YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY MEMOIR AND OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE GEN. JOHN STARK, WITH NOTICES OT SEVERAL OTHER OFFICERS OF THE REVOLUTION. ALSO, A BIOGRAPHY OF CAPT. PHINEHAS STEVENS, COL. ROBERT ROGERS, WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS SERVICES IN AMERICA DURING THE "SEVEN TEARS' WAR.' BY CALEB STARK. CONCOED: PUBLISHED BY G. PARKER LYON. 1860. Entered according to an Act of Congress, in the year 1860, BT CALEB STARK, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of New-Hampshire CONCORD, N. H.: STEAM PRESS OF MCFARLAND & JENKS, FHEMX BLOCK, MAIN STREET. TO OUR READERS Much of the information contained in this volume was obtained from individuals well acquainted with and even related to officers of the "Seven Years' War," and who afterward served with them in the war of the Eevo- lution, to the principal events of which they were eye witnesses. Their narratives of what they had performed and seen have been familiar to us from childhood. While contemplating the character df the heroes of the Revolution, the scenes in which an important portion of their lives was engaged, and their entire devotion to the cause of their native land, the heart is chilled with the reflection that, of those war-worn veterans — the pioneers of American Independence — a few only now remain, tottering on the verge of the grave, to witness the result of their unparalleled sufferings and vic torious toils. Although the ingratitute of the nation to which their valor gave birth, in neglecting to perform what had solemnly been promised to her officers and soldiers in the hour of that nation's direst peril, caused the suns of many of them to go down in clouds of misfortune, it is imperatively incumbent upon those of the present generation to bestow appropriate honors upon their memory. It is to be hoped that their posterity, cheered by the perusal of the annals of the pasty and inspired with a due sense of gratitude for their national prosperity, will never become objects deserving the insulting taunt that the spirit of the Revolution, which, like an adamantine rock, withstood the angry billows that dashed against it, has become extinct, with the departure of the heroic souls it once animated. If, in this feeble attempt to throw light upon that desperate and long doubtful struggle, which, under Heaven's favor, founded this now potent nation, it shall be our fortune to rescue from oblivion traits of character and examples of devoted patriotism worthy of imitation, we shall consider our humble labors compensated. IV TO THE READER. We acknowledge obligations to several gentlemen for information and documents furnished: among whom we name with pleasure, Colonel Henry Stevens, of Burlington, Vermont, President of the Historical and Antiquarian Societies of that State ; Charles C. Sheafe, Esq., of Boston ; I. S. Hunt, Esq., of Sudbury, Massachusetts; and William P. Goodwin, Esq., of Concord, New-Hampshire ; to the authors of the' Histories of Concord and Manchester ; and J. D. Butler, Esq., author of the address before the Legislature of Vermont, October 20, 1848. Our production, such as it is, we offer to the consideration of the inde pendent freemen of the United States, who will, we hope, receive it with candid indulgence, and cast the mantle of charity over its errors. A people who inherit the enviable privilege of occupying the vast domains of this mighty and only Republic on earth, will, we confidently trust, through future ages, continue to be, what their progenitors of the iron days of '76 were — the undaunted champions and guardians of Liberty. Firm as her hills, may freedom's spirit stand, Repelling despots from her heaven-blest land ; And never be her glorious standard furled, Till the dread power who made, shall crush the world. CONTENTS MEMOIR OP GENERAL JOHN STARK 9 CORRESPONDENCE 108-325 GENERAL JACOB BAILEY 327 GENERAL JOSEPH CILLEY 335 COLONEL MARINUS WILLET 339 MAJOR CALEB STAEK ,. 344 CAPTAIN PHINEHAS STEVENS '. 372 COLONEL EOBERT ROGERS 386 THOMAS' BURNSIDE *. 487 INDEX OP GENERAL STARK'S CORRESPONDENCE. Petition to government of N. H. 109 Council of N. H 110 Commission to John Stark Ill To Hon. Matthew Thornton (Bat tle of Bunker's hill) .....112 Prom General Gates 114 General Schuyler 115 Ira Allen to N. H. Committee of Safety 118 Gen. Burgoyne's Proclamation....ll9 Gen. Schuyler's Proclamation 119 Prom Colonel Seth Warner,. 121 Vermont Council of Safetyl22 Hon. M. Weareto Ira Allen 123 Hon. M. Weare to Col. Polsom,..124 Gen. Schuyler to Gen. Lincoln....l25 Gen. Lincoln to Gen. Stark 126 Gen. Stark to N. H. Council (battle of Bennington)....126- Gen. Schuyler to President Han cock 129 Gen. Stark to Gen. Gates 129 Handbill (battle of Bennington) ..182 President Weare to Gen. Stark. ..135 Gen. Schuyler to Gen. Stark 136 Vermont Council to Gen. Stark..l37 Gov. Chittenden to Gen. Stark....l38 Commission to Gen. Stark 138 President Hancock to Gen. Stark 139 Resolve of Congress ,.140 From Gen. Gates 140 Massachusetts Legislature 140 Gen. Gates 142 Orders to Captain Patrick 142 Gen. Gates to Gen. Conway 143 Gen. Gates to Gen. Stark 144 James Deane to Gen. Schuyler... 145 Prom Mayor of Albany 146 Gen. Washington 147 To Gen. Gates 147 Col. Safford 148 Rev. S. Kirkland to Gen. Schuy ler..... 148 Gen. Stark to Pres. of Congress.. .150 VI CONTENTS. To Gen. Gates 151 James Deane to Gen. Schuyler. ..151 Gen. Stark to Gov. Chittenden....l53 To Gen. Gates 154 Prom Gen. Gates 155 To Gen. Gates 156 the Mayor of Albany...... 157 Gen. Tenbroeck 157 Gen. Gates 157 Sundry people of Cochnawaga to Gen. Stark..". 158 To Gen. Gates. ." 159 Gen. Washington 160 Prom Gen. Gates 161 To Col. Klock 162 Gen. Stark to Committee of Safety of Tryon Co 163 Prom Gen. Gates 163 Col. E. Allen 164 To Col. E. Allen 165 Gen. Gates 166 Gen. Pellows 167 the Brigadier of Hampshire Co 168 Qapt. Ballard 168 Gen. Gates 169 Prom Gen. Gates 170 To Gen. Gates 170 President N. H. Congress 172 Col. Hay 173 Prom Gen. Gates 174 To Gen. Gates 174 Press Warrant 175 To Col. Alden 175 Col. Alden to Capt. Ballard 176 Gen. Stark to Gen. Gates 176 To Col. Warner 177 >Gen. Gates 177 Gov. Chittenden 177 Prom Gen. Washington ^178 To Gen. Gates 179 Prom Gen. Gates 180 Gen. Gates 181 TdGen. Washington 182 i Gov. Chittenden.. 184 Col. Alden 184 ( Col. Butler 185 Gov. Clinton 187 To Gen. Washington 187 Gen. Washington 188 Commissioners of Albany 189 Gen. Washington 189 British Commander at Crown Point v. 190 Gov. Chittenden 190 Col. Alden 191 Prom Gen. Washington 192 To President of Congress 193 Gen. Washington 194 Prom Col. Herriek. 196 Gen. Gates 196 To President Weare 197 Prom Gen. Washington.....^ 199 Gen. Washington to President Weare ,201 To Gen. Heath 203 From Gen. Heath 204 To Col. Shrieve 205 Gen. Washington 206 Prom Gen. Heath... 206 Gen. Heath 207 To Gen. Washington 207 From Gen. Heath 208 To Gen. Heath 209 Col. T. Pickering 209 From Gen. Washington 210 To Hon. Meshech Weare 210 From Gen. Washington 211 Gen. Washington 213 To Gov. Clinton 213 Gen. Washington 215 Gen. Washington 217 Prom Gen. Washington 218 Orders to Capt. Livingston 218 To Gov. Clinton 219 Gov, Clinton 220 Gen. Washington 220 From Gen. Heath 221 Gov. Clinton 222 Col. Willet 222 To Col. Pickering 225 Col. Laurens 226 Gov. Chittenden 226 Joseph Pay, Esq., to Gen. Stark. ..227 From Col. Willet 227 Gov. Clinton 228 CONTENTS. VII To Gen. Heath 229 Gov. Clinton 231 From Gov. Clinton 233 Gen. Heath 234 City Government of Albany to Gov. Clinton 235 Gen. Stark to Gov. Haldiman 236 To Capt. E. Marshall 237 From Gen. Washington to Presi dent of Congress — (arrival of Count de Grasse) 239 From Capt. Marshall 240 Extract from Rivington's Gazette 241 Prom Gen. Heath 242 H. Glen to Capt. E. Marshall 243 Gen. 