
the office nineteen years, he was succeeded in the episcopate
of Alexandria by Peter, who was also very eminent, and held

300 ecclesiastical history. [b. viii. c. 1.
the office twelve years ; nearly three of which he governed
the church, before the persecution ; but the rest of his life he
subjected himself to a more rigid course of discipline, but still
continued to manifest great interest in advancing the welfare
of the church. Hence, in the ninth year of the persecution, he
was beheaded, and thus obtained the crown of martyrdom.
But after giving in our history an account of the successors,
since the birth of our Saviour until the demolition of the
churches, embracing a period of three hundred and five years,
now let us here attempt to give the conflicts which have been
endured in the cause of rehgion, in our own times, in all their
extent and magnitude, that it may be on record also for the
benefit of posterity.

BOOK VIII.

Having already related the successions of the apostles in
seven books, in this eighth we consider it necessary to record,
for the benefit of posterity, the events of our own times that
deserve a more than superficial narration. And our account,
therefore, shall begin with these.

CHAPTER I.

THE EVENTS THAT PRECEDED THE PERSECUTION IN OUR TIMES.
To give a satisfactory account of the extent, and the nature
of that glory and liberty, with which the doctrine of piety
towards the supreme God, as announced to the world through
Christ, was honoured among all, both Greeks and barbarians,
before the persecution in our day, this, we say, were an un
dertaking beyond our power. As a proof, we might refer to
the clemency of the emperors toward our brethren, to whom
they even intrusted the government of provinces, exonerating
them from all anxiety as it regarded sacrificing, on account
of that singular good will that they entertained toward the
doctrine. Why should we speak of those in the imperial
palaces, and the sovereigns themselves, who granted their

A. D. 286 — 305. ] DIOCLESIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 301
domestics the liberty of declaring themselves freely, in word
and deed, on rehgion, and 1 would say almost the liberty of
boasting of their freedom in the practice of the faith ? These,
indeed, they eminently valued, and considered them as more
acceptable than their associates in the imperial service.
Such was that Dorotheus, the most devoted and most faith
ful of all to them, and, on this account, exceedingly honoured
beyond aU those that had the charge of government, and the
most honourable stations in the provinces. We may also add
Gorgonius, equally celebrated with him ; and so many others
that were honoured with the same distinction as these on ac
count of the divine word. The same privileges one could
observe conferred on the rulers in every church, who were
courted and honoured with the greatest subserviency by all
the rulers and governors. Who could describe those vast
collections of men that flocked to the religion of Christ, and
those multitudes crowding in from every city, and the illus
trious concourse in the houses of worship ? On whose ac
count, not content with the ancient buildings, they erected
spacious churches from the foundation in all the cities. These,
advancing in the lapse of time, and daily increasing in mag
nitude and improvement, were not restrained by any odium
or hostility. Nor was any malignant daemon able to infatuate,
nor human machinations prevent them, as long as the provi
dential hand of God superintended and guarded his people as
the worthy objects of his care. But when, by reason of ex
cessive liberty, we sunk into negligence and sloth, one envying
and reviling another in different ways, and we were almost,
as it were, on the point of taking up arms against each other,
and were assailing each other with words as with darts and
spears, prelates inveighing against prelates, and people rising
up against people, and hypocrisy and dissimulation had arisen
to the greatest height of malignity, then the divine judgment,
which usually proceeds with a lenient hand, whilst the multi
tudes were yet crowding into the church, with gentle and
mild visitations began to afflict its episcopacy ; the persecu
tion having begun with those brethren that were in the army.
But, as if destitute of aU sensibility, we were not prompt in
measures to appease and propitiate the Deity ; some, indeed,
like atheists, regarding our situation as unheeded and unob
served by a providence, we added one wickedness and misery

302 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VITJ. C. 2.
to another. But some that appeared to be our pastors, de
serting the law of piety, were inflamed against ea;h other
with mutual strifes, only accumulating quarrels and threats,
rivalship, hostility, and hatred to each other, only anxious to
assert the government as a kind of sovereignty for themselves.
Then, as Jeremiah says, " the Lord in his anger darkened the
daughter of Sion, and hurled from heaven to earth the glory
of Israel. Neither did he remember his footstool in the day
of his wrath. But the Lord, also, overwhelmed all the beauty
of Israel, and tore down all his walls." And, as it is pre
dicted in the Psalms, " He overturned the covenant of his
servant, and he prostrated his sanctuary to the earth," by the
demolition of the churches. " He has destroyed all his waUs,
and has made all his bulwarks fear. All the multitudes that
pass through have ravaged him, and hence he has become a
reproach to his neighbours. For he has exalted the right
arm of his enemies, and has turned away the help of his
sword, nor aided him in war. But he has also deprived him
of his purification, and his throne he has cast to the ground.
He has shortened the days of his time, and has poured upon
him all his disgrace."

CHAPTER II.
THE DEMOLITION OP THE CHURCHES.
All this has been fulfilled in our day, when we saw, with
our own eyes, our houses of worship thrown down from their
elevation, the sacred Scripturee of inspiration committed to
the flames in the midst of the markets, the shepherds of the
people basely concealed here and there, some of them ignomi
niously captured, and the sport of their enemies ; when, also,
according to another prophetic declaration, " contempt was
poured out upon their rulers, and he has made them to err in
a trackless by-path, and where there is no road."
But it is not for me to describe fully the sorrowful calami
ties which they endured, since neither does it belong to me to
record the dissensions and follies which they exercised against
each other before the persecution. Hence, also, we have pur
posed not to extend our narration beyond the events in which

A. D. 286  305 ] DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 303
we perceive the just judgment of God. Hence, also, we shall
not make mention of those that were shaken by the persecu
tion, nor of those that suffered shipwreck in their salvation,
and of their own accord were sunk into the depths of the
watery gulf. But we shall only, upon the whole, introduce
those events in our history that may he profitable first to us
of the present day, and hereafter to posterity. Now let us
proceed to describe, in a condensed account, the holy conflicts
of the witnesses of divine truth.
It was the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, and
the month of Dystrus, called by the Romans March, in which
the festival of our Saviour's passion was at hand, when the
imperial edicts were every where published, to tear down the
churches to the foundation, and to destroy the sacred Scrip
tures by fire ; and which commanded, also, that those who were
in honourable stations should be degraded, but those who
were freedmen should be deprived of their liberty, if they
persevered in their adherence to Christianity. The first edict
against us was of this nature ; but it was not long before
other edicts were also issued, in which it was ordered that all
the prelates in every place should first be committed to prison,
and then by every artifice constrained to offer sacrifice to the
gods.

CHAPTER IH.
THE NATURE OF THE CONFLICTS ENDURED BY THE MARTYRS, IN THE
PERSECUTION.
Then, indeed, vast numbers of the prelates of the church
endured with a noble resolution the most appaUing trials, and
exhibited instances of illustrious conflicts for the faith. Vast
numbers, however, of others, broken and relaxed in spirit, by
timidity before the contest, voluntarily yielded at the first
onset. But of the rest, each encountered various kinds of
torments. Here was one that was scourged with rods, there
another tormented with the rack and excruciating scrapings,
in which some at the time endured the most terrible death ;
others again passed through other torments in the struggle.
Here one, whilst some forced him to the impure and detest
able sacrifices, was again dismissed, as if he had sacrificed,

304 ECCLESIASTICAL- HISTORY. [b. VHI. C, 4.
although this was not the case. There another, though he
had not in the least approached the altar, not even touched
the unholy thing, yet when others said that he had sacrificed,
went away, bearing the calumny in silence. Here one, again
taken up when half dead, was thrown out as if he were al
ready dead ; there another, again lying upon the ground, was
dragged a long distance by the feet, and numbered among
those that had sacrificed. One, however, would cry out, and
with a loud voice declared his abhorrence of the sacrifice.
Another exclaimed that he was a Christian, furnishing, by
confession, an illustrious example of this salutary name. An
other asserted that he neither had sacrificed nor intended to
sacrifice ; but these were forced to silence by numerous bands
of soldiers, prepared for this purpose, by whom they were
struck on the face and cheeks, and violently driven away.
Thus the enemies of religion, upon the whole, deemed it a
great matter even to appear to have gained some advantage.
But these things did not avail them much against the saints,
to give an exact account of whom no description could suffice.

CHAPTER IV.

THE ILLUSTRIOUS MARTYRS OP GOD, WHO FILLED EVERY PLACE WITH
THE CELEBRITY OF THEIR NAME, AND OBTAINED VARIOUS CROWNS OP
MARTYRDOM FOR THEIR PIETY.
Many instances might be related of those who exhibited
noble alacrity in the cause of that religion which acknowledges
only the one Supreme God, and that not only from the time
that the general persecution was raised, but also long before,
when all was yet in a state of peace. Already then, when h{
who had received such power, was first roused as from a deep
slumber, he had secretly, and unobserved, been plotting, after
the times of Decius and Valerian, how to assault the churches ;
but he did not all at once, nor in a mass, wage an open war
against us, but as yet only made trial of those that were in
the armies. For in this way he supposed that the rest could
easily be taken, if he could first succeed in subduing these.
Then one could see great numbers of the military, most cheer-
fuUy embracing a private life, so as not to rer. unce their re-

A. D. 286  305.] DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 305
verence for the Supreme Creator of the universe. For when
the general, whoever he was, first undertook the persecution
against the soldiers, he began by a review and lustration of
those that were enrolled in the army, and gave them their
choice, either to enjoy the honour conferred upon them if they
obeyed, or on the contrary, to be deprived of this, if they dis
obeyed the command. Very many who were soldiers in the
kingdom of Christ, without hesitating, preferred the confession
of his name to that apparent glory and comfort which they
enjoyed, and of these a few here and there exchanged their
honours, not only for degradation, but even for death, for their
perseverance in rehgion. These last, however, were not yet
many, as the great instigator of these violent measures had,
as yet, but moderately proceeded, and ventured only so far
as to shed the blood of some only. The great numbers of the
behevers, probably, deterred and. caused him to shrink from a
general attack upon aU ; but when he began to arm more
openly, it is impossible to teU how many and how eminent
those were that presented themselves in every place and city
and country, as martyrs in the cause of Christ.

CHAPTER V.
THE AFFAIRS OF NICOMEDIA.

Immediately on the first promulgation of the edict, a cer
tain man of no mean origin, but highly esteemed for his tem
poral dignities, as soon as the decree was published against the
churches in Nicomedia, stimulated by a divine zeal, and excited
by an ardent faith, took it as it was openly placed and posted
up for pubhc inspection, and tore 1 it to pieces as a most pro
fane and wicked act. This, too, was done when two of the
Caesars were in the city, the first of whom was the eldest and
chief of aU ; and the other held the fourth grade of the im
perial dignity after him. But this man, as the first that was
1 The edicts and rescripts of the emperors were written on paper.
Therefore Nilus, Ep- 264, says it was barely called " charta; " but after it
had been subscribed by the emperor it was called " sacra ; " which ap
pears also from the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, and from Justinian's
Novels. Vales.
fzUSBBIUS.] X

306 ecclesiastical history. [b. vhi. c. 6.
distinguished there in this manner, after enduring what was
hkely to follow an act so daring, preserved his mind calm and
serene until the moment when his spirit fled.

CHAPTER VI.
THOSE THAT WERE IN THE PALACE
Bct of all those that were celebrated, or admired for their
courage, whether among Greeks or barbarians, these times
produced noble and illustrious martyrs, in the case of Doro
theus and his associates, domestics in the imperial palace.
These, though honoured with the highest dignity by their
masters, a,nd treated by them with not less affection than their
own children, esteemed the reproaches and trials in the cause
of religion, as of much more real value than the glory and
luxuries of life ; and even the various kinds of death that
were invented against them were preferred to these, when
they came into competition with religion. We shall give an
account of the end of one, leaving it for our readers to con
jecture what must have been the character of the sufferings
inflicted on the others. He was led into the middle of the
aforesaid city, before those emperors already mentioned. He
was then commanded to sacrifice, but as he refused, he was
ordered to be stripped and lifted on high, and to be scourged
with rods over his whole body, until he should be subdued in
his resolution, and forced to do what he was commanded.
But as he was unmovable amid all these sufferings, his bones
already appearing bared of the flesh, they mixed vinegar with
salt, and poured it upon the mangled parts of the body. But
as he bore these tortures, a gridiron and fire was produced,
and the remnants of his body, hke pieces of meat for roasting
and eating, were placed in the fire, not at once, so that he
might not expire soon, but taken by little and little, whilst
his torturers were not permitted to let him alone, unless after
these sufferings he breathed his last before they had completed
their task. He, however, persevered in his purpose, and gave
up his hfe, victorious in the midst of his tortures. Such was
the martyrdom of one of the imperial domestics, worthy in
reality of his name, for he was caUed Peter. But we shaU

A. D. 286  305. J DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 307
perceive in the course of our narration, in which we shall
study brevity, that the martyrdoms of the rest were in no
respect inferior to this. We shaU only state of Dorotheus,
and Gorgonius, with many others of the imperial freedmen,
that after various sufferings, they were destroyed by the
halter, and bore away the prize of a heavenly victory. At
this time, also, Anthimus, then bishop of the church of Nico
media, was beheaded for his confession of Christ, and to
him were added a multitude of believers, that thronged
around him.
I know not how it happened, but there was a fire that
broke out in the imperial palace at Nicomedia, in these days,
which, by a false suspicion reported abroad, was attributed to
our brethren as the authors ; in consequence of which, whole
famihes of the pious here were slain in masses at the imperial
command, some with the sword, some also with fire. Then
it is said that men and women, with a certain divine and in
expressible alacrity, rushed into the fire.' But the populace
binding another number upon planks, threw them into the
depths of the sea. But the imperial domestics, also, who after
death had been committed to the earth with proper burial,
their legal masters thought necessary to have dug up again
from their sepulchres, and hkewise cast into the sea, lest any,
reasoning hke themselves, should worship them in their
graves, as if they were gods. And such, then, was the com
plexion of things in the commencement of the persecution
at Nicomedia.
But, ere long, as there were some in the region caUed Me-
litina, and others, again, in Syria, that attempted to usurp the
government, it was commanded, by an imperial edict, that
the heads of the churches every where should be thrust into
prison and bonds. And the spectacle of affairs after these
events exceeds all description. Innumerable multitudes were
imprisoned in every place, and the dungeons, formerly des
tined for murderers and the vilest criminals, were then filled
with bishops, and presbyters, and deacons, readers and exor
cists, so that there was no room left for those condemned for
crime. But when the former edict was followed by another,1
1 This was the third edict of the emperors against the Christians. By
the first it was ordered, that the churches should be ruined and the
Scriptures burnt ; those who were honoured with any preferment, if they
x 2

308 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIH. C. 7.
in which it was ordered that the prisoners should be per
mitted to have their liberty if they sacrificed, but persisting,
they should be punished with the most excruciating tortures,
who could tell the number of those martyrs in every province,
and particularly in Mauritania, Thebais, and Egypt, that suf
fered death for their religion ? From the last place, especially,
many went to other cities and provinces, and became iUustri
ous for their martyrdom.

CHAPTER VII.
THE EGYPTIANS THAT SUFFERED IN PHOZNICE.
We are already acquainted with those of them that shone
conspicuous in Palestine, and know also those in Tyre and
Phcenice ; and at the sight of whom, who would not himself
be struck with astonishment at the numberless blows inflicted,
and the perseverance of those truly admirable wrestlers for
the true religion ? Who can behold, without amazement, all
this : their conflicts, after scourging, with bloody beasts of
prey, when they were cast as food to leopards and bears, wild
boars and bulls, goaded with fire, and branded with glowing
iron against them ? And in each of these, who can fail to ad
mire the wonderful patience of these noble martyrs ? At these
scenes we have been present ourselves, when we also observed
the divine power of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ him
self present, and effectually displayed in them ; when, for a
long time, the devouring wild beasts would not dare either to
touch or to approach the bodies of these pious men, but
directed their violence against others that were any where
stimulating them from without.1 But they would not even
refused to sacrifice, should be deprived of their dignity ; and the meaner
sort were to lose their liberty : see chap. ii. Another edict followed, thai
bishops, priests, and deacons should be imprisoned, and by all ways com
pelled to sacrifice. The third edict comprehended all sorts of Christians
both laity and clergy ; which edict was proposed (says Eusebius, Martyrs
of Palestine, chap, iii.) in the second year of the persecution. But this
seems rather to have been the fourth edict : for the second and third
concerned the presbyters only ; the second ordered they should bo im
prisoned, and the third, that they should by tortures be compelled to
«acrifice. Vales.
1 Valesius and others understand this expression figuratively, as in ti*

A. D. 286 — 305. J DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 309
touch the holy wrestlers standing naked and striking at them
with their hands, as they were commanded, in order to irritate
the beasts against them. Sometimes, indeed, they would also
rush upon them, but, as if repulsed by some divine power,
they again retreated.
This continuing, also, for a long time, created no little
wonder to th«» spectators ; so that now again, on account of
the failure in the first instance, they were obliged to let loose
the beast a second and a third time upon one and the same
martyr. One could not help being astonished at the intrepid
perseverance of these holy men, and the firm and invincible
mind of those, also, whose bodies were but young and tender.
For you could have seen a youth of scarcely twenty years,
standing unbound, with his arms extended, like a cross, but
with an intrepid and fearless earnestness, intensely engaged in
prayer to God, neither removing nor declining from the spot
where he stood, whilst bears and leopards breathed rage and
death, and almost touched his very flesh, and yet I know not
how, by a divine and inscrutable power, they had their mouths
in a manner bridled, and again retreated in haste. And such
was he of whom we now speak.
Again, you might have seen others, for they were five in
all, cast before a wild bull, who indeed seized others, that ap
proached from without, with his horns, and tossed them in
the air, leaving them to be taken up half dead, but only rush
ing upon the saints with rage and menaces ; for the beast was
not able even to approach them, but beating the earth with
his feet, and pushing with his horns hither and thither, and
from the irritation excited by the brands of glowing iron,
he breathed madness and death, yet was drawn back again by
a divine interposition. So that as he did not even injure
them in the least, they let loose other beasts upon them. At
length, however, after these various and terrible assaults, all
of them were despatched with the sword, and instead of an in-
passage, " What have we to do with those without ? " meaning the
heathen. But the literal meaning seems to be natural and obvious, and
refers to those who, standing without the arena, in the amphitheatre, were
urging and stimulating the beasts. Our author uses the same expression
below, evidently with the same intention as here, to designate particular
persons. The figurative sense seems to be loo general in an account
like this

310 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. f_B. VIII. C. 8, 9.
terment and sepulchre, they were committed to the waves of
the sea. CHAPTER VIII.
THOSE WHO SUFFERED IN EGYPT.
And such, too, was the severity of the struggle which was
endured by the Egyptians, who wrestled gloriously for the
faith at Tyre. But one cannot but admire those that suffered
also in their native land, where thousands, both men, and wo
men, and children, despising the present life for the sake of
our Saviour's doctrine, submitted to death in various shapes.
Some, after being tortured with scrapings and the rack, and
the most dreadful scourgings, and other innumerable agoniesj
which one might shudder to hear, were finaUy committed to
the flames ; some plunged and drowned in the sea, others vo
luntarily offering their own heads to the executioners, others
dying in the midst of their torments, some wasted away by
famine, and others again fixed to the cross. Some, indeed,
were executed as malefactors usuaUy were; others, more
crueUy, were nailed with the head downwards, and kept alive
until they were destroyed by starving on the cross itself.

CHAPTER IX.
OF THOSE IN THEBAIS.

But it would exceed aU power of detail to give an idea of
the sufferings and tortures which the martyrs of Thebais en
dured. These, instead of hooks, had their bodies scraped with
shells, and were mangled in this way until they died. Women
tied by one foot, and then raised on high in the air by certain
machines, with their naked bodies and wholly uncovered, pre
sented this most foul, cruel, and inhuman spectacle to all be
holders ; others again perished, bound to trees and branches.
For, drawing the stoutest of the branches together by ma
chines for this purpose, and binding the Umbs of the martyrs
to each of these, they then let loose the boughs to resume
their natural position, designing thus to produce a violent ac-

A D. 286  305.] DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 311
tion, to tear asunder the limbs of those whom they thus treat
ed. And all these things were doing not only for a few days
or 3ome time, but for a series of whole years. At one time,
ten or more, at another more than twenty, at another time
not less than thirty, and even sixty, and again, at another
time, a hundred men with their wives and little children were
slain in one day, whilst they were condemned to various and
varied punishments. We ourselves have observed, when on
the spot,1 many crowded together in one day, some suffering
decapitation, some the torments of flames ; so that the mur
derous weapon was completely blunted, and having lost its
edge, broke to pieces ; and the executioners themselves, wea
ried with slaughter, were obhged to relieve one another.
Then, also, we were witnesses to the most admirable ardour
of mind, and the truly divine energy and alacrity, of those
that beUeved in the Christ of God. For as soon as the sen
tence was pronounced against the first, others rushed forward
from other parts to the tribunal before the judge, confessing
they were Christians, most indifferent to the dreadful and
multiform tortures that awaited them, but declaring them
selves fuUy and in the most undaunted manner on the religion
which acknowledges only one Supreme God. They received,
indeed, the final sentence of death with gladness and exulta
tion, so far as even to sing and send up hymns of praise and
thanksgiving, until they breathed their last. Admirable, in
deed, were these, but eminently wonderful were also those
who, though they were distinguished for wealth and noble
birth and great reputation, and exceUed in philosophy and
learning, stiU regarded all as but secondary to the true reli
gion and faith in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. Such
was Philoromus, who held no mean office in the imperial dis
trict of Alexandria, and who, according to his rank and
Roman dignity, was attended by a mihtary guard, when ad
ministering justice every day. Phileas, also, bishop of the
churches of Thmuis, a man eminent for his conduct and the
services rendered to his country, as well as in the different
1 Hence it may be collected that Eusebius lived in Egypt ; which is
also attested by Theodorus Metochita, in Collectan., where he says, that
not only the Egyptians, but also all those who lived in that country,
amongst whom he reckons our Eusebius, used an intricate and obscure
Ityle in writing. Vales.

312 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VHI. C. 10.
branches of philosophy. These, although urged by innumera
ble relatives and other friends, and though many eminent per
sons and the judge himself entreated them, that they should
take compassion on themselves and have mercy upon their
children and wives, were nevertheless not in the least induced
by these things to prefer life, when it stood in competition with
the command that regarded the confession or the denial of our
Saviour. And thus, with a manly and philosophical mind,
rather let me say with a mind devoted to God and his reli
gion, persevering in opposition to all the threats and the. in
sults of the judge, both of them were condemned to lose their
heads.

CHAPTER X.
THE WRITINGS OF PH1LEAS, WHICH GIVE AN ACCOUNT OF THE MARTYRS
OF ALEXANDRIA.
But since we have mentioned Phileas, as highly estimable
for his great proficiency also in foreign hterature and science,
we will let him bear witness for himself, whilst he may also
show us who he was, and also what martyrdoms happened at
Alexandria, all which he can state more accurately than our
selves, in the extract we here present.
From the epistle of Phileas to the inhabitants of Thmuis.
"As all these signs, examples, and noble precepts are presented
to us in the Holy Scriptures, those holy martyrs with us did
not hesitate, whilst they sincerely directed their mental eye to
that God who rules over all, and in their minds preferred death
for their religion, and firmly adhered to their vocation. They
had well understood that our Lord Jesus Christ became man
for us, that he might remove all sin, and furnish us with the
means of entering into eternal life. For he thought it not
robbery to be equal with God, but humbled himself, taking
upon him the form of a servant, and being found in the fashion
of man, he humbled himself unto death, even the death of the
cross." Hence, also, these Christ-bearing ' martyrs, zealously
1 The original here is the expressive epithet xpfrofopoi, Christ-bearing,
Christophori ; as they bore all for the sake of Christ, by a strong synec
dochc, they were said to bear Christ himself, the voluntary object of thcL

A. D. 286 — 305. J DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 313
strove to attain unto better gifts, and endured every kind of
'rial, every series of tortures, not merely once, but once and
again, the second time ; and though the guards assailed them
with every kind of threat, not merely in words, but vied with
one another in violent acts, they did not surrender their faith,
because " perfect love casteth out fear." And what language
would suffice to recount their virtues, and their fortitude under
every trial ? For as every one had the liberty to abuse them,
some beat them with clubs, some with rods, some with scourges,
others again with thongs, others with ropes. And the sight
of these torments was varied and multiplied, exhibiting ex
cessive malignity. For some had their hands tied behind
them, and were suspended on the rack,2 and every limb was
stretched with machines. Then the torturers, according to
their orders, appUed the pincers to the whole body, not merely
as in the case of murderers, to the sides, but also to the sto
mach and knees and cheeks. Some, indeed, were suspended
on high by one hand, from the portico, whose sufferings, by
reason of the distention of their joints and limbs, were more
dreadful than any. Others were bound face to face to piUars,
not resting upon their feet, but forced down by the weight of
the body, whilst the pressure of their weight also increased
the tension of their cords. And this they endured, not merely
as long as the governor spoke to them, or as long merely as he
had leisure to hear, but nearly the whole day. For when he
passed on to others, he left some of his subordinate officers to
attend to the former, to observe whether any of them seemed
overcome by the torments, to surrender. But he gave orders
to proceed without sparing, to bind with bonds, and after-
love, and thus the indirect cause of these sufferings in which they rejoiced.
We must indulge such anomalous compounds as this, in our language,
when a novel idea seems to require it. The composition itself is not more
singular than the idea which it expresses. Valesius, though he does not
follow the idea in his version, explains the word as meaning full of Christ,
and refers to the epithet Theophorus given to Ignatius. Shorting has ren
dered it, therefore, full of Christ. But by such aversion and etymology,
the allusion in the context is entirely lost. The martyrs were called, by a
strong figure, Christophori, because they bore, and Ignatius was called
Theophorus for the same reason.
2 The instrument of torture here mentioned appears to have been the
Roman eculeus. It was so constructed, that the person was suspended
on it, and his limbs stretched by screws. It was applied at first only to
slaves.

314 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORl. £B. VIII. C. 10
wards, when they had breathed out their life, to drag them on
the ground. For they said that there should not the least
regard be paid to us, but that they should think and act with
us as if we were nothing at all.
Our enemies, therefore, had devised this second torture
beside the scourging. But there were some, also, after the
tortures, placed in the stocks, stretched by both foet to the
fourth hole. So that they were of necessity obliged to keep
in a lying posture on their back, not being able to have any
command of their mangled bodies, in consequence of the blows
and scourges they had received. Others, again, being cast on
the ground, lay prostrated by the accumulated tortures which
they had endured, exhibiting a still more dreadful spectacle in
that condition than when under the actual infliction of the
torture, and bearing on their bodies the various and multiphed
proofs of the ingenuity of their torturers.
Whilst these things were doing, some indeed died under
their torments, covering their enemies with shame by their
perseverance. Others, again, almost dead, were thrust into
prison, and before many days ended their life through inces
sant pain. The rest, however, somewhat recovering by the
application of remedies, by time and their long detention in
prison, became more confident. Thus, then, when ordered to
take their choice, either by touching the unholy sacrifice, to
remain without further molestation, and to obtain the execra
ble sentence of liberation from them, or else, without sacri
ficing, to expect the sentence of death, they without delay
cheerfully embraced death. They well knew what had been
anciently prescribed in the sacred Scriptures : " For he that
offereth sacrifice to other gods," saith the Scriptures, " shaU
be destroyed." And again, " Thou shalt have none other gods
but me." These are the expressions of a martyr, who was at
once a sound philosopher and one devoted to God. These he
addressed before the final sentence, whilst yet in prison, to the
brethren of his church, at the same time representing his own
condition, and exhorting them to adhere fjrmly, even after his
death, which was close at hand, to the Christian religion.
But why should we say much, and add one new species of
struggle after another, as they were endured by these pious
martyrs throughout the world ; especially when they were no

A. D. 286  305.] DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 315
longer assailed in a common way, but regularly invaded as
in war ?

CHAPTER XI.

THE EVENTS IN PHRYGIA.

Indeed the armed soldiery surrounded a certain Christian.
town in Phrygia,1 together with the garrison, and hurling fire
into it, burnt them, together with women and children, call
ing upon Christ the God of aU. And this, because aU the
inhabitants of this town, even the very governor and magis
trate, with aU the men of rank, and the whole people, con
fessed themselves Christians, and would not obey, in any de
gree, those that commanded them to offer sacrifices.
Another one, also, of Roman dignity, Adanetus by name,
of a noble Italian family, a man that had been advanced
through every grade of dignity by the emperors, and had re
putably filled the offices of general administrator, called by
them the master of the revenue, and prime minister. And
yet with aU this he was pre-eminent, also, for his pious acts,
and his profession of Christ, and was nobly crowned with
martyrdom ; nobly enduring the conflict in the cause of piety
whUst he was yet clad with the office of prime minister.

CHAPTER XH.
OP MANY OTHERS, BOTH MEN AND WOMEN, WHO SUFFERED IN
DIFFERENT WAYS.
Why should I now mention the names of others, or number
the multitude of men, or picture the various torments of the
admirable martyrs of Christ ; some of whom were slain with
the axe, as in Arabia ; some had their Limbs fractured, as in
1 Lactantius tells the same story, Institut. Divinar. b. v. ch. 11, where
he treats concerning the injustice of the judges or rulers of provinces, who
punished the Christians : Alii (says he) ad occidendum preecipites ex-
titerunt, sicut unus in Phrygia, qui universum populum cum ipso pariter
conventiculo concremavit; i. e. " Others were very hasty to murder [the
Christians], as was one in Phrygia, who burnt all the inhabitants, togethei
with the place they dwelt in, at one and the same time." Vales.

316 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. 0. 12.
Cappadocia ; and some were suspended by the feet, and a little
raised from the ground, with their heads downward, were
suffocated with the ascending smoke of a gentle fire kindled
below, as was done to those in Mesopotamia ; some were
mutilated by having their noses, ears, and hands cut off,
and the rest of their limbs and parts of their body cut to
pieces, as was the case at Alexandria ? Why should we re
vive the recollection of those at Antioch, who were roasted on
grates of fire, not to kill immediately, but torture them with
a lingering punishment ? Others, again, rather resolved to
thrust their arm into the fire, than touch the unholy sacrifice ;
some shrinking from the trial, sooner than be taken and faU
into the hauds of their enemies, cast themselves headlong
from the lofty houses, considering death an advantage com
pared with the malignity of these impious persecutors. A
certain holy and admirable female, admirable for her virtue,
and illustrious above all at Antioch for her wealth, family,
and reputation, had educated her two daughters, who were
now in the bloom of life, noted for their beauty, in the prin
ciples of piety. As they had excited great envy among many,
every measure was tried to trace them in their concealment ;
but when it was discovered that they were abroad, they were,
with a deep-laid scheme, called to Antioch. They were now
caught in the toils of the soldiery. The mother, therefore,
being at a loss for herself and daughters, knowing what dread
ful outrages they would suffer from the men, represented their
situation to them, and, above all, the threatened violation of
their chastity, an evil more to be dreaded than any other, to
which neither she nor they should even listen for a moment.
At the same time declaring, that to surrender their souls to
the slavery of daemons was worse than death and destruction.
From aU these, she suggested there was only one way to be
delivered, to betake themselves to the aid of Christ. After
this, all agreeing to the same thing, and having requested the
guards a little time to retire on the way, they decently adjust
ed their garments, and cast themselves into the flowing river.
These, then, destroyed themselves.
Another pair of virgins at this same Antioch, distinguished
for piety, and truly sisters in all respects, iUustrious in family,
wealth, youth, and beauty, but no less so for their serious
minds, their pious deportment, and their admirable zeal, as if

A. D. 286 — 305.] DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 317
the earth could not bear such excellence, were ordered by the
worshippers of daemons to be thrown into the sea. Such
were the facts that occurred at Antioch. Others, at Pontus,
endured torments that are too horrible to relate. Some had
their fingers pierced with sharp reeds thrust under their nails.
Others, having masses of melted lead, bubbling and boiling
with heat, poured down their backs, and roasted, especially in
the most sensitive : parts of the body. Others, also, endured
insufferable torments on their bowels and other parts, such as
decency forbids to describe, which those generous and equit
able judges, with a view to display their own cruelty, devised
as some pre-eminence in wisdom, worthy their ambition.
Thus constantly inventing new tortures, they vied with one
another, as if there were prizes proposed in the contest, who
should invent the greatest cruelties. But as to the last of
these calamities, when the judges now had despaired of in
venting any thing more effectual, and were weary with
slaughter, and had surfeited themselves with shedding of
blood, they then applied themselves to what they consider
ed kindness and humanity, so that they seemed disposed to
exercise no further cruelty against us. For, said they, the
cities should not be polluted with blood any more, and the
government of the sovereigns, which was so kind and merciful
toward aU, should not be defamed for excessive cruelty : it
was more proper that the benefits afforded by their humane
and imperial Majesties, should be extended to all, and that we
should no longer be punished with death. For we were
liberated from this punishment by the great clemency of the
emperors. After this, therefore, they were ordered only to
tear out our eyes, or to deprive us of one of our legs. Such was
their kindness, and such the lightest kind of punishment
against us ; so that in consequence of this humanity of theirs,
it was impossible to teU the great and incalculable number of
those that had their right eye dug out with the sword first,
and after this seared with a red-hot iron ; those, too, whose
left foot was maimed with a searing iron. ; after them, those
who in different provinces were condemned to the copper
mines, not so much for their service as for the contumely and
misery they should endure. Many, also, endured conflicts of
1 Rufinus translates, or rather paraphrases, with much elegance, Usque
ad loca pudenda quibus naturalis egestio procurari solet.

318 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 13.
other kinds, which it would be impossible to detail ; for their
noble fortitude surpasses all power of description. In this the
magnanimous confessors of Christ that shone conspicuous
throughout the whole world, every where struck the beholders
with astonishment, and presented the obvious proofs of our
Saviour's divine interposition in their own persons. And
hence, to mention each by name, would be at least a long and
tedious work, not to say impossible.

CHAPTER XIII.
THOSE PRELATES THAT EVINCED THE REALITY OF THE RELIGION THEY
PROCLAIMED WITH THEIR BLOOD.
Or those prelates of the church, however, who suffered mar
tyrdom in the most celebrated cities, the first of which we shall
mention, recorded by the pious as a witness of the kingdom
of Christ, is Anthimus, bishop of Nicomedia, who was be
headed. Of the martyrs at Antioch, we also name Lucian,
that presbyter of this church, who during aU his life was pre
eminent for his exceUent character and piety. He had before,
at Nicomedia, and in the presence of the emperor, proclaimed
the heavenly kingdom of Christ, in the defence that he de
livered, and afterwards bore testimony to its truth in his actions.
Among the martyrs at Phcenice, the most noted of all, were
those pious and devoted pastors of the spiritual flocks of
Christ, Tyrannio, bishop of the church of Tyre, Zenobius, of
Sidon, and Silvanus, bishop of Emisa. The last of these was
cast as food to wild beasts at Emisa, and thus ranked in the
number of martyrs, but each of the former glorified the doc
trine of God, by suffering with patience until death. The
one, the bishop, was committed to the depths of the sea ; but
Zenobius, the other, a most exceUent physician, died with
great fortitude under the tortures applied to his sides. But
among the martyrs at Palestine, Silvanus, bishop of the
churches about Gaza, was beheaded with thirty-nine others at
the copper mines of Phceno. Also, those of Egypt there,
Peleus and Nilus, who were bishops, suffered death by the
flames. Among these must be mentioned the presbyter Pam
philus, a most admirable man of our times, and the glory of

A. O. 2<*6  305.] DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN. 319
the church at Cassarea, whose iUustrious deeds we have set
forth in its proper place. But of those that were prominent as
martyrs at Alexandria, aU Egypt, and Thebais, the first whom
we shall mention is Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a man won
derful as a teacher of the Christian faith, and the presbyters
with him, Faustus, and Dius, and Ammonius, perfect wit
nesses ' of Christ. Phileas, Pochumius, Hesychius, and The-
odorus, bishops of churches in Egypt, with many others, are
also mentioned as distinguished martyrs, by the churches in
those places and regions. To give a minute description of
the conflict which they endured in the cause of piety, through
out the whole world, and to give a full account of the circum
stances respecting each, could not be expected in the present
work. This would rather belong to those who were eye-wit
nesses of the facts. Those, indeed, at which I myself was pre
sent, I shall publish for the benefit of posterity in another work.
In the present work, however, I shall, to the above-men
tioned facts, add the revocation issued by our persecutors, as
also those events that occurred at the beginning of the perse
cution, believing that they will be read not without profit.
To tell the state of the Roman empire before the war was
waged against us, how long the emperors continued friendly
and peaceable towards us, and how great was the abundance
and prosperity of the empire, what description would suffice ?
Then, indeed, those who held the supreme command, who had
been at the head of government ten and twenty years, passed
their time in festivities and shows, and joyous feasts and en
tertainments in peace and tranquillity. And in this state of
1 We have translated the word martyrs here, or rather presented its
original meaning, as the evident intention of our author. The word in
the Greek, from signifying a witness, was applied to those by way of emi
nence, who by their death gave the most striking evidence of their faith
that mortals can give. Such, therefore, were called witnesses emphati
cally, both in reference to the truth to which they witnessed, and the
manner in which they thus gave their testimony. In this sense our Lord
Himself is called the " true and faithful witness " (martyr). Our author
here, by attaching the attribute perfect, evidently intimates that he means
to lay some stress on the meaning ofthe word martyrs, as witnesses made
perfect by their death. The death of these witnesses is, indeed, accord
ing to the ecclesiastical phraseology implied in the word perfect. It was
by death that they were constituted perfect confessors ; before that they
were regarded only as confessors. This may suffice to explain why ws
here differ from Valesius and others. See note, book vi. ch. 10.

320 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 13.
uninterrupted and increasing prosperity and power, they sud
denly changed our peaceful condition, and excited against us
a most unjust and nefarious war. For scarcely had the se
cond year of this war been passed, when a revolution taking
place in the whole government, it was completely overturned.
A disease of a most obstinate nature attacked the chief of the
above-mentioned emperors, by which he was reduced to a state
of insanity, together with him that was honoured with the
second rank, and thus betook himself to a private life. But
these things had been scarcely thus done when the whole
empire was divided,1 a circumstance which, in the annals of
history, never happened before, any where. But it was not
long before the emperor Constantius, who was all his life most
kindly and favourably disposed towards his subjects, and also
most favourably disposed toward the divine word, departed
this life, leaving his son Constantine a true copy of himself,
as emperor and Augustus, his successor. He was the first of
these emperors that was ranked among the gods 2 by them,
having every honour conferred upon him, after death, that
was due to an emperor. He was the kindest and mildest of
the emperors, and indeed the only one of them in our times
1 Constantius and Galerius parted the empire between themselves;
which was the first division of the empire. For although there had been
more than one Augustus at the same time, as in the reign of Marcus and
Verus, yet they governed the Roman empire together, without making
any division. Neither was there any division of the empire in the reign
of Diocletianus and Herculius Maximianus ; when those two Augusti
parted neither the provinces nor the legions. See Eutropius, b. x.
Orosius, b. vii. Concerning this division of the empire, Porphyrias, in his
Paneg. Constant., written in the fifteenth year of Constantine's reign,
speaks these words :
 Lacerata cruenizs
Imperils pars fessa poli, divisa gemebat
Sceptra, et Ausoniae mosrebat. perdita jura. Vales.
2 This is to be understood of the four emperors then reigning, Diocletian,
Maximian, Constantius, and Galerius. It was the custom of the Romafc
senate to deify the emperors at their death. Our author, without intending
to commend the practice, simply states the fact as a proof of the popularity
of Constantius ; as the honour was not indiscriminately conferred. Other
wise, in regard to this deification, our author, in the midst of his com
mendations, almost appears a little ironical upon the practice, how much
soever he honoured the memory of Constantius. We are here forcibly
reminded of the humorous strife between ^seulapiua and Hercules, ir.
Lucian's dialogues, where Jupiter at last decides the dispute about pri
ority, by assigning it to iEsculapius. because he died first.

A, D. 306  313 J MAXENTIUS. 321
that passed his life consistently with the imperial dignity, and
who likewise in aU other respects exhibited the greatest con
descension and benevolence to all, and had no share in the
hostility raised against us, but even preserved and protected
those pious persons under him free from harm and calumny.
Neither did he demolish the churches, nor devise any other
mischief against us, and at length enjoyed a most happy and
blessed death, being the only one who, at his death, did peace
ably and gloriously leave the government to his own son, as
his successor ; a prince who in all respects was endowed with
the greatest moderation and piety. His son Constantine,
therefore, in the very commencement, being proclaimed su
preme emperor and Augustus by the soldiers, and much longer
before this by the universal sovereign God, resolved to tread
in the footsteps of his father, with respect to our faith. And
such, indeed, was he. But Licinius, after this, was appointed
emperor and Augustus by a common vote of the emperors.
Maximinus was greatly offended at this, since he had yet re
ceived only the title of Csesar from all. He, therefore, being
particularly of a tyrannical temper, arrogating to himself the
dignity, was created Augustus by himself. In the mean time,
being detected in a conspiracy against the life of Constantine,
the same (Maximian) that we have mentioned as having re
sumed the imperial dignity after his resignation, was carried
cff by a most disgraceful death. And he was the first of these
emperors whose statues and public monuments were demolished
as commemorative of an impious and execrable man.

CHAPTER XIV
THE MORALS OF THE PERSECUTORS.

Maxentius, the son of Maximian, who had established his
government at Rome, in the commencement, pretended indeed,
by a species of accommodation and flattery towards the Romans,
that he was of our faith, He. therefore, commanded his subjects
to desist from persecuting the Christians, pretending to piety
with a view to appear much more mild and merciful than the
lormer rulers. But he by no means proved to be in his actions
[eusebius.] V

322 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 14.
such as he was expected. He sunk into every kind of wicked
ness, leaving no impurity or licentiousness untouched ; commit
ting every species of adultery and fornication, separating wives
from their lawful husbands, and after abusing these, sending
them most shamefuUy violated back again to their husbands.
And these things hs perpetrated not upon mean and obscure
individuals, but insulting more particularly the most promi
nent of those that were most distinguished in the senate.
Whilst he was thus dreaded by all, both people and magis
trates, high and low were gaUed with a most grievous oppres
sion ; and though they bore this severe tyranny quietly, and
without rebellion, it produced no relief from his murderous
cruelty. On a certain very slight occasion, therefore, he gave
up the people to be slaughtered by the praetorian guards, and
thus multitudes of the Roman people were slain in the very
heart of the city, not with the arrows and spears of Scythians
or barbarians, but of their own fellow citizens. It would be
impossible to tell what slaughter was made of the senators
merely for the sake of their wealth, thousands being destroyed
on a variety of pretexts and fictitious crimes. But when
these evils had reached their greatest height, the tyrant was
induced to resort to the mummery of magic. At one time he
would cut open pregnant females, at another examining the
bowels of new-born babes ; sometimes also slaughtering lions
and performing any kind of execrable acts, to invoke the
daemons, and to avert the impending war. For all his hope
now was that victory would be secured to him by these means.
It is impossible then to say, in what different ways this cruel
tyrant oppressed his subjects, so that they were aheady re
duced to such extreme want and scarcity, such as they say
has never happened at Rome, or elsewhere in our time. But
Maximinus, who was sovereign of the east, as he had secretly
formed an alliance with Maxentius, his true brother in wick
edness at Rome, designed to conceal his designs as long as
possible. But being at length detected, he suffered the de
served punishment. It was wonderful how nearly allied, and
similar, rather how vastly beyond the tyranny of the Roman,
were the cruelties and crimes of this tyrant. The first oi
impostors and jugglers were honoured by him with the highest
rank. He became so extremely timorous and superstitious,
and valued the delusion and supposed influence of daemons

A. D. 306 — 812.] MAXENTIUS. 323
above aU, so that he was hardly able to move his finger, one
might say, or undertake any thing without soothsayers and
oracles Hence, also, he assailed us with a more violent and
incessant persecution than those before him. He ordered
temples to be erected in every city, and those that had been
demolished by time, he commanded in his zeal to be renewed,
Priests of the idols he estabhshed in every place and city ;
and over these a high priest in every province, some one of
those who had been particularly distinguished for his skill in
the management of political affairs, adding a military guard.
He granted to all his jugglers the same reverence as if they
were the most pious and acceptable to the gods, freely bestow
ing on them governments, and the greatest privileges.
And from this time forth he began to vex, not merely a
single city or region, but harassed all the provinces under him,
by exactions of silver and gold and money, by the most op
pressive seizures and confiscations of property, in different
ways and on various pretexts. Despoiling the wealthy of
the substance inherited from their fathers, he bestowed vast
wealth and heaps of money upon the flatterers around him.
And he had now advanced to such a pitch of rashness, and
was so addicted to intoxication, that in his drunken frolics he
was frequently deranged and deprived of his reason, hke a
madman ; so that what he commanded when he was intoxi
cated, he afterwards regretted when he became sober. But
determined to leave no one his superior in surfeiting and
gluttony, he presented himself a fit master of iniquity to the
rulers and subjects around him. Initiating the soldiers, by
luxury and intemperance, into every species of dissipation and
reveUing ; encouraging the governors and generals, by rapacity
and avarice, to proceed with their oppressions against their
subjects, with almost the power of associate tyrants. Why
should I mention the degrading and foul lust of the man?
Or why mention his innumerable adulteries ? There was not
a city that he passed through in which he did not commit
violence upon females. And in these he succeeded against all
but the Christians. For they, despising death, valued Lis
power but little.
The men bore fire, sword, and crucifixions, savage beasts,
and the depths of the sea, the maiming of limbs, and searing
with red-hot iron, pricking and digging out the eyes, and the
v 2

324 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VXII. C. 14.
mutilations of the whole body. Also hunger, and mines, and
prisons ; and after all, they chose these sufferings for the sake
of religion, rather than transfer that veneration and worship
to idols which is due to God only. The females, also, no less
than the men, were strengthened by the doctrine of the
divine word ; so that some endured the same trials as the men,
and bore away the same prizes of exceUence. Some, when
forced away, yielded up their lives rather than submit to the
violation of their bodies.
The tyrant having fuUy gratified his lust on others at Alex
andria, his unbridled passion was defeated by the heroic firm
ness of one female only, who was one ofthe most distinguished
and illustrious at Alexandria, and she was a Christian. She
was in other respects distinguished both for her wealth, and
family, and condition, but esteemed aU inferior to modesty.
Having frequently made attempts to bring her over to his
purposes, though she was prepared to die, he could not destroy
her, as his passion was stronger than his anger ; but, punish
ing her with exile, he took away all her wealth. Many others,
also, unable to bear even the threats of violation from the
rulers of the heathen, submitted to every kind of torture, the
rack and deadly punishment. Admirable, indeed, were all
these ; but far above all most admirable, was that lady who
was one of the most noble and modest of those whom Maxen
tius, in all respects like Maximinus, attempted to violate.
For when she understood that the minions of the tyrant in
such matters, had burst into the house, (for she was also a
Christian,) and that her husband, who was the prefect of
Rome, had suffered them to carry her off, she requested but
a little time, as if now for the purpose of adorning her body :
she then entered her chamber, and when alone thrust a sword ¦
into her breast. Thus, dying immediately, she indeed left her
body to the conductors ; but in her deeds, more effectually
than any language, proclaims, to aU who are now and wiU be
hereafter, that virtue, which prevails among Christians, is the
only invincible and imperishable possession. Such, then, was
the flood of iniquity which rushed on at one and the same time,
and which was wrought by the two tyrants that swayed the
east and the west. And who is there that examines the cause
of these evils, that would be in doubt whether he should pro
nounce the persecution raised against us, proceeding from

A. d. 306—312.] maxenthts. 325

j em-

these as their cause ? Especially as the confusion of the ^
pire, which prevailed to a great extent, did not cease before
the Christians received fuU liberty of conscience to profess
their reUgion ?

CHAPTER XV.
THE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED TO THE HEATHEN.
During the whole ten years of the persecution, there was
no cessation of plots and civil wars among the persecutors
themselves. For the sea indeed was impassable to the mariner,
nor could any set sail from any port, without being exposed
to every kind of torment, either scourged, or racked in their
limbs, or lacerated and galled with torturing instruments in
their sides, to ascertain whether they had come from the ene
my of the opposite party, and at last were subjected either to
the punishment of the cross or of fire. Besides these things,
one saw every where shields and coats of mail preparing, darts
and javelins and other implements of war ; and in every place,
also, were collections of galleys and naval armour. Neither
was there any thing expected any where but the attacks of
enemies from day to day. Besides this, famine and pestilence
were superadded, of which we shall relate what is most im
portant in its proper place.

CHAPTER XVI.
THE CHANGE OF AFFAIRS FOR THE BETTER.
Such was the state of things throughout the whole period
of the persecution. This, by the goodness of God, had en
tirely ceased in the tenth year, although it had already begun
to relax after the eighth. For when the kindness of God's
providence regarded us again with a gracious and merciful
eye, then indeed our rulers, and those very persons who were
formerly the principal agents of the persecutions, most re
markably changed in their sentiments, began to recant, and
attempted to extinguish the blaze of persecution kindled
against us by mild proclamations and ordinances. But this

526 ecclesiastical history. [b. vm. c. 17.
was not done by any mere human agency, nor was it, as might
perhaps be supposed, by the compassion or the humanity of
our rulers. For, so far from this, they were daUy devising
more and severer measures against us from the beginning of
the persecution until then, constantly inventing new tortures
from time to time by an increasing variety of machinery and
instruments for this purpose. But the evident superintendence
of divine Providence, on the one hand, being reconciled to his
people, and on the other, assailing the author of these miseries,
exhibited his anger against him as the ringleader in the hor
rors of the whole persecution. Though it had been necessary
that these things should occur by some divine judgment, yet it
is declared, " Woe to him through whom the offence cometh ! "
Hence he was visited by a judgment sent from God, which
beginning in his flesh proceeded to his very soul. For a sudden
tumour appeared about the middle of the body, then a spongy
fistula in these parts,1 which continued to extend and pene
trate with its ulcerations to the inmost parts of the bowels.
Hence sprung an immense multitude of worms, hence also an
insufferable death-like effluvia exhaled, as his whole body be
fore his disease, by reason of his gluttony, had been changed
into an excessive mass of fat, which then becoming putrid,
exhibited a dreadful and intolerable spectacle to those that
drew near. Some, indeed, of the physicians, totally unable to
endure the excessively offensive smell, were slain; others
again, as the swelling had penetrated every where, and they
unable to give any rehef, despaired of safety, and were put to
death without mercy.

CHAPTER XVII.
THE REVOCATION OF THE EMPERORS.
Thus struggling with so many miseries, he had some com
punctions for the crimes that he had committed against the
pious. Turning, therefore, his reflections upon himself, first
of all he confessed his sin to the Supreme God ; then summon
ing his officers, he immediately orders that, without delay,
1 Valesius renders, Repente enim circa media occultiorum corporis
partiura loca abscessus ei nascitur : ulcus deinde i- imo fistulofum.

A. d. 305 — 311.] galerius. 327
they should stop the persecution against the Christians, and
by an imperial ordinance and decree, commanded that they
should hasten to rebuild the churches, that they might per
form their accustomed devotions, and offer up prayers for the
emperor's safety. This decree was immediately followed by
its effects ; the imperial decrees were published in the cities,
embracing the foUowing revocation with regard to us.
" The Emperor Csesar Galerius Valerius Maximianus, In-
victus, Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Germanicus Maximus,
JEgyptiacus Maximus, Thebaicus Maximus, Sarmaticus Max
imus, the fifth time, Persicus Maximus, Carpicus Maximus,
second time, Armeniacus Maximus, sixth time, Medicus Max
imus, Adiabenicus Maximus, Tribune of the People XX.,
Emperor XIX., Consul VIII., Father of his country, Procon
sul : and the Emperor Csesar Flavius Valerius Constantinus,
Pius, Felix, Invictus, Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune
of the People, and Emperor V., Consul, Father of his coun
try, Proconsul : also, the Emperor Caesar Valerius Licinianus,
Pius, Felix, Invictus, Augustus ; Pontifex Maximus, Tribune
ofthe People IV., Emperor III., Consul, Father of his country,
Proconsul; to their subjects in the provinces, send greeting:
"Among2 other matters which we have devised for the
benefit and common advantage of our people, we have first
determined to restore all things according to the ancient laws
and the public institutions3 of the Romans. And to make
provision for this, that also the Christians, who have left the
religion of their fathers, should return again to a good pur
pose and resolution. For by some means,4 such arrogance
* This edict, as Eusebius tells us below, he translated from the Latin,
and had he not mentioned it, it could be inferred from the style and
phraseology: as the Latin idiom appears more than once. The very be
ginning is calculated to make this impression.
3 The word emarripT)v, here occurring, is very ambiguous. We sus
pected, at first, our author had before him ex sententia Romani populi, or
perhaps plebiscitum, of which Sripooia eicwrripr)v might serve as a literal
translation, though not very intelligible. After writing this conjecture,
however, we examined the Latin edict preserved by Lactantius, and find
the original was disciplinam.
* We suspect the Latin here was quadam ratione, which our author
has translated rivi Xoyiapu, by a certain mode of reasmiing. Valesius
seems to have overlooked the Latin idiom as well as the Greek, and ren
dered quodam consensu. But Eusebius appears to have mistaken quadam
ratione, and translated into the Greek accordingly. What confirms oui

S28 ecclesiastical history. [b. viii. c. 17.
had overtaken, and such stupidity had beset them, that they
would not follow the principles anciently prescribed to them,
which in all probability their ancestors had established, but
they began to make and follow laws, each one according to
his own purpose and his own will, and thus different multi
tudes assembled with different opinions and of different sects.
Hence, when a decree of this kind was issued by us, that they
should return again to the established usages of their fore
fathers, vast numbers were subjected to danger, many, when
threatened, endured various kinds of death. But though we
saw the great mass still persevering in their folly, and that
they neither gave the honour that was due to the immortal
gods, nor heeded that of the Christians, stiU having a regard
to our clemency and our invariable practice, according to
which we are wont to grant pardon to all, we most cheerfully
have resolved to extend our indulgence in this matter also :
that there may be Christians again, and that they may restore
their houses in which they were accustomed to assemble, so
that nothing be done by them contrary to their profession.
In another epistle we shall point out to the judges, what they
will be required to observe ; whence, according to this con
descension of ours, they are obligated to implore their God
for our safety, as well as that of the people and their own.
That in every place the public welfare may be preserved.
and they may live unmolested in their respective homes and
fire-hearths." Such was the purport of this ordinance, which, according
to our ability, we have translated from the Latin into the
Greek.1 But the affairs after this we are now further to
consider.conjecture is, that the edict does not ascribe any thing like reason to the
Christians, but imputes their conduct to some stupid infatuation.— This
note was written before we examined the Latin copy of the edict in Lac-
tantius. J Since writing the above notes, we have compared the original Latin
edict, which is still preserved in Lactantius, " de mortibus persecutorum."
Our conjectures, as it regards style and phraseology, we have found con
siderably confirmed by this comparison. The Latinity, however, of the
edict itself, savours of the degeneracy of the day. It is surprising, that
neither Valesius nor his translator, Shorting, has r.cV'fpd the edict as pre
served by Lactantius. And yet the former has struck upon the signinca-
tion of tirwrripri, occurring twice in this edict.

a. d. 305 — 311.J GAL^.Tfitrs. 329

In some copies, this is appended to the Eighth Book."1
But the author of this edict, after this acknowledgment,
soon after was liberated from his pains, and terminated his
life. It is agreed he was the original cause of the miseries
of the persecution, as he had, long before the movements of
the other emperors, attempted to seduce the Christian soldiers
of his own house from their faith, degrading some from their
military rank, and insulting others in the most abusive man
ner, even punishing some with death, and at last exciting his
associate emperors to a general persecution against all. Nor
have I thought proper that the death of these emperors should
be passed over in silence. As there were four,3 therefore,
that held the sovereignty divided among them, those that were
advanced in years and honours, after nearly two years from
the persecution, abdicated the government, as we have already
shown ; and thus passing their clays in common and retired
life, ended their life in the following manner. — The one, in
deed, who preceded the others in honour and age, was at
length overpowered by a long and distressing disease, but
the next to him in dignity destroyed himself by strangling,
suffering thus according to certain daemoniaeal prognostics, on
account of the innumerable crimes that he had committed.
But of the two after these, the last,4 whom we have mentioned
as the leader of the whole persecution, suffered such things
as we have already stated. But he that surpassed them all
in kindness and condescension, the emperor Constantius, who
had conducted his government the whole time consistently
with the imperial dignity, and who exhibited himself a most
gracious and benevolent prince in other respects, also had no
hand in raising the persecution against us, but even protected
and patronized those pious persons that were under him. He
neither demolished the buildings of the churches, nor devised
any thing in opposition to us ; and finally enjoyed a death
s The two sections that here follow, are regarded as supplementary to
the work. The first being an Appendix to the Eighth Book, and the fol
lowing one a Preliminary to the Book of Martyrs. The statements at the
head of each are from some of the copyists, as they are found in the m>sl
improved manuscripts.
' Diocletian, Maximian, Constantius, and Galerius.
' Gale: i-A«.

330 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. Vin. C. 17.
really happy and blessed, being the only one of the four that
in the midst of a tranquil and glorious reign, at his death
transmitted the government to his own son as his successor, a
prince most eminent in all respects for his wisdom and piety.
He, at the very beginning, was proclaimed supreme emperoi
and Augustus, by the armies, and exhibited himself a gener
ous rival of his father's piety, with regard to us. Such, then,
was the issue of the life of the four emperors, at different
times. Of these the only one that yet left the above-men
tioned confession, was he whom we mentioned above, together
with those whom he had afterwards associated with him in
the government, which confession also he sent abroad in his
proclamation to all.

The following we also found appended to the Eighth Book.
This was the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, in
the month of Xanthicus, which one would call April according
to the Romans, about the time when the paschal festival of our
Saviour took place, when Flavianus was governor of Pales
tine. Suddenly edicts were published every where to raze
the churches to the ground, and to destroy the sacred Scrip- <
tures in the flames, to strip those that were in honour of their
dignities, and to deprive the freedmen of their liberty if any
persisted in the Christian profession. Such was the first
violence of this edict against us ; but it was not long before
other mandates were issued, in which it was ordered that the
prelates of the churches should first be cast into prison every
where, and then compeUed by every artifice to offer the sa«
crifice.

THE BOOK OF MARTYRS.

CHAPTER I.
PROCOPluS, ALPHEUS, AND ZACCHEUS.
The first, therefore, of the martyrs of Palestine, was Pro-
oopius,1 who, before he was tried by imprisonment, was im-
1 The same relation is in the Acts of the Passion of Procopius the
martyr, which begin thus, " The first of the martyrs that appeared in
Palestine was Procopius," &c. Whence it is evident that those Acts were
translated out of the Greek copy of Eusebius into Latin. To make this
more manifest, it will be useful to insert here the entire Acts. Their
contents are these : —
The Passion of S. Procopius the Martyr, who suffered under Fabianus the
President, on the fourth ofthe Nones of August.
" The first of the martyrs that appeared in Palestine was Procopius :
a person [full] of celestial grace, who, before his martyrdom, ordered his
life so, as that from his very childhood he applied his mind to chastity
and a virtuous converse. He so macerated his body, that it was judged
to be almost dead. But he comforted his mind with such divine words,
that he infused strength and courage into his body, by this refection of his
mind. Bread and water was his food and drink: he fed only on these ;
which he would forsake for two, or three, sometimes for seven days to
gether, and then return to that his food again. Also, a meditation on
divine expressions had bound up his mind so fast, that he continued inde
fatigable in it night and day. He made himself a high example oi
courtesy and meekness, looking on himself to be inferior to others, so
great was his studiousness in divine matters : he had also attained to a
competency in external accomplishments. His original extract he had at
jEIia [i. e. Jerusalem] ; but by converse and habitation he was a Scy-
thopolitan. He served in three offices in that church; one was that of a
reader, another consisted in his interpretation of the Syrian tongue ; and
the third was an imposition of hands, to cast out devils. And when he
(together with his companions) was sent from Scythopolis to Caesarea, he
was led from the very gates to the president ; afiid before he had experi
enced the miseries of imprisonment and bonds, he was upon his very first
arrival commanded by Flavianus, the president, to offer sacrifice to the
gods. But with a loud voice he attested that there was not a multiplicity
of gods, but one Maker and Framer of all things. The president, smitten
with that expression of his, and being wounded in his own conscience,

332 ecclesiastical history. [b. viii. c. 1
mediately at the beginning arraigned before the tribunal of
the governor. When commanded to sacrifice to those called .
gods, he declared that he knew but one to whom it Was pro- i
per to sacrifice, as he himself had commanded ; but when he
was ordered to make libations to the four emperors, he uttered
a sentence which did not please them, and was immediately
beheaded. The sentence was from the poet : " A plurality of
sovereigns is not good, let there be but one prince and one
sovereign lord." l This happened on the eighth of the month
Desius, or as one would say with the Romans, the seventh
before the ides2 of June, the fourth day3 of the week. This
assented to what he said. And, betaking himself to other arguments,
[persuaded him] to sacrifice at least but to the emperors. But the holy
martyr of God, despising what he said, repeated that passage of Homer—
' It is not good [to have] many lords, let there be one lord, one king.'
Which words being heard, it being supposed that he spoke something
that was of ill consequence to the emperors, by the president's command
he was led to execution ; and being beheaded, had an entrance into a
celestial life, or found a compendious way into heaven, on the seventh day'
of Desius, that is, the month of July, which amongst the Romans is called
the nones of July, in the first year of the persecution against us. This
was the first martyrdom that was consummated in Csesarea, our Lord
Jesus Christ reigning, to whom be honour and glory for ever and ever.
Amen." Vales.
1 The words of Ulysses, in the Iliad, b. ii. 1. 208, Owe aya9ov ttoXd-
Koipavn). Sentences from Homer were among the proverbs of the day.
The same passage was on a certain occasion repeated by Domitian. See
his Life by Suetonius, ch. xiii.
2 The Romans had three divisions of the month, calends, nones, and
ides, and in marking the days they counted backwards. For the days
given here, see any tabular view of the Roman calendar.
3 'Hpepa rerpaSi aatHars ; on the fourth feria, or, on the fourth day
of the Sabbath, or, of the week. The ancient Christians having received
an account of the seven days of the week from the Jews, named them as
they did. Therefore they called them the first of the Sabbath, the se
cond of the Sabbath, &c. Tertul. De Jejuniis. Sometimes they called
them ferise, which is the same with Sabbath. Therefore, as the Jews
termed the week-days, the first, the second, the third of the Sabbath,
and so on to the seventh day, which they called the Sabbath, the ancient
Christians termed them the first, second, and third feria, &c, making
this alteration only, that they did not keep the Sabbath-day holy, as did
the Jews; but observed their Sabbath on the first day of the Sabbath,
which they also called Sunday, or the Lord's-day. Isidorus, De Natura
Rerum, ch. iii. Not only the Christians, but the Gentiles also received
the computation of the week from the Jews, as Josephus informs us, in
the close of his second book against Apion. But the Gentiles called the
days of the week by the names of the seven planets ; which names ".on-
tinue still in use amongst most nations. See Tertul. ad Nationes. \ ales.

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 333
a as the first signal that was given at Caesarea in Pales
tine. After him many bishops in the same city, of the pro
vincial churches, cheerfully struggled with dreadful tortures,
and exhibited noble specimens of mighty conflicts. Some
indeed, from excessive dread, broken down and overpowered
by their terrors, sunk and gave way immediately at the firs't
onset, but each of the rest experienced various kinds of tor
ture. Some were scourged with innumerable strokes of the
lash, others racked in their limbs and galled in their sides
with torturing instruments, some with intolerable fetters, by
which the joints of their hands were dislocated. Nevertheless
they bore the event, as regulated by the secret determinations
of God. One was seized by the hands, and led to the altar
by others, who were thrusting the polluted and unhallowed
victim into his right hand, and then suffered to go again as if
he had sacrificed. Another, though he had not even touched,
when others said that he had sacrificed, went away in silence.
Another was taken up half dead, and cast out as already dead,
and was released from his bonds, and ranked among the sacri
ficers. Another crying out, and asserting that he did not as
sent to these things, was struck on the mouth ; and thus
silenced by the many blows of those that were suborned for
this purpose, was thrust away by violence, although he had
never sacrificed. So much was it valued by them, for one
upon the whole only to appear to have performed their desire.
Of these therefore, so many in number, only Alpheus 4 and
Zaccheus were honoured with the crown of the holy martyrs,
who after scourging and scraping with iron hooks, and severe
bonds, and the tortures consequent on these, and other differ
ent tortures on tbe rack, having their feet stretched a night
and day to the fourth hole of the stocks, were at length be
headed on the seventeenth day of the month Dius, the same
that is called the fifteenth of the calends of December. Thus
for confessing the only God and Jesus Christ the only King,
The ecclesiastical year of old began at Easter, the first week whereof was
all holyday, the days being distinguished by prima, secunda, tertia, &c,
added to feria. Hence the days of any other week began to be called
feria prima, secunda, &c.
4 The names of some these martyrs are to be found in some of the old
calendars. Thus Alpheus is found on the 1 7th of November, correspond
ing to the date here given. Others may be found in the same way. The
names cl some have in the lapse of time given way to others.

334 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 2.
they suffered martyrdom with the former martyr, just as il
they had uttered some dreadful blasphemy.

CHAPTER H.
THE MARTYR ROMANUS.