'Heath to Gen. Stark 243 Gov. Clinton to Mayor of Albany 243 Capt. Marshall to Gen. Stark 245 Gen. Stark to Gen. Heath..... 245 Hugh Miller, Esq., to Gen. Stark 246 Prom Capt. E. Marshall 247 To Gen. Heath 247 From Gen. Schuyler 250 To Gen. Schuyler 251 From Major Logan .251 Gen. Schuyler , 252 To Gen. Schuyler 253 From Gen. Heath 254 Capt. E. Marshall 255 To Gen. Heath 256 Gen. Washington 257 Gen. Heath : 258 From Gen. Heath 260 Gen. Schuyler 261 To Capt. Hickocks 262 From Col. Willet 263 Capt. E. Marshall 264 To Gen. Heath 265 From Gov. Clinton 267 Gen. Heath 267 Capt. E. Marshall 268 Capt. E. Marshall to Major C. Stark 269 Gen. Schuyler 271 Gen. Heath 271 Gen. Schuyler 272 Col. Willet 273 Gen. Heath 273 Gen. Heath to Col. Tupper 274 From Gen. Schuyler 274 Col. Robinson 275 Gen. Schuyler 276 Col. Safford 277. Gen Heath 278 To Governor George Clinton 279 From Gen. Heath 280 Gen. Schuyler 281 Gen. Roger Enos 282 Gen. Schuyler 283 Gen. Heath 284 Gen. Enos 284 To Gov. Chittendenu 285 From Gov. Chittenden 286' Lord Stirling., 288 To Gen. Heath 289 General orders 290 Prom Lord Sterling 291 Gen. Heath 292 To Gen. Heath 293 Prom Gen. Heath 295 To Gen. Heath 296 From Gen. Heath... 299 Tq. Col., Yates. 300 Hon. Meshech.. Weare.. i -301 From Gov. Chittenden 302 To Gen. Washington 303 Gen. Heath 305 Prom Col. George Reid 306 Gen. Heath 307 Col. Safford 308 Thomas Jefferson 308 Answer 309 From Committee of Bennington 310-311 Answer 312 From Bennington Committee 314 Answer 315 From James Madison 316 Answer 316 From Committee of "Seventy- six Association " of South-Car olina ....318 Prom Judge Witherell 318 Dr. Bentley 320 Letters 321-325 NOTICE. A reference has been made in note (page 322) to a portrait intended for this volume. Since the work was printed, a new engraving has been pre pared for the frontispiece. ERRATA. Page 41, line 14, read one hundred and fifty yards. Page 61, note, for continental read continual. Page 333, last paragraph, current read currant. MEMOIR OF JOHN STARK. Archibald Stark was born at Glasgow, Scotland, in 1697, and received his education at the University of that city. At an early, age he removed, with his father and family, to Londonderry, Ireland, where he married Eleanor Nichols, the daughter of a Scottish emigrant. In 1720 he embarked with a company of adventurers for New-Hampshire, whither a . considerable party of his countrymen had previously proceeded, to form a settle ment. After a tedious voyage, during which all his children died, the emigrants arrived at Boston late in autu,mn. As many of them were ill with the small-pox they were not permitted to land, and were, in consequence, com pelled to depart for the wilds of Maine. At a place called Sheepscot, near the site of the present town of "Wiscasset, they endured their first trial of the horrors of a northern winter in the forests of New-England. In the course of the year following, after encountering and enduring many severe hardships and privations, they joined their Scottish friends, who had preceded them, at Nuffield, (now Londonderry, N. H.) then a wilderness, rendered hideous by the frequent incursions of hostile savages, who, at that period, and for many succeeding years, harrassed the frontiers. His house in London derry having been burned in 1736, he, in consequence, removed to that portion of land on Merrimack river, 10 MEMOIR OF then known as Harrytown, and settled upon a lot, which had been granted to Samuel Thaxter by the government of Massachusetts, a short distance above the Falls of Amoskeag. There several of his friends soon afterward followed him, and the new location received the name of Derry- field. Several sons and daughters were born to him, after his arrival in America, to whom, at his fireside, he gave the best education his own acquirements and the circumstances of the times would permit. " His educa tion fitted him for the walks of civil life, jet," says the Historian of Manchester, "we find him a volunteer for the protection of the frontier against the ravages of the Indians in 1745 ; and for the protection of the people in his immediate neighborhood, a fort was built at the outlet of Swager's, or Fort brook, which, in compliment to his enterprise in erecting and garrisoning the same, was called Stark's Fort." His sons were "William, John, Samuel, and Archibald, who all held commissions in the British service during the "seven years'" or "French war," and were distinguished for good conduct, coolness and bravery. William, the eldest, served with reputation on the northern frontiers^ and, under General Wolfe, in the expeditions to Louis- burgh and Quebec, where his courage and address ren dered signal services. He afterward tarnished his well earned fame by joining the British arrny at New- York. In 1776 he obtained the rank of colonel of dragoons, but was soon afterward killed by a fall from his horse. A stone, in the old burial ground at Manchester, bears this inscription : Here Lyes The Body of Mr. ARCHIBALD STARK. HE Departed This Life June 25f Haverhill, upon Connecticut river, where two of their party had been stationed to obtain and prepare provisions for the returning scout. There they tarried one night, and continued their route to the Upper Coos. Fr*om thence they dispatched three of their party, with Eastman, to St. Francis. The re mainder of the Indians employed themselves, for some time, in hunting upon a small stream called John's river. The prisoner was liberated during the day, but confined at night. While there, they allowed him to try his luck as a hunter. He succeeded in trapping one beaver, and shooting another ; and received their skins as a present in compliment to his skill. The Indians, with their captive,, arrived at St. Francis on the 9th of June following, where he remained nearly five weeks. He was well Seated by the tribe, and obtain ed a knowledge of their language and modes of warfare, which proved of great service to him in his subsequent military career. In July, Mr. Wheelwright, of Boston, and Captain Stevens, of Charlestown, N. H., who were the agents employed by Massachusetts to redeem her captives, arrived at Montreal. Not finding the prisoners they expected to find, belonging to' Massachusetts, they re deemed Stark and Eastman ; and, returning by way of Albany, arrived at Derryfield in August following. The ransom of Stark was one hundred and three dollars, and that of his friend Eastman sixty dollars, f These sums He destroyed their wigwams, and the party, loading themselves. with as much of the fur, collected by the enemy, as they could carry home, burned the remainder. — Farmer's Hist. Coll. A considerable branch flows into Baker's river, from Stinson's. pond, and is called Stinson's brook. The pond is four hundred rods long, and two hundred, and eighty rods wide. Its name is probably derived from the circumstance that David Stinson was killed in its vicinity by the savages, April 29th, 1752.* — Hayward's Gaz. * On a journey to the White Mountains we last year visited the place. f Eastman was sold to a Frenchman. 14 MEMOIR OF were never repaid by the- State. Massachusetts, pursuing a more liberal policy, redeemed all her captives. It may here be remarked, as a singular fact, that the scout which captured these prisoners accompanied the returning party to Albany, and there disposed of the furs taken from them without molestation. When the prisoners arrived at St. Francis, they were compelled to undergo the ceremony of running the gant let. The young warriors of the tribe arranged themselves in two lines, each armed with a rod or club to strike the captive, as he passed them, singing some ditty which had been taught him for the occasion, and bearing in his hands a pole six or eight feet long, with the skin of some bird or animal attached to one end of it. Eastman advanced first, singing words which meant, " I'll beat all your young men." The latter, considering themselves insulted, beat him so severely with their rods that he fell exhausted as soon as he had passed the lines.