Worthy of record, also, are the circumstances respecting
Romanus, which occurred on the same day at Antioch. He
was a native of Palestine, a deacon and exorcist, of the church
at Cassarea, and was present at the demolition of the churches
there ; and as he saw many men with women and children ap
proaching the idols in masses, and sacrificing, considering the
sight intolerable, and stimulated by a zeal for religion, he
cried out with a loud voice, and reproved them. But he was
immediately seized for his boldness, and proved, if any, to be
a most noble witness of the truth. When the judge had in
formed him that he was to die by the flames, with a cheerful
countenance and a most ardent mind, he received the sentence,
and was led away. He was then tied to the stake, and when
the wood was heaped up around him, and they were about
kindling the pile, only awaiting the word from the expected
emperor, he exclaimed, "Where then is the.fire?" Saying
this, he was summoned again before the emperor, to be sub-(
jected to new tortures, and therefore had his tongue cut out,
which he bore with the greatest fortitude, as he proved in his
actions to all, showing also that the power of God is always
present to the aid of those who are obliged to bear any hard
ship for the sake of religion, to lighten their labours, and to
strengthen their ardour. When, therefore, he learned the
novel mode of punishment, the heroic man, by no means
alarmed, readily thrust out his tongue, and offered it with the
greatest alacrity to those who cut it out. After this he was
cast into bonds, and having suffered there a very long time, at
length, when the twentieth anniversary1 of the emperor was
at hand, according to an established usage of granting liberty
every where to those that were kept in prison, he alone had
1 On the fifth and tenth years of the emperors' reigns, offenders who
had been guilty of less notorious crimes were usually discharged from
imprisonment ; and the emperor's edict for that purpose was called aa
indulgence. Cod. Theodos. tit. de Indulgentiis Criminum. Vales.

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 335
his feet stretched to the fifth hole in the stocks, lying upon
the very wood with a halter round his neck, was adorned with
martyrdom, according to his earnest desire. This one, thougli
he suffered beyond his country, yet as a native of Palestine
deserves to be ranked among the martyrs of Palestine. These
were the events that occurred of this description in the first
year of the persecution, as it was then excited only against
the prelates of the church.

CHAPTER III.
TIMOTHEUS, AGAPIUS, THECLA, AND EIGHT OTHERS.
In the course of the second year, when the war was blazing
more violently against us, when Urbanus had the government
of the province, imperial edicts were first issued to, him, in
which it was ordered by a general command, that all persons
of every people and city should sacrifice and make libations to
the idols. Timotheus, at Gaza, a city of Palestine, endured a
multitude of tortures, and after the rest was condemned to be
consumed by a slow and gentle fire, exhibiting in all his
sufferings a most indubitable proof of his sincere devotedness
to God, and thus bore away the crown of those holy wrestlers
who triumphed in the cause of piety. At the same time with
him were condemned to be cast to the wild beasts, Agapius,
who displayed the noblest firmness in his confession, and
Thecla, our contemporary.2 But who could help being struck
with admiration and astonishment at the sight, or even at the
very recital of those things that then occurred ? For, as the
heathen in every place were on the point of celebrating their
accustomed games and festivals, it was much noised abroad,
that besides the other exhibitions with which they were so
greatly captivated, those that were just condemned to the wild
beasts would exhibit a combat. This report being increased,
and spreading among all, there were six young men, who, first
binding their hands, hastened with all speed to Urbanus, to
prove their great alacrity to endure martyrdom, who was then
2 Eusebius seems to add " our contemporary," to distinguish this
Thecla from the companion of St. Paul, mentioned by the Greek and
Latin Fathers.

336 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VHI. C. 4.
going to the amphitheatre, and declared themselves Christians.
The names of these were, Timolaus a native of Pontus,
Dionysius of Tripolis in Phcenice, Romulus a subdeacon of
the church at Diospolis, Paesis and Alexander, both Egyptians ;
another Alexander from Gaza. These, by their great prompt
ness in the face of all terrors, proved that they gloried in the
worship of the true God, and were not alarmed at the assaults
of beasts of prey ; and, indeed, both the governor and those
around him were amazed. They were, however, immediately
committed to prison. Not many days after, two others were
added to their number, of whom one had already before sus
tained the conflict of confession several times, under a variety
of dreadful torments ; he was, also, called Agapius, but the
other, who supplied them with the necessaries of hfe, was
named Dionysius. AU these, eight in number, were beheaded
in one day at Csesarea, on the twenty-third day of the month
Dystrus, that is, the ninth of the calends of April. In the
mean time, a certain change took place with the emperors, the
first and the second in the imperial dignity retiring to private
life, and public affairs began to wear a troubled aspect. Shortly
after, the Roman empire was divided, and a dreadful civil war
arose among the Romans themselves ; nor did the schism cease,
nor the consequent commotions become finally settled, before
peace was proclaimed toward us throughout the whole Roman
world. For as soon as this arose like a light upon all, spring
ing up from the densest and most gloomy night, the govern
ment was again restored to firmness, tranquillity, and peace,
and they resumed that benevolent disposition towards one
another, which they had derived from their ancestors. But
of these matters we shaU give a more fuU account in its pro
per place. Now let us pursue the thread of our narrative ic
due order.

CHAPTER IV.

APPHIANUS.

Maximinus Caesar, who was afterwards raised to the go
vernment, as if to exhibit the evidences of his innate hatred,;
to God and his aversion to piety, armed himself to persecute
with greater violence than those before him. Hence, as there

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 337
was no little confusion raised among aU, some scattered here
and others there, and endeavouring by all means to escape the
danger ; and as there was the greatest tumult throughout the
empire, what description would suffice to give a faithful ac
count of that divine love and that freedom of confession, that
distinguished the martyr Apphianus, that blessed and truly
innocent lamb ? He was scarcely twenty years old, when he
presented a wonderful instance of sohd piety toward the one
only God, as a kind of spectacle to aU before the gates of Cse
sarea. And first, when for the purpose of pursuing Greek
literature, as he was of a very wealthy family, he passed the
most of his time at Berytus, it is wonderful to teU how in the
midst of such a city, notwithstanding the enticements of
youthful passions, he was superior to all, and was neither cor
rupted in his morals by the vigour of his body, nor his asso
ciation with young men, but embraced a modest and sober hfe,
walking honestly and piously, and regulating his conversation
as one who had embraced the Christian faith. Were it neces
sary to mention his country, and thus to celebrate the place
that gave birth to so noble a wrestler in the cause of religion,
we shaU cheerfully do also this. Pagas, a city of Lycia, of no
mean account, and which may be known to some of my readers,
was the place whence this youth derived his origin. After his
return from his studies at Berytus, though his father held the
first rank in his country, being unable to bear dwelling with
his father and the rest of his kindred, because they did not
approve of living according to the laws of piety, as if impeUed
by the divine Spirit and by a kind of natural, rather say an
i inspired and genuine, philosophy, deeming it better than what
is considered glory in Ufe, and despising the soft pleasures of
the body, he secretly fled from his friends. And without any
concern for his daily expenses, in his trust and faith in God,
he was conducted as if led by the Holy Spirit, to the city of
Caesarea, where was prepared for him the crown of martyr
dom, for his piety. Having associated with us there, and hav-
, ing studied the Holy Scriptures as much as could be for a
short time, and having prepared himself most cheerfuUy by
the proper exercises and discipline, he finally made so illus
trious an end, as could not be witnessed again without amaze
ment. Who could Usten without wonder to the freedom with which
[eusebius. z

338 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII, C. 4.
he spoke, behold his firmness, and before this, the courage
and the energy of this youth, who gave evidence of a zeal for
piety and a spirit more than human ? For when a second ex
citement was raised against us by Maximinus, in the third
year of the persecution, and the edicts of the tyrant to this
effect were first issued, that all persons every where should
publicly offer sacrifices, and that the rulers of the cities should
see to this with all care and diligence, when the heralds also
were proclaiming throughout aU Caesarea, that men, women,
and children should come to the temples of the idols, at the
command of the governor ; and moreover, the military tri
bunes were calling upon each one by name, from a list, and
the heathen were rushing in an immense crowd from every
quarter, this youth fearlessly, and without imparting his pur
pose to any, stealing away from us who dwelt in the same
house, and unobserved by the mUitary band around the
governor, approached Urbanus, who happened then to be
making libations. Fearlessly seizing his right hand, he sud
denly interrupted him in the act of sacrificing. Then he
counselled and exhorted him in a solemn and serious tone to
abandon his error, saying it was not right that we should
desert the one only and true God, to sacrifice to idols and
daemons. This was done by the youth, as is very probable,
under the impulse of a divine power, which by this deed gave
a kind of audible testimony, that the Christians, those to wit
that were really such, were so far from abandoning the rehgion
which they had once embraced, that they were not only
superior to all the threatened dangers, and the punishments
consequent on these ; but over and above this, acted with still
greater freedom, and declared themselves with a noble and
fearless utterance, and were it possible that their persecutors
could be delivered from their ignorance, even exhorted them
to acknowledge the one only and true God. After this, he of
whom we are now speaking, as might be expected in the case
of an act so daring, was immediately seized and torn by the
soldiers, like ravenous beasts, and after suffering most heroic
ally innumerable stripes on his whole -body, was cast into
prison until further orders. There, being stretched by the
tormentor with both feet, a night and day, on the rack, he was
the next day brought to the judge, and when force was ap
plied to make him sacrifice, he exhibited an invincible forti-

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 339
tude in bearing pain and horrid tortures. His sides were
not only once or twice, but often furrowed and scraped to the
very bones and bowels, and at the same time he was beaten
with so many blows on the face and neck, that by reason of
his bruised arid swollen face, he was no more recognised by
those who had known him weU. But as he did not yield even
to this, they covered his feet with linen steeped in oil, and at
the command of the governor the tormentors applied fire to
these. The sufferings which this blessed youth then endured,
seems to me to exceed all power of description. The fire,
after consuming his flesh, penetrated to the bones, so that the
humours of the body, liquefied like wax, feU in drops ; but as
he did not yield even to this, his antagonists being defeated,
and now only at a loss to account for his more than human
perseverance, he was again committed to prison. At last he
was summoned the third day before the judge again, and still
declaring his fixed purpose in the profession of Christ, aheady
half dead, he was thrown into the sea and drowned.
What happened immediately after this, would scarcely be
credited by any who had not seen with his own eyes. But
notwithstanding this, we cannot but record the events. As we
may say, all the inhabitants of Caesarea were witnesses of the
fact. There was no age that was not present at this wonder
ful sight. As soon as this really blessed and holy youth was
cast into the deepest parts of the sea, suddenly a roaring and
uncommon crashing sound pervaded not only the sea, but the
whole surrounding heavens. So that the earth and the whole
city was shaken by it. And at the same time with this won
derful and sudden shaking, the body of the divine martyr was
cast by the sea before the gates of the city, as if unable to
bear it. And such was the martyrdom of the excellent
Apphianus, on the second day of the month Xanthicus, or,
Roman style, the fourth of the nones of April, on the day of
the preparation, or Friday.

CHAPTER V.
THE MARTYRS ULPIAN AND -EDESIUS.
But about the same time, and in those very days, tnere was
a young man named Ulpianus, at the city of Tyre, who also,
z 2

340 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 6.
after dreadful torments, and the most severe scourgings, was
sewed in a raw buU's hide, together with a dog and poisonous
asp, and thrown into the sea. Hence, also, he appears de
servedly to claim a place among the martyrdoms noticed with
4pphianus. A short time after, very much the same suffer-
ngs were endured by iEdesius, who was the own brother of
Apphianus, not only in the flesh but in God, after innumer
able confessions, and protracted torments in bonds, after being
repeatedly condemned by the judges to the mines in Palestine,
and after a Ufe and conversation, in which, amid aU these cir
cumstances, his garb and his deportment was that of a philo
sopher. He had, also, enjoyed an education stUl more finish
ed than his brother, and had studied the different branches
of philosophy. When he saw the judge at Alexandria con
demning the Christians there, and rioting beyond aU bounds,
sometimes insulting grave and decent men in various ways,
sometimes consigning females of the greatest modesty, and
virgins who had devoted themselves to the duties of religion,
to panders, to endure every kind of abuse and obscenity, on
seeing this he made an attempt similar to that of his brother.
As these things appeared insufferable, he drew near with de
termined resolution to the judge, and with his words and acts
covered him with shame. For this he courageously endured
multiplied forms of torment, and was finaUy honoured with his
brother's death, and cast into the sea. But this, as I before
said, happened in the way here related, a short time after the
death of the former.

CHAPTER VI.
THE MARTYR AGAPIUS.

But in the fourth year of the persecution, on the twelfth i
of the calends of December, which would be on the twentieth
of the month of Dius, on the day before the Sabbath, Friday,
in the same city of Cassarea, occurred what was eminently
worthy of record. This happened in the presence of the
tyrant Maximinus, who was gratifying the multitudes with
pubhc shows, on the day that was called his birthday. As it
was an ancient practice when the emperors were present, to

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 341
exhibit splendid shows then, if at any time, and for the
greater amusement of the spectators, to collect new and strange
sights in place of those customary ; either animals from some
parts of India, Ethiopia, or elsewhere ; sometimes, also, men
who, by artificial dexterities of the body, exhibited singular
spectacles of adroitness, and to complete the whole, as it was
an emperor that exhibited the spectacles at this time, it was
necessary to have something more than common and singular
in the preparation of these games ; (and what then should
this be ?) one of our martyrs was led forth into the arena to
endure the contest for the one and only true rehgion. This
was Agapius, who we have aheady said had been thrown, to
gether with Thecla, to the wild beasts. After being paraded
with malefactors, from the prison to the stadium, aheady a
third time and often, and after various threats from the judges,
whether through compassion, or out of hope of changing his
purpose, he had been deferred from time to time for other con
tests ; at length, when the emperor was present, he was led
forth. As if he had been designedly reserved for that time,
and that also the declaration of our Saviour might be fulfilled,
which he declared to his disciples in his divine foreknowledge,
that they would be led before kings, for the sake of confess
ing him. He was brought, therefore, into the stadium, with
a certain criminal, who they said was charged with killing his
master. This latter one then, the murderer, when cast to the
beasts, was honoured with clemency and mercy, not unhke
the manner in which Barabbas was in our Saviour's time.
Hence the whole theatre resounded with applauses, that the
blood-stained homicide was so humanely saved by the em
peror, and was moreover honoured with liberty and dignity.
But this wrestler of piety was first summoned by the tyrant,
then demanded to renounce his purpose with the promise of
liberty. With a loud voice he declared, that he would cheer-
fuUy and with pleasure sustain whatever he might inflict on
him ; not, indeed, for any wickedness, but for his veneration of
the God of the universe. Saying this, he combined actions with
his words, and rushing against a bear let loose upon him, he
most readily offered himself to be devoured by the beasts, after
which he was taken up yet breathing, and carried to prison.
Surviving yet one day, he had stones bound to his feet, and

342 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY ]_B. VIII. C. 7.
thus was plunged into the midst of the sea. Such then was
the martyrdom of Agapius.

CHAPTER VII.
THE MARTYRS THEODOSIA, DOMNINUS, AND AUXENT1US.
The persecution had now been extended to the fifth year,
when on the second of the month Xanthicus, that is, the fourta
of the nones of April, on the very day of our Lord's resurrec
tion, again at Caesarea a virgin of Tyre, Theodosia by name,
not yet eighteen years old, but distinguished for her faith and
virtue, approached some prisoners, confessors of the kingdom
of Christ, seated before the judgment-seat, with a view to
salute them, and, as is probable, with a view to entreat them
to remember her when they should come before the Lord.
Whilst she was doing this, as if it were some impious and
atrocious deed, she was seized by the soldiers, and led away
to the commander. Presently, merciless and savage as he was,
he had her tortured with dreadful and horrific cruelties, fur
rowing her sides and breasts with instruments even to the
very bones, and whilst yet breathing, and withal exhibiting
a cheerful and joyous countenance, he orders her to be cast
into the sea. Proceeding next from her to the other confess
ors, he consigned them aU to the mines at Phoeno in Palestine.
After this, on the fifth of the month Dius, on the nones of
November, Roman style, in the same city, SUvanus, who was
yet a presbyter, became a confessor, and not long after he was
both honoured with the episcopate, and finaUy crowned with
martyrdom. The same judge condemned those who exhibited
the noblest firmness in the cause of piety, to labour in the
same mines, having first ordered their ancles to be disabled by
searing with red-hot irons. At the same time that this sen
tence was passed, he ordered one who had rendered himself
illustrious on innumerable occasions of confession, to be com
mitted to the flames. This was Domninus, weU known to aU
in Palestine for his great freedom. After which, this judge,
who was a terrible inventor of miseries, and particularly in
genious in new devices against the doctrine of Christ, planned

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 343
torments against the Christians, such as had never before been
heard of. He condemned three to pugilistic combat ; ' but
Auxentius, a grave and holy presbyter, he ordered to be cast
to the beasts ; others, who had reached the age of maturity, he
made eunuchs, and condemned them to the mines ; others
again, after dreadful tortures, he cast into prison. Among
these was Pamphilus, that dearest 2 of my friends and asso
ciates, a man who for every virtue was the most illustrious
martyr of our times. Urbanus having first made trial of his
skiU in the art of rhetoric, and the studies of philosophy, after
this attempted to force him to offer sacrifice. When he saw
him refusing, and not even regarding his threats, at last be
coming transported with rage, he orders him to be tortured
with more excruciating pains. Then this monster in cruelty
obstinately and incessantly applied the instruments, to furrow
and lacerate his sides, aU but entering and feeding upon his
very flesh, and yet after all, defeated and covered with shame,
he committed likewise him to those confessors in prison. But
what kind of return this tormentor will receive at the hands
of divine justice, for his cruelties against the saints, and after
rioting to such extent against the confessors of Christ, is easy
to conjecture from the preludes to these judgments here. For
immediately after his crimes against Pamphilus, whilst he
held the government, the divine justice suddenly overtook
him, thus. That man whom we but yesterday saw judging
on a lofty seat, and surrounded by a guard of soldiers, and
ruling over all Palestine, and the associate, and favourite, and
guest of the tyrant, stripped in a single night, and divested of
aU his honours, and covered with disgrace and ignominy, be
fore those who had courted him as the emperor himself ; him
we saw timid and cowardly uttering cries and entreaties, like
a woman, before all the people whom he had ruled. The
same just providence also made that very Maximinus upon
1 See the following chapter ; where we are informed that those who
were condemned to such combats, were delivered to the procurators ot
Oaasar, who caused them to practise and exercise daily, that so at last
vhey might be fit to engage in a combat. Vales.
2 This is the Pamphilus from whom Eusebius obtained the surname
of Pamphilus. This, however, should not be understood as a surname,
but as an appellation indicative of attachment to his friend It should be
written in its original, 'EvaefSiog TlaptpiXov, Eusebius, the friend of Pam.
philus ; QiXog being understood.

344 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 8.
whom Iji so boastingly relied, as if he loved him exceedingly
for his dreadful deeds against us ; him I say, in the same city,
the justice of God erected into a most relentless and cruel
judge, who pronounced sentence of death against him, after
the numerous crimes of which he was convicted. But let this
account of him suffice, by the way. Perhaps a suitable occa
sion may offer, in which we shall also relate the end of those
wicked men that were principally concerned in waging war
against us, and also of Maximinus himself, together with
those of his ministers in this work.

CHAPTER Vin.
other confessors; also valentina AND PAULUS.
When the storm had incessantly raged against us into the
sixth year, there had been before this a vast number of con
fessors of true religion in what is called the Porphyry quarry,
from the name of the stone which is found in Thebais. Of
these, one hundred, wanting three, men, women, and young
infants, were sent to the governor of Palestine, who, for con
fessing the supreme God and Christ, had the ancles and sinews
of their left legs seared off with a red-hot iron. Besides this
they had their right eyes first cut out, together with the lids
and pupils, and then seared with red-hot iron, so as to destroy
the eye to the very roots. All this was done by the order of
Firmilianus, who was sent thither as successor to Urbanus,
and acted in obedience to the imperial command. After this
he committed them to the mines in Palestine, to drag out a
miserable existence in constant toil and oppressive labour.
Nor was it enough, that those who endured such miseries
were deprived of their eyes, but those natives of Palestine,
also, whom we have already mentioned as condemned to pu
gilistic combats, as they neither would suffer themselves to be
supported from the imperial treasury, nor undergo the exercises
p-eparatory to the combat, hence they were now brought, not
oAj before the governors, but before Maximinus himself,
where, displaying the noblest firmness in their confessions, by
enduring hunger and stripes, they suffered finally the same
that the former did, with the addition of other confessors from

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 345
the same city. Immediately after these, others were seized.
who had assembled in the city of Gaza to hear the Holy Scrip
tures read, some of whom suffered the same mutilations in
their eyes and feet ; others were obliged to endure still greater
sufferings, by having their sides furrowed and scraped in the
most dreadful manner. Of these, one who was a female in
sex, but a man in reason, not enduring the threat of violation,
and having used a certain expression against the tyrant, for
committing the government to such cruel judges, she was first
scourged, then raised on high on the rack, was lacerated and
galled in the sides. But as those who were appointed for this
incessantly and vehemently applied the tortures according to
the orders of the judge, another woman who, like the former,
had contemplated a hfe of perpetual virginity, though ordinary
in bodily form, and common in appearance, yet possessing a
mind otherwise firm, and an understanding superior to her sex,
was unable to bear the merciless, cruel, and inhuman scene
before her, and with a courage exceeding aU the far-famed
combatants among the Greeks for their liberty, she exclaimed
against the judge, from the midst of the crowd, " And how
long, then, wiU you thus cruelly torture my sister?" He,
the more bitterly incensed by this, ordered the woman imme
diately to be seized. She was then dragged into the midst,
and after she had called herself by the august name of our
Saviour,1 attempts were first made to bring her over to sacri
fice by persuasion. But when she refused, she was dragged
to the altar by force. But her sister remaining the same, and
still adhering to her purpose, with a resolute, intrepid step.
she kicked the altar, and overturned all on it,2 together with
the fire. Upon this, the judge, exasperated, like a savage
beast, applied tortures beyond all that he had done before, all
but glutting himself with her very flesh, by the wounds and
lacerations of her body. But when his madness was gratified
to satiety, he bound her and the former, whom she called
sister, together, and condemned them to the flames. The
former of these was said to be of Gaza, but the other, Valen-
tina by name, was a native of Caesarea, and well known to
many. But how could I sufficiently describe the martyrdom
that followed this, and with which the most blessed Paulus
* That is, having acknowledged herself to be a. Christian.
2 The frankincense, &c. Vales.

346 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 9.
was crowned? Who, indeed, was condemned at the same
time with these, under one and the same sentence of death
About the time of his execution, he requested of the execu
tioner, who was on the point of cutting off his head, to allow
him a short space of time, which being granted, with a loud
and clear voice he first interceded with God in his prayers,
imploring pardon for his feUow Christians, and earnestly en
treating that peace and liberty might be soon granted them.
Then he prayed for the conversion of the Jews to God through
Christ. Then he proceeded, in order, imploring the same
things for the Samaritans, and those Gentiles who were in
error and ignorance of God, that they might come to his
knowledge, and be led to adopt the true religion, not omit
ting, or neglecting, to include the mixed multitude that stood
around. After all these, oh, the great and inexpressible for
bearance ! he prayed for the judge that condemned him to
death, for the imperial rulers themselves, and for him, too,
that was about to sever his head from his body, in the hear
ing of him and aU present, supplicating the Supreme God not
to impute to them their sin against him.
Praying thus, with a loud voice, and moving almost aU to
compassion and tears, as one unjustly slain, yet composing
himself, and submitting his bare neck to the stroke of the
sword, he was crowned with a divine martyrdom on the
twenty-fifth of the month Panemus, which would be the
eighth of the calends of August. And such was the end of
these. But after the lapse of no long time, one hundred and
thirty other noble wrestlers of the Christian faith, undergo
ing the same mutilations of eyes and feet with the former in
Egypt ; some, by the order of Maximinus, were condemned
and sent away to the mines in Palestine, others to those in
Cilicia.

CHAPTER IX.

the renewal of the persecution with greater violence.
antoninus, zebina, germanus, and others.
After the llame of persecution had relaxed its violence
amid such heroic achievements of the noble martyrs of Christ,

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 347
and had been almost extinguished with the blood of holy men,
and now some relief and hberty had been granted to those
condemned to labour in the mines for Christ's sake, and we
began to breathe an air somewhat purer, I know not how, he
that had received the power to persecute, was again roused
by a new impulse against the Christians. Immediately, there
fore, edicts were issued against us from Maximinus, every
where in the provinces. Governors and the prastorian pre
fect, in proclamations and edicts, and public ordinances, urged
the magistrates and generals, and notaries ' in every city, to
execute the imperial mandate, which ordained, that with all
speed the decayed temples of the idols should be rebuilt, and
that aU people, men, women, domestics, and even infants at
the breast, should sacrifice and make libations, and that they
should be dUigently made to taste of the execrable sacrifices,
that the thirgs for sale in the markets should be defiled with
the Ubations of victims, and that before the baths guards
should be stationed, who should pollute those that had been
cleansed in them, with their execrable sacrifices. These things
being thus performed, and our brethren, as was natural, being
from the beginning most concerned, and the heathen them
selves censuring the severity and absurdity of the measure,
as superfluous at best ; for these measures appeared overbear
ing and oppressive even to them, and as there was a mighty
storm gathering every where upon them, again the divine
power of our Saviour infused such courage and confidence
into his wrestlers, that without being drawn or even impeUed
by any one, they voluntarily trampled upon the threats of such
opponents. Three, therefore, of the believers joining together,
rushed upon the governor, offering sacrifice, and called upon
him to desist from his error, for tfyere was no other God but
the Supreme Creator and Maker of the universe. Then
being asked who they were, they boldly confessed they were
Christians. On this, Firmihanus, in a rage, and without in
flicting tortures, condemns them to capital punishment. Of
these, one named Antoninus was a presbyter, another named
Zebina was a native of Eleutheropolis, the third was named
1 These officers had in their custody the public tables, or Rolls of the
cities, and looked after the accounts of the tribute. They were first
called Numerarii : afterwards Valens made a law, that they should be
called Tabularii. See Vales, not. on Amm. Marcell. b. xxviii. p. 348.

348 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VHT. C. 9.
Germanus. They were executed on the thirteenth of the month
Dius, on tie ides of November. On the same day Ennathas,
a woman of Scythopolis, ennobled also by the virgin's fiUet,1
was added as an associate to them. She had not, indeed,
done what the former had, but was dragged by force, and
brought before the judge, and after being scourged, and en
during dreadful abuses which were heaped upon her by
Maxys, the tribune of the neighbouring district, and that
without authority from a higher power, a man who was by no
means as good as his name,2 a sanguinary character in other
respects, exceedingly harsh and inflexible, and in his whole
manner so really fierce and violent that he was in bad repute
with all that knew him. This man, then, having stripped the
blessed virgin of aU her clothes, so as to leave only her body
covered from her loins to her feet, but the rest bare, led her
about the whole city of Csesarea, considering it a great feat
that he caused her to be driven about the markets and beaten
with thongs of hide. And after all these cruelties, which she
bore with the greatest firmness, she exhibited the same most
cheerful alacrity before the tribunal of the judge himself,
when she was there condemned to the flames. Whilst aiming
his cruelty and madness against the worshippers of the true
God, he also went beyond all the dictates of nature, not even
ashamed to deny the lifeless bodies of these holy men a burial.
Night and day he ordered the dead bodies to be carefuUy
watched, as they lay exposed in the open air, the food of
beasts ; and there was no small number of men present several
days, of such as attended to this savage and barbarous decree,
and some, indeed, were looking out from their posts of observ
ation, as if it were something worthy of their zeal to see that
the dead bodies should not be stolen. But wild beasts, and
dogs, and carnivorous birds of prey, scattered the human limbs
here and there in all directions, and the whole city around
was spread with the entrails and bones of men, so that no
thing ever appeared more dreadful or horrific, even to those
who before had been most hostile to us ; they did not indeed
so much lament the calamity of those against whom these
1 A little mitre of purple-coloured wool ; which was the badge of pro
fessed virginity, as Optatus informs us, b. vi. Vales.
2 Perhaps our author alludes to some such signification as the Hebrew
Motto refuge, of which Maxys appears to be a derivative.

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 349
things were done, as the nuisance against themselves, and the
abuse heaped upon our common nature.
For at the very gates of the city there was an exhibition
presented dreadful beyond aU description and tragic recital,
human flesh devoured not in one place only, but scattered over
every place ; for it was said that limbs and masses of flesh,
and parts of entrails, were to be seen even within the gates.
Which things continuing to occur for many days, a strange
event, Uke the foUowing, took place. The ah happened to be
clear and bright, and the aspect of the whole heavens was
most serene. Then, suddenly, from the greater part of the
columns that supported the public porticos, issued drops hke
tears, and the market-places and streets, though there was no
moisture from the ah, I know not whence it came, were
sprinkled with water, and became wet : so that it was imme
diately spread abroad among aU, that in an unaccountable
manner the earth wept, not being able to endure the extreme
impiety of these deeds, and to address a reproof to men of a
relentless and callous nature, the very stones and senseless
matter could bewail these facts. I weU know that this ac
count may, perhaps, appear an idle tale and fable to posterity,
but it was not so to those who had its truth confirmed by their
presence at the time.3

CHAPTER X.
PETRUS ASCETES, ASCLEPIUS THE MARCIONITE, AND OTHER MARTYRS.
On the fourteenth of the foUowing month ApeUseus, i. e.
the nineteenth of the calends of January, there were some
from Egypt again seized by the spies appointed to observe
those going out at the gates. They had been sent for the
purpose of ministering to the necessities of the confessors in
Cilicia. These experienced the same lot with those they came
to serve, ani were thui mutilated in their eyes and feet.
Three of" them, however, exhibited a wonderful fortitude at
3 Perhaps some might smile at the supposed credulity of our author, but
the miracle in this account was not greater than the malignity, and if man
can perform miracles of vice, we can scarcely wonder if Providence should
present, at least, miracles of admonition.

350 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 1 1
Ascalon, where they were imprisoned, and bore away different
prizes of martyrdom. One of them, named Ares, was com
mitted to the flames, the others, Promus and Elias, were be
headed. But on the eleventh of the month Audynseus, i. e
on the third of the ides of January, in the same city of Cae
sarea, Petrus Ascetes,1 also called Apselamus, from the village
of Anea, on the borders of Eleutheropohs, like the purest
gold, with a noble resolution, gave the proof of his faith in
the Christ of God. Disregarding both the judge, and those
around him that besought him in many ways, only to have
compassion on himself, and to spare his youth and blooming
years, he preferred his hope in the supreme God to all, and
even to life itself.
With him, also, was said to be a certain bishop, named As-
clepius, a foUower of Marcion's error, with a zeal for piety, as
he supposed, but not according to knowledge. Yet he de
parted this life on the same funeral pile.

CHAPTER XI.
PAMPHILUS AND OTHERS.

The time is now come to relate, also, that great and cele
brated spectacle exhibited by those who, in martyrdom, were
associated with Pamphilus, a name thrice dear to me. These
were twelve, who were distinguished by a prophetic and apos
tolic grace, as well as number. Of these, the leader, and the
only one among them, however, with the dignity of presbyter
at Csesarea, was Pamphilus ; a man who exceUed in every
virtue through his whole life, whether by a renunciation and
contempt of the world, by distributing his substance among
the needy, or by a disregard of worldly expectations, and by
a philosophic deportment and self-denial. But he was chiefly
distinguished above the rest of us, by his sincere devotedness
to the sacred Scriptures, and by an indefatigable industry in
what he proposed to accomplish, by his great kindness and
alacrity to serve all his relatives, and all that approached him.
The other features of his exceUence, which deserve a more full
1 Peter, called the Ascetic, probably from the extraordinary severity of
hf3 and self-denial that he exhibited so young.

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 351
account, we have already given in a separate work on his
life, consisting of three books. Referring, therefore, those
that have a taste for these things, and who wish to know them,
to this work, let us now prosecute the history of the martyrs
in order.
The second after Pamphilus that entered the contest was
Valens, deacon of the church of iElia, a man dignified by his
venerable and hoary locks, and most august by the very as
pect of his great age ; well versed in the sacred Scriptures,
in which he had no superior. For he had so much of them
treasured up in his memory, that he did not require to read
them, if he undertook at any time to repeat any parts of the
Scriptures. The third that was most illustrious among them, was Paul
of the city of Jamna, a man most fervent in zeal and ardent
in spirit, who before his martyrdom had already passed through
the conflict of a confession for the faith, by enduring the
tortures of searing with red-hot iron. After these had been
two whole years in prison, the occasion of their death was a
second arrival of brethren from Egypt, who also suffered mar
tyrdom with them. These had accompanied the confessors in
Cilicia to the mines there, and were returning to their homes,
and, Uke the former, at the entrance of the city of Csesarea,
being questioned by the guards stationed at the gates, men of
barbarous character, as they did not conceal the truth, they
were immediately seized as malefactors caught in the very act,
and taken into custody. There were five in number. When
brought before the tyrant, they declared themselves freely be
fore him, and were immediately committed to prison. On the
next day, being the sixteenth of the month Peritisis, and the
fourteenth of the calends of March, Roman style, these, ac
cording to the decree, together with the associates of Pam
philus, were conducted before the judge. He first made trial
of the invincible firmness of the Egyptians by every kind of
torture, and by new and various machinery invented for the
purpose. And first he asked the chief of them, after he had
practised these cruelties upon him, who he was ; when, instead
of his proper name, he heard him repeat some name of the
prophets, which was done by them, if they happened to have
had names given them by their parents from some ofthe names
of the idols, in which case you would hear them calling

352 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 1 1.
themselves Elias, and Jeremiah, and Isaiah, Samuel and
Daniel ; thus exhibiting the true and genuine Israel of God,
as belonging to those who are the real Jews ' (spoken of
by the apostle), not only in their works, but also in their pro
per names.
When Firmilianus had heard some name Uke this of the
martyr, and yet did not understand the force or import of the
name, he next asked him what was his country ? He gave
an answer allied to the former, saying that Jerusalem was his
country, referring to that city of which Paul speaks, " but the
Jerusalem above is free, which is the mother of us aU : " also
again : " And ye have come to mount Sion, and to the city of
the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem ;" and it was this that
the martyr meant to signify. Butthe j udge, fixed in thought and
cast down in his mind, anxiously inquired what country, and
in what part of the world it was ? Then he also applied tor
tures to make him confess the truth. But he, with his hands
twisted behind his back, and his feet thrust into certain new
machines, persevered in asserting that he had said the truth.
Then, again, being frequently asked what and where that
city was that he had mentioned, he said that it was the city
of the pious only, for none but these were admitted to it ; but
that it lay to the very east, and the very rising sun. And
here, again, the martyr in this way philosophized according to
his own sense, paying no regard to the tortures with which
he was surrounded ; but as if he were without flesh and
blood, he did not even appear to be sensible of his pains. But
the judge, at a loss, was greatly perplexed in mind, thinking
that the Christians were coUectively about establishing a city
some where in opposition and hostile to the Romans, and fre
quently inquired where this city was, and examined where
the country lay towards the east. But after he had sufiici
ently tortured the young man with scourging, and lacerated
him with many and various tortures, perceiving his mind un
changeably fixed in his former purpose and declarations, he
passed the sentence of death against him. Such, then, was
the scene exhibited in the martyrdom of this one. The rest
he exercised with trials of a similar kind, and finally destroyed
1 The author refers here to that passage of the apostle, Rom. ii. 28,
where he draws the distinction between the mere nominal a;,\d the rea
Jew.