* Stark followed, singing the words, "I'll kiss all your women," his pole being ornamented with a loon skin. After receiving a blow or two; he turned his pole right and left, dealing a blow at each turn, and made his way without much injury, his enemies making way for him to avoid the sweeping blows dealt by his pole. This feat pleased the old Indians, who enjoyed the sport at their young men's expense. The principal portion of the labor and menial drudgery of Indians is performed by squaws and captives. They directed Stark to hoe corn. He at first carefully hoed the weeds, and cut up the corn ; but finding his purpose of freeing himself from the labor not answered by this process, he boldly threw his hoe into the river, declaring that " it was the business of squaws, and not warriors, to hoe corn." * Stark stated that the first one who struck him was a youth, whom he knocked down ; and that he did not see him again while he remained at the village. JOHN STARK. 15 Instead of being enraged at this action, the Indians were pleased with his boldness, released him from his task, and called him "young chief." He was adopted by the sachem, and treated with kindness while he remained at the village. In the latter daysjjf Jttijt Jj.fe_ he often related^ with much humor, the incidents of his captivity, observing that he had experienced more genuine kindness from the savages of St. Francis, than he ever knew prisoners of war to receive from more civilized nations. Not daunted by this unfortunate enterprise, our adven turer repaired the next season to the river Androscoggin to pursue his vocation, and raise means to discharge his redemption debt. Upon this occasion he was very successful, and returned with a valuable lot of fur. The reports of these prisoners, concerning the Coos Ter ritory, induced the authorities of the province to dispatch a party to explore this hitherto unknown region. Colonel Lovewell, Major Talford and Captain Page were ordered to enlist a company for that service. They engaged Mr. Stark as their guide, and under his direction, on the 10th of March, 1753, their journey was commenced. In seven days they reached Connecticut river at Pier- mont. There they passed one night ; and, having made such observations as their time would allow, returned, reaching Concord on the thirteenth day from the time of their departure. An account of the proceedings of this surveying party, with the names of the company, is to be found in the History of Manchester. In 1754 a report was current that the French were erecting a fort at the Upper Coos ; and Captain Powers was dispatched by Governor Wentworth with thirty men and a flag of truce, to demand their authority for so doing. He applied to Mr. Stark to accompany him, who conducted the party to the Upper Coos, by way of the Little Ox-Bow, by the same route he had traveled two years before, as a captive to the Indians. Finding no French garrison there, the company returned, being, •we believe, the first party of English adventurers who 16 MEMOIR OF- explored the Coos intervals, where are now located the flourishing towns of Haverhill and Newbury. Mr. Stark had acquired so much reputation by these expeditions, that, upon the breaking out of the "seven years' war," he was commissioned by the Governor as second lieutenant of Rogers' company of rangers, attached to Blanchard's regiment. Captain Rogers, possessing a bold and adventurous spirit, soon mustered a band of rugged foresters, every man of whom, as a hunter, could hit the size of a dollar at a hundred yards' distance ; could follow the trail of man or beast ; endure the fatigues of long marches, the pangs of hunger, and the cold of winter nights, often passed without fire, shelter, or covering, other than their common clothing, a blanket, perhaps a bearskin, and the boughs of the pine or hemlock. Their knowledge of Indian character, customs and manners, was accurate. They were principally recruited in. the vicinity of Amoskeag Falls ; where Rogers was accustomed to meet them at the annual fishing season ; whom he knew to be accustomed to traveling in forests, and hunting, and upon whose courage and fidelity implicit confidence could be placed. They were men who could face, with equal resolution, the savage animals of their native woods, the mountain tempests, or engage in the combat of heroes. In the summer of 1755, Rogers, with his command, was ordered to Cobs to burn the intervals, preparatory to the erection of a fort. Before reaching their place of. destination, a new order directed them to join their regiment, at Fort Edward, by way of Number Four. They reached headquarters in August, a short time before the provincial army, under the command of General Johnson, was attacked by the French and Indians, at the south end of Lake George, near Bloody pond, so named from the slaughter on this occasion. The French were defeated with the loss of one thousand killed, wounded and prisoners, with all their baggage. Their general, the Baron Dieskau, was wounded and JOHN STARK. 17 taken prisoner. General Johnson was created a baronet ; but 'the honors bestowed upon him were earned and deserved by General Lyman, who was the real hero of the battle of Lake George. After the enemy gave way, he urged a pursuit ; but Johnson, having received a slight wound, became alarmed, and would not allow of it. In. fact, he never commenced the erection of the fort, afterward called William Henry, -until the rangers returned from a reconnoitering scout, with the information that the French were building a fortress at Ticonderoga. The campaign passed without any other occurrence worthy of notice. ' In autumn the regiment was discharged, and Lieutenant Stark returned home. In the winter of 1756 the British commander at Fort Edward resolved to establish a permanent corps of rangers, to counteract the operations of the French and Indian scouts, which harassed the frontiers, and hung upon the wings of the army. Rogers was appointed to enlist and command the corps. He selected Stark again for his second lieutenant, (his own brother, Richard, being his first lieutenant) raised a company, and in April following reported himself and soldiers at Fort Edward. Although no important military operations were at tempted during this campaign, the rangers were constantly on foot, watching the motions of the enemy at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, cutting off their convoys of supplies, and often making prisoners of sentinels at their posts. One of their parties brought in the scalp of a French sentinel, killed near the gate of Crown. Point. The rangers sometimes used the scalping knife, in retaliation for the cruelties of the French and their savage allies. "On one of our expeditions," says Rogers, "my lord Howe did me the honor to accompany me, being desirous, as he expressed himself, of learning our method of marching, ambushing, retreating, &c. ; and on our return expressed his opinion of us very generously." George, Lord Viscount Howe, was at this time second in command of the British forces in the north. 18 MEMOIR OF In the autumn of 1756 the -corps of rangers was reinforced by two companies from Halifax, which raised it to the force of three hundred, strong. These hardy woodsmen were familiar with all the practices of the French and Indian partisans, and, in many a fierce conflict, evinced their ability to contend with and defeat them upon their own terms, either of force or stratagem. In January, 1757, a detachment of rangers marched from Fort William Henry to intercept supplies passing. between Crown Point and Ticonderoga. They passed over Lake George, and turned the latter fortress, without being observed. They captured several sleds, and destroyed their loading. One sled, however, escaped, and was driven back to the fort. Knowing that the garrison would immediately be noti fied of their presence in the vicinity, the party commenced their retreat homeward ; when, at the distance of three miles from • Ticonderoga, they were, in the afternoon of January 21st, suddenly attacked by a force of French and Indians, springing from concealment in their front. The strength of the enemy was in numbers more than double that of their own, and a sanguinary action ensued. According to the numbers engaged, a more desperate and bloody encounter did not occur during the war. Rogers was twice wounded, Captain Spikeman killed, and the command devolved upon Lieutenant Stark, as senior officer ; who, by his prudence and firmness, secured the wounded, and drew off the detachment in such order as to keep the enemy at bay. By marching all night, they reached Lake Geoi-ge at eight o'clock next morning. The wounded, who, during the night march, had kept up their spirits, were by that time so overcome with cold, fatigue, and loss of blood, that they could march no farther. It became, therefore, necessary to forward a notice to the fort, that sleighs might be sent for them. Lieutenant Stark volunteered for this purpose, and, by undergoing extraordinary fatigues, reached Fort William Henry, dis- JOHN STARK. 19 tant forty miles, the next evening.* Sleighs were imme diately dispatched to bring in the wounded, who arrived at the fort on the evening of the 23d of January. General Stark stated, in after times, that he was never conscious of taking the life of an individual except in this action. While the rangers were defending their position on the crest of the hill, he observed that several balls struck near him from a certain direction. In a moment afterward he discovered an Indian stretched at full length upon a rock, behind a large tree. His gun was soon ready,' and he saw the Indian rising for another shot at him. His fusee was instantly leveled, discharged, and the savage rolled from the rock into the snow, pierced by the bullet through the head, f Rogers, after he received his second wound, advised a retreat ; but Stark, now having the command, and being almost the only officer fit for duty, declared that he had a good position, and would fight the enemy until dark, and then retreat ; that in such a course consisted their only safety ; and that he would shoot the first man who fled. While speaking thus, a ball broke the lock of his gun ; and, at the same moment, observing a Frenchman fall, he sprang forward, seized his gun, returned to his place, and continued the action. His decision, prudence and courage no doubt saved the party in the present instance, and afterward contributed much toward the attainment of that success and celebrity which distinguished the career of the rangers in the campaigns of the " seven years' war." So said many of his veteran comrades. In the reorganization of the corps, he was promoted to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Captain Spikeman. * The snow was at this time four feet deep upon a level, and the journey was performed on snow-shoes. ¦j: He was at this period twenty-eight years of age. He had been an expert and successful hunter, and was well known to be one of the best marksmen of his time; and the most savage animals of his native forests — the catamounts, bears, wolves and wildcats — in numerous instances, felt the effects of his unerring aim. 20 MEMOIR OF In March, 1757, while commander of the rangers sta tioned at Fort William Henry, one of his eccentricities saved the garrison from surprise and capture. At this time Fort Edward, on the Hudson, and Fort William Henry, at the south end of Lake George, were the two most northerly frontier posts of the British dominions in North America. They were situated fifteen miles apart. The latter fort was at this period occupied by an Irish regiment, and about one hundred and fifty rangers. The nearest French post was Ticonderoga, forty miles northward. • With the exception of the uneasiness occasioned by the small-pox, then among them, the garrison at Fort William Henry rested in confident security on the night of March 17, 1757. While going his rounds, on the evening of the 16th, Captain Stark overheard a squad of his men, who were of the Scotch-Irish race, planning a celebration in honor of St. Patrick, for the next night. He afterward said he had then no presentiment of approaching danger, - but disliked these wild Irish demonstrations. He therefore called for the ranger sutler, Samuel Blodget, and gave him directions to deliver the rangers their regular rations of grog until the evening of the 17th ; and after that, no more, without a written drder from himself. On that evening he retired to his quarters, directing his orderly sergeant to say to all applicants for written orders that he was confined to his bunk with a lame right hand, and would not be disturbed. The Irish troops received an extra supply of rum on the night of the 16th, and commenced their carousal, which they carried on with unabated vigor through the night and during the ensuing day, in honor of St. Patrick, and his wife Shelah. They drank so freely that the officer of the day could find none of them fit for duty as sentinels ; and the rangers, who were sober, supplied their places. The rangers, seeing the Irish thus enjoying themselves, desired the same privilege. The sutler informed them of, his orders, and the captain's JOHN STARK. 21 quarters were beset to obtain a written order. The orderly refused to disturb his officer, as he was confined with a painfully lame right hand, and could not write. The soldiers felt somewhat cross, but bore their disappointment like philosophers. At two o'clock on the morning of the 18th, a ranger sentinel on the ramparts observed a light upon the lake, and soon afterward . became aware that a large force was advancing in the direction of the fortress. Notice was instantly conveyed to the ranger captain. The lame hand was instantly restored to health, and he was among his soldiers. The commander of the post was quietly notified, and the rangers silently mustered upon the walls. The French army, of more than twenty-five hundred men, with a large force of Indians in their rear, commanded by General, the Marquis Vaudreuil, advanced and halted within about thirty rods of the fort. A detach ment of five hundred men immediately came forward with scaling ladders, thinking to carry the place by surprise. They planted their ladders, and mounted1; but as the foremost men were about placing their feet upon the ramparts, a deep, stern voice gave the word "fire." A volley of musketry was instantly poured, with fatal effect, upon the assailants, while the guns of the fortress opened with grape and canister upon the columns in the rear. The enemy were repulsed, and fell back, confused and mortified. The expedition had been concerted with the hope of carrying the fort by surprise, in consequence of the excesses which the French general knew would be committed by the adorers of St. Patrick, upon the anniversary of that worthy saint's birth. The roar of the guns dissipated the fumes of alcohol from the brains of the regulars; and the garrison was soon in condition for a vigorous defence. At day light the