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 353
in a similar manner. Wearied at last, and perceiving that it
was all in vain to punish the men, and having fully satiated
his curiosity, he proceeded against Pamphilus and his asso
ciates. But as he had learned that they had already display
ed an unchangeable alacrity in the confession of religion under
torture, and also asked them whether they were yet disposed
to obey, and yet received only the same answer, the last con
fession of every one in martyrdom, he inflicted upon them the
same punishment with the former. These things done, a
young man, who had belonged to the family of Pamphilus, as
one who had dwelt with and enjoyed the excellent education
and instruction of such a man, as soon as he learned the sen
tence passed upon his master, cried out from the midst of the
people, requesting that the body at least should be interred.
But the judge, more brute than man, and if any thing worse
than brute, making no allowance for the young man's age,
only inquired this one thing, and heard him confess himself a
Christian. On this, as if he were wounded by a dart, swelling
with rage, he orders the tormentors to exercise all their force
against him. When he saw him refusing to sacrifice accord
ing to his orders, he commanded that they should scrape and
mutilate him, not as the flesh of a human being, but as stones
and wood, or any other lifeless object, to the very bones, and
the inmost parts and recesses of the bowels. This being con
tinued for a long time, he at length perceived that he was la
bouring in vain, as he continued without uttering a sound or
evincing any feeling, and almost totaUy lifeless, although his
body was so dreadfully mangled with tortures. But as the
judge was of an inflexible cruelty and inhumanity, he con
demned him in this condition to be committed to a slow fire ;
and thus this youth, although he had entered upon the combat
last, yet he received his dismission from this life before the
decease of his master in the flesh, and whilst those that rival
led the first were yet lingering on the way. One could then
see Porphyry, for this was his name, with the courage of one
who had already triumphed in every species of combat, his
body covered with dust, but yet his countenance bright and
cheerful, and after this, with a courageous and exulting mind,
advancing on his way to death. Truly filled with the divine
{-Spirit, and covered only with his philosophical garb thrown
around him like a cloak, and with a calm and composed mind
I'eusebius.] 2 A

354 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 11.
giving exhortations and beckoning to his acquaintance and
friends, he preserved a cheerful countenance at the very stake.
When the fire was kindled, which was at some distance around
him, he attracted and inhaled the flame in his mouth, and then
most nobly persevering in silence, until his last breath, he
uttered not another word after that which he uttered as soon
as the flame reached him, calling upon Christ the Son of God,
his helper. Such a wrestler then was Porphyry. But Seieu
cus, one of the confessors of the army, brought the intelUgence
of his martyrdom to Pamphilus ; and he, as the bearer of such
intelligence, was immediately honoured with the same lot.
For as soon as he had announced the end of Porphyry, and
had saluted one of the martyrs with a kiss, some of the sol
diers seized him and led him to the governor, who, as if to
urge him to attach himself to the former, as his companion
on the way to heaven, commands him immediately to be put
to death. He was from Cappadocia, but among the chosen
band of Roman soldiers, and one who had obtained no small
share of honours.
In the vigour of age, strength, size, and firmness of body,
he was greatly superior to his feUow soldiers, so that he was
noted among all for his very appearance, and admired for the
grandeur and the comeliness of his whole form. At the very
beginning of the persecution, indeed, he was prominent in the
trials ofthe confessors, by his patient endurance of the scourge*
and after his renunciation of military life, he exhibited him
self a zealous follower of those who led a hfe devoted to the
exercises of piety, in which, hke a provident father, he proved
himself a kind of overseer, (£7rio-ico7roc,) and protector of de
stitute orphans and helpless widows, and of all those that
were prostrated in poverty and sickness. Hence, also, he
was honoured by that God who is better pleased with such
charities than the fume and blood of sacrifices, to receive an
extraordinary caU to martyrdom. He was the tenth after
those wrestlers mentioned that were perfected in one and the
same day, on which, as is probable, the mighty portals of
eternal life were opened to Pamphilus, in a manner worthy of
the man, and presented to him and to others a ready entrance
into the kingdom of heaven. Immediately after Seieucus,
came the aged Theodulus, a grave and pious man, who was
of the governor's family, and who on account of his age had

i'HE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 356
been treated with more regard by Firmilianus than any of his
domestics, as also, because he was now a father of the third
generation, and had always evinced great fidelity and attach
ment to himself and family. He, however, pursuing the same
course as Seieucus, when arraigned before his master, incensed
him yet more than the former, and was condemned to endure
the same martyrdom as our Saviour on the cross. One now
remaining of those who constituted the number twelve, already
mentioned ; after all the rest came Julianus, to complete it.
He had just come from abroad, and not yet even entered the
city, when learning the death of the martyrs on the road, just
as he was, he immediately hastened to the sight. There, when
he saw the earthly tabernacles of the holy men lying on the
ground, filled with joy, he embraced every one, and kissed
them all. Upon this he was immediately seized by the
ministers of death, and conducted to Firmilianus, who, con
sistently with his character, also consigned him to a slow and
lingering fire. Then Julianus, also, leaping and exulting with
joy, gave thanks to God with a loud voice, who had honoured
him with a martyrdom such as these endured, and was
crowned with the martyr's death. He also was a native of
Cappadocia, but in his manner he was most religious, and
eminent for the sincerity and soundness of his faith. He was
also a devoted man in other respects, and animated by the
Holy Spirit himself. Such was the band and the company
that met with Pamphilus, and were honoured to encounter
martyrdom with him. The sacred and holy bodies of these
men, by the order of the cruel and impious governor, were
kept and guarded for four days and nights to feed the wild
beasts. But as, contrary to expectation, nothing would ap
proach them, neither beast nor bird of prey, nor dog, by a
divine providence they were again taken up uninjured, and
{obtaining a decent burial, were interred according to the
accustomed mode. But when the cruelty exercised against
these was noised abroad among all, Adrianus, and Eubulus,
from the region called Manganaea, came to the other confess
ors as far as Caesarea, and were also asked the cause of their
coming at the gate of the city. They confessed the truth,
and were brought before Firmilianus. He, as usual, without
Mlelay, after many tortures which he inflicted, by scourging
and lacerating their sides, then condemned them to be de-
2 a 2

35fi ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. VIII. C. 12.
voured by the beasts. After the lapse of two days, on the
fifth of the month Dystrus, the third of the nones of March,
the day that was considered the birthday of the tutelary
divinity of Csesarea,1 he was cast before a lion, and afterwards
slain with the sword. As to Eubulus, after another day and
a half, on the very nones of March, which would be the
seventh of Dystrus, when the judge had urged him much to
enjoy that which was considered liberty among them, by offer
ing the sacrifice, he preferred a glorious death in the cause of
religion, and after being cast to the beasts like the former,
was the last to close the list of the martyrs that wrestled for
the faith at Caesarea. It is also worth while here to state,
how at length the providence of God overtook the wicked
governors themselves, together with the tyrants. For the
same Firmilianus that raged with such violence against the
martyrs of Christ, after receiving with the others the most
signal punishment inflicted on him, at length ended his life by
the sword. And such, then, were the martyrdoms endured at
Caesarea, during the whole period of the persecution.

CHAPTER XII.

THE PRELATES OF THE CHURCH.

But the events that occurred in the intermediate time,.
besides those already related, I have thought proper to pass
by ; I mean particularly the circumstances of the different
heads of the churches, who from being shepherds of the
reasonable flocks of Christ that did not govern in a lawful and
becoming manner, were condemned, by divine justice, as un
worthy of such a charge, to be the keepers of the unreasonable
camel,2 an animal deformed in the very structure of its body,
1 Every city was supposed by the heathen to have its tutelary divinity,
who presided over its destinies, and hence called rvxr], fortune, by our
author. The temples dedicated to these were hence called Tychea.
2 It was a punishment amongst the Romans, that freemen should be
condemned to look after the emperor's horses and camels; and to such
offices. This employment was called Camelasia, and it is reckoned
amongst the personal offices in the Pandects (Tit. de Muner. et Honor.).
Although in that place of the Pandects the emperor's camels are not
spoken of, but those camels are meant, belonging to every city, whicli

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 357
and condemned further to be the keepers of the imperial
horses ; also, the number and severity of the burdens and
oppressions they bore for the sake of the sacred vessels and
property of the churches, from the imperial rulers and go
vernors at the time in the midst of insult, injury, and tor
ment; moreover, the ambitious aspirings of many to office,
and the injudicious and unlawful ordinations that took place,
the divisions among the confessors themselves, the great
schisms and difficulties industriously fomented by the factious
among the new members, against the relics of the church,
devising one innovation after another, and unmercifully
thrusting them into the midst of aU these calamities, heaping
up affliction upon affliction : all this, I say, I have resolved
to pass by, judging it foreign to my purpose, wishing, as I
said in the beginning, to shun and avoid giving an account
of them. But whatsoever things are serious and commend
able according to the Scriptures — " if there be any virtue, if
there be any praise," deeming it most proper to tell and to
describe these, and present them to the attention of the faith
ful, in a history of the admirable martyrs, as also most con
sistent with that peace which has recently shone upon us
from heaven, I shall consider myself as most likely to decorate
the close of my work, if I present to the attention of the
faithful an account of these.
were used to fetch wood and other burdens ; as appears from the Eigh
teenth Law in the said Tit. Eusebius here speaks of the emperor's
horses and camels, to the feeding whereof some bishops were condemned.
Now, there is a great difference between these two offices. For the former
was a civil office, to which the decurions of the White Order were pro
moted, as it is said in the afore-quoted law. But the latter was a penal
servitude, to which criminals were condemned, as may be collected from
Eusebius's words here. Moreover, these camelarii (keepers of camels)
were under his care that was the comes rei private, (i. e. the treasurer
of the privy purse to the emperor : see Vales, notes on Amm. Marcell.
b. xxii. p. 207,) under whom were the masters of the flocks and of the
stables; as appears from the Notitia Imperii Rom ani. See the Acts of
Marcellus the Pope. Vales.

358 ECCLESIASTICA!. HISTORY. [B. VIII. C. 13
CHAPTER XIII.
SILVANUS AND JOHN, AND THIRTY MORE OTHER MARTYRS.
The seventh year of the conflict against us was verging to
its close, and the measures against us had gently and imper
ceptibly received a less afflictive aspect, and had now con
tinued until the eighth year, when there was no small number
of confessors collected in the copper mines of Palestine, and
these were enjoying considerable freedom, so far as even to
build houses for assembUng together ; then the governor of
the province, a savage and wicked man, such indeed as his
acts against the martyrs proved him to be, came thither, and
ascertaining the state of things, and the manner of those that
lived there, communicated the whole to the emperor, and wrote
against them whatever slanders he thought proper. After this,
being appointed as superintendent of the mines, he divided,
as if by imperial orders, the multitude of confessors into dif
ferent bodies, and sent some to inhabit Cyprus, some to Liba
nus. Others he scattered into several parts of Palestine, and
commanded them all to labour in different works. Then se
lecting those that appeared to be pre-eminent among them,
he sent them away to the commander of the forces there. Of
these, two were Egyptians, bishops Peleus and Nilus, another
was a presbyter, and a fourth added to these, named Pater-
muthius, well known to all for his great benevolence toward
all. These the commander, after demanding a renunciation
of their religion, and not succeeding, committed to be con
sumed by the flames. Others, again, had their lot cast there,
in a separate place by themselves, as many of the confessors
as, whether from age, or blindness, or other infirmities of body,
were exempt from performing labour. Of these, the chief
was Silvanus, a bishop from Gaza, who presented a venerable
example of genuine Christianity. This man, one might say,
was eminent for his confessions from the very first day of the
persecution, through the whole time, in a variety of conflicts,
and was reserved until that time, that this might be as the
last seal of the whole conflict in Palestine. With him were
associated many from Egypt, among whom also was John,
who in the excellence of his memory surpassed all of cur

THE MARTYRS OF PALESTINE. 359
time. He, indeed, had already before been deprived of his
eyes, and had his foot destroyed with burning irons, like the
others, on account of his confessions, yet although his sight
was aheady destroyed, he had the red-hot iron nevertheless
applied to him; the butchers aiming at every display of cruelty,
and inhumanity, and whatever was savage and brutal. And
as this man was such, one has no cause to wonder at his phi
losophical Ufe and habits, as he appeared not so wonderful on
this account, as from the excellence of his memory. He had
whole books of the sacred Scriptures written, as the apostle
says, not on tables of stone, neither on skins of animals, nor
papers destroyed by moths and time, but on the tables of
flesh, in the heart, in an enlightened soul, and the pure eye of
the mind. So that whenever he wished to produce any pas
sage, whether from the law, or the prophets, or the apostles,
the historical parts, or the Gospels, he could repeat and pro
duce it as from a treasury of learning, whenever he pleased.
I confess that I myself was astonished when I first saw the
man standing in the midst of a large multitude, and repeating
certain parts of the Holy Scriptures. For as far as I had op
portunity only to hear his voice, I thought that he was read
ing as is usual in the congregations, but when I came near
and saw the fact, all the others standing around, with their
sound eyes, and him alone raising his mind and pronouncing
without any artificial means, as a kind of prophet, and far
surpassing those who were robust in body, I could not but
glorify and praise God. And indeed, I seemed to behold an
evident and solid proof in facts, that not he who appears in
the external form is the real man, but in truth that which is
in the soul and mind. For he, though mutilated in body, ex
hibited the greater exceUence of power and virtue. But as
to those aheady mentioned, who were living in a separate
place, and were engaged in performing their accustomed du
ties, in prayer and fasting, and other exercises, God himself
condescended to grant them a salutary issue, by extending his
right arm to help them.
The enemy, no longer able to bear them, armed with con
stant prayer to God, prepared to destroy and remove them
from the earth, as troublesome to him. God granted him,
also, power to do this, that at the same time he might not be
restrained in his determined wickedness, and they might now

360 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [». VIII. C. 1 3
receive the prizes of their varied conflicts. Thus, then, the
thirty-nine, at the command of the most execrable Maximinus,
were beheaded in one day. And these were the martyrdoms
exhibited in Palestine in the space of eight years, and such
was the persecution in our day. It began, indeed, with the
demolition of the churches, and grew to a great height during
the insurrections from time to time under the rulers. In
these, many and various were the contests of the noble
wrestlers in the cause of piety, who presented an innumerable
multitude of martyrs through the whole province, among
those from Libya, and through aU Egypt, Syria, and those
of the east, round as far as those of the region of Illyri
cum. For the countries beyond these, all Italy and Sicily,
Gaul, and whatever parts extend toward the west, Spain,
Mauritania, and Africa, as they did not experience the hos
tility of the persecution quite two years, very soon were
blessed with the interposition and peace of God, as if his pro
vidence spared the simplicity and faith of these men. For
that, indeed, which was never before recorded in the annals
of the Romans, this first obtained in our day contrary to all
expectation. The empire was divided into two parts during
this persecution. Those in the one part enjoyed peace, whilst
those brethren that inhabited the other, endured innumerable
trials one after another. But as soon as the divine favour
prepared to display to us his kind and gracious care, then at
length, also, our rulers themselves, through whom these wars
were formerly waged against us, changing their mind in a
most extraordinary manner, sounded a retreat, and extinguish
ed the flame of persecution by kind ordinances and milder
edicts. But we must not omit the recantation.1
1 Eusebius here intimates that he appended the imperial revocation to
this book, and prepares us for it in these closing words. But as it does
not appear in this place, the book, of course, does not end here. The de
fect is easily supplied from the last chapter of the eighth bwk.

BOOK IX.

CHAPTER I.
THE PRETENDED RELAXATION.
The revocation of the imperial edict that had been issued,
was published every where, and in all places throughout Asia
and its provinces. This being done, accordingly, in this way,
Maximinus, the tyrant of the east, the most impious of men,
and most hostile to the rehgion which acknowledges only the
Supreme God, by no means satisfied with these mandates, in
stead of issuing an edict, gives verbal commands to the rulers
under him, to relax the war against us. For as he had no
power to oppose or to pursue a different course, and place
himself in opposition to the judgment of his superiors, he sup
pressed the edict ; and designing that it should not be made
public in the parts under him, he gives orders, without writing
to his governors, to relax the persecution against us. These
communicate the mandate to one another by letters. Sabinus,
who held the highest rank and power among the provincial
rulers, communicated the imperial will to the respective go
vernors of the provinces, in a Latin letter, the translation of
which is as foUows :
" With a most persevering and devoted earnestness, their
Majesties, our sovereigns and most august emperors, had for
merly directed the minds of all men to live and conduct them
selves according to the true and holy way, that even those
who appeared to pursue practices foreign to the Roman, should
exhibit the proper worship to the immortal gods. But the ob
stinacy and most unconquerable determination of some, rose
to such a pitch, that they could neither be induced to recede
from their own purpose by a due regard to the imperial com
mand, nor be deterred by the impending punishment inflicted.
Since, then, it has happened that many incurred danger from
a practice Uke this, their Majesties our sovereigns, the most

362 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IX. C. 1 ,
powerful emperors, in their peculiar and exalted piety, deem
ing it foreign to the purpose of their Majesties, that men should
be thrust into so great danger for such a cause, have command
ed (me in) my devotedness ' to address (you in) your wisdom,
that if any of the Christians be found to observe the worship
of their people, that you should abstain from molesting or en
dangering them, nor determine that any one should be punish
ed on such a pretext ; as it has been made to appear by the
lapse of so long a time, that it has been impossible to induce
them in any manner to abandon their obstinate course. It is
incumbent, therefore, on your attentive care, to write to the
governors and magistrates, and to the prefects of the districts
of every city, that they may know that it is not necessary for
them to pay any further regard to this edict (or business.)"
After this, the rulers of the provinces, thinking that the
resolution contained in these writings was truly set forth tc
them, communicate by letter the imperial wiU to the con-
troUers, magistrates, and prefects of the different districts.
Nor did they urge these things only by writing, but much
more by their acts, to execute the imperial mandate ; con
ducting those forth who had been imprisoned by them on ac
count of their faith, they set them at liberty, and dismissing
those who had been consigned as a punishment to the mines.
For this in mistake they supposed to be the true intention of
1 The more literal translation of this passage may give the reader some
idea of the kind of phraseology employed here. It would run thus —
" have given orders through my devotedness to write to your discretion :"
ayxivoia signifies acuteness of discrimination. As Eusebius gives us here
a Greek translation from the Latin, it would not be surprising to find La-
tinisms transferred here as well as in the edict before translated by him.
We have suspected the original of KaSoaiorrjg here, to have been in the
Latin sanctitas, a very comprehensive word, expressing integrity, inviola
ble fidelity, attachment. But the classical use of KaSoaiorrig would ra
ther be sanetifimtio, very different, therefore, from sanctitas.
We have in th s mode of address, also, a specimen of that kind of style
in which the great were addressed by others, and by one another. Some
traces of it still exist in Europe, as in your Lordship, your Grace, your
Excellency, &c. ; but it has prevailed no where to a greater extent than
among the dignitaries of the German empire. Formerly almost every
book that had a dedicatory epistle, abounded in this artificial mode of ad
dress ; so that unless one were apprized of the fact, it would be difficult
to tell who it was that was addressed. This usage among the Germans is
uo doubt to be traced back to a more intimate connexion wr.h the Roman
empire.

a.d. 308 — 313.] maximinus. 363
the emperor. When these things had thus been executed, aU
on a sudden, like a flash of light blazing from dense darkness,
in every city, one could see congregations collected, assemblies
thronged, and the accustomed meeting held in the same places.
Every one of the heathen was not a Uttle astonished at these
appearances, both amazed at the singular change of affairs, and
exclaiming that the God of the Christians was the only great
and true God. Those of our brethren who had faithfuUy and
manfuUy passed through the conflict of persecution, also again
obtained great privileges with all. But those who had
deserted their faith, and had been shaken in their souls by
the tempest, eagerly hastened to their remedy, supplicating
and entreating the strong to give them the right hand of
safety, and imploring God to be merciful unto them. Then,
also, these noble wrestlers of religion, liberated from the hard
ships of labouring in the mines, were dismissed every one to
his own country. Joyous and cheerful they proceeded through
every city, fiUed with an inexpressible pleasure and a con
fidence which language is inadequate to explain. Numerous
bodies thus pursued their journey through the public high
ways and markets, celebrating the praises of God in songs
and psalms. And they who a little before had been driven in
bonds under a most merciless punishment, from their respec
tive countries, you could now see regaining their homes and
fire-hearths, with bright and exhilarated countenances ; so that
even they who before had exclaimed against us, seeing the
wonder, beyond aU expectation congratulated us on these
events.

CHAPTER II.
THE SUBSEQUENT REVERSE.

But the tyrant, unable to bear this state of things, an
enemy of goodness, and as far as possible of good men, who
we have already said was the sovereign of the parts in the
east, did not suffer this course to hold out quite six months.2
2 Maximinus Galerius did not live long after he had made that decree
for the peace and liberty of the Christians, but within a few months after,
died of a wound which had festered. See the Appendix to the eighth

864 ecclesiastical history. [b. rx. c. 3.
And thus, whilst he was devising schemes in every possible
way to destroy the peace, he first attempted to restrain us by
a kind of pretext from assembling in the cemeteries.1 Then
he sent delegates to himself2 against us, through the agency
of some abandoned characters, stimulating the inhabitants of
Antiock to request of him, as a very great favour, by no
means to permit any of the Christians to dwell at Antioch,
and suborned others to do the same thing. Of all which
things, Theotecnus was the cause and prime mover at Antioch,
a man of a violent, artful, and wicked character, altogether
the reverse of the name he bore. But he appears to have
been the controUer of that city.

CHAPTER III.
THE NEW STATUE ERECTED AT ANTIOCH.
After he had thus waged war against us by every means,
and had caused our brethren with all diligence and care to be
hunted up in their retreats, as thieves and malefactors, and
had plotted against us by slander and accusation, and been
the cause of death to vast numbers, he finally erected a certain
statue of Jupiter Philius, with a variety of mummery and
magic rites.3 And after reciting forms of initiation, and. pro-
book of this History. When Maximinus Casar heard of his death, he
renewed the persecution against the Christians, and proclaimed himself
Augustus : whereas he was only Caesar before, and was compelled to
obey the commands of Galerius Augustus. Vales.
1 See note, book vii. ch. 2.
2 Our author here represents Maximinus in the odd predicament of
sending an embassy to himself, by suborning his agents to have this done.
The original is pronounced by Valesius elegans locutio, to which we may
add sale plena.
3 The ceremonies of the Gentiles, used in the erection and consecration
of images to their gods, were various. Jupiter Ctesius was consecrated
with one sort of rites, Herceus with another, and Philius with a third sort.
Jupiter Ctesius, whose image they kept in their store-houses, was con
secrated with a little tub Anticlides (in his IJijyi/n/cy, B. Oe Ritibus
Sacris, apud AthenaBum, b. ii. cap. 6) relates the ceremonies of con
secration. Jupiter Herceus was consecrated with pots. See Aristophanes
in Danaidibus. In the same manner were those images consecrated,
which they erected to Mercury, and other gods : and this they termed
xirpatg ISpieiv, "to consecrate with pots." In these pots they bciled

a, p. 308 — 313.] maximinus. 3u5
nouncing dire inauspicious mysteries before it, and inventing
execrable modes of expiation, he even went so far as to exhibit
his impostures to the emperor, by the oracles which he pre
tended to utter. Thus, by a flattery grateful to the emperor,
he roused the daemon against the Christians, and said that
God had commanded to expel the Christians as his enemies,
beyond the limits of the city and the adjacent territory.

CHAPTER IV.
THE DECREES AGAINST US.

As this man, who took the lead in this matter, had thus
succeeded, all the rest in office that inhabited cities under the
same government (of Maximinus), proceeded to issue a similar
decree. And the governors of provinces perceiving that it
would be acceptable to the emperor also, suggested to their
subjects to do the same thing. To these decrees the emperor
himself most readily assenting, the persecution that raged at
first was again kindled against us. Hence, in every city
priests were appointed for the images, and high priests over
these, by Maximinus himself ; these were from among those
who had been most distinguished for their public life, and had
gained celebrity in the different stations they had filled. Who
were also fired with great zeal for those objects that they wor
shipped. In short, the absurd superstition of the emperor led
on the rulers under him, as well as his subjects, to do all
things against us in order to gratify him ; supposing this was
the greatest proof of gratitude they could give for the kind
nesses they had received from him, if they only exhibited
slaughter, and constantly devised new plots and modes of mis
chief against us.
all sorts of pulse, of which they offered, sacrifice to those gods they conse
crated, in memory of the food eaten in old times, and of the frugality of
the ancients. But when they designed to be at greater cost in treating
thek god, they killed a sacrifice at the erection of his image ; which they
termed ilpieiv lepe'up, " to consecrate with a slain sacrifice." See Aris
tophanes (in Irene) and his Scholiast, p. 693. See Suidas also, in the
word Kavovv. Besides these ceremonies, they used sometimes magical
consecrations ; so Theotecnus did here, in the dedication of an image to
Jupiter Philius. Vales.

366 ecclesiastical history. [n. ix. c. 5, &

CHAPTER V.
THE FALSE ACTS.
Having forged, therefore, certain acts of Pilate, respecting
our Saviour, fuU of every kind of blasphemy against Christ,
these, with the consent of the emperor, they sent through the
whole of the empire subject to him, commanding at the same
time by ordinances in every place and city, and the adjacent
districts, to publish these to all persons, and to give them to
the schoolmasters to hand to their pupils to study and commit
to memory, as exercises for declamation. Whilst these things
were doing, another commander, whom the Romans caUed
Dux, in Damascus, a city of Phoenicia, caused certain infamous
females to be seized from the forum, and threatening to inflict
torture upon them, he forced them to make a formal declara
tion, taken down on record, that they had once been Chris
tians, and that they were privy to the criminal acts among
them ; that in their very churches they committed licen
tious deeds ; and innumerable other slanders, which he
wished them to utter against our rehgion. Which declara
tions he inserted in the acts, and communicated to the emperor,
who immediately commanded that these documents should be
published in every city and place.

CHAPTER VI.
THOSE WHO SUFFERED MARTYRDOM AT THIS TIME.
This commander, however, ere long, laid violent hands
upon himself,1 and thus suffered punishment for his wicked
ness. But exiles and severe persecutions in the mean time
were again renewed against us, and the rulers of the provinces
were every where again stirred up against us, insomuch that
some who were more distinguished for their skiU in the divine
word, when taken, received the sentence of death without
mercy. Three of these in the city of Emesa in Phoenicia,
1 Our author's Greek here is both elegant and nervous. He became hi:
own executioner; avroxeip eavrov yeyoviog.

A. d. 308 — 3l3.j maximinus. 367
professing themselves Christians, were thrown to be devoured
by the wild beasts. Among these was Silvanus, a very
venerable and superannuated bishop, who had been engaged
in the ministry forty years. At the same time also, Peter,
who presided over the churches of Alexandria with great
reputation, an admirable instance of a bishop, both for the
excellence of his life and his study of the sacred Scriptures.
He was seized for no reason whatever, and beheaded, beyond
all expectation so suddenly, and without any cause assigned,
as if by the orders of Maximinus. With him also many other
bishops of Egypt suffered the same punishment. Lucianus,
a man in all respects most exceUent, temperate in his life, and
conspicuous for his proficiency in sacred literature. He was
presbyter of the church at Antioch, and when brought to
Nicomedia,2 where the emperor happened to be staying, he
delivered a defence of his doctrine before the governor, when
he was committed to prison and slain. Such were the pre
parations made against us in so short a time, by the malicious
Maximinus, so that it would appear this persecution now
raising against us, was more severe than the former.

CHAPTER VII.
THE MEASURES DECREED AGAINST US, AND ENGRAVED ON PILLARS.
The measures and the decrees of the cities against us, and
copies of the imperial edicts appended to these, were engraved
and erected on brazen tablets, a course never before adopted
against us any where. The boys also in the schools had the
names of Jesus and Pilate, and the acts forged in derision, in
2 When Galerius was dead, Maximinus took possession of Asia and
Bithynia, which provinces (together with Illyricum and Thracia) were
governed by Galerius. Galerius kept these provinces for himself, as Eu-
tropius informs us, and is asserted by the old author of the Excerp
tions. Maximums therefore made his abode at Nicomedia, which was
the chief city of BithynU, where the emperors had a palace since Diocle
tian's time. The following words evidently manifest, that by the term
[emperor] Maximinusmu.it be meant. Therefore I wonder at Baronius,
for asserting that Lucianus suffered under Galerius, not under Maximin ;
when, as Eusebius, contemporary with Lucianus, affirms, he was killed by
Maximin. Vales.

368 ecclesiastical history. [b. ix. c. 7.
their mouths the whole day. And here appears to me tha
proper place to insert the epistle of Maximinus, engraven on
brass, that at the same time the boasting and haughty arro
gance of the man's hatred of God, and also God's just and
ever vigilant hatred of iniquity against the wicked may ap
pear, which soon overtook him, and by which he was urged
onwards ; so that he did not long devise hostilities and form
decrees against us. The decree was as follows.
Copy of ihe translated epistle of Maximinus, in answer to the
ordinances (ofthe cities) against us, taken from the brazen
tablet at Tyre.
" Now at length the feeble powers 1 of the human mind have
prevailed so far as to shake off and to scatter the mists of
every error, and dissipate the clouds of delusion, which before
this had beset the senses of those who were more miserable
than profane, and enveloped them in a destructive darkness
and ignorance ; thus leading us to acknowledge that it is regu
lated and strengthened by the good providence of the immortal
gods : which things it is incredible to say how grateful, how
delightful and pleasing it is to us, how powerful an evidence
it has furnished of your pious resolutions, since before this it
could be unknown to none, how much regard and reverence
you cherished towards the immortal gods, to whom faith is
exhibited not by mere empty words, but by a constant and
eminent 2 display of illustrious deeds. Wherefore, deservedly,
may your city be called the seat and habitation of the immortal
gods, for by many evidences it does appear most clearly that
it flourishes by the presence and residence of the celestial
gods. So then, your city, regardless of all local interest and
advantage, and omitting the petitions formerly presented to
us, for its cwn political affairs, when it perceived the votaries
of an execrable vanity again insinuating themselves, and as
1 We have rendered the word SrpaavTrjg here, not according to the^
Greek, but what we conjecture was the original Latin. Audacity,
the meaning of the Greek, seems entirely at variance with the whole
drift of the sentence, even if it should be understood in the milder sense
of confidence. If our author had before him the word vis animi, it is
possible that he might have understood it in a lax sense, and rendered
accordingly. 2 Probably the Latin here was singularis, and our author rendered
wapci^o^a.