French general sent a flag of truce by his lieutenant general of artillery, (he brought, however, no artillery on this occasion) and formally summoned the 22 MEMOIROF garrison to surrender. He stated that "they occupied territory belonging to his most christian majesty, the King of France. He offered them their lives, and the officers were to be allowed to retain their baggage and side arms ; the troops were to march out with the honors of war. He suggested, however, that it would be well for them to bestow some presents upon the Indians, to keep them quiet ; that if these terms were not accepted, a gen eral assault would be made by their whole army, and if the fort was taken, no quarter would be given." The messenger had been brought in blind-fold, and after delivering his message was conducted to another apartment, while the council of war considered their an swer. It was gallantly and unanimously resolved, by the officers, to bury themselves in its ruins, rather than sur render the fortress. The disastrous defeat of General Braddock, two years previously, was fresh in the memory of the soldiers. They crowded around the commander's quarters, anxiously awaiting the council's decision. " Mo- nongahela and revenge," were the words shouted by the men. The French officer was again brought before the council, where the colonel commanding gave him their answer, allowing him twenty minutes to regain the French army. In the course of the day a general attack was made upon the fort, with great obstinacy and perseverance, upon four different points, but was, at every position assailed, gallantly repulsed by its heroic defenders. The enemy then burned a vessel on the stocks, set fire to the wood-piles and the rangers' summer huts, outside of the walls, and after a siege of five days retreated, car rying away most of their wounded. They concealed their loss in killed by cutting holes in the ice and throwing into the lake the bodies of the slain, after having, as report says, scalped them, to obtain "the bounty then offered by both governments for the scalps of their enemies. Sev eral wounded prisoners, who were brought in after the French had retreated, reported that their orders were, if JOHN STARK. 23 the place was carried, to put every man, woman and child in it to death. On the part of the garrison not a man was killed, and but few wounded. Captain Stark was struck by a spent ball, which produced a slight contusion, but drew no blood. It was not a wound, but was the only injury he ever received from an enemy's weapon during the whole course of his military career. Some time after this affair, a few gentlemen from Nan tucket, strangers to him, presented Captain Stark with a cane, made from the bone of a whale, headed with ivory, as a token of their admiration of his conduct in the de fence of Fort William Henry. The cane is still in the possession of his family. Thus terminated the first siege of Fort William Henry, in March, 1757. In the month of August following, it was surrendered to the Marquis de Montcalm, after a siege of nine days, and entirely destroyed. The cause of its capture was as follows : In 1757 the Earl of Loudoun was appointed commander-in-chief of the British forces in North America. He came to Amer ica with the hope of reaping a harvest of laurels, but gained none. He drew off most of the forces from the north to Nova Scotia, threatened Louisburgh and Quebec, but effected nothing, except a waste of time and treasure. He left a garrison of 4,000 men at Fort Edward, under the com mand of General "\jfebb, an inefficient and imbecile officer, who suffered Fort William Henry to be besieged and re duced by the French, without making the slightest effort for its relief. General Wolfe, in his position, would have acted a bolder part, and no doubt have compelled the enemy to retreat. Sir William Johnson came to- Fort Edward and urged General Webb to make a movement for the relief of the besieged fort. The troops were once paraded for that purpose ; but Webb's courage failing him, they were ordered back to their quarters, and a message 24 MEMOIR OP dispatched to Colonel Monroe, advising him to capitulate on the best terms he could obtain. Captain Stark proceeded to New- York to join the east ern expedition; but was there attacked with the small-pox, and compelled to remain until the return of the armament. After- his recovery he rejoined the army at Albany, in October, and passed the winter at Fort Edward. In March, 1758, Lord Loudoun returned to England, having added nothing to his military reputation by his American campaign. The command of the British forces now devolved upon Major-General James Abercrombie, who resolved to attempt the reduction of Ticonderoga. Preparations were accordingly commenced to assemble for that purpose the most powerful armament ever mustered in America. In addition to a large force of disciplined regulars, numerous detachments of provincials were called out, and every preparation made to insure success. Of this army, Lord Viscount Howe was second in command. " On the morning »of -July 5th#the whole army (of 16,Q00 men) embarked in bateaux for Ticonderoga (on the waters of Lake George.) The order of march afforded a splendid military show. The regular troops occupied the centre, and the provincials formed the wings. For the advanced guard, the light infantry flanked the right, and the rangers the left, of Bradstreet's bateau men." The services of Captain Stark had long before this period attracted the notice of Lord Howe, by whom he had been treated with great kindnes* and respect. His lordship had accompanied the rangers on a scout; and had, on that occasion, been conducted to the summit of Mount Defiance, a mountain eight hundred feet in height, overlooking and commanding the works of Ticonderoga. He perceived, at that time, the advantage which a few pieces of heavy artillery, placed there in battery, would afford a besieging army over the garrison. But General Abercrombie, supposing his force of sufficient strength to carry the place by assault, brought no artillery with his army. JOHN STARK. 25 On the evening before the attack, Captain Stark had a long conversation with Lord Howe in his tent, seated with him upon the bear-skins which composed his lordship's camp-bed, respecting the mode of attack, and the position of the fort. They supped together, and orders were given him for the rangers to carry the bridge, between Lake George and the plains of Ticonderoga, at an early hour in the morning. On the morning of July 6th, they advanced at day-light; but on approaching the bridge, Rogers, who was with the front column, perceiving a*body of French and Indians prepared to dispute the passage, halted a few moments, which caused the rear guard, which was advancing rapidly, to press upon the front. Stark, who led the rear column, not knowing the cause of the delay and confusion conse quent upon the halting of the front column, rushed for ward, exclaiming, "Itis no time for delay;" and calling on the troops to follow, pushed boldly on to the bridge, where, after a contest of a few minutes, the enemy broke and fled, leaving a clear passage for the army. The attacks upon the French lines were made on the 6th, 7th and 8th of July, and proved unsuccessful, partly through the overweening confidence of the commander-in- chief, in neglecting to bring up his artillery with the army, at the expense of 1,608 regulars, and 334 provincials killed, wounded and prisoners. The French force under Mont calm scarcely amounted to 3000 men, Indians included. Of those who fell, none was more regretted than Lord Howe, who was mortally wounded in the action with the enemy's advanced guard. He had driven them in, but following up his success too closely, received a fatal wound. His fall checked the advance of the army, and paralyzed their efforts. Other attacks were made, but without suc cess. On the evening of the 8th, the General ordered a retreat, directing the " corps of rangers to cover his rear." In general orders next day, he thanked the army for their good behavior-j-a compliment which his troops could not bestow upon their general. 3 26 MEMOIR OP The following extract relates to transactions of the after noon and evening of the 7th of July, 1 758. "Major Rogers held the position with. 450 men, while Captain Stark, with the remainder of the rangers, (250) went with Captain Abercrombie and Colonel Clerk .to reconnoitre the enemy's works. They returned in the evening, Colonel Clerk reporting that the enemy's works were of little importance. Captain, Stark, however, was of a different opinion ; and did not hesitate to say that the French had formidable preparations for defence. Jftark was but a provincial woodsman, and Clerk a British engineer. The opinion of the former was unheeded, while, most unfortunately, the advice of the latter was followed. Early on the morning of the 8th, Abercrombie, relying upon the report of his engineer, as to the flimsy nature of the French defences, determined to commence the attack without bringing up his artillery." * The regret of Captain Stark for the fate of the gallant Lord Howe, who thus fell at the age of thirty-three, lasted his lifetime'. He often remarked, however, during the Rev olution, that he became more reconciled to his fate, since his talents, had he lived, might have been employed against the United States. He considered him the ablest com mander under whom he ever served. To his military ser vices and private virtues the General Court of Massachu setts paid an honorable tribute, by causing a monument to be erected to his memory, in Westmister Abbey. Until the close of the campaign the rangers were con stantly employed in excursions to the French' forts, and in pursuit of their flying parties. Returning home on furlough, Captain Stark was, on the 20th of August; 1758, married to Elizabeth, daughter of Captain Caleb Page, one of the original proprietors of Dunbarton, N. H. e * History of Manchester. JOHN STARK. 27 In the spring of 1759, having enlisted a new company, he returned to Fort Edward, and was present under Gen eral Amherst, at the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. After the surrender of the latter fort, he was ' ordered by that general, with a force of two hundred ran gers, to construct a road through the wilderness from Crown Point to Number Four, on Connecticut river. The capitulation of Canada put an end, for the time, to military operations in America. This circumstance, to gether with the jealousies of the British officers, induced him to leave the service. General Amherst assured him, by an official letter, of his protection ; and that, if he should be inclined to reenter the service, he should not lose his rank by retiring. . In the campaign of 1759, the name of Captain Starke is mentioned several times in general orders, as follows: June 13,-1759. "Captain- Stark, with his company of' rangers, will join the detachment from the ' four mile post!-' " June 27. " Captain Stark, will have a red flag in his bateau ; and every bateau must be near, enough to call to each other, and ready to follow Captain Stark immedi ately, as he knows where the covering party is posted, and will row in at a proper time. The fishermen will take their arms, which Captain Loring will deliver ; and great care must b.e fallen that they are not too much crowded. ' Captain Stark- will receive his orders when the whole is to return from Major Campbell." According to the above order, a large detachment of rangers and other troops were sent out in bateaux, cov ered by a strong force on, shore, that fresh-fish might be procured for the use of the "army, one bateau being allowed to each battalion. * - . October 10. "Captain Stark is to man three whale boatSj with seven men each, and to attend such directions as he shall receive from Captain Loring." After the conquest of Canada had been completed, Cap tain Stark returned home, and directed his attention to the 28 MEMOIR OF cultivation of a large farm, to the care of his mills, and the settlement of a new township, first called Starkstown, and afterwards Dunbarton, from the town and castle in Scotland, from the vicinity of which his ancestors emi grated ; himself, his brother William, and Captain Caleb Page being the principal proprietors of the new township. From the time he left the army, until 1774, he uniformly espoused the cause of his countrymen ; and from his mili tary services and respectable standing, was a person around whom could rally the people of his vicinity, and exchange ideas upon the then critical situation of the provinces. He was appointed one of the committee of safety, and discharged the difficult duties devolving upon him with firmness and moderation, endeavoring, to the utmost of his abilities, to promote union of sentiment and prepara tion for action, should that become necessary. The transactions of April 19, 1775, rendered no longer doubtful the course to be pursued by patriots and friends of the land that gave them birth. The cry of blood from Lexington and Concord had sounded the tocsin of alarm, and roused a nation to arms. " The sword had been drawn and the scabbard thrown away ! " Captain Stark received the report of these events while occupied in his saw-mill. He immediately returned to his house — a mile distant — changed his dress, mounted a horse, and proceeded toward the theatre of actien. Being well known along the route, he encouraged the people to volunteer, telling them that the time had arrived when a blow should be struck for the liberties of their country, and recommended Medford as a place of rendezvous. Thither he was followed by many of his old soldiers, and hundreds of citizens, who thus answered his appeal to their patriotism. His important public services, and uniform attachment to the cause of equal rights, were potent inducements in the minds of his countrymen who, at his cadi, had ap peared in arms, to elect him their colonel by an unani- JOHN STARK. 29 mous vote. Isaac Wyman was chosen lieutenant colonel, and Andrew McClary major of the regiment. The late venerable Jonathan Eastman, senior, informed the writer that the election took place at the hall of a tavern, in Medford, afterward called the New-Hampshire Hall ; that it was a hand vote, and he held up his hand for his friend John Stark. A regiment containing thirteen full companies was soon organized, and reduced to a tolerable state of discipline. As the colonel had left home at ten minutes' notice, he returned to arrange his affairs. Having accomplished this object, he joined the army for the campaign. While examining Noddle's island with a party of offi cers, by request of General Ward, with a view to erect batteries against the British shipping, their object having been accomplished, on their return, they discovered a British party upon the same errand. The latter attempted to cut off their retreat by seizing their boat, which, after exchanging a few shots, they reached, and returned to camp. At the battle of Bunker's hill the New- Hampshire reg iments constituted the left wing of the American line, and the attacks of the enemy were repulsed in a manner worthy of the brightest days of chivalry. The regiment opposed to the New-Hampshire line was the Welsh fusileers, which had been distinguished at the battle of Minden, and was considered the finest light infantry regiment in the British army. " The troops advanced, and displayed in front of our line," (said an eye witness) " with the coolness and preci sion of troops upon parade. Not a shot was fired until they came within eighty yards of our line, when a fire •opened upon them so rapid and deadly that in a few moments they broke and fled in confusion. They were immediately rallied, reinforced, again led to the attack, and once more gave way before the fatal fire of the New- Hampshire marksmen. A third attempt was made to turn our left, which was repulsed with great slaughter. 