1. d. 308 — 313. J maximinus. 369
a funeral pile long disregarded and smothered, again rising in
mighty flames and rekindling the extinguished brands, im
mediately without delay it took refuge in our piety, as the
metropolis of aU religion, entreating some remedy and relief.
Which salutary mind it is evident the immortal gods have
imparted to you on account of your faith and piety. Wherp-
fore, that supreme and mighty Jove, he who presides over
your most illustrious city, who has rescued your country's gods,
and wives, and children, and houses, and homes, from every
destructive pest, has infused into you the happy counsel,
showing and proving to you how excellent, and noble, and
profitable it is to observe the worship and the sacred rites
of the immortal gods with the becoming reverence. For
who can be so bereft of understanding, and all sense, as not,
to perceive, that it has happened by the gracious benevolence
of the gods, that neither the earth has refused the seed com
mitted to it, and disappointed the hope of the husbandmen
with vain expectation ; nor the presence of impious war has
been inevitably fixed on earth, and under a corrupt atmos
phere wasting bodies have been dragged and weighed down
to death ; nor indeed, the ocean swelling and rising on high,
with the raging blasts of intemperate storms, nor unexpected
tempests have burst and spread destruction around. More
over, that neither the parent and nurturing earth has risen in
dreadful tremblings, from its lowest depths, nor the superin
cumbent hills and mountains have sunk into its opening jaws.
All which calamities, and worse than these, have, as we all
know, frequently occurred. And all this in consequence of
the destructive error of this hollow delusion of those law
less men, when it began to take root in their minds, and we
may say has covered nearly all the world with infamy." A
little after, he superadds the following :
"Let them look at the flourishing crops in the wide-ex
tended fields waving with the loaded ears, and the meadows
glittering with plants and flowers, from the seasonable showers,
and the temperature of the air restored to a mild and placid
state. Then let all rejoice, that by your piety, and sacrifices,
and veneration of the gods, the divinity of omnipotent and
mighty Mars has been propitiated, and hence let them en
joy tranquillity and solid peace, be filled with pleasure and
jf y ; and as many as have abandoned that blind delusion and
[eusebius ] 2s

370 ecclesiastical history. [b. ix. g. 7.
perplexing error, whoever they may be, and have returned
to the right and sound mind, let these rejoice still more, a?
those who have been rescued from an unexpected storm or
severe disease, and let them enjoy the delightful fruits the
rest of their life. But should they still adhere to their exe
crable folly, let them be driven out and separated far from
your city and territory, as you have desired. That thus,
agreeably to your zeal, so praiseworthy in this respect, your
city, separated from all pollution and impiety, may attend to
the sacred rites of the immortal gods, according to its natural
disposition, with due veneration. That ye may also know
how acceptable this request of yours respecting this matter
has been, and how very prompt our mind is to confer benefits
of our own voluntary kindness, without decrees and without
petitions, we grant to your devotedness to desire any privilege
you please for this your pious purpose of mind, and now present
your petitions to have this done and to receive it. For you
shaU obtain without delay. Which, indeed, when granted to
your city, will be an evidence for ever of your devoted piety
to the immortal gods, as also of the fact that you obtained by
our kindness, merited prizes for this your purpose of hfe ;
an evidence which wiU be exhibited to your children and
posterity." Such, then, were the letters that were sent abroad against.
us in all the provinces, cutting us off from every hope of good,
at least from men. So that, according to the Holy Scriptures
themselves, if it were possible " the very elect would take of
fence." And now, indeed, when the hope of most of us was
almost extinct, all on a sudden, almost whilst the agents of
this decree against us were in some places yet on the way to
carry it into effect, that God, who is the defender of his
church, aU but stopping the pomp and boasting of the tyrant i
mouth, exhibited his heavenly interposition in our behalf.

A.D, 308— 313. | MAXIMINUS. 371

CHAPTER VIH.
THE EVENTS THAT OCCURRED AFTER THESE ; FAMINE, PESTILENCE,
AND WAR.
Rains and showers which usuaUy fell in the winter season,
now withheld their accustomed contribution upon the earth.
An unexpected famine came on, and pestilence after this.
Another kind of sickness also foUowed, which was a species
of ulcer called by an epithet the carbuncle, on account of its
inflammatory appearance. This spreading over the whole
body, greatly endangered the Uves of those afflicted with it.
But as it prevailed mostly about the eyes, it deprived great
numbers of men, women, and children of their sight. In ad
dition to these calamities, the war with the Armenians threat
ened the tyrant. These men had been the friends and aUies
of the Romans from ancient times, and as they were Chris
tians, and greatly valued piety toward the Deity, and as the
profane and impious tyrant had attempted to force them to
sacrifice to idols and daemons, he made them enemies instead
of friends, and belUgerent foes instead of allies. And aU these
troubles suddenly concurring at one and the same time, re
futed the tyrant's boasting and blustering audacity against
God. When, indeed, in his great zeal for idols, and his hos
tility to us, he boasted that neither famine nor pestilence nor
war had happened in his times. All these then coming upon
him at once, presented also the preludes to his own death.
He, therefore, together with his army, was defeated in the
war with the Armenians. But the rest of the inhabitants of
cities under him were dreadfuUy afflicted both by famine and
pestilence, so that a single measure of wheat was sold for two
thousand five hundred Attic drachms.1 Immense numbers
were dying in the cities, still more in the country and villages,
so that now the vast population in the interior was almost
entirely swept away, nearly all being suddenly destroyed by
want of food and pestilential disease. Many, therefore, were
anxious to sell their most valuable effects to those better sup
plied, for the smallest quantity of food. Others, gradually
(pending all their possessions, were reduced to the last extreme
1 About £36.
2 b 2

372 ecclesiastical history. [b. ix. c. 8.
of want. And now some even chewing remnants of hay, and
others eating without distinction certain noxious herbs, mi
serably destroyed the constitution of the body. Also, some
of the more honourable females throughout the cities, eon-
strained by want to throw aside all shame, went into the pub
lic markets to beg, indicating the evidences of their former
liberal education, by the modesty of their countenances and
the decency of their apparel. Some, indeed, wasted away to
mere skeletons, stumbled hither and thither like dead shadows,
trembling and tottering, from excessive weakness and inabihty
to stand ; they feU down in the midst of the streets, where
they lay stretched out, and only earnestly begged some one to
hand them a little morsel of bread, then drawing in their
breath, with the last gasp they cried out Hunger ! having only
strength sufficient for this most painful cry. Some, however,
of those that appeared better supplied, astonished at the great
multitude of those begging, after giving vast quantities away,
afterwards yielded to a harsh and inflexible disposition, ex
pecting that they would soon suffer the same things with those
begging of them. So that now in the midst of the streets and
lanes, the dead and naked bodies, cast out and lying for many
days, presented a most painful spectacle to the beholders.
Some, indeed, were already the food of dogs, on which ac
count, especially, the survivors began to slay the dogs, lest
growing mad they should devour men. The pestilence, how- '
ever, in the mean time, did not the less prey upon every house
and family, particularly those, however, whom the famine from
their abundance of food could not destroy ; the wealthy, the
rulers, generals, and vast numbers in office, who, as if they
had been designedly left by the famine to the pestilence, were
overtaken by a sudden, violent, and rapid death. All places,
therefore, were filled with lamentation, in aU streets, lanes,
market-places, and highways. Nothing was to be seen but
tears, with the accustomed flutes, and funeral dirge.1 In this
manner death waged a desolating war with these two weapons,
famine and pestilence, destroying whole families in a shorl
time, so that one now could see two or three dead bodies car
ried out at once. Such were the rewards of the pompous
1 It was customary among the heathens to attend their dead to the
£rave with music upon pipes, and singing of mournful songs : in this
perercony were employed women, called praeficse and fiticines.

a. i>. 306 — 337. J constantine and licinius. 373
boasting of Maximinus, and of his edicts throughout the cities
against us. Then, also, the evidences of the zeal and piety
of the Christians became manifest and obvious to all, for they
were the only ones in the midst of such distressing circum
stances, that exhibited sympathy and humanity in their con
duct. They continued the whole day, some in the care and
burial 2 of the dead, for numberless were they for whom there
was none to care ; others collecting the multitude of those
wasting by the famine throughout the city, distributed bread
among them all. So that the fact was cried abroad, and men
glorified the God of the Christians, constrained as they were
by the facts, to acknowledge that these were the only really
pious and the only real worshippers of God. Whilst these
things were thus doing, God, the great and celestial defender
of the Christians, who exhibited his indignation and anger
against men by these calamities, on account of the excesses
committed against us, restored the benign and smiUng bright
ness of his providence toward us, so that by a most wonderful
concurrence of events, the light of his peace again began to
shine upon us as from the midst of the densest darkness.
Showing plainly to all, that God himself has been the ruler
of our affairs at aU times ; who sometimes, indeed, chastens
and visits his people by various trials, from time to time, but
after he has sufficiently chastened, again exhibits his mercy
and kindness to those that trust in him.

CHAPTER IX.
THE DEATH OF THE TYRANTS, AND THEIR EXPRESSIONS BEFORE
THEIR END.
Constantine, whom we have already mentioned as an em
peror born of an emperor, the pious son of a most pious and
virtuous father, and Licinius next to him, were both in great
esteem for their moderation and piety. These two pious
rulers had been excited by God, the universal Sovereign,
against the two most profane tyrants, and engaging in battle,
2 By what is here related concerning tlie burial of the dead, we may
gather that the custom of burning deal bodies was at that time wholly
disused amongst the Romans.

374 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IX. O 9.
in an extraordinary manner Maxentius feU under Constantine.
But the other (Maximinus) did not long survive him, being
himself put to a most ignominious death, by Licinius, wha
had not yet at that time evinced his insanity. But Constan
tine, who was first both in dignity and imperial rank, first took
compassion upon those who were oppressed at Rome, invoking
the God of heaven, and his Son and Word, our Lord Jesus
Christ, the Saviour of aU, as his aid, advanced with his whole
army, purporting to restore the Romans to that liberty which
they had derived from their ancestors. Maxentius, however,
relying more upon the arts of jugghng than the affection of
his subjects, did not venture to advance beyond the gates of
the city, but fortified every place and region and city, with
vast numbers of soldiers and innumerable bands and garrisons
in all places of Rome and Italy that were enslaved by him.
But the emperor, (Constantine,) stimulated by the divine as
sistance, proceeded against the tyrant, and defeating him
without difficulty in the first, second, and third engagements,
he advanced through the greatest part of Italy, and came
almost to the very gates of Rome. Then, however, that he
might not be forced to wage war with the Romans for the sake
of the tyrant, God himself drew the tyrant, as if bound in
fetters, to a considerable distance from the gates ; and here he
confirmed those miraculous events performed of old against,
the wicked, and which have been discredited by so many, as
if belonging to fiction and fable, but which have been estab
lished in the sacred volume, as credible to the believer. He
confirmed them, I say, as true, by an immediate interposition
of his power, addressed alike I may say to the eyes of be-
Uevers and unbelievers. As, therefore, anciently in the days
of Moses, and the religious people of the Hebrews, the cha
riots of Pharaoh and his forces were cast into the Red Sea,
and his chosen triple ' combatants were overwhelmed in it ;
thus, also, Maxentius, and his combatants and guards about
him, sunk into the depths like a stone, when he fled before the
power of God that was with Constantine, and passed through
the river in his way, over which he had formed a bridge by
* This, passage is found in Exod. xv. 4. The Hebrew Vitas ^raw,
is rendered in our version, his chosen captains. It probably refers to three
combatants on one chariot. On the import of the word in the Hebrew,
md the Alexandrian version, see Biel, Drusius, Bochart, Gesenius.

a, u. 306 — 337.] constan/ine and licinius. 375
joining boats, and thus prepared the means of his own destruc
tion. Here, one might say, " he digged a pit and opened it,
and he feU into the ditch that he made. His mischief shall fall
upon his own head, and his iniquity descend upon his own
pate." Thus, then, the bridge of boats over the river being
broken, the crossing began to cease, and immediately the
vessels with the men sunk, and were destroyed, and the most
impious tyrant himself first of all, then the guards that he
had around him, just as the divine oracles declare, sunk like
lead in the swelling floods. So that justly might those who
obtained the victory from God, if not in word, at least in deeds
similar to those whom that great servant of God, Moses, led
on, sing and say the same that they sang against that impious
tyrant of old. "Let us sing unto the Lord, for he hath
triumphed gloriously. The horse and his rider he hath cast
into the sea : the Lord is my helper and defender, and he is
become my salvation. Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among
the gods ; who is like unto thee, glorious in holiness, fearful
in praises, doing wonders ? "
Such, and the like expressions, did Constantine sing to God,
the universal Sovereign and author of the victory by his deeds,
as he entered Rome in triumph. All the senate and others of
illustrious rank, together with their wives and infant children,
with the whole Roman people, received him as their deliverer,
their saviour, and benefactor, with cheerful countenances and
hearts, with blessings and unbounded joy. But he, according
to the piety deeply implanted in him, neither exulting in the
shouts that were raised, nor elated by the plaudits bestowed
upon him, weU neiseeiving the assistance which he had re
ceived from Goo, immediately commanded a trophy of the
Saviour's passion to be placed in the hand of his own statue.
And when they had erected his statue, thus holding the salu
tary sign of the cross in his right hand, in the most pubhc
place at Rome, he commanded the following inscription to be
written, in the Roman tongue, as foUows :
" By this salutary sign, the true ornament of bravery, I have
saved your city, liberated from the yoke of the tyrant. More
over, I have restored both the senate and the Roman people to
their ancient dignity and splendour." 2 After this, Constan-
2 In the Greek style of this inscription, we may see some traces of tho
Latin original.

376 ecclesiastical history. [b. ix. c. 9.
tine himself, and his imperial colleague, Licinius, who had
not then yet been perverted into that madness which he after
wards evinced, both celebrating and praising God, as the au
thor of all their successes, with one consent and resolve drew
up a full and most comprehensive decree respecting the Chris
tians ; and sent an account of the wonderful things done foi
them by God, the victory they had obtained over the tyrant,
and the law itself, to Maximinus, who was yet sovereign of
the east, and pretended friendship toward them. But he,
tyrant as he was, was greatly troubled at what he learned.
Then, in order not to seem disposed to yield to others, nor to
suppress what was commanded, for fear of those who had
commanded, as if he acted on his own authority, he of neces
sity addressed the following decree, first to the governors under
him, respecting the Christians, falsely and fictitiously alleging
against himself what had never been done by him.1
Copy of the translated epistle of the tyrant Maximinus.
" Jovius2 Maximinus Augustus, to Sabinus : I trust that
it is obvious to your gravity and to all men, that our sove
reigns and parents, Diocletian and Maximian, when they saw
almost all men abandoning the worship of the gods, and at
taching themselves to the people of the Christians, rightly
ordained that all men that swerved from the worship of the
same immortal gods should be reclaimed, by the infliction of
punishment and pain, to the worship of the gods. At the
time, however, when I first came to the east, under favour
able auspices, and ascertained that great numbers of men,
1 Our author here represents Maximinus guilty of the double incon
sistency of attempting to give a fair colouring to his proceedings against
the Christians, although his conduct and procedure had wanted even the
shadow of appearance, and in his very defence saying what was in fact
a reproach to himself.
2 Dio'cletian was the first that assumed to himself this surname, Jovius •
¦is his colleague Maximian did that of Herculius. Afterwards, when Con-
Mantius and Galerius were created Caesars, Galerius, by marrying Dio
cletian's daughter, and living with him in the east, came to be called
Caasar Jovius; and Constantius, by marrying Herculius's daughter-in-
law, and living wiih him in the western parts, was called Caesar Herculius.
Afterwards, when Galerius died, Maximin, who was by him created Caesar
assumed to himself the surname of Jovius, of which Eusebius here takei
notice. See the Chronicon Alexandrian. Vales.

A. o. 306 — 337.] constantine and licinius. 377
capable of rendering service to the renubUc, were banished by
the judges for the said reason, I issued orders to each of
the judges, that in future none of these should behave with
severity to the provincials, but rather reclaim them to the wor
ship of the gods by exhortation and flattery. Then, therefore,
whilst, agreeably to my orders, the injunctions were observed
by the judges, it happened that no one of the countries in the
east was either banished or insulted, but rather that they were
reclaimed to the worship of the gods, from the fact that no
thing severe was done against them. After this, however,
when a year had passed away, I arrived under fortunate cir
cumstances at Nicomedia, and made my stay there, and citi
zens of that place came to me with the statues of the gods,
greatly entreating me, that by all means this people should
not be suffered to dweU in their country.3 But when I ascer
tained that many men of the same religion dwelt in these
parts, I gave them this answer : That, indeed, I cheerfully
thanked them for this petition, but perceived this was not alike
requested by all. If, however, there were some that perse
vered in this superstition, that each one had the option to live
as he pleased ; even if they wished to adopt the worship of
the gods. Nevertheless, I deemed it necessary to give a friendly
answer both to the inhabitants of Nicomedia and the other cities,
which had so earnestly and zealously presented the same pe
tition, viz. that not one of the Christians should be permitted
to dwell in their cities, because this same course was observed
by all the ancient emperors, and was acceptable to the immor
tal gods, by whom all men and the whole administration of
the republic subsists, and also, that I would confirm this same
petition which they had presented for the worship of the im
mortal gods. Wherefore, although there have been, before
this, letters sent to your devotedness, and it has in like manner
been ordered that the rulers should attempt nothing harsh
against those provincials that are desirous of observing this
course, but that they should deal mildly and moderately with
them; nevertheless, that they may suffer neither blows nor in
juries from the beneficiaries4 or the other common soldiers, I
8 This is his account of what Eusebius had wittily called " sending an
embassy to himself."
4 The beneficiarii were soldiers, who were promoted by the tribunes,
»nd had certain privileges. The word, as it here occurs, forms a curious

378 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [B. LX. C. 9.
deemed it consistent to remind your gravity by these letters.
that you should cause our provincials to cultivate their regard
for the gods, rather by exhortations and mild measures.
Whence if any one should determine to adopt the worship of
the gods, of his own accord, it is proper that these should be
readily received. But if any wish to follow their own wor
ship, you may leave these to have their liberty. Wherefore,
it is incumbent on your devoted zeal to observe what is com
mitted to you, and that hberty be granted to no one to op
press our provincial subjects with violence and insult: where
as, as I wrote before, it is more becoming to reclaim our
provincials, by encouraging and inviting measures, to the
worship of the gods. But that this our wiU may come to the
knowledge of all our subjects, it is incumbent on you to com
municate the mandate by a proclamation1 issued by you."
When he had thus commanded these matters, he was neither
sincere nor credited by any, but was evidently forced by ne
cessity, and did not act according to his real sentiments, as
was obvious from his duplicity and perfidy, after the former
similar grant. No one therefore, of our brethren, ventured
to hold meetings, nor even to appear in public, because nei
ther was this the import of the writing, only enjoining to be
ware of harassing us ; but not commanding that we might hold
meetings, or build houses of worship, or perform any of those
things customary with us. And with all this, those advocates
of peace and piety Constantine and Licinius, had written to
him to permit this, and had granted it to all those under them
in their edicts and ordinances. But this most impious ruler
did not choose yielding to this course ; until, driven by the
justice of God, he was at last compeUed, though unwiUingly,
to adopt it.
illustration of the manner in which Greek words were formed from the
Latin, flevttpiKaXioi. The liquids I and rwere frequently interchanged.
1 It was usual that the praefects of the prsetorium should, immediately
upon receipt of the emperor's law, publish it to the subjects by their edict.
Sometimes they promulgated the emperor's law before their own edict;
sometimes they proclaimed their own edict, and only mentioned in it the
emperor's law. Thus did Sabinus, in the next chapter of thU ninth
book.

1. D. 306 — 337.] CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 379
CHAPTER X.
THE VICTORY OF THE PIOUS EMPERORS.
Such a cause and circumstances, indeed, beset him on all
sides. Unable as he was to sustain the magnitude of the
government so undeservedly conferred upon him, in conse
quence of his own incapacity and deficiency in the qualities
of a prudent and imperial mind, he administered his affairs
in a foolish and disreputable manner, and yet foolishly elated
in all, with a fulsome arrogance and haughtiness, even toward
those who participated in the government with him, and who
were his superiors both in birth and education, dignity and
inteUigence, and in that wisdom and that true piety which is
the crown of all, lie yet dared to boast and proclaim himself
the first of all in dignity and honours. Proceeding at length
to that degree of madness in his vanity and haughtiness, he
broke the league that he had made with Licinius, and under
took an execrable war. After this he soon threw all into
confusion ; alarming every city, and coUecting innumerable
armies, he went forth to give him battle, elated with his trust
in daemons, whom he supposed to be gods, and the vast mul
titudes of his soldiers. Thus engaging in battle, he was de
prived of the interposition and aid of God ; the victory being
decreed in favour of the emperor Licinius, by the one only
and Supreme God. And first, he lost the soldiery upon whom
he relied so much, and as the guards about him all abandoned
and left him destitute, and deserted to the emperor Licinius,
he secretly stripped himself as quickly as possible of the impe
rial robes, which indeed he had never deserved, in a cowardly,
abject, and effeminate manner, and mingled with the crowd.
Then he made his escape, lying concealed in the fields and
villages, and with aU this caution and vigilance for safety,
scarcely escaped the hands of the enemy. Thus showing in
facts the reahty and truth of the divine oracles, in which it is
said : "A king is not saved by the multitude of an host, nor
shall a giant in the greatness of his strength; a horse^is a
vain thing for safety, and in the greatness of his strength he
shall not be saved. Behold, the eyes of the Lord are upon
those that fear him, those that trust in his mercy, to rescue
their soul from death."

380 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IX. C. 10.
Thus the tyrant, loaded with disgrace, returned to his own
parts, and first, in the rage of his mind, he slew many priests
and prophets of those gods whom he admired, and by whose
oracles he had been induced to undertake the war ; these, I
say, he slew, as jugglers and impostors, and above all as the
betrayers of his own safety. Then, at length giving glory to
the God of the Christians, he immediately enacted a full and
final decree for their liberty. However, being seized with a
violent disease, he died very soon after it was issued. The law
enacted was as follows.
Copy of the tyrant's ordinance, in regard to the Christians,
translated from the Latin into the Greek.
" The Emperor Cassar Caius Valerius Maximinus, Ger
manious, Sarmaticus, Pius, Felix, Invictus, Augustus, — That
it behoves us by all means, and with constant endeavours, to
promote the good of our provincial subjects, and to wish to
bestow upon them such things as are best calculated to estab
lish the advantage of all, and whatever may contribute to
their common benefit and utility ; also, whatever is adapted
to the public advantage, and is agreeable to the views and
wishes of all ; of this no one can be ignorant ; and, moreover,
we beheve every one can refer to past events, and know and
convince himself of it. When, therefore, before this it was
obvious to our mind, that by reason of the law which was
enacted under our most sacred parents Diocletian and Maxi
mian, that the assembhes of the Christians should be abolish
ed, many oppressions and spoliations were made by those in
office, and that this evU advanced daily to a great height, to
the injury of those of our provincials for whom we are par
ticularly anxious to make the necessary provision ; as their
property and possessions were thus destroyed on this pretext,
letters were given to the respective rulers of the provinces
the past year, in which it was enacted, that if any one wished
to foUow this practice, or this observance of the same religion,
that he was at liberty to pursue this his purpose without hin
derance, and without obstruction or molestation from any one ;
and also, that they had full liberty to do, without fear or
suspicion, what each one preferred. But even now we could
not but perceive that some of our judges have mistaken our
injunctions, and caused our subjects to be in doubt as tc our

A.D. 306 — 337. J CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 381
ordinances, and have caused them to proceed with too great
reluctance to the performance of those religious observances
which they prefer. Now, therefore, that all suspicion of du
plicity and fear may be removed, we have decreed that this
ordinance should be published, that all may clearly understand,
whosoever wish to adopt this sect and worship are at liberty
to do so, by this privilege granted by us, so that as each one
wishes, or as may be agreeable to him, thus he may observe
that reUgion to which he has been accustomed. And, more
over, liberty is granted to build their churches. But that this
indulgence of ours may be the greater, we have also thought
proper to make further provision by law, that if any houses
and lands happened to be justly the property of Christians
before this, and, by order of our parents, have been transfer
red to the treasury, or have been confiscated by any city, or
at least have been seized and sold or bestowed as present tc
any one, aU these possessions we have ordered to be returned
again to the former possession and control of the Christians,
that all persons may also, in this respect, have knowledge of
our piety and foresight."
These are the declarations of the tyrant, that were issued
not quite a year after the ordinances against the Christians
had been published by him on brazen tablets, and by the same
man, to whom, but a little before, we appeared impious and
abandoned wretches, destructive of all society, so that we
were not allowed to dwell, indeed, in a city, or even the
country and the desert ; by this same one, ordinances and laws
were enacted in favour of the Christians. And they who a
Uttle before were destroyed by the tyrants with fire and sword,
the food of wild beasts and birds of prey in the very eyes of
the tyrant, and sustained every kind of punishment and torture,
and the most miserable death as infidels and profane persons,
these very same are now acknowledged by him as worshippers
having religion, and are allowed to rebuild their churches ;
moreover, the tyrant himself confesses and testifies that cer
tain rights belong to them. Having, therefore, made these
confessions, as if he had actually obtained some positive bene
fit, on this very account, he suffered less than was properly
his due, and being smitten with a sudden visitation of God,
he died in the second campaign of the war. But his end was
not hke that of generals and military commanders, who bravely

382 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. IX. C. 1 1 ,
and heroically expose their lives, and encounter a glorious
death for glory and their friends ; but as one hostile to God
and religion, whilst his army was drawn up for battle in the
field, he himself remained at home, concealing himself, and
received the punishment that he deserved, being smitten with
a sudden judgment of God over his whole body ; so that he
was harassed by dreadful pains and torments, and prostrated
on the ground, was wasted away by hunger, whilst his
whole flesh dissolved by an invisible fire and burning, sent
from God. So that this being wasted away, the whole aspect
of his former shape was destroyed, and there was only left of
him a kind of image, reduced by length of time to a skeleton
of dry bones. Indeed, all present could regard his body as
nothing but the tomb of his soul, buried in one that was aheady
dead, and completely dissolved. And as the heart began to
burn still more violently in the very recesses of his marrow,
his eyes burst forth,1 and falling from their sockets they left
him blind. After this he still continued to breathe, acknow
ledging many things to the Lord, and invoking death. At
length, however, after confessing that he justly suffered these
judgments for his wanton excesses against the Christians, he
breathed his last.

CHAPTER XI.
THE TOTAL DESTRUCTION OF THE ENEMIES OF RELIGION.
Thus, then, Maximinus being removed out of the way, who
had proved the worst of all the surviving enemies of religion.
by the goodness of God, the omnipotent Ruler, the renovatioD
of the churches was begun from the very foundations. But
the doctrine of Christ shining forth to the glory of the Supreme
God, enjoyed greater privUeges than before, whilst the im
pious and profane were covered with shame and irrecoverable
disgrace. First of all, Maximinus himself, being publicly
1 Chrysostom attests the same, in his Oration concerning Saint Babylas
against the Gentiles ; in these words, 'Qg tov pev Tag Kopag en £<3itoc
nuToparuig eKTTijSijcrai twv 6tp8aXiiu>v, Ma%ipTvog ovrog r\v rov di pa-
v'fvra. " The eye-balls of one of them leaped out of his eye-holes of their
own accord, while he was yet alive : the other ran mad."

A, D. 306  337.] CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 383
announced by the emperors as thi. public enemy, was con
firmed to be the most impious and detestable, as well as the
most hostile to the Deity, by his public edicts. And, what
soever paintings and representations have been placed in
honour of him or his children, in every city, some were forced
down from their elevation, and torn to pieces or broken, others
were destroyed by having their faces daubed with black paint.
Whatsoever statues, also, had been erected to his honour, were
likewise cast down and broken, lying exposed to the laughter
and jests of those that were disposed to insult and wantonly
abuse them. Then, also, aU the honours of the other enemies
of religion were removed. AU that favoured the party of
Maximinus were slain, especiaUy those that had been distin
guished by him with eminent offices, as rulers, for their flat
tery to him, in their insolent excesses against our faith. Of
this number was Peucetius, the most honoured, and revered,
and dearest of aU his favourites, who had been consul twice
and thrice, and had been appointed by him prime minister.
Culcianus, also, who had been promoted through every grade
of office, and who was also prominent for his many slaughters
of Christians in Egypt. There were also not a few others, by
whose agency especially, the tyranny of Maximinus had been
augmented and confirmed ; justice, also, summoned Theotec
nus, by no means overlooking the evils he had done against
the Christians. And whilst he now expected to enjoy him
self, after he had erected the statue at Antioch, and was now
promoted to the government of a province, Licinius came to
the city of Antioch, and making a search for all the impostors,
he put the prophets and priests of the newly wrought statue
to the torture, asking at the same time, how they came to
concoct such a delusion. And when unable by reason of the
tortures to conceal it any longer, they disclosed that the whole
secret was a device of Theotecnus. After punishing aU ac
cording to their deserts, he first condemned Theotecnus, and
after him all the partners of his impostures, to death, with the
greatest possible torments. To all these were superadded the
children of Maximinus, whom he had already made sharers
in the imperial dignity with his titles and statues. Also, the
relatives of the tyrants who before this were elated and boast
ing, and exercising their power over all men, had the same
punishments, together with the utter disgrace of the others,

384 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X. C. 1.
inflicted upon them. As they would neither receive instruc
tion nor understand the exhortation given in the Holy Scrip
tures : " Trust not in princes, in the children of men, in whom
there is no safety. For his breath goeth from him, and he
will return to his earth again. In that day all their thoughts
shall perish." Thus, then, the impious being cleared away,
the government was deservedly reserved secure, and without
a rival, for the only two, Constantine and Licinius. These,
after first removing the hostility to God out of the way, and
sensible of the great benefits conferred on them by his good
ness, exhibited both their love of virtue and God, as well as
their piety and gratitude to Him, by the laws they enacted in
favour of the Christians.

BOOK X.

CHAPTER I.
THE PEACE WHICH WAS GRANTED US BY DIVINE INTERPOSITION.
But thanks be to God, the omnipotent and universal Sove
reign, thanks also to the Saviour and Redeemer of our souls,
Jesus Christ, through whom we pray that peace will be pre
served to us at all times, firm and unshaken by any temporal
molestation from without, and troubles from the mind within
Attended with your prayers, 0 most holy Paulinus,1 whilst
we superadd this tenth book to the preceding ones of our ec
clesiastical history, we shall dedicate this to you, announcing
you as the seal of the whole work. Justly, indeed, shall we
here subjoin in a perfect number,2 a complete discourse and
1 Paulinus was bishop of Tyre, and Eusebius here dedicates the work
to him, as the one who suggested and urged him to undertake it.
2 The number ten is called perfect, because it is the limit ana close of
our system of numeration ; all the numbers beyond ten being only com
binations of this and the included digits. Shorting has overlooked the
stress which our author intended to lay en the expression. He has cou-

A.D. 306 337. J CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 385
panegyric on the renovation of the churches yielding to the
Spirit of God, inviting us in the foUowing manner : " Sing to
the Lord a new song, because he hath done wonderful works.
His right hand hath saved him, and his holy right arm. The
I<ord hath made known his salvation, his righteousness hath
he openly showed in the sight of the heathen." Thus, then,
as the Scriptures enjoin upon us to sing a new song, we shall
accordingly show that after those dreadful and gloomy spec
tacles and events, we have been privileged to see such things,
and to celebrate such things as many of the really pious and
martyrs of God before us ardently craved to see, and did not
see them, and to hear, and did not hear them. But they,
indeed, hastening on their course, obtained "what was far
better;" being transferred to the heavens themselves, and to
the paradise of celestial pleasures. But we freely acknow
ledging this state of things in our day as better than what we
could expect, have been beyond measure astonished at the
magnitude of the grace manifested by the author of our
mercies, and justly do we admire and adore him with all the
powers of our mind, and bear witness to the truth of those
declarations recorded, where it is said, " Come hither and
behold the works of God, the wonders that he hath done upon
the earth ; he removeth wars until the ends of the earth, he
breaketh the bow and snappeth the spear asunder, and burneth
the shields in fire." Rejoicing in these things fulfilled in our
day, we shall pursue the tenor of our history. All the race
of the enemies of God were destroyed in the manner we have
stated, and were thus suddenly swept away from the sight of
men, as the divine word again declares : " I saw the wicked
lifted up and exalted like the cedars of Lebanon, and I passed
by, and lo, he was not ; and I sought, and his place was not
found." And now a bright and splendid day, with no over
shadowing cloud, irradiated the churches in the whole world
with its celestial light ; neither was there any indisposition,
even on the part of those who were strangers to our faith, to
sidered it as a mere qualification of panegyric. It may be observed, this
book contains the celebrated panegyric delivered by Eusebius at the re
novation of the cathedral of Tyre. But the author seems to intend the
whole book as a eulogy upon the happy reverse of affairs, and therefore,
a happy close of the whole work. He now seems to lay aside the his
torian, and to swell into the amplifications of the orator.
[BIISEB1US.) 2 C

386 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. |_B. X. C. 2,
enjoy with as the same blessings, or of sharing at least in the
overflowings of these as they were provided from God

CHAPTER II.
THE RESTORATION OF THE CHURCHES.
All men, then, were liberated from the oppression of ca
tyrant, and those who had been delivered from the miseriei
previously existing, acknowledged, one in one way, and an
other in another, that the only true God was the protector
of the pious. To us especiaUy, all whose hopes are suspended
on the Christ of God, there was an incessant joy, and there
sprung up for all a certain celestial gladness, seeing every
place, which but a short time before had been desolated by
the impieties of the tyrants, reviving again, and recovering
as from a long and deadly distemper, temples again rising
from the soil to a lofty height, and receiving a splendour far
exceeding those that had been formerly destroyed. Moreover,
those who held the supreme power, confirmed the privileges
granted us by the divine beneficence to a still wider and
greater extent by their constant decrees in favour of the
Christians, and epistles of the emperor were issued, addressed
to the bishops, with honours' and superadded donations of
monies. Of which it may not be singular to insert extracts in
the proper place in this book, as in a certain sacred tablet, as we
have translated them from the Latin into the Greek language,
that they may remain recorded for those that come after us.

CHAPTER III.
THE DEDICATIONS OF THE CHURCHES IN ALL PLACES.
After this the sight was afforded us so eagerly desired and
prayed for by all, the festivals of dedications and consecrations
of the newly-erected houses of prayer throughout the cities.
After this the convention of bishops, the concourse of foreign
ers from abroad, the benevolence of people to people, tlie
unity of the members of Christ concurring in one harmonious

A. D. 306 — 337.] CONSTANTINE AND LICLNTOS. 38"
body. Then was it according to the prophetic declaration,
mystically indicating what would take place, "bone was
brought to bone, and joint to joint," and whatsoever other
matters the divine word faithfully intimated before. There
was, also, one energy of the divine Spirit pervading all the
members, and one soul among all, one and the same ardour of
faith, and one song of praise to the Deity. Yea, now indeed
Complete and perfect solemnities of the prelates and heads of
the church, sacred performances of sacred rites, and solemn
rituals of the church. Here you might hear the singing of
psalms and the other voices given us from God, there divine
ind sacred mysteries performed. The mystic symbols of our
Saviour's passion were celebrated, and at the same time every
sex of every age, male and female, with the whole power of
the mind, and with a mind and heart rejoicing in prayer and
thanksgiving, gave glory to God, the author of all good.
Every one of the prelates present, also, delivered panegyric
discourses, desirous of adding lustre to the assembly according
to the ability of each.

CHAPTER IV.
PANEGYRIC ON THE SPLENDOUR OF OUR AFFAIRS.
And a certain one1 of those of moderate capacity, who
had composed a discourse, advanced in the midst of the as
sembly, where many pastors were present, as in the congre
gations of churches, and whilst all attended in decency and
silence, he addressed himself as follows, to one who was the
best and most pious of bishops, and by whose zeal principaUy
the temple in Tyre, by far the most noble in Phoenicia,
was built.
' Eusebius here means himself, and addresses the bishop of the ehurct
of Tyre. We cannot conceive how translators could make our author
here speak of his merits, as Valesius and Shorting ; he modestly state:
merely his moderate qualifications, et rtav tiriewav.

"S8 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X.. C. i.
Panegyric on the building of the churches, addressed to
Paulinus, bishop of Tyre.
" Friends, and priest of God, and ye who are clad in the
sacred gown,1 adorned with the celestial crown of glory, the
inspired unction and the sacerdotal garment of the Holy
Spirit. And thou, 0 excellent ornament of this new and
holy temple of God, endowed by him with the wisdom of age,
and yet who hast exhibited the precious works and deeds of
youthful and vigorous virtue, to whom God himself, who com
prehends the universe, has granted the distinguished privilege
of rebuilding and renewing it to Christ, his first-begotten
and only-begotten Word, and to his holy and divine spouse ;
whether one might call thee a new Beseleel,2 the architect of
a divine tabernacle, or a Solomon, the king of a new and
better Jerusalem, or a new Zerubbabel, superadding a glory
to the temple of God, much greater than the former. You,
also, 0 nurslings of the flock of Christ, the habitation of ex
cellent discourses, school of modesty, and the devout and re
ligious auditory of piety. Long since, indeed, we were allowed
the privilege of raising hymns and songs of praise to God,
when we learned from hearing the sacred Scriptures read, the
wonderful deeds of God, and the benefits of the Lord con
ferred upon men, and which we were taught to repeat, ' 0
God, we have heard with our ears, our fathers have told us,
the work that thou didst in those days, in the days of old.
But now as we perceive the lofty arm and the celestial hand
of our aU-gracious and omnipotent God and King, not only
by the hearing and the report of words, but by deeds ; and,
as we may say, with our own eyes, as we contemplate those
faithful and true declarations recorded in times of old, we
may raise another song of triumph, and exclaim, and appro
priately say, ' As we have heard, so have we seen, in the city-
of the Lord of hosts, in the city of our God.' And in what
city but in this newly buht and framed by God ? ' which is
the church of the living God, the pillar and foundation of the
truth.' Concerning which another passage of the Holy Scrip
tures thus declares : ' Glotious things are spoken of thee, thou
1 The gown here mentioned, derived its name from its extending down
to the feet : iroSyptj.
* The name is written in our version, Bezalee}. Exod.

A. D. 306 — 337.J CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 389
city of God ; ' into which the all-gracious God having col
lected us by the grace of his only-begotten, let each one here
assembled only sing, cry aloud, and say, ' I was glad when
they said unto me, We will go into the house of the Lord ;'
and again, ' Lord, I have loved the beauty of thine house,
and the place where thine honour dwelleth.' And not only
individually, but aU together with one breath and one soul,
,et us with veneration exclaim, ' Great is the Lord, and
highly to be praised in the city of our God, even upon his
holy hill.' For he, indeed, is truly great, and great is his
habitation, sublime, and spacious, and comely in beauty be
yond the sons of men. ' Great is the Lord, who only doeth
wonderful things, and things past finding out, glorious and
stupendous things which cannot be numbered. Great is he
who changeth the seasons and times, who setteth up and de-
baseth kings, who raiseth the poor from the ground, and ex-
alteth the beggar from the dunghill. He hath thrust down
the mighty from their seats, and hath exalted the humble
from the earth. He hath fiUed the hungry with good things,
and hath broken in pieces the arms of the proud.' He has
confirmed the record of ancient events, not only to the faithful,
but to the unbelievers. ' He that worketh miracles, he that
doeth mighty deeds ; He, that Lord of the universe, the
Creator of the whole world, the omnipotent one and only
God.' In obedience to him we ' sing a new song, who alone
doeth wonderful things, because his mercy endureth for ever ;
that smiteth mighty kings and slayeth strong kings, because
his mercy endureth for ever ; for the Lord hath remembered
us in our humiliation, and hath delivered us from our enemies.
And may we never cease to celebrate the Father of all with
these praises. Him also we would extol, and bear his name
"onstantly upon our Ups, the second cause of our mercies, the
nstructor in divine knowledge, teacher of true reUgion, de-
troyer of the impious, slayer of tyrants, the reformer ot the
/vorld, and the Saviour of us when our condition was des
perate, our Lord Jesus. For he alone, as the only aU-gracious
Son of the all-gracious Father, according to the purpose of
his Father's benevolence, readily and freely assuming the na
ture of us who lay prostrate in the depths of destruction, like
an exeeUent physician, who, ' for the sake of saving those who
are labouring under disease, examines their sufferings, handles

39C ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X. C. 4.
their foul ulcers, and from others' miseries produces grief and
pains lo himself,' ' has saved us, not only struggling with
dreadful ulcers, and wounds already putrid, but even lying
among the dead, and rescued us to himself from the very jaws
of death. For none of those in heaven had such power a
command, as to promote the salvation of so many without
detriment. But he alone, after having reached the deplorabls
corruption of our race, he alone taking upon him our labours,
and bearing the punishment of our iniquities, recovering us,
not merely half dead, but altogether foetid and offensive, in
tombs and sepulchres, both of old and new, by his gracious
love saves us still beyond the hope and expectation of others,
and even of ourselves, and liberally imparts to us the abund
ance of his Father's blessings. He, the giver of life and of
light, our great Physician, King and Lord, the Christ of God,'
And then, indeed, when the whole human race once lay buried
in gloomy night and the depths of darkness, by the delusions
of execrable daemons, and the machinations and influences of
malignant spirits, as soon as he appeared, as the wax melts
under the rays of the sun, he dissolved the knotty and en
tangled bonds of our iniquities, by the rays of his light. But
when malignant envy and the mischievous spirit of iniquity,
almost bursting asunder at such a display of grace and bene
volence, was now arraying aU his deadly forces against us,
and like a dog in a fit of madness, first gnashing his teeth at
the stones cast at him, and pouring his rage kindled by his
assailants, against inanimate weapons, he levelled his savage
ferocity at the stones of the oratories and lifeless materials, to
produce, as he supposed, the desolation of the churches.
Afterwards, however, he issued dreadful hissings and serpent
like voices, sometimes by the threats of impious tyrants, some
times by the blasphemous ordinances of profane governors
and moreover, he himself, pouring forth death, and infecting
the souls captured by him with his pestilential and destructive
poison, almost destroyed them with the deadly sacrifices to
1 This is a quotation from some poet, and seems to belong to Sophocles
or iEschylus. The following verses are in the original ; but the poeia
from which they are taken is lost.
Tijc rdv KapvovTuiv e'ivexev tmrrfpiaz
'Opa Ta beiva. Sriyyavei S' arjdeiitv'
'AXXorpiag Te cv/i<j>opymv tdiaig
 Kap-jrovrai Xv7ra$.

B. C. 306  337. J CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 391
dead idols, and caused every sort of beast in the shape of man,
and every savage, to assault us. Then the Angel of the
mighty council, the great Captain and Les der of the armies
of God, after a sufficient exercise which the greatest of the
soldiers of his kingdom had exhibited in their patience and
perseverance, again suddenly appeared, and destroying what
was hostile, and annihilating his foes, so that they scarcely
appeared to have had a name. But those that were his
friends and of his household, he advanced not only to glory
with all men, but now also, with celestial powers, the sun,
the moon, and the stars, the whole heavens and the world.2
So that now, what never happened before, the supreme sove
reigns, sensible of the honour conferred upon them by him,
now spit upon the faces of idols, trample upon the unhallowed
rites of daemons, ridicule the ancient delusion of their ances
tors, and acknowledge only the one and true God, the com
mon benefactor of all and of themselves. They also confess
Christ the Son of God, as the universal King of all, and pro
claim him the Saviour in their edicts, inscribing his righteous
deeds and his victories over the impious with royal charac
ters, on indelible records, and in the midst of that city which
holds the sway over the earth. So that our Saviour Jesus
Christ, is the only one ever acknowledged, by the supreme
rulers of the eartb, not as a common king among men, but
worshipped as the true Son of God, and God himself.3 And
all this justly too. For who of kings at any time has ever
advanced to such a height of excellence, as to fill the ears and
the tongues of all men with his own name ? What king ever
ordained laws so pious and wise, and extended them so as to
be read by aU men from the ends of the earth to its remotest
borders ? Who has ever abrogated the fierce and barbarous
customs of fierce and barbarous nations, by his mild and most
beneficent laws? Who is there, when assailed by aU for
whole ages, that has ever exhibited a virtue far surpassing
2 These expressions, " celestial powers, sun, moon, and stars," may be
regarded as oriental hyperbole, for the " powers that be." What imme
diately follows, shows that Eusebius means the reigning emperors.
8 The original here is avro9eov, God himself, or very God; and we ought
to take special notice of this place, for it is the first in which Eusebius
calls Christ avToSrebg. This is, I think, sufficient to confute all the ca
lumnies which represent Eusebius as infected with Arianism. This wora
il in imitation of Plato's word, avroayaSbv, " in itself truly good." Vales.

392 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [_B. X. C. 4.
man, so as to rise and flourish again from day to day, through
out the whole world ? Who is there that has ever established a
nation never heard of before, not concealed in a corner of the
earth, but spread over every part of it under the sun ? Who
has so fortified his soldiers with the arms of piety, that their
souls, more firm than adamant, shine resplendent in the con
test against their antagonists ? What king ever prevailed t
such an extent, as to lead on his armies after death, rear tro
phies against his enemies, and fill every place and city and
region, whether Grecian or barbarian, with his royal palaces
and the consecrations of his sacred temples ? Witness the
splendid ornaments and donations of this very temple, which
themselves are noble and truly grand, worthy of admiration
and astonishment, and expressive symbols of our Saviour's
kingdom. Truly ' he hath spoken, and they were made ; he
hath commanded, and they were created.' For what was
there to resist the beck of the universal King, the universal
Prince, and God, the Word himself.1 It would require a
peculiar leisure to survey and explain each particular minute
ly ; and not only this, but to explain how great and powerful
the alacrity of those who have laboured in the work, has been
judged by him whom we celebrate, who looks into the temple
within our souls, and surveys the building of Uving and '
moving stones, happily and securely built upon the founda
tion of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being
the chief corner stone. Whom, indeed, not only those of
that ancient building no longer existing, have rejected ; but
also those of the building now existing, that vast multitude
of men, wretched architects of the wicked as they are.2 But
the Father having proved him now as weU as then, has estab
lished him as the Head of the corner of this our common
church. This, therefore, the living temple of the living
God, formed of yourselves, I say, is the greatest and the
truly divine sanctuary, whose inmost shrines, though invisi
ble to the multitude, are really holy, a holy of holies. Who,
when he has viewed it within, would venture to declare it?
But who could ever penetrate its saered enclosures, save
1 The expression here, is awrav 0£ou Xoyov.
2 Eusebius here alludes to the two dispensations, Jewish and Christian.
The former building had passed away ; the latter now existing, was still
rejected by the multitude of the heathen world.

A. D. 306 -337. J CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 393
only the great High Priest of all, who alone has the right and
power to search out the mysteries of every human and rational
soul ? Next to him, however, the second place 3 immediately
devolves on one alone of his equals, the presiding prelate and
leader of this host, who has been honoured by the first and
great High Priest himself with the second rank in this sanc
tuary, and has been appointed by him as his courtier and in
terpreter, and the shepherd of your spiritual (divine) flock,
obtaining this people of yours as his portion by the judgment
and allotment of the Father ; a new Aaron or another Mel-
chisedech assimilated to the Son of God, continuing and always
preserved by him in accordance with the common wishes and
prayers of you all. To him, therefore, alone, let it be granted,
if not in the first place, at least in the second, after the first and
supreme High Priest, to inspect and superintend the observ
ation and state of your inmost souls. As he by experience and
length of time has diligently examined each one, and by his zeal
and care has disposed all of you to cultivate the order and doc
trine of piety ; capable, also, as he is above all, to givereasons ad
equate to the works which he himself with the divine assistance
has framed. Our first and great High Priest, saith the Scrip
ture, ' whatsoever He seeth the Father doing, these things also
doeth the Son ; ' and whatsoever he 4 seeth Him doing, using
these things as archetypes and examples, their images and re
semblances, he has as far as possible expressed, after the most
perfect likeness in his own works. In no respect inferior to
that Beseleel, whom the Spirit of God himself filled with wis
dom, and understanding, and whatever other knowledge and
skill might be necessary for the building of that temple 5 ap-
3 A scholiast on this expression, makes the remark Kai rovro atrefieg.
Valesius videtur existimavisse scholiastem hie Eusebium quasi de Christo
loquentem intellexisse. Sed vir doctus hoc errare videtur. Scholiastes
Eusebium hie impietatis arguit quod, episcopo secundum gradum digni
tatis a Christo attribuere ausus est, et Valesius ipse dicit in loc. ; " faten-
dum est Eusebium nimis hie tribuisse Paulino, dum ei ra ica Sevrepaia,
tanquam jequali et college Christi adscribit ; dum Melchisedecum vocat."
Attamen si haec excusanda sint, eo nomine fortassis excusari possint, quod
Eusebius noster hie oratorem, (prope dixissen, poetam,) magis quam
theologum egisse, videtur. Quis nescit orientalium ingenii ardorem qui
Iffipe extra omnes rerum fines excurrit ?
? Be, refers to Paulinus, looking as it were to Christ.
• Our author calls the tabernacle here, by a metonymy, the temph.

394 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X. C. 4
pointed and selected as the builder of that edifice of a temple
of celestial types, a temple given in symbols and figures.
Thus, also, Yxp has framed and fashioned the whole Christ
complete, the word, the wisdom, the light, and bearing in his
own soul the image of the same, it is impossible to tell with
what joy and gladness, with what an abundant and liberal
mind, and with what emulation among all of you, and what
magnanimity among the contributors, ambitiously striving
that none should be behind him in executing the same pur
pose, he has framed and finished this magnificent and noble
temple of God, so similar in its character to the copy of that
better temple, the visible of the invisible. And what also
deserves first of all to be mentioned, he did not overlook this
place, which had been covered with filth and rubbish, by the
artifices of our enemies ; but could not think of giving way to
the wickedness of those who were the authors of it, though
he was at liberty to go to another place, there being in
numerable others in the city ; and thus to find a diminu
tion of his labour, and to be relieved from trouble. First, he
prepared himself for the work. Then, also, after strengthen
ing and animating the people, and forming all into one great
body, he performed this, the first of his labours.1 Thinking
that the church which had been most assailed by the enemy,
she that had first laboured in trials, and that had sustained
the same persecutions with us and before us — this church,
like a mother bereft of her children, should also enjoy with
us the mercies and privileges of the all-gracious Giver. For
when the great Shepherd had driven away the wild beasts,
the wolves, and every fierce and savage race, and, in the
language of Scripture, had broken the jaws of the lions,
lie again condescended to collect her children, and in the
most righteous manner he raised the fold of her flock, 'to
shame the enemy and the avenger :' and to present a refuta
tion against the impious audacity of those that were fighting
against God. And now these enemies of God are no more,
because they never were.2 For a short time, indeed, they
1 The original is aBXov ijyioviZeTo. a gladiatorial phrase applied to
combatants and wrestlers, and referring to the labours of Hercules, par
ticularly that of cleansing the Augean stable.
2 This expression seems to have been misapprehended by Valesius and
Shorting. It simply expresses the utter nothingness of the enemies of

1. D. 306 — 337-] CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 393
created alarm, whilst themselves were troubled ; then suffer
ing the severe punishment which they owed to divine justice,
they overturned themselves, and friends, and habitations te
the dust. So that it is confessed those declarations inscribed
ti old on the sacred tablets, are proved as true by facts, in
which the divine word, among others, also asserts the follow
ing concerning them : ' The ungodly have drawn out the sword,
they have bent the bow to cast down the poor and needy, and
to slay such as are of an upright walk. Their sword shall
pierce through their own heart, and their bows shall be
broken.' And again, ' Their memory is perished with a sound,
and their name hast thou blotted out for ever and ever. Be
cause when they were in miseries they cried, and there was
none to save, even to the Lord, and he heard them not. They
were bound 3 and fell, but we are raised and stand upright.'
"That, too, which was declared before, in the following
words, ' 0 Lord, thou shalt annihilate their image in thy city,'
is truly manifested to the eyes of all. But after waging a war
against God, like the giants, they terminated their lives in this
manner ; whilst she ' which was desolate and rejected of men,'
has received that consummation that we have seen, for her
patient endurance in God, so that the prophecy of Isaiah
seemed to utter these things ; ' Rejoice, thirsty desert, let the
desert exult and blossom as the lily, and the desert places shall
flourish and be glad. Be strengthened, ye languid hands, and
ye relaxed knees. Be consoled, ye weak-hearted, in your
minds, be strong and fear not. Behold, our God has repaid
judgment, and he wiU repay. He will come and save us. For
he says, water has burst forth in the desert, and a pool in a
thirsty land. And the dry land shall become a pool, and a
God. No expression could represent human weakness in a stronger light
when arrayed against Omnipotence. It is scarcely hyperbolical to say
such power never was. The compound word Sieopiaeig may mean either
hated of God, or God-haters, according as the accent is on the ultimate or
penultimate. Valesius reads with the accent on the last syllable, which
would justify his rendering invisi Deo. Besides, our author is fond of an
tithesis, particularly if aided by alliteration. He had called them $ttopa%oi,
now Seoaioeig. We have given the most comprehensive sense ; as men,
in the order of Providence, are always God-haters before they can be pro
nounced God-hated.
3 It will be recollected, we translate these passages from our author,
who quotes tae Septuagint. The Greek here means their feet were bound

396 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X. C. 4.
well of water shall be in the thirsty land.' These things, ut
tered in ancient oracles, have been recorded in the sacred
books. But now these things themselves are no longer ai
dressed to us in mere reports, but in facts.
" This desert, this dry and thirsty land ; this widow and
deserted one, whose gates they cut down with axes, as wood
in the forest, breaking them down with the axe and the
hatchet, whose books they destroyed, and whose divine sanc
tuary they burned with fire, whilst they profaned the habita
tion of bis name unto the ground, and all that passed by
plucked off her grapes, breaking down her hedges ; she, whom
the wild boar of the forest has rooted up, and the savage wild
beast has devoured, now, by the marvellous power of Christ,
as he himself would have it, has blossomed as the lily. But,
even then, she was chastened at his nod, as by a provident
father : ' For whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and
scourgeth every son whom he receiveth.' Then after being
chastened in measure, as far as was necessary, she was com
manded to rejoice anew ; and she now blossoms as the lily,
and exhales her divine odour among all men. For it is said,
' Water gushed forth in the desert, the fountain of divine re
generation of the salutary laver. And now she, which a little
before was desolate, is changed into pools, and a weU of hving
water has gushed out upon a thirsty land.' The arms formerly
languid have become truly strong, and these works are the
great and expressive displays of invigorated hands. Those
knees, also, that were formerly debilitated and relaxed, now
recovering their former firmness, are walking in a straight
course on their way, and hastening on to their proper fold of
the all-gracious pastor. And are there, also, some that were
alarmed and overawed by the threats of the tyrants, not even
these have been overlooked as incurable by the Saviour'a
word, but he, thoroughly healing likewise them, raises them
to receive consolation, as he says, ' Be ye comforted, ye de
jected in mind ; be strong, fear not.'
" This our new and exceUent Zerubbabel, then perceiving,
by the acute hearing of his mind, the sacred oracles declaring
that she who had been desolate for the sake of her God,
should now enjoy such things as these, after her severe cap
tivity, and the abomination of desolation, did not neglect this
dead carcass. First of all with prayers and supplications, he

A, D. S06  337.J CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 397
propitiated the Father with the common consent and concur
rence of you aU, and calling upon the only one who can raise
from the dead, as his aid and ally, he raised her, who had
faUen, after he had cleansed and healed her from her ills.
He cast around her, not the garment of old, but such as ho
had again learned from the sacred oracles, clearly declaring
And the glory of this latter house shall far exceed the
former.' Thus, then, embracing a much wider space, he
strengthened the outer enclosure with a wall to compass the
edifice, that it might be a most secure bulwark to the whole
work. Then raising a large and lofty vestibule, he extended
it towards the rays of the rising sun ; presenting even to those
standing without the sanctuary, a full view of those within,
all but turning the eyes of those who are strangers to the
faith, to contemplate its entrance ; so that no one can pass by,
without being struck in his mind at the recollection of the
former desolation, and the present wonderful transformation.
By this, indeed, he also hoped that the individual thus smitten
would be attracted by the very sight, and induced to enter.
And on entering within the gates, he has not permitted you
to enter immediately, with impure and unwashed feet, within
the sanctuary, but leaving an extensive space between the
temple (the nave) and the vestibule, he has decorated and
enclosed it with four inclined porticoes around, presenting a
quadrangular space, with pillars rising on every side. Be
tween these he carried round the frame latticed railing, rising
to a proportioned and suitable height, leaving, however, the
middle space open,1 so that the heavens can be seen, and pre
sent the splendid sky irradiated by the beams of the sun.
Here, too, he has placed the symbols of the sacred purifica
tions, by providing fountains built opposite the temple, (nave,)
which, by the abundant effusion of its waters, affords the
means of cleansing to those that proceed to the inner parts of
1 That middle space in the open air, which was encompassed with the
four cloisters, and was of the same figure with those which in the modem
monasteries are called Pratella. A cloister is nothing else but four covered
walks, within which is that vacancy in the open air, termed Pratellum.
In some monasteries, this vacancy in the open air is fenced in with rails,
in the same manner as Eusebius says the atrium (the court or yard) wan
wherein the church of Tyre stood. This vacant place is in Latin properly
termed Atrium. Vales.

398 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X. C. 4.
the sanctuary. And this is the first place that receives those
that enter, and which at the same time presents to those that
need the first introduction, both a splendid and a convenient
station. .After passing also this sight, he has made open en
trances to the temple, with many other inner vestibules, by
placing again three gates on one side towards the rising sun.
Of these he constructed the middle one, far exceeding those
on each side in height and breadth, embellishing it at the samf
time with exceedingly splendid brazen plates bound with iron,
and decorated with various sculpture, superadding them as
guards and attendants to a queen. In the same way, after
disposing the number of the vestibules, also, with the porti
coes on each side of the whole temple, he constructed above
these, different openings to the building for the purpose of
admitting more light, and these lights or windows he also
decorated with various kinds of ornamental sculpture. But
the royal temple itself he has furnished with more splendid
and rich materials, applying a generous liberality in his ex
penses. And here, it appears to me to be superfluous to
describe the dimensions, the length and the breadth of the
edifice, the splendid elegance, the grandeur that surpasses de
scription, and the dazzling aspect of works, glittering in the
face of the speaker, the heights rising to the heavens, and the
costly cedars of Lebanon resting on these, which have not
been overlooked by the divine oracles themselves, when they
say, ' The forests of the Lord shall rejoice, and the cedars of
Lebanon which he planted.' Why should I now detail
minutely the skilful architectural arrangement, and the ex
ceeding beauty of each of the parts, when the testimony of
the eye precludes the instruction through the ear.
"For when he had thus completed the temple, he als.
adorned it with lofty thrones, in honour of those who preside
and also with seats decently arranged in order throughout the
whole, and at last placed the holy altar in the middle. And
that this again might be inaccessible to the multitude, he en
closed it with frame lattice work, accurately wrought with
ingenious sculpture, presenting an admirable sight to the be
holders. And not even the pavement was neglected by him,
for this, too, he splendidly adorned with marble, and then
proceeded to the rest, and to the parts out of the temple. He

A,D. 306 — 337.J CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 399
provided spacious exhedrse and oeci ¦ on each side, united and
attached to the cathedral, (palace,) and communicating with
the entrances to the middle of the temple. Which buildings
were erected by this our most peaceful Solomon,2 the founder
of the temple, for those who require yet the purification and
the sprinklings of water and the Holy Spirit. So that the
prophecy repeated above seems to consist no longer in words,
but in facts and deeds : ' For the glory of this latter house is
truly far beyond the former.'
"For it was just and consistent, that as her (the church)
Pastor and Lord had once submitted to death on her account,
and after his suffering had changed that vile body, which he
assumed for her sake, into a splendid and glorious body, and
had conducted the flesh that had been dissolved from corrup
tion into incorruption, that she should likewise enjoy these
dispensations 3 of our Saviour ; because, having received a
promise of far better things from him, the far greater glory
of a regeneration, in the resurrection of an incorruptible body,
with the choir of the angels of light, in the very celestial pa
lace of God ; above all these, she desires also to obtain them
with Christ Jesus himself, her all-gracious Benefactor and Sa
viour hereafter for ever. In the mean time, however, in the
present world, she that was formerly a widow and desolate,
and now decorated with the flowers of divine grace, has truly
become as the lily, as the prophecy declares, and receiving the
bridal garment, and covered with the crown of glory, as she
is taught to exult and dance by the prophet Isaiah, proclaims
her gratitude in joyous language to God her King. Let us
1 The exhedrse and oeci were vestry-rooms on each side of the cathedral,
and connected with it. On each side of the edifice there was a long pas
sage to the body or nave of the building, and these exhedrae and oeci were
in the same right line, and communicated with them by doors. They were
also baptisteries, consistories, and, in general, places intended for the va
rious subordinate purposes of the church. See Valesius's note on book
iii. De Vit. Const, chap. 1. Also, Bingham's Orig.
8 Eusebius takes occasion to compliment the bishop on his resemblance
to the royal founder of the Jewish temple, in the similar capacity which
he had here sustained. In this resemblance, he also alludes to the signi
fication of Solomon's name, peaceful.
' The word oiKovojua, here occurring, is used by our author in the
comprehensive sense, for whatever our Saviour did for our salvation.
Here it is evidently applied not only to the death but the resurre* tion of
our Lord.

400 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X. C. 4.
hear her own words: ' I will greatly rejoice in the Lord, my
soul shall be joyful in my God, for he hath clothed me with
the garment of salvation, he hath covered me with the robe of
righteousness, as a bridegroom bedecketh himself with orna
ments, and as a bride adorneth herself with jewels. For as
the earth bringeth forth her bud, and as the garden causeth
the things sown in it to spring forth, so the Lord God will
cause righteousness and praise to spring forth before all the
nations.' Thus, singing, she exults and dances.
" In the same words, also, that celestial spouse and word,
Jesus Christ, himself answers her; Hear the Lord, saying,
'Fear not because thou wast abased, neither be thou con
founded, that thou wast put to shame. For thou shalt forget
thy past shame of old, and shalt not remember the shame of
thy widowhood any more. The Lord hath not called thee as
a woman deserted and dejected, neither as a woman hated
from her youth, saith thy God. For a small moment have I
forsaken thee, but with great mercy will I gather thee. In a
little wrath I hid my face from thee for a moment, but with
everlasting kindness will I have mercy on thee, saith the Lord
thy Redeemer.' ' Awake, awake, thou that hast drunk at the
hand of the Lord the cup of his fury, thou hast drunk the
dregs and exhausted them. There was none to console thee
of all the sons that thou didst bring forth, neither was there
any to take thee by the hand. Behold, I have taken out of
thine hand the cup of stumbling, the cup of my fury, and thou
shalt no more drink it again. But I will put it into the hand
of them that afflict thee, and that have humbled thee.'
' Awake, awake, put on thy strength, put on thy glory, shake
off the dust, and arise and sit down, loose thyself from the
bands of thy neck. Lift up thine eyes round about thee, and
behold thy children are gathered together. Behold, they are
gathered together and come to thee. As I live, saith the
Lord, thou shalt clothe thyself with them all as with an orna
ment, and thou shalt bind them on thee as ornaments on a
bride. For thy waste and desolate places, and the land of
thy destruction, shall now be too narrow by reason of the in
habitants, and they that would swallow thee up shall be far
away. The children which thou hast lost shall say in thine
ears, The place is narrow for me ; give place to me, that 1
may dweU. Then shalt thou say in thine heart, Who hath

A. D. 306 — 337.] CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 401
begotten me these ? seeing I have lost my children and am a
widow ? And who hath brought up these ? Behold, I wag
left alone. But these, where had they been ?'
" Such were the oracles uttered before by Isaiah. These
were the declarations respecting us anciently, recorded in the
Holy Scriptures. It was just, therefore, that we should at
some time receive their truth in the facts themselves. Since
then the Spouse and Word addressed such language as this to
the holy church before ; justly, therefore, has this our bride-
man (bride-dresser ' ) raised her, lying desolate and as a dead
carcass, hopeless in the sight of men, and with the common
prayers of you all, stretched out his hands, raised her up, and
at the command of God, the sovereign King, and in the mani
festation of the powers of Christ Jesus, caused her to stand
upright. And when thus raised, he so ordered and established
her, as he had learned from the description given by the sa
cred oracles. Wonderful and mighty, therefore, and. beyond
all admiration is this work, especially to those who attend
only to the external appearance. But more wonderful than
wonders are those archetypes, the mental prototypes and
divine exemplars, the renewals of the divine and spiritual
buildings in our souls, which he, the Son of God himself,
framed and fashioned according to his own image, and to
which every where and in all respects he imparted the like
ness of God. An incorruptible nature, incorporeal, reason
able, separate from all earthly mixture and matter, an intel
ligent existence. And having once created her2 and brought
her into being from that which was not, he also wrought her
into a holy spouse, a completely sacred and holy temple, for
himself and the Father. Which, indeed, himself plainly de
clares and professes in the following words : ' I will dwell in
them and walk in them, and will be their God, and they shall
be my people.' And such, indeed, is the perfect and purified
mind, having been made such from the beginning, as to bear
the image of the celestial Word. By the envy and jealousy
of the malignant dasmon, however, she began to be fond of
pleasures and fond of evil, by her own voluntary choice, and
1 wpQooToXog, here applied to Paulinus.
* Our author means the spiritual church of which he had just spoken,
nsing a personification in the pronoun " her," as common with the Chris
tian Fathers as it is with us.
[BCBEBlUf.,] * c

402 ECCLESIASTIC AI HISTORY. [b. X. C. 4.
then the Divinity retiring from her, as one destitute of her
protector, she became an easy captive and easily exposed to
the insidious plots of those who had long envied her felicity.
And thus assailed by the batteries and machines of her in
visible and spiritual enemies, she fell a hideous carcass. So
that there was not one stone of her virtue remained standing,
and she lay completely and entirely dead upon the earth, to
tally stripped and destitute of her usual and natural ideas of
God. But as she thus lay fallen and prostrate, she that had
been made after the image of God, it was not that wild boar
of the forest that we see, but some destructive dasmon and
spiritual wild beasts that laid her waste. These, inflaming
her with passions, as with the burning darts of their own
iniquity, set fire to the really divine sanctuary of God," and
profaned the tabernacle of his name to the ground. Then
burying the unhappy one with heaps of earth, they totally
destroyed every hope of her deliverance. But the divine and
saving Word, who careth for her, after she had endured the
deserved punishment of her sins, again recovered and restored
her to the full confidence of the all-gracious mercy of the
Father. First, then, she gained the favour of the supreme
imperial rulers themselves, and with the whole world, was
delivered from the impious tyrants, those destructive and tre
mendous enemies of all, by the intervention of those most
excellent and divinely-favoured princes. Then, also, the men
who were his (Christ's) familiar friends, those formerly conse-
secrated to him for life, and who, concealed as in a storni of
afflictions, had nevertheless been secretly protected by their
God ; these were led forth by him to the light, and honoured,
deservedly, by the munificence of his Spirit. Again, then, by
means of these, he cleansed and removed the filth of the souls
who a little before had been polluted, and with the spades
and mattocks, the reproving doctrines of the divine word, he
removed all the accumulated matter of impious commands.1
And thus when he had made the ground of your mind clear
and bright, then he committed it for the future to this2 most
wise and divinely-favoured guide. He, as in other respects,
endowed with singular judgment and prudence, well capable
of discriminating and discerning the minds of those committed
1 Alluding to the measures pursued by Maximinus and his governore.
1 Paulinus, the bishop.