30 MEMOIROF No farther attempts were made to turn our flank. Our men were brought into action with the utmost coolness, and without being fatigued. Colonel Stark observed to Captain Henry Dearborn, who suggested the propriety of hastening the march over Charlestown neck, which was enfiladed by the guns of the frigate Lively on one side, and two floating batteries on the other, that " one fresh man in action was worth ten tired ones." The Welsh fusileers came into the field more than 700 strong, and mustered but 83 on parade next morning. In the heat of the action some one reported to Colonel Stark that his son, a youth under sixteen years of age, who had followed him to the field, had just been killed. "If he is," said the veteran, " it is no time to talk of private affairs while the enemy are advancing in our front. Back to your post !"- The report proved groundless ; the son refer red to was unhurt ; was a staff officer throughout the war, and was the youngest survivor of the action who was present when the corner stone of the Bunker hill monu ment was laid in 1825.* The position occupied by the New-Hampshire troops was at the rail fence, about forty yards in the rear of the redoubt, toward Mystic river. The hay had been recently mown, and lay in windrows and cocks upon the field. Two fences, forming a lane, ran parallel to each other along their front. The rails of one were taken up and passed through those of the other, while the hay, suspended from top to bottom, gave the whole line the appear ance of a breast-work. This arrangement, hastily prepared, served to deceive the enemy, aud give confidence to the men, although it was in reality no defencive cover. When the redoubt was carried, and retreat became una voidable, Colonel Stark drew off his troops in such order - as not to be pursued. The men were unwilling to quit their position, having repulsed the enemy so often as to consider themselves completely victorious. While the * See Memoir of Major Caleb Stark,- contained in this volume. JOHN STARK. 31 British were storming the redoubt, these . troops could hardly be prevented from leaving their lines and attacking the enemy's rear. Their commander had witnessed such scenes before. He foresaw the fate of the redoubt ; knew that his men had but few bayonets, and but one or two rounds of ammunition remaining. He therefore consid ered any attempt to succor the right of the line would be an ac#of madness. General Gage, surveying the scene of action from the cupola of the Province House, just before the attack, remarked to one of his staff, who inquired whether he thought the rebels would await the assault of the royal troops, "that if one John Stark was with them, they would fight ; for he was a brave fellow and had served under him, in 1758-9, at Lake George." The late General Winslow, of Boston, was on the ground at 10 o'clock, the day after the action. (Sunday.) Before a wall hastily thrown upon the beach of Mystic river, he counted 96 men dead ; he saw no officers among them, as they had probably been removed. The company of Captain John Moore was posted behind the stone-wall at that place.* * A merchant of Boston, writes to his brother in Scotland, June 24, 1775: "To the great satisfaction of all good men, Doctor Warren was slain, who was one of their first and greatest leaders." " Early next morning I went over and saw the field of battle, before any of the dead were buried, which was the first thing of the sort I ever saw ; and I pray God I may never have the opportunity of seeing the like again. The rebels are employed since that day fortifying all the hills and passes within four miles, to prevent the troops from advancing into the country. We hourly expect the troops to make a movement against them ; but they are too few in numbers, not less than 20,000 being equal to the task. I cannot help mentioning one thing which serves to show the hellish disposition of the accursed rebels : by parcels of ammunition left on the field, their balls were all found to be poisoned!" About as rational as were the British officers, who, mistrusting the buzzing of large flying bugs in the evening for something different, wrote to England that the rebels fired at them with air guns ! It was the intention of the enemy to have occupied Dorchester heights. The dispositions for that purpose were made, and the 18th of June was the day appointed to carry the design into effect. Fortunately the appear ance of the Americans on Breed's hill, on the morning of the 17th, discon certed the plan ; and the losses sustained in the action of that day so weakened the British forces, that the expedition to Dorchester heights was postponed, and in due time the position was occupied by the Americans. Its battery expelled the British from Boston. 32 MEMOIR OF It is a singular coincidence that the battle of Bunker's hill, in 1775, and that of Bennington, in 1777, were fought on Saturday, commencing at nearly the same hour. The British official report admitted a loss of 1,064 killed and wounded ; while that of the provincials was about 334. The ground along the whole line of the rail fence was thickly strewn with dead and wounded. We may truly consider that the memorable standftaade on the heights of Charlestown, by a small force of undisci plined and ill-armed yeomanry, was, in its moral influence, to the American revolution, what the defence at the pass of Thermopylae was to the campaign of Xerxes. It partially convinced the arrogant invaders of our soil, that to conquer American rebels on the floor of parlia ment was a less formidable task than to subdue them while with arms in their hands, defending the fair fields of their country, their homes, their fire-sides, and the tombs of their forefathers. Immediately after the retreat, intrenchments were form ed by the New-Hampshire line at Winter hill ; and the campaign passed away in a few abortive projects for set tling the rank of general and field officers, and in reenlist- ing the troops. We have often heard the following incident related, which, although no conflict ensued, exhibited traits of character of the men who fought at Breed's hill, and who composed a portion of the force which held the British army for nearly a year in a state of seige at Boston. After the batteries on Dorchester- heights had opened their fire upon the town, Admiral Graves called upon General Sir William Howe, and stated that unless the rebels were dislodged from those heights, he could not keep a ship in the harbor. Orders were immediately issued for a strong force to embark in boats at night, and proceed to storm the heights. The troops were accord ingly embarked, but a furious tempest suddenly arising, placed the detachment in extreme peril, and compelled the abandonment of the enterprise. JOHN STARK. 