A. O. 306  337.] CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 403
to his charge, from the first day that he began to build, as 1
may say, has not ceased to the present. In one place he ap
plied the splendid gold, in another, the refined and pure sil
ver, and the valuable and precious stones 3 among all, so that
a sacred and mystic prophecy is again fulfilled by facts dis
played in you, when it is said, ' Behold, I wiU lay thy stones
with fair carbuncles, and lay thy foundations with sapphires,
and thy bulwarks of jasper stone, and thy gates with crystal,
and thy walls with chosen stones, and all thy children shall be
taught of the Lord, and great shall be the peace of thy chil
dren, and thou shalt be built in righteousness.'
"Building, therefore, in righteousness, he divided the
strength and means of the whole people, according to a due
estimate. With some,4 indeed, he surrounded only the ex
terior enclosure, walling it up with an unwavering faith. For
such is the great multitude and mass of the people, that they
are incapable of bearing any superior structure. But allow
ing others 5 the entrance into the edifice, he directs them to
stand at the doors, and to conduct those that are entering, who
not improperly are compared to the vestibules of the temple.
Others, however, he has supported by the first pillars which
are placed without, around the quadrangular hall, by initiating
them in the first elements of the literal sense of the four Gos
pels. Then he also stations around, on both sides of the royal
temple, those who are yet catechumens,6 and that are yet
making progress and improvement, though not very far se
parated from the inmost view of divine things, enjoyed by the
faithful. Receiving from among these the souls that are
cleansed like gold, by the divine washing, he likewise supports
and strengthens these, with columns far better than those ex-
3 An allusion to 1 Cor. iii. 12, in which our author plainly understands
by the gold, silver, precious stones, &c, the different members, as the
I materials that constituted the moral and spiritual structure.
4 Eusebius now gives an allegorical description of the spiritual temple
at Tyre, in which he also gives the different grades of religious attainment.
, 5 By these are meant the sub-deacons, whose office was to conduct all
that entered to their proper places, the catechumens, penitents, into the
narthex or hall, the faithful, &c. into the nave.
• Eusebius here gives the different classes, into which the people were
livided previous to a full admission. The first, the indiscriminate mul
titude, compared to the outer wall ; the second, the catechumens, or those
who by a course of instruction were preparing ; and finally, those that
were called the competentes, or the candidates for baptism.
2 D 2

404 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [b. X. C. 4
ternal ones, viz. by the inner mysteries and hidden doctrines
of the Scriptures. He also illuminates them by the openings,
to admit the light, adorning the whole temple with one grand
vestibule of adoration to the one only God, the universal So
vereign. Exhibiting, however, as the second splendour, the
light of Christ, and the Holy Spirit on each side of the Fa
ther's authority,1 and displaying in the rest, throughout the
whole of the building, the abundance and the exceeding grea
excellence of the clearness and the brilliancy of truth in every
part. Having also selected every where, and from every
quarter, the living, and moving, and well-prepared stones of
the mind, he has built a grand and truly royal edifice of all,
splendid and filled with light within and without. For it is
resplendent not only in soul and mind, but the body also is
brilliant with the blooming ornaments of chastity and modesty.
But in this temple there are also thrones, many seats also, and
benches, in all the souls in which the gifts of the Holy Spirit
reside, such as anciently were seen in the holy apostles and
their followers, to whom cloven tongues, as of fire, appeared,
and sat upon each one of them. But in the chief of all, Christ
himself perhaps resides in his fulness. In those that rank
next to him, each one shares proportionately in the distribu
tion of the power of Christ, and of the Holy Spirit. There may
also be seats for angels in the souls of some who are com
mitted to the instruction and care of each. Noble and grand
also, and unique is the altar, such as should be at least that
sincerity, and Holy of Holies, of the mind and spirit of the
1 That the learned reader may have a comment on these words, we here
transcribe the words of a. scholiast, found in the Mazarine manuscript,
used by Valesius, and appended to the passage : Ai/8pw?rE, ri cm tu>v pa-
v-pwv rovrtiiv Kat navriyvpiKav Xoyojv bfpeXog ; i) ti Kepdog txoi tov iravrog
rovbe tyiXoirovtiparog Kai avvrayparog, ov\ bportjiov wc opw tov v'iov rqi
irarpi, ovre pr\v to nvevpa to dyiov cvveiaayovri. Those that wish to
read the passage will find it quoted at length by Valesius, in loc. This,
however, is not the only passage where the scholiasts have given utterance
io what they no doubt conceived to be a just indignation. Sic non veriti
sunt Eusebium nostrum, impium, blasphemum, atheum, scholiis suis no-
minare ; omuiaque epitheta, quae ipse in tyrannos conjicere solebat, scho
liasts iterum in ipsum quasi hostem religionis conjecerunt. Sed pacu
illorum qui aliler sentiunt, hee locutiones Eusebianse proculdubio, secun
dum quid vel Kara n, ut. dicitur in scholis, intelligenda; sunt. Quis nescit,
Dominum et Servatorem nostrum Kara ti seipsum, Patre mi?ioi'em, e*
Kara rt, iterum seipsum et Patrem unum dicit. Et si locutiones hijusce1
modi, blasphemiam vel heterodoxiam sapiunt, quis sapit

A D. 306  337.1 CONSTANTINE AND LICINIUS. 405
priest of the whole congregation. That great High Priest of
the universe, Jesus, the only-begotten Son of God, himself
standing at his right, receives the sweet incense from all, and
the bloodless and immaterial sacrifices of prayer, with a bright
and benign eye ; and, with extended hands, bears them to the
Father of heaven and God over all. He himself, first adoring
him, and the only one that gives to the Father the worship
that is his due, and 'then interceding with Him for us, that he
may always continue propitious and favourable to us all.
" Such is the character of this great temple, which the
great creative Word hath established throughout the whole
world, constituting this again a kind of intellectual image on
earth of those things beyond the vault of heaven. So that
in all his creation, and through all his intelligent creatures on
earth, the Father should be honoured and adored.2 But those
regions3 beyond the heavens, are also displays of what are
here, and that Jerusalem above, and that heavenly Sion, and
that city of the living God beyond our earth, in which are
the innumerable choirs of angels and the assembly of the
first-born written in heaven, extol their Maker and the uni
versal Sovereign of all, with praises and hymns inexpressible.
These surpass our comprehension, neither would any mortal
tongue be adequate to declare that glory. ' For eye hath not
seen, and ear hath not heard, neither hath it entered into the
heart of man to conceive those things which God hath pre
pared for those that love him.' Of which things as we are
already made partakers in part, let us never cease, men, wo
men, and children, small and great, all collectively at once,
and with one breath, and one mind, to proclaim and to cele
brate the author of such great mercies to us. ' Who forgiveth
(U our sins, and healeth all our infirmities ; who redeemeth
Jjur life from destruction, and crowneth us with loving -kind-
less; who filleth our soul with good things. For he hath
2 The Greek reads thus : b llarrip avra (Xoym) tiiiwto re Kai tyijioire
Valesius vertit " Pater ipsius," quasi avTia pro avrov, sed potius videtur
indicare agentem. Versione nostra hie non redditur, quia lector communis
titubet, nee versione Valesii assentire possumus. Qui nexum sententiarum
penitus inspexerit facile videbit Eusebium, hie filium Dei quasi curatorera
idorationis Patris innuere.
3 Our orator, now drawing to a close, winds up his survey of the tem
ple on earth, by an apostrophe to the transcendent glory of the church
triumphant.

406 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. | B. X. C. 5.
not dealt with us according to our sins, nor rewarded us ac
cording to our iniquities. For as far as the east is from the
west, so far hath he removed our iniquities from us. As a
father pitieth his children, so the Lord pitieth them that fear
him.' Rekindling such views now, and for aU future times,
in our minds, and beside the present festivity, and this illus
trious and most glorious day, contemplating God as its author
and the universal author of aU festivity,' night and day, in
every hour and with every breath that we draw, let us love
and adore Him with all the powers of the soul. And now
rising, with the most earnest expression of our love and de
votion, let us beseech Him, that he would continue to shelter
and save us as those of his flock until the end, and grant us
his peace for ever, inviolate and immovable, in Jesus Christ
our Saviour, through whom the glory be to Him through aU
ages. Amen."

CHAPTER V.
COPIES OF THE IMPERIAL DECREES.
Now let us, also, subjoin translations from the Latin, of
the imperial ordinances of Constantine and Licinius.
Copy of the imperial ordinances, translated from the Latin
language.
" As we long since perceived that religious liberty should
not be denied, but that it should be granted to the opinion
and wishes of each one to perform divine duties according to
his own determination, we had given orders, that each one
and the Christians among the rest, have the liberty to observe
the religion of his choice, and his peculiar mode of worship
But as there plainly appeared to be many and different sect!
added in that edict,1 in which this privilege was granted
1 The edict here mentioned is lost, and the reference is, therefore,
subject to some obscurity. The Latin original, however, of this one is
preserved by Lactantius, in his book " De Mortibus Persecutorum," be
ginning at the words, " Wherefore, as I, Constantine." Valesius here, as
well as in the other edicts, has no reference to Lactantius. The Greek

k. r>. 306 — 337."] constantine and licinius. 407
them, some of them perhaps, after a Uttle while, on this ac
count shrunk from this kind of attention and observance.
Wherefore, as I, Constantine Augustus, and I, Licinius Au
gustus, came under favourable auspices to Milan, and took
under consideration all affairs that pertained to the public be
nefit and welfare, these things among the rest appeared to us
to be most advantageous and profitable to all. We have re
solved among the first things to ordain, those matters by
which reverence and worship to the Deity might be exhibit
ed. That is, how we may grant likewise to the Christians, and
to all, the free choice to follow that mode of worship which
they may wish. That whatsoever divinity and celestial power
may exist, may be propitious to us and to all that live under
our government. Therefore, we have decreed the following
ordinance, as our will, with a salutary and most correct inten
tion, that no freedom at all shall be refused to Christians, to
follow or to keep their observances or worship. But that to
each one power be granted to devote his mind to that worship
which he may think adapted to himself. That the Deity may
in all things exhibit to us his accustomed favour and kind
ness. It was just and consistent that we should write that
this was our pleasure. That all exceptions respecting the
Christians being completely removed, which were contained
in the former epistle, that we sent to your fidelity, and what
ever measures were wholly sinister and foreign to our mild
ness, that these should be altogether annuUed ; and now that
each one of the Christians may freely and without molestation
pursue and foUow that course and worship which he has pro
posed to himself: which, indeed, we have resolved to com
municate most fully to your care and diligence, that you may
know we have granted liberty and full freedom to the Chris
tians, to observe their own mode of worship ; which as your
fidelity understands absolutely granted to them by us, the pri
vilege is also granted to others to pursue that worship and re
ligion they wish. Which it is obvious is consistent with the
peace and tranquiUity of our times ; that each may have the
privilege to select and to worship whatsoever divinity he
pleases. But this has been done by us, that we might not
trinslation is in the mam so faithful as to transfer the Latinity; the text,
however, still preserved in Lactantius, differs in some places from that
whieh Eusebius appears to have had.

408 ecclesiastical history. [b. x. c, 5.
appear in any manner to detract any thing from any manner
of religion, or any mode of worship. And this we further
decree, with respect to the Christians, that the places in
which they were formerly accustomed to assemble, concerning
which also we formerly wrote to your fidelity, in a different
form, that if any persons have purchased these, either from
our treasury, or from any other one, these shall restore them
to the Christians, without money and without demanding any
price, without any superadded value, or augmentation, with
out delay, or hesitancy. And if any have happened to receive
these places as presents, that they shall restore them as soon as
possible to the Christians, so that if either those that pur
chased or those that received them as presents, have any thing
to request of our munificence, they may go to the provincial
governor, as the judge; that provision may also be made for
them by our clemency. All which, it will be necessary to be
delivered up to the body of Christians, by your care, without
any delay. And since the Christians themselves are known
to have had not only those places where they were accustom
ed to meet, but other places also, belonging n^t to individuals
among them, but to the right of the whole body of Christians,
you will also command all these, by virtue of the law before
mentioned, without any hesitancy, to be restored to these same
Christians, that is, to their body, and to each conventicle re
spectively. The aforesaid consideration, to wit, being ob
served ; namely, that they who as we have said restore them
without valuation and price, may expect their indemnity from
our munificence and liberality. In all which it wiU be in
cumbent on you, to exhibit your exertions as much as possi
ble to the aforesaid body of Christians, that our orders may
be most speedily accomplished, that likewise in this provision
may be made by our clemency, for the preservation of the
common and public tranquillity. For by these means, as be
fore said, the divine favour with regard to us, which we have
already experienced in many affairs, wiU continue firm and
permanent at all times. But that the purpose of this our or
dinance and liberality may be extended to the knowledge of
all, it is expected that these things written by us, should be
proposed and published to the knowledge of aU. That thia
act of our liberality and kindness may remain unknown tc
none."

A. o. 30fi — 337.] constantine and licinius. -*09
Copy of another Ordinance which was issued by the Empe
rors, indicating that the benefit was conferred solely on the
catholic (universal) church.
" Hail, our most esteemed Anulinus. This is the course
of our benevolence ; that we wish those things that belong
justly to others, should not only remain unmolested, but should
also, when necessary, be restored, most esteemed Anulinus.
Whence it is our will, that when thou shalt receive this
epistle, if any of those things belonging to the catholic
church of the Christians in the several cities or other places,
are now possessed either by the decurions, or any others, these
thou shalt cause immediately to be restored to their churches.
Since we have previously determined, that whatsoever these
same churches before possessed, shall be restored to their
right. When, therefore, your fidelity has understood this
decree of our orders to be most evident and plain, make all
haste to restore, as soon as possible, aU that belongs to the
churches, whether gardens or houses, or any thing else, that
we may learn thou hast attended to, and most carefully
observed, this our decree. FareweU, most esteemed and
beloved Anulinus."
Copy of the Emperor's Epistle, in which he ordains a council
of bishops to be held at Rome, for the unity and peace of
the church.
" Constantine Augustus, to Miltiades, bishop of Rome,
and to Marcus. As many communications of this kind have
been sent to me from Anulinus, the most illustrious proconsul
of Africa, in which it is contained that Caecilianus, the bishop
of Carthage, was accused, in many respects, by his colleagues
in Africa ; and as this appears to be grievous, that in those
provinces which divine Providence has freely intrusted to my
fidelity, and in which there is a vast population, the multitude
are found inclining to deteriorate, and in a manner divided
into two parties, and among others, that the bishops were at
variance ; I have resolved that the same CiBcilianus, together
with ten bishops, who appear to accuse him, and ten others,
whom he himself may consider necessary for his cause, shall
sail to Rome. That you, being present there, as also Reticius,

410 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. [ B. X C. 5.
Maternus, and Marinus, your colleagues, whom I have com
manded to hasten to Rome for this purpose, may be heard, as
you may understand most consistent with the most sacred
law. And, indeed, that you may have the most perfect know
ledge of these matters, I have subjoined to my own epistle
copies of the writings sent to me by Anulinus, and sent them
to your aforesaid colleagues. In which your gravity will read
and consider in what way the aforesaid cause may be most
accurately investigated and justly decided. Since it neither
escapes your diligence, that I show such regard for the holy
catholic church, that I wish you, upon the whole, to leave no
room for schism or division. May the power of the great
God preserve you many years, most esteemed."
Copy of the Epistle in which the Emperor commanded another
council to be held, for the purpose of removing all the dis
sensions of the bishops.
" Constantine Augustus, to Chrestus, bishop of Syracuse.
As there were some already before who perversely and wick
edly began to waver in the holy religion and celestial virtue,
and to abandon the doctrine of the catholic (universal) church,
desirous, therefore, of preventing such disputes among them,
I had thus written, that this subject, which appeared to be
agitated among them, might be rectified, by delegating certain
bishops from Gaul, and summoning others of the opposite
parties from Africa, who are pertinaciously and incessantly
contending with one another, that by a careful examination
of the matter in their presence, it might thus be decided. But
since, as it happens, some, forgetful of their own salvation,
and the reverence due to our most holy religion, even now
do not cease to protract their own enmity, being unwilling to
conform to the decision already promulgated, and asserting
that they were very few that advanced their sentiments and
opinions, or else that all points which ought to have been first
fully discussed not being first examined, they proceeded with
too much haste and precipitancy to give publicity to the de
cision. Hence it has happened, that those very persons who
ought to exhibit a brotherly and peaceful unanimity, rather
disgracefully and detestably are at variance with one another,
and thus give this occasion of derision to those that are with-

A d. 306 — 337.] constantine and licinius. 411
out, and whose minds are averse to our most holy religion.
Hence it has appeared necessary to me to provide that this
matter, which ought to have ceased after the decision was
issued by their own voluntary agreement, now, at length,
should be fully terminated by the intervention of many.
" Since, therefore, we have commanded many bishops to
meet together from different and remote places, in the city ot
Aries, towards the calends of August, I have also thought
proper to write to thee, that taking a public vehicle from the
most illustrious Latronianus, corrector of Sicily, and taking
with thee two others of the second rank,1 which thou mayest
select, also three servants to afford you services on the way ;
I would have you meet them within the same day at the afore
said place. That by the weight of your authority, and the
prudence and unanimity of the rest that assemble, this dis
pute, which has disgracefully continued until the present
time, in consequence of certain disgraceful contentions, may
be discussed, by hearing all that shall be alleged by those
who are now at variance, whom we have also commanded to
be present, and thus the. controversy be reduced, though
slowly, to that faith, and observance of religion, and fraternal
concord, which ought to prevail. May Almighty God pre
serve thee in safety many years."
1 By these words, oi ik devrepov Bpovov, Eusebius means the presbyters,
who were commonly called " priests of the second order," as may be col
lected out of several good authors, as Optatus Milevitanus, and Jacobus
Sirmondus in his notes upon Sidonius, p. 78. Hieronymus, in his Epi
taph on the blessed Paula, says, " There were present the bishops of
Hierusalem and other cities, and an innumerable company of priests of
the lower order," &c. So also says Gregor. Nazianz. in Carm. Jamb, de
Vita Sua, p. 6. The bishops in the church sat on more lofty thrones, the
presbyters sitting on both hands on lower seats, and the deacons standing
by in white garments. Gregor. Nazianz. Dream de Ecclesiae Anastasi5,
p. 78. Eusebius also, in his description of the church of Tyre, allots
the thrones which were in the church next the altar, to the bishop and
presbyters, but the benches to the deacons, where also he calls the pres
byters, rove, fiera tov itc'igkotzov fievrepevovrag, i. e. " those which have
the second places next the bishop." See Augustin. Ep. 148. Vaiet.

412 ELCI.EMAST1CAL HISTORY. (li X. 0. 6.
CHAPTER VI.
0" TS 2 PROPERTY BELONGING TO THE CHRISTIANS.
Copy of an Epistle in which the Emperor grants money io
the churches.
" Constantine Augustus, to Cacilianus, bishop of Car
thage. As we have determined, that in all the provinces of
Africa, Numidia, and Mauritania, something should be granted
to certain ministers of the legitimate and most holy catholic
(universal) religion, to defray their expenses, I have given
letters to Ursus, the most illustrious lieutenant-governor of
Africa, and have communicated to him, that he shall provide,
to pay to your authority, three thousand folles.1
" After you shall have obtained this sum, you are to order
these monies to be distributed among the aforesaid ministers,
according to the abstract addressed to thee from Hosius. But
if thou shalt learn, perhaps, that any thing shall be wanting
to complete this my purpose with Tegard to all, thou art au
thorized, without delay, to make demands for whatever thou
mayest ascertain to be necessary, from Heraclides, tie procu
rator of our possessions. And I have also commanded him
when present, that if thy authority should demand any monies
of him, he should see that it should be paid without delay.
And as I ascertained that some men, who are of no settled
mind, wished to divert the people from the most holy catholic
(universal) church, by a certain pernicious adulteration, I wish
thee to understand that I have given, both to the proconsul
Anulinus and to Patricius, vicar-general of the prefects, when
present, the following injunctions : that, among all the rest.
they should particularly pay the necessary attention to this,
nor should by any means tolerate that this should be over
looked. Wherefore, if thou seest any of these men persevering
in this madness, thou shalt, without any hesitancy, proceed to
the aforesaid judges, and report it to them, that they may
animadvert upon them, as I commanded them, when present.
May the power of the great God preserve thee many years."
1 If the follis be estimated at 208 denarii, according to the usual com
pilation, this sum would amount to about 10,000 dollars, or rather more
than £2000 sterling.

A. D. 306 — 337.J constantine and licinius 413
CHAPTER VII.
THE PRIVILEGES AND IMMUNITIES OF THE CLERGT.
Copy of an Epistle in which the Emperor commands that the
prelates of the churches should be exempt from performin^
service in political matters.
" Health to thee, most esteemed Anulinus. As it appears
from many circumstances, that when the religion was despised,
in which the highest reverence of the heavenly Majesty is ob
served, that our public affairs were beset with great dangers,
and that this religion, when legally adopted and observed, af
forded the greatest prosperity to the Roman name, and distin
guished felicity to all men, as it has been granted by the divine
beneficence, we have resolved that those men who gave their
services with becoming sanctity, and the observance of this
law, to the performance of divine worship, should receive the
recompence for their labours, 0 most esteemed Anulinus ;
wherefore it is my will that these men, within the province,
intrusted to thee in the catholic church, over which Csecilia-
nus presides, who give their services to this holy religion, and
whom they commonly call clergy, shall be held totally free
and exempt from all public offices, to the end that they may
not, by any error or sacrilegious deviation, be drawn away
from the service due to the Divinity, but rather may devote
themselves to their proper law, without any molestation. So
that, whilst they exhibit the greatest possible reverence to the
Deity, it appears the greatest good wiU be conferred on the
state. Farewell, most esteemed and beloved Anulinus."

CHAPTER VIII.
THE WICKEDNESS WHICH LICINIUS AFTERWARDS EXHIBITED, AND
HIS DEATH.
Such, then, was the divine and celestial grace, exhibited by
the interposition of our Saviour. And such too the abundant
blessings imparted to us by the peace, and iu this manner oui

414 ecclesiastical history. [b. x. c. 8.
affairs were finally crowned with gladness and festivity. But
malignant envy, and the dasmon of iniquity, was not able to
endure the exhibition of this spectacle.
When, therefore, the events that befell the aforesaid tyrants
w ere not sufficient to bring Licinius to sound reason, who, as
h.»ng as his government was prosperous, being honoured with
• he second rank after the emperor Constantine the Great, and
also by intermarriage and affinity of the highest order, he
.levertheless abandoned imitating a good example, and on the
contrary rivalled the wickedness of the impious tyrants. And
thus, although he had seen their end with his own eyes, he
was resolved to follow their counsels rather than remain faith
ful to a better disposition and friendship. Stimulated, there
fore, by envy, he waged a most oppressive and nefarious war
against the common benefactor of all, not regarding the laws
of nature, nor leagues, nor consanguinity, nor paying any re
gard to covenants. For Constantine, as a most gracious em
peror, exhibiting the evidences of a true benevolence, had not
refused affinity with him, and had not denied him the illus
trious marriage with his sister, and had honoured him as a
sharer in that eminent nobility of the imperial family, which
he derived from his fathers, and had shared with him the go
vernment of the whole empire, as his kinsman and partner,
granting him the power to rule and govern no less a part of
the empire than himself. But he, on the contrary, pursued a
course directly opposite to this, by plotting every kind of mis
chief against his superior, and inventing all manner of artifices,
as if to return the kindness of his benefactor with evils. And
first, he, indeed, attempted to conceal his preparations, and
pretended to be his friend, and having frequently waylaid him
with treachery and deceit, hoped that he would very easily
gain his object. But God was the friend and the vigilant
protector and guardian of the emperor (Constantine), who
bringing these plots formed in darkness and secrecy to Ught,
foiled them. So much excellence has that powerful armour of
piety, to repel our enemies, and for the preservation of our
own safety. But our most divinely-favoured emperor, fortified
by this, escaped the multifarious and complicated plots of the
iniquitous man. But the other, when he saw that his seciet
preparations by no means succeeded according to his wish, as
God detected every artifice and villany to his favoured prince,

k. d. 306 — 337.] constantine and licinius. 415
no longer able to conceal himself, he commenced an open war.
And in thus determining war against Constantine, he now
also proceeded to array himself against that Supreme God,
whom he knew him to worship. Afterwards he began gra
dually and imperceptibly to assail those pious subjects under
him, who had never at any time troubled his government.
This, too, he did, violently urged on by the innate propensity
of his malice, that overclouded and darkened his understand
ing. He did not, therefore, bear in mind those that had per
secuted the Christians before him, nor those whose destroyer
and punisher he himself had been appointed, for their wicked
ness. But departing from sound reason, and, as one might say,
seized with insanity, he had determined to wage war against
Gud himself, the protector and aid of Constantine, in place of
the one whom he assisted. And first, indeed, he drove away
all the Christians from his house, the wretch thus divesting
himself of those prayers to God for his safety, which they are
taught to offer up for all men. After this he ordered the sol
diers in the cities to be cashiered and to be stripped of military
honours, unless they chose to sacrifice to daemons.
But these were small matters compared with the subsequent
greater ones that were superadded. Why should we here re
late particularly and minutely the deeds perpetrated by this
enemy of God ? ' how, as a violator of all law, he also devised
illegal laws.2 For he enacted that no one should exercise hu
manity towards the unhappy individuals in prison, by impart
ing food, and no one compassionate those perishing with hun
ger, in bonds, so that there should be no good man tolerated,
or any good thing done, and that too, even when nature her
self powerfully attracts our sympathy towards our fellow men.
Indeed, this was a most shameless and inhuman law, calculated
to expel every sense of humanity implanted by nature. Beside
this, the punishment was attached to those who exercised
¦ommiseration, that they should be made to suffer the same
things with those they commiserated ; and that those who had
1 This is the proper meaning of Sreopiaei here. Valesius invariably
translates invisus Deo. This cannot be supported. See note in the Pa
negyric, on this word.
8 This translation may give some idea of the play upon the woia i o/ios
in the original. Our author is fond of the figure paronomasia, as we have
leen in more than one instance.

416 ecclesiastical history. [b. x. c. 8.
performed the offices of humanity should be thrust into pri
sons and bonds, to sustain the same punishment with the
worst malefactors. Such were the ordinances of Licinius.
Why should we, moreover, recount his innovations in mar
riage, or his novelties in regard to the dying ? By means of
which he dared to restrict the ancient and wisely established
institutions of the Romans, and to introduce as a substitute
certain barbarous, savage, unlawful, and truly lawless laws.1
He also invented innumerable pretexts of exaction against the
people subject to him, and every variety of method to extort
silver and gold, new measurements of lands,2 and means of
gain by way of penalty,3 from those in the country, who were
no longer living, but had long since died. Who can tell the
expatriations that this enemy of mankind devised besides these,
the banishment of nobles and illustrious men, those too, whom
he separated from their youthful wives, consigning the latter
to be shamefully abused by certain miscreants of his own ;
with how many females, married and unmarried, he, though
in the last stages of advanced age, gratified his unbridled pas
sions. Why, I say, should I delay in reciting those things,
when the excessive wickedness of his last deeds make the
first to appear as trifles, and a mere nothing ? He at last pro
ceeded to such an extent of madness, as to attack the bishops ;
now, indeed, regarding them, as the servants of the Supreme
God, hostile to his measures ; but yet not openly, for fear of
his superior (Constantine). But commencing his operations
in a clandestine and crafty manner, by means of his governors
and magistrates, he insidiously destroyed the most distinguish
ed and approved of these. And the manner of the murder
itself, perpetrated upon them, was strange, and such as had
never before been heard of. But the excesses perpetrated at
Amana, and other cities of Pontus, surpassed all others in
savage cruelty. There some of the churches of God were

1 The paronomasia we have here attempted to transfer.
2 These new surveys of land afforded new pretexts for embezzlement,
&c. ; they were always attended by a new assessment.
3 EttiZvP'-ov KepSog, we have rendered thus. Valesius says, exitialt
lucrum, which is too general to reach the sense. The expression seemi
to refer to the unlawful levies and impositions upon estates whose pro
prietors were long dead ; length of time, probably, affording the better
pretext to involve and eu.CT.ri Der them-

a. i>. 306 — 337.] constantine and licinius. 41?
razed to the ground, some were closed, so that no one accus
tomed to frequent them could get into them, nor render God
the worship that we owe. For he did not suppose that prayers
were offered up for him, reasoning thus in his bad conscience,
but persuaded himself that we did all and propitiated the
.Deity only for the divinely-favoured emperor. Hence also he
^directed the violence of his fury against us, and at the same
time when his parasitical governors perceived that they were
doing what was gratifying to the execrable tyrant, they sub
jected some of the bishops to the same punishments as the
worst criminal. Those, therefore, who had done no evil, were
led away to punishment without any pretext, just like mur
derers and assassins. Some also endured a novel kind of
death, having their bodies cut into many small pieces, and
after this savage and horrible spectacle, were thrown as food
to the fishes into the depths of the sea. Again, then, the
worshippers of God began to flee ; again the open fields, the
deserts, forests, and mountains received the servants of Christ.
When these things had succeeded with the impious tyrant,
after this manner, he finaUy contemplated to renew the perse
cution against all. And no doubt he would have prevailed
in his determination, and there was nothing to hinder him to
proceed in his work, had not God, the defender of his own
servants, anticipated him, and led forth Constantine, his ser
vant, with a mighty arm amid these events, and suddenly, as
in the dense and impenetrable darkness of a gloomy night,
caused a light and a deliverer to arise to all.

CHAPTER IX.

THE VICTORY OF CONSTANTINE, AND THE BLESSINGS WHICH, UNDER
HIM, ACCRUED TO THE WHOLE ROMAN WORLD.
To him, therefore, the Supreme God granted from heaven
above the fruits of his piety, the trophies of victory over the
wicked, and that nefarious tyrant, with all his counsellors
and adherents, he cast prostrate at the feet of Constantine.4
1 Constantine obtained this signal victory over Licinius, a. u. 324, the
limits of our author's history. The first war that broke out between the
two emperors was occasioned by the protection which Licinius had cx-
[SU3EBIUS.J 2 p

418 ecclesiastical history. [b. x. c. 9.
For when he proceeded to the extremes of madness in his
movements, the divinely favoured emperor regarded him as
no more to be tolerated, but taking his prudent measures
and mingling the firm principles of justice with his humanity,
he determines to come to the protection of those who were
so miserably oppressed by the tyrant ; and in this, by banish
ing smaller pests, he thus advanced to save vast multitudes
of the human race. For as he had exercised only his hu
manity, in commiserating him the time before this, a man who
was by no means deserving of compassion, it proved of no
avail to him, who would not renounce his iniquity, but rather
increased his madness against the people his subjects. But
to the oppressed there was no hope of salvation left, in the
cruelties they endured from the savage beast. Wherefore,
also, Constantine, the protector of the good, combining his
hatred of wickedness with the love of goodness, went forth
with his son Crispus, the most benevolent Caesar, to extend a
saving arm to all those that were perishing. Both, therefore,
the father and son, having as it were God the universal King,
and his Son our Saviour, as their leader and aid, drawing up
the army on all sides against the enemies of God, bore away
an easy victory ; all things being prospered to them by God
in the conflict according to their wishes. Suddenly then, and
sooner than said, those that but yesterday breathed threats
and destruction, were no more, not even leaving the memory
of their name. Their paintings, (their effigies,) their honours
received the deserved contempt and disgrace, and those very
scenes which Licinius had seen occurring to thb iniquitous ty
rants, these same he experienced himself. As he would nei
ther receive instruction, nor grow wise by the chastisements
of his neighbours, he proceeded in the same course of impiety,
and was justly hurled down the same precipice with them.
He, therefore, lay prostrated in this way. But the mighty
and victorious Constantine, adorned with every virtue of re
ligion, with his most pious son, Crispus Caesar, resembling in
all things his father, recovered the east as his own, and thus
restored the Roman empire to its ancient state of one united
tended to Sinicius, who had plotted against the life of Constantine, a. d.
31 4, and ten years afterwards he was overthrown, and deprived of the im
perial dignity, having his life spared only for a short time at the entrea
ties of his wife. Constantino's sister.

a.d. 306 — 337.] constantine and licinics. 419
body ; extending their peaceful sway around the world, from
the rising sun to the opposite regions, to the north and the
south, even to the last borders of the declining day. AU fear,
therefore, of those who had previously afflicted them was now
whoUy removed. They celebrated splendid and festive days
with joy and hilarity. All things were fiUed with hght, and
all who before were sunk in sorrow, beheld each other with
smiling and cheerful faces. With choirs and hymns, in the
cities and villages, at the same time they celebrated and ex
tolled first of aU God the universal King, because they thus
were taught, then they also celebrated the praises of the pious
''emperor, and with him all his divinely-favoured children.
There was a perfect obhvion of past evils, and past wicked
ness was buried in forgetfulness. There was nothing but
enjoyment of the present blessings, and expectation of those
yet to come. Edicts were published and issued by the vic
torious emperor, fuU of clemency, and laws were enacted
indicative of munificence and genuine rehgion.
N Thus, then, after aU the tyranny had been purged away,
the empire was justly reserved, firm and without a rival, to
Constantine and his sons. Who first sweeping away that
enmity to God, exhibited by the former rulers, sensible of the
mercies conferred upon them by God, exhibited also their own
love of religion and God, with their piety and gratitude to
Him, by those works and operations which they presented to
the view of all the world.
With the divine blessing, the end of the Tenth Book of
the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphilus.