33 A flag of truce was soon afterward sent to the American lines, proposing that if the cannonade was discontinued, the British army would evacuate Boston on or before a speci fied day in March, (ten days being the limit of the truce.) The terms were accepted by General Washington, and the firing ceased. The proposed time expired, and no notice was received from the enemy to signify that they intended to comply with the terms of the truce. Washington, supposing he had been made a dupe of British treachery and falsehood, determined to attack and carry the town by assault. He ordered a strong force to enter the town by way of Rox bury neck, while at the same time a force, under the com mand of Colonel Stark, was directed to pass over on rafts and carry the battery on Copp's hill. The wife of Colonel Stark was at this time in the camp on a visit ; and was directed by him to mount on horse back, after the embarkation of the troops, and remain in sight to watch the result. If the party were fired upon, she was directed to ride into the country, spread the alarm, and arouse the people. The troops effected their passage over the river unmo lested. She observed them land, advance up the height . and take possession of the battery. The enemy's rear " guard were then embarking at the end of Long wharf. The troops, on entering the works, found the guns loaded, and lighted matches lying beside them, indicating that mischief had been intended ; but, for some reason, the design had not been carried out. General Washington entered by way of the neck, and the Americans obtained possesion of a ravaged town, the inhabitants of which could hardly realize the fact that they were free from the merciless exactions and despotic sway of British tyranny. The wife of General Stark has often related this inci dent. 34 MEMOIR OF After the evacuation of Boston, Colonel Stark was ordered, with two regiments — the fifth and twenty-fifth — under his command, to proceed to New- York and assist in arranging the defences of that city, where he remained until May, 1776, when his regiment, with five others, was ordered to march by way of Albany to Canada. He joined the army at St. John's, and advanced to the mouth of the Sorelle. There he met the army retreating from Quebec, commanded by General Thomas. While there, the latter died of the small-pox, and the command devolved upon General Arnold, who employed himself in plundering the merchants of Montreal, for his private emolument, making use of his official station to cover his exactions. He boldly seized upon property as he pleased, threatening and sometimes using force. A large amount of goods was conveyed to Albany, and sold for his benefit.* He was soon, however, superseded in his command by General Sullivan. The latter was persuaded to detach an expedition against Trois Rivieres. This movement was strongly opposed by Colonel Stark,* as being imprudent and hazardous. It was formed in the face of the enemy, and on the opposite side qf the St. Lawrence, or Lake St. Pierre, nearly ten miles broad, at a time when the en.emy had a strong naval force on the river, and the Americans none. The expedition proved a failure, as Stark had predicted, and its commander, General Thompson, was made prisoner. Upon their return, the remains of this ill-fated enterprise suffered severe losses by the small-pox, which quickly spread through the army. A retreat now became necessary. It was ably conducted by General Sullivan, before the close pursuit of a superior force, which continued until the troops reached St. John's. Not a boat or piece of artillery was lost. The troops, after setting fire to all the public buildings and barracks at St. John's, embarked in boats for the Isle aux Noix. Colonel Stark, with his staff, was in the last boat that left the shore. They were in * Eor farther particulars, see Wilkinson's Memoirs. JOHN STARK. 35 sight when the advanced guard of the enemy arrived among the smoking ruins. On . the 18th of June the army encamped upon the Isle aux Noix, and before the enemy could prepare boats to pursue, they had again embarked, and safely landed at Crown Point. Colonel Stark's regiment was quartered at Chimney Point, directly opposite Crown Point, on the eastern shore of Lake Champlain, at that place about a hundred and sixteen rods wide. The army remained in this position until ordered to evacuate Crown Point, and fall back upon Ticonderoga. Against this removal Colonel Stark and other field officers presented a remonstrance to . General Schuyler, then in command, showing that their present position ought not to be abandoned, as it commanded the lake, and could be rendered more capable of defence than Ticonderoga. General Schuyler being of a different opinion, the removal took place; After events proved that the memorialists were correct. (See the answer of General Schuyler, and General Washington's letter to Congress upon the subject, in another part of this work.) On the 6th and 7th of July the army reached Ticon deroga, and, on the morning following, the Declaration of Independence was read to the army. It was received with- shouts of applause. Powder was too precious an article to be afforded upon the occasion. General Gates, soon after this, assumed the command ; and assigned to Colonel Stark the command of a brigade, with orders to clear and fortify Mount Independence, (so named on the above occasion) and then a wilderness — in clearing which the soldiers destroyed a large number of rattle-snakes. In the autumn of this year Congress promoted several junior colonels to the rank of brigadiers ; against which Colonel Stark protested, on the ground of insecurity of rank, and that such proceedings would plant the seeds of discord among the officers of the army. 36 MEMOIR OF When it was ascertained that the British army, under Sir Guy Carleton, * had retired to winter quarters in Canada, Colonel Stark's regiment, with several others, were detached from the northern army to reinforce General Washington at Newtown, Penn., where he arrived a few days before the battle of Trenton, where, leading the van of Sullivan's division, he contributed his share in tha*t bloodless and fortunate coup-de-main. * The following anecdote furnished to the writer by the late Captain Jonathan Eastman, (senior) refers to the late General Badger, of Gilman- ton, N. H. While the American army, after the retreat' from Canada in 1776, lay at Crown Point, the British forces being at St. John's, the American gen eral was desirous of obtaining information relative to their anticipated movements. Lieutenant Badger volunteered for the purpose. He selected three men who had been rangers in the French war, and. who knew the country well, for his companions. They embarked in a boat and landed near St. John's at dark. On that night a ball was given by the British officers, of which they . obtained information from a Canadian, whom they made a prisoner. Leaving him at the boat in charge of two of his men, Badger proceeded with the other into the town, intending to make prisoner, an officer. His attendant was well acquainted with the locality, and while in the dark watching near a house occupied for oflicers quarters, they observed a young oflicer come out in full ball-dress. They sprang upon him ere he was aware of their presence, and with presented pistols, compelled him to go with them in silence. When they reached the boat, a new and bolder idea was conceived by Badger ; being of the same size of his prisoner, he ordered the latter to change dresses with him, determined, under. the mask of a British uniform, to attend the ball, and gather what information he could from the conver sation of those present. The circumstance that many of the officers who were present had lately arrived, and were strangers to each other, favored his enterprise. He obtained from their conversation such intelligence as he desired ; the most important item of which was that Sir Guy Carleton did not intend to advance toward Crown Point the present season, but intended to retire to winter quarters in Canada. Lieutenant Badger