THE END.

INDEX
OF
THE SUBJECTS, AUTHORS, ETC.

Abraham and the patriarchs con
sidered as Christians, 14.
Achior, the Ammonite, 22.
Acts of PUate forged, 366.
Acts or records respecting the mar
tyrs Carpus, Papylus, and Aga-
thonice, 138.
Adam, his fall, 6.
Adrian, emperor, 118; his epistle
in favour of the Christians, 125 ;
death, 126.
Adrianus and Eubulus, martyrs, 355.
iMesius, martyr, 340.
iElia, Jerusalem so called, 50, 120,
227 ; its library, 227.
iElius Publius, bishop of Debel
tum, 191.
^milianus, the prefect, 265.
Africanus, his Epistle to Aristides,
on the genealogy of Christ, 18,
20,235.
Agabus, his prediction, 41 .
fvAgapius, bishop of Caesarea, xiii.,
- xvii., 298.
Agapius, a martyr, 336, 341.
Agathobuli, 297.
Agbarus, his Epistle to Jesus, 31 ;
healed by Thaddeus, 34, 37.
Agrippa appointed king, 42.
Agrippa, the younger, 60.
Agrippa Castor, his work against
Basilides, 122.
Agrippinus bishop of Alexandria,
144.
Alabarch of Alexandria, 43.
Albinus, procurator of Judea, 66.

Alcibiades, a writer, 187.
Alexander, brother of Philo the
Jew, 43.
Alexander, fifth bishop of Rome,
116, 118.
Alexander, assistant bishop of Jeru
salem, 213, 215, 226, 240; his
epistle to the Antinoites, and to
the inhabitants ofAntioch, 216;
to Origen, 220; to Demetrius of
Alexandria, 226.
Alexandria, bishops of, xxxiv. ;
martyrs at, 242—247; sedition,
274 ; pestilence, 276.
Alexandrine library, 177.
Allegorical exposition of Scripture,
56.
Ambrose, 222.
Ammias and Quadratus, prophets,
187.
Ammonarium, a martyr, 245.
Ammonius, a Christian philosopher,
224.
Ananus, a profligate high priest, 66.
Anatolius, bishop of Laodicea, 294,
298 ; his work on the Paschal
Festival, 296; on Calculation, 298.
Anencletus, bishop of Rome, 89, 90.
Anicetus, bishop of Rome, 127, 144.
Annals and public records of Edes
sa, 32.
Annianus appointed bishop of Alex
andria, 67 ; his death, 39.
Anthimus, bishop of Nicomedia,
307, 318.
Antichrist, the epithet, 91, 176.

422

Antiiegomenoi, books so called, 218,
219.
Antinous deified, 123.
Antioch, the church of, 41 ; its bi
shops, xxxiv., 144, 234 ; council
held there, 286.
Antipater, father of Herod the
Great, 18, 22.
Antipater, son of king Herod, 26.
Antoninus Pius, emperor, 126 ; his
epistle respecting the Christians,
128 ; Justin Martyr's Apology to
him, ib. ; his death, 131.
Apelles, a disciple of Tatian, 180.
Apion on the Hexaemeron, 200.
Apocalypse, whether written by St.
John, 281.
Apocrypha, noticed by Hegesippus,
146.
Apocryphal writings, 100.
Apollinaris, bishop of Hierapolis,
150; his works, 153; his testi
mony to the legio fulminea, 172 ;
refutes the Cataphrygians, 183 ;
and Phrygians, 190.
ApoUonius, the apologist, a martyr
at Rome, 193 ; refutes the Phry
gian heresy, 188.
Apology of Justin Martyr, 128.
Apostates differ from heretics, 260.
Apostles, their election, 28 ; scat
tered into different countries, 70 ;
their successors, 2, 73, 179 ; these
that lived in marriage, 104 ;
others so called besides the twelve,
30.
Apostolical succession in different
churches, 2 ; Epistles genuine
and spurious, 71.
Apphianus, xiii., xv., 337.
Aquila of Pontus, his version, 177,
221.
Arabian dissension, 239.
Arabianus, an ecclesiastical writer,
200.
Archelaus, Herod's son, 19, 26.
Areopagus described, 74.
Aretas at war with Herod, 29.
Aristarchus, St. PauL's companion,
62.
Aristides, the apologist, 118.

Aristion noticed, 114, 115,
Aristo of Pella, 121.
Aristobulus, 18, 22, 26.
Artemon, his heresy, 200, 291.
Ascetics mentioned by Philo, 53.
Asclepiades, bishop ofAntioch, 216
Asc.fepiodotus, a follower of Arte
mon, 203.
Asclepius Marcionita, 350.
Asiarchs, their office, 1 35.
Asterius Urbanus, 185.
Astyrius, a Roman senator, 272.
Attalus, martyr, his vision, 170.
Atticus, deputy of Syria, i06.
Auxentius, martyr, 342.
Babylas, bishop of Antioch, 234, 240.
Babylon, Rome so called, 53.
Bacchylides and Elpistus, 148.
Bacchylus, bishop of Corinth, 194.
Baptism, a seal, 95, 211; of here
tics, 261.
Barcabbas and Barcoph, fictitious
prophets of Basilides, 122.
Barchochebas, the impostor, 120,
124.
Bardesanes, the Syrian, his works,
155.
Barnabas, St., 30.
Bartholomew, St., visits the Indies,
and leaves there St. Matthew's
Gospel, 178.
Basilides, the heresiarch, 121.
Basilides, a martyr, 210.
Basilides, bishop of Pentapolis, 285.
Benjamin, bishop of Jerusalem, 119.
Beryllus, bishop of Bostra, 236.
Birth-day, its meaning when ap
plied to martyrs, 137.
Bishops, how elected, 234, 250;
catalogues of their successor!
carefully preserved, 180; of Alex-
andria, xxxiv., 119,126, 144, 178
of Antioch, xxxiv., 144, 194, 229
ofJerusa)em,xxxiv.,119,179,215,273; of Rome, xxxiv. 71, 93, 116,
H8, 144, 173, 194, 229,256.
Bitthera, a town of Judea, 120.
Blastus creates a schism at Rome,
ia-2.
Bruchium, the siege of, 295.

INDEX.

422

Corsarea, formerly a metropolitical
see, 195.
Oiesarea Philippi, called Paneas,
272.
Caius, an ecclesiastic, on the tombs
of St. Peter and St. Paul, 68 ; on
the tomb of St. Philip, 105 ; his
. \ work against Proclus, 227 ; oil
Cerinthus, 102.
Caius (Caligula), emperor, 41, 46 ;
his insolence to Philo, 42 ; pro
fanes the temple, 44.
Caius and Alexander, martyrs of
Apamea, 186.
Caius, bishop of Rome, 294.
Callisthus, (Calixtus,) bishop of
Rome, 228.
Candidus on the Hexaemeron, 200.
Canonical books of the Old Testa
ment, 86, 152, 230 ; of the New,
99, 219, 231.
. Caparafhsea, a village, 101.
Carpocrates, the heresiarch, 122.
Cassianus, bishop of Jerusalem,
., 180.
[Cataphrygians, their heresy, 183.
Catechumens, martyrs, 210; repeat
the Creed previous to baptism,
261.
Cathari, heretics, 248.
Catholic, meaning of the term, 72,
250.
Celadion, bishop of Alexandria, 127,
144.
Celsus, 238.
Cemeteries of Christians, 266.
Census, mentioned by Josephus, 16.
Cerdon, heresiarch, 126.
Cerdon, third bishop of Alexandria,
'93.
Cerinthus, heresiarch, 103, 281;
meets St. John in a bath, 103, 130.
Cesti, books written by Africanus,
235.
Chsremon, bishop of the city of
Nile, 246.
Christ, his pre-existence and di
vinity, 3—5, 201 ; the Creator of
all things, 4, 6; appears to Moses,
4, 5; to Jacob, 5; to Joshua,
ib. ; to the prophets, 9 ; his in

carnation, 8, 11, 16; sacerdotal
character, 12; genealogy, 19,
235 ; his relatives, 92 ; predicts
the destruction of Jerusalem, 81.
Christianity, authors who defended
it, 118 ; its rapid spread, 40, 41
125.
Christians characterized, 3, 11, 13,
14, 30 ; so called first at Antioch,
41 ; lapsed Christians kindly re
ceived by the martyrs, 168, 169.
Chrysophora, 149.
Church officers, 250.
Churches rebuilt after persecution,
386.
Claudius, emperor, 46 ; famine in
his reign, ib.; his death, 61.
Clement, third bishop of Rome, 74,
90, 109 ; his testimony respect
ing James, bishop of Jerusalem,
37 ; on the martyrdom of James,
46 ; on the Gospel of Mark, 53 ;
his Epistle, 90, 112, 149, 174.
Clement of Alexandria, his works,
179, 211, 218; books of Scrip
ture mentioned by him, 218, 219 ;
narrative respecting St. John,
94; on the Nicolaites, 103; on
the apostles that lived in matri
mony, 104.
Cleobians, 145.
Cleophas, brother of Joseph, 88.
Commodus, emperor, 178, 199.
Constantine, emperor, 373 ; ordi
nances, 406; on the property of
Christians, 412; grant of privi
leges, 413; his victory, 417.
Cornelius, first convert at Caesarea,
41.
Council held at Rome on Novatus,
248 ; on Paul of Samosata, 286—
292.
Crescens sent to Gaul, or Gallia, 73.
Crescens, the cynic, 138 ; his cha
racter, 140.
Crispus, son of Constantine, 418.
Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, on re-
baptizing heretics, 256.
Cyrenius, a corruption of Quirinus.
16.
Cyrillus, bishop of Antioch, 29 1.

424

INDEX.

David, his descendants sought, 89.
Demas, bishop of Magnesia, 110.
Deacons appointed, 36.
Debeltum, a Thracian colony, 191.
Decius, emperor, 240; persecution
under him, ib. ; his death, 255.
Demetrianus, bishop of Antioch,
270, 286.
Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria,
194, 205, ?08, 212, 226, 232.
Denarius, its value, 92.
Desposyni, relatives of our Lord, 22.
Diocletian persecution, xv., 303 —
321.
Dionysius, the Areopagite, first
bishop of Athens, 74, 147.
Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria,
102, 238 ; one of Origen's pupils,
234 ; some account of him, 24] ,
246 ; his sufferings, 264 ; his ac
count of Serapion. 252 ; Epistle
to Cyprian, 257 ; to Novatus, 254 ;
on the heresy of Cerinthus and
the Apocalypse, 102, 281 ; re
specting Nepos, 279 ; Epistle to
Germanus, 241 ; on the martyrs
at Alexandria, 242 ; Epistle to
Cornelius, 255 ; to the Romans,
ib. ; to Hermamon, 256 ; on Ma
crianus, 263, 278; to Stephen,
256, 257 ; to Philemon, 258, 259;
to Germanus on his sufferings,
264—267 ; to Domitius and. Di
dymus, 268 ; on festivals and the
passover, 274 ; to the presbyter
Dionysius, 260; to Xystus, 260 —
262 ; to Hierax, an Egyptian
bishop, 275 ; to the Alexandrians
on the paschal festival, 278 ; his
work on the Promises, 279; his
other Epistles, 285 ; his death,
287.
Dionysius, bishop of Rome, 260, 286.
Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, testi
mony respecting St. Peter and
St. Paul, 69; his Epistles, 147;
on the contributions of the Ro
man church, 148.
Dioscorus, a youthful confessor, 245.
Disciples, the seventy, no catalogue
of them extant, 30.

Docetae, heretics, 217.
Domitian, emperor, 89 ; his perse
cution, 90 ; commands the pos
terity of David to be slain, 91 ;
his honours revoked, 93.
Domninus, 217.
Domninus, martyr, 342.
Domnus, bishop of Caesarea, 271,
291, 292.
Dorotheus. a learned presbyter at
Antioch, xiii., 294.
Dositheans, 145.
Drachm, an Attic, 79.
East, praying towards, 78.
Easter, controversy respecting, 194
—199, 274, 296.
Ebionites, their heresy, 101, 222.
Ecclesiastical, a term used in three
senses, 68.
Ecclesiastical writers noticed, 123
Edessa, city devoted to Christ, 38
Edessens, their cycle, 35.
Egyptian martyrs, 308 — 310; im
postor, &'l.
Eleutherus, bishop of Rome, 156
171, 194.
Encratites, heretics, 154.
Enoch, book of, 297.
Ephesus, the church of, founded by
St. Paul, 94; governed by St
John, ib.
Erynnes, or Furies, 80.
Evangelists in the second century,
Ul, 178.
Euarestus, fourth bishop of Rome,
109, 116.
Eucharist, sent from one bishop to
another at Easter, 198 ; how re
ceived by the faithful, 262.
Euclid admired by the followers of
Artemon, 203.
Eumenes, sixth bishop of Alexan
dria, 119,127.
Eunuch, a prince of Ethiopia, bap
tized, 38.
Evodlus, bishop of Antioch, 93.
Eusebius, his life and writings,
xii. — xxvii. ; his Ecclesiastical
History, xxiii., 2 ; his Chronicle,
2, 60; Demonstration and Pre-

INDEX.

425

paiation ofthe Gospel, xvii., 8, 9 ;
Book of Martyrs, 138, 156, 1/1,
331 ; defence of Origen, 229, 237,
238; Life of Pamphilus, 236,
237, 299 ; his panegyric on the
returning peace of the church,
387.
Eusebius. bishop of Laodicea, 269,
294, 298.
Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, xix.
Eutychianus, bishop of Rome, 294.
Fabianus, bishop of Rome, 234;
martyrdom, 240.
Fabius, bishop of Antioch, 240,
242, 270.
Fadus, procurator of Judea, 49.
Famine in the reign of Claudius, 46.
Fasting, the difference between the
Eastern and Western churches,
197.
Faustus, a martyr, 268, 269.
Felix I., bishop of Rome, 294.
Firmilianus, bishop of Caesarea,
232, 270.
Firmilianus, a cruel judge, 352,
355.
Flavia Domitilla, martyr, 91.
Florus, procurator of Judea, 70;
his cruelty, ib.
Galileans, mentioned by Josephus,
17, 146.
Gallienus, emperor, 270, 278, 287.
Gallus, emperor, 255, 2fa-2.
Gaul, martyrs of, 1 57 .
Genealogy of Christ, 20, 98.
Georae, derivation and import, 22.
Germanicus, a martyr, 132.
Germanus, a martyr, 348.
Gnostics, or Carpocratians, 122.
Gordianus, emperor, 234, 237.
Goithceonians, a sect, 145.
Gospels, their order, 97.
Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of
Neocaesarca, a pupil of Origen's,
230, 270.
"Harmony of Moses and Jesus,"
noticed, 225.
Hebrew, or Syro-Chaldaic, 116.

Hebrews, Epistle to, its canonicity,
72, 100, 1 19, 219 ; its author, 232.
Hegesippus, his writings, 123, 145;
his account of the martyrdom of
St. James, bishop of Jerusalem,
64 ; on the relatives of our Lord,
92; on the martyrdom of Si
meon, 106.
Helcesaites, their heresy, 239.
Helen, queen of the Osrhoenians 49.
Hemerobaptists, 146.
Heraclas, bishop of Alexandria,
221, 232, 234, 235, 238.
Heraclitus, on the Apostle, 200.
Heretics, on rebaptizing, 256, 258
262.
Hermas, author of the Shepherd,
or Pastor, 72, 176.
Hermogenes, his heresy, 149.
Hermon, bishop of Jerusalem, 299.
Herod, grandson of Herod of As
calon, 17, 18; how he obtained
the government, 22 ; his son
Herod flourished in the time of
our Saviour, 17; his policy, 19;
destroys the genealogical tables,
22 ; cruelty, sufferings, and death,
23—25.
Herod, the younger, succeeds Ar
chelaus in the tetrarchy of Judea,
26, 27 ; is exiled by Herodias, 42.
Herod Agrippa, appointed by Caius,
42 ; his death, 48.
High priests during the ministry of
Christ, 27.
Hippolytus, his works, 228.
Hyginus, bishop of Rome, 126, 127.
Hymeneus, bishop of Jerusalem,
299.
Hypotyposes, or Institutions of
Clement, 218.
Hyrcanus, high priest, 18.
James, St., the brother of John,
slain, 46.
James, St., bishop of Jerusalem, 31,
36, 83, 119, 273; his martyr
dom, 64 ; preferred by St. Peter
and St. John, 37.
James, the Epistle of, its canon Ici y,
67.

426

INDEX.

Jerusalem, bishops of, xxxiv., 119,
179, 215, 273; besieged, 75—81;
oppressed with famine, 76 ; signs
preceding ils destruction, 83 ; its
name changed to jElia, 120.
Jesus, sometimes called Joshua, 9,
10. See Christ.
Jesus, son of Dammaeus, appointed
high priest, 67.
Jesus, son of Ananias, his ominous
cry, 85.
Jews, their miseries, 44, 60, 69,
75 — 81 ; seditions, 61 ; their suf
ferings under Trajan, 117; un
der Adrian, 120.
Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, 93 ;
hisEpistles, 109; martyrdom, 111.
John, St., exiled to Patmos, narra
tive respecting him, 94 — 96 ; his
Gospel, 98, 176, 220, 231 ; Epis
tles, 99, 176, 231; Book of the
Revelation, 91, 100,176,231,281;
meets Cerinthus at a bath, 130;
his death, 105.
John the Baptist, Josephus' testi
mony respecting him, 29.
John, a martyr, his wonderful
memory, 358.
Josephus, some account of him, 86;
his Antiquities, 17 ; Jewish War,
ib. ; on Herod, 18, 24, 25; on
Pontius Pilate, 27; on the dif
ferent high priests at the time of
our Lord, 28 ; testimony respect
ing Christ, 29; on Philo's em
bassy, 42; irritation of the Jews
against Pilate, 44 ; coincidence
with Scripture, 47 — 49; on the
destruction of the Jews at the
passover, 61 ; on the Egyptian
impostor, 62 ; mentions James
the Just, 67 ; disorders of the
Jews under Floras, 70; their
great calamities, 75 — 77 ; horrid
transaction, 80. 81 ; preludes to
the approaching ruin, 83 ; his
works, 86 ; testimony on the
Scriptures, ib.
Joshua and Jesus, the same name, 9.
Irenaeus, 171 ; elected bishop of
Lyons, 173; on Simon Magus,

51 ; on Menander, 101 ; Cer.n-
thus, 103; quotes Ignatius, 111 ;
on Polycarp, 130; on Proverbs,
146; on Tatian, 154; on the
Canonical Books ofthe New Tes
tament, 175 ; against the schis
matics at Rome, 191 ; epistle to
Florinus, ib. ; his intimacy with
Polycarp, 192;hisworks, 144, 199.
Judas, brother of our Lord, 92, 107.
Judas, of Galilee, 17.
Judas, the historian, 212.
Julian, bishop of Jerusalem, 180.
Julian, bishop of Apamea, 185.
Julian, bishop of Alexandria, 178,
194.
Justin Martyr, on Simon Magus,
50; Menander, 101; his Apology,
124, 128 ; against Crescens, the
cynic, 139 ; on the Martyrs, 140 ;
his other works, ] 42 ; against
Tryphon and Mareion, 127, 143;
his martyrdom, 138.
Justus, of Tiberias, 88.
Justus, surnamed Barsabas, 115.
Justus, third bishop of Jerusalem,
109, 119.
Justus, bishop of Alexandria, 1 78,
194.
Labarum, Constantine's, xxi.
Leonides, father of Origen, 204.
Licinius, union with Constantine,
373 ; change of conduct, and de
feat, 41 3, 417 ; his death, 418.
Linus, first bishop of Rome, 71, 74.
Lucian, a martyr of Antioch, 318.
Lucianus, a martyr, 367.
Lucius, a martyr, 141.
Lucius I., bishop of Rome, 256.
Lucius Quietus, procurator of Ju
dea, 117.
Luke, St., a physician, 73; hi.
Gospel, 73, 99, 176, 231; write-
the Acts of the Apostles, 63, 73.
Lyons, its martyrs, 157 — 171.
Macrianus, stimulates Valerian to
persecution, 263 ; is patron "f the
Magi, ib. ; characterized by Dio
nysius, to. ; his death, 278

INDEX.

427

Malchion refutes Paul of Samosata,
267
Manes and Manichees, 293.
Marcellinus, bishop of Rome, 294.
Marcianus, his heresy, 217.
Mareion, his heresy, 126, 127, 130,
M6, 180. wl
Mareion, brother of Irenaeus, 1 99.
Marcus, first bishop of Jerusalem
from the Gentiles, 121, 180.
Marcus, bishop of Alexandria, 127.
Marcus, the magician, 127.
Marcus Antoninus, emperor, 131,
178.
Maria, a lake in Egypt, 55.
Maria, daughter of Eleazar, her
sufferings at the siege of Jeru
salem, 80.
Marinus, a martyr, 271
Mark, St., first proclaimed Chris
tianity in Egypt, 53 ; his Gospel,
98, 176, 220, 231 ; approved by
St. Peter, 53, 115, 220, 231.
Martyrs mentioned by Justin, 140 ;
of Gaul, 157 ; of Alexandria, 242,
265.
Masbothceans, 145, 146.
Matthew, St., his Gospel, 97, 116,
. 175, 222, 231.
Matthias, elected an apostle, 36.
Maturus and others, martyrs, 163.
Maxentius, son of Maximian, his
character and conduct, 321, 322.
Maximian, persecution under him,
233 ; cruelty and death, 321.
Maximinus, bishop of Antioch, 150.
Maximinus, emperor, his persecu
tion, 358 ; his pretended relax
ation, 361 ; his rescript, 368, 376.
-MaximiUa, Marcion's companion,
/...185, 186.
Maximus, a theological writer, his
works, 200.
Maximus and others abandon the
party of Novatus, 249.
Maximus, bishop of Alexandria,
268, 269, 287, 299.
Mazabanes, bishop of Jerusalem,
fc; 240, 271.
Melchisedek, a priest, 12.
Melchius, bishop of Pontus, 299.

Melito, bishop of Saidis, 129; his
works, 150; on informers, 151;
his apology to the emperor Mar
cus, ib. ; his selections from
Scripture, 153.
Melitine legion, 172.
Menander, the impostor, 100, 121.
Menandrians, 146.
Metrodorus, a martyr, 138.
Miltiades, historian, 187.
Minucius Fundanus, proconsul of
Asia, 125.
Miracles during the second century,
174; of St. John, 190.
Modestus on the error of Mareion,
150.
Montanus, his heresy, 153, 183 — 190.
Moses, a martyr, 252.
Musanus, his works, 153.
Narcissus, thirtieth bishop of Jeru
salem, 180, 194; miracle per
formed by him, 213, 214; his
rigid discipline, 214.
Natalius, his apostacy and return,
201, 202.
Neapolis, why called Flavia, 128.
Nemesion, a martyr, 245.
Nepos and his schism, 279.
Nero's cruelty, 63, 68; persecution,
67.
Nicolaus and his followers, 103.
Nicomedia, persecution there, 305.
Novatus, his conduct, heresy, &c,
248—252, 261 ; Dionysius' epis-
tie to him, 254.
Obulus, a small coin, 208.
Olympiads, writers of, 45.
'OpoXoyovpevoi, books of Scripture
so called, 72.
Origen, his education, 204 ; a pupil
of Clement, 211 ; on the preach
ing and martyrdom of St. Paul,
70 ; leaves his philosophical
school, 208 ; ordained presbyter,
213, 229 ; visits Rome, 220 ; his
great study and research, 221 ;
his Hexapla, 222 ; remarks ou
the Commentaries of Symmachus,
ib. ; his celebrity, 223, 228 ; op-

428

INDEX.

posed by Porphyry, 223 ; visits
Arabia, and ordained priest, 226 ;
defended by Eusebius, 229; his
Commentaries on the Scriptures,
228—232, 236 ; book on Martyr
dom, 233 ; his pupils, 235 ; Com
mentaries written in Palestine,
236 ; his other works, 238 ; his
sufferings, 240.
Pallium, formerly a philosophic ha
bit, 225.
Palmas, bishop of Amastris, 148.
Pamphilus, mariyr and friend of
Eusebius, xiii., 299, 318> 350.
Paneas, noted for a miracle, 272.
Pantaenus, the philosopher and
Christian, 178, 179.
Papias, bishop of Hierapolis, 109;
his works, 113 ; how he derived
his information, ib. ; shows that
there were two by the name of
John in Ephesus, 114; testimony
respecting Aristion, ib. ; his me
rits as a writer, 115.
Papirius and Melito, martyrs, 196.
Paraclete, 182, 293.
Paschal festival, discussion respect
ing the time, 194, 274, 296.
Pastor, the book so called, 176.
Paul, St., conversion, 39 ; his la
bours, 73; defence, acquittal, and
martyrdom, 63, 68 ; the number
of his Epistles, 72 ; author of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, 72.
. Paul of Samosata, 286—293.
Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, 384.
Paulus, a confessor, 344.
Pella, a place of refuge for Chris
tians, 75.
Pertinax, emperor, 199.
Petalum, a sacerdotal plate, de
scribed, 105, 196.
Peter, St., his labours, 73 ; opposes
Simon Magus at Rome, 52 ; his
martyrdom, 68, 1 75 ; on the ca-
nonicity of his First Epistle, 176,
231; of his Second Epistle, 71,
231; his disputed writings, 71, 72.
Peter, the Gospel of, 217.
Peter, bishop of Alexandria, 299,
319, 367.

P3trus Ascetes, 350.
Phileas, bishop, addresses the in
habitants of Thmuis, 312.
Philetas, bishop of Antioch, 228, 229.
Philip, St., the apostle,, 39; his
death, 105.
Philip Cassar, 237, 240.
Philip of Gortyna, 147, 150.
Philo, the Jew, his learning, 42 ;
sent an embassy to Caius, ib.;
his treatise " On the Virtues,"
44 ; " On a Contemplative Life,"
54 ; is thought to have conversed
with St. Peter, 53; his account
of the Therapeutae, 54 — 58 ; ac
count of his works, 58, 59.
Phrygian heresy, 182.
Pierus of Alexandria, 299.
Pilate, procurator of Judea, 27;
transmits to Tiberius an account
of our Lord's resurrection, 39;
destroys himself, 45.
Pinytus, bishop of Crete, 148.
Pionius, a martyr, 138.
Pius I., bishop of Rome, 127.
Plinius Caecilius Secundus, go
vernor in Bithynia, his testimony
respecting the Christians, 108.
Pliny's communication to Trajan,
108.
Plutarch, a catechumen of Origen,
207 ; his martyrdom, 209.
Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, some
account of him, 109 ; his inti
macy with St. John, 192 ; visits
Anicetus, bishop of Rome, 130,
198 ; his Epistle to the Philippi-
ans, 131 ; martyrdom, 131 — 138.
Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, 194;
his letter to Victor, 105, 196.
Pontianus, bishop of Rome, 229,234.
Pontus and Caricus, 217.
Pope, or papa, origin of the term, 259.
Porphyry, an opponent of the Chris
tians, 223.
Porphyry, a martyr, 354.
Potamiaena, a martyr, 210.
Pothinus, bishop of Lyons, martyr,
162, 172.
Priesthood, Jewish, changes, 66, 67.
Priests, their ordination, 251 .

INDEX.

429

Primus, fourth bishop of Alexan
dria, 116, 119.
Primus, bishop of Corinth, 145.
Procopius and others, martyrs,
331—333.
Psalms and hymns in honour of
Christ, 201.
Ptolemy, a martyr, 141.
Publius, bishop of Athens, 147.
Publius, bishop of Jerusalem, 180.
Quadratus, an apologist, 118.
s Quadratus, a prophet, 111, 187.
Quadratus, bishop of Athens, 147.
Rain in consequence of the prayers
of Christians, 172.
Rechabite priest intercedes for St.
James, 66.
Rescript of Antoninus Pius, 152 ;
of Maximinus, 368.
Rhodo, pupil of Tatian, 180.
Rhosse, or Orossus, a town of Cili
cia, 217.
Romanus, a martyr, 334.
Rome, the Church of, founded by
St. Peter and St. Paul, 175 ; the
succession of its bishops, 71, 93,
173.
Rufus, governor of Judea, 120.
Sabbath, the great, 133.
Sabellius, his heresy, 258.
Sabinus, prefect of Egypt, 267.
Sadducus, a rioter, 17.
Sagaris, bishop and martyr, 196.
Salutation among Christians, 130.
Sanctus, martyr, 160.
Saturnilians, 146.
Saturninus of Antioch, 121.
Schismatics at Rome, 191.
Scribes, their office, 83.
Scriptures, those acknowledged as
genuine, 86, 99, 152, 219, 230.
Sejanus attempts to destroy the
Jews, 42.
Seieucus, martyr, 354.
' Septuagint translation, 177, 222.
Serapion, bishop of Antioch, 190,
194, 216 ; the writings ascribed
to Uiia, 217.

Serapion, a martyr, 243.
Serapion, mentioned by Dionysius,
252.
Severus, heretic, 154.
Severus, (Septimus,) emperor, 199,
213; persecution during his reign,
204.
Severus, martyr, 210.
Sextus on the resurrection, 200.
Silvanus, bishop of Emesa, 318.
Silvanus, bishop in Palestine, 318.
Silvanus and John, martyrs, 358.
Simeon, second bishop of Jerusa
lem, 88, 94, 109, 119; martyr
dom, 106.
Simon Magus, 38 ; his magic rites,
50—52.
Simonians, a sect, 145.
Socrates, bishop of Laodicea, 294.
Soter, bishop of Rome, 144, 148.
Stephen, St., his martyrdom, 37.
Stephen I., bishop of Rome, 256,
258.
Stephen, bishop of Laodicea, 298.
Symmachus, his Commentaries,
222.
Tatian's errors, 154; on Justin,
139; Diatessaron, 108.
Telesphorus, seventh bishop of
Rome, 119, 126.
Tertullian, his Apology, 40, 108,
172; on Domitian, 93.
Thaddeus, sent by St. Thomas to
Agbarus, 32, 33, 37.
Thebuthis, first heretic at Jerusa
lem, 145.
Thecla, martyr, 335.
Themison, 186, J88.
Theoctistus, bishop of Caesarea, 226,
270.
Theodosia, martyr, 342.
Theodoras, a pupil of Origen, 235.
Theodotion, translator of the Bible,
177.
Theodotus, leader in heresy, 201.
Theodotus, bishop of Laodicea, 298.
Theodotus, martyr, 354.
Theonas, bishop of Alexandria, 299.
Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, 144,
149.

430

INDEX.

Therapeutac, and Thtraveutrides,
51.
Theudas, the impostor, 49.
Thomas or Judas, sends Thaddeus,
33.
Thraseas, martyr, 190.
Thrones, bishops' sees so called,
2S9.
Tiberius proposes Christ as a God,
39 ; his death, 41.
Timams, bishop of Antioch, 294.
Timotheus, a martyr, 335.
Timothy, St., first bishop of Ephe
sus, 73.
Titus, bishop of Crete, 73.
Titus, son of Vespasian, emperor,
75, 79, 89.
Torture, different modes of, 316.
Tradition secured by record, 1 10.
Trajan prohibits search to be made
for Christians, 108.
Tributes, or taxes, how paid, 92.
Tryphon, the Jew, refuted by Jus
tin, 143.
Tyrannio, bishop of Tyre, 318.
Tyrannus, bishop of Antioch, 294.
Ulpian and ^desius, martyrs, 339.
Urban I., bishop of Rome, 228, 229.
Urbanus, presbyter of Rome, 249.
Urbicius, a judge, 141.

Valentina, confessor, 344.
Valentinian heresy, 126, 130, 146
Valerian raises a persecution, 262
Vespasian, proclaimed emperor i
Judea, 74 ; commits the Jewis
war to Titus, his son, 75 ; com
mands the extinction of the line
of David, 89 ; his death, ib.
Victor, bishop of Rome, 105, 194 ;
reproved by Polycrates, 196;
excommunicates the Eastern
churches, 197 ; admonished by
Irenaus, ib. ; excommunicates
Theodotus, 201.
Writers, ecclesiastical, 144, 294.
Xystus, (Sixtus II.,) bishop of
Rome, 258, 270, 288.
Zaccheus, martyr, 333.
Zambdas, bishop of Jerusalem, 299.
Zebina, martyr, 347.
Zebinus, bishop of Antioch, 229,
234.
Zenobius, martyr, 318.
Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome, 201,
220, 227.
Zoticus, bishop of Comana, 186,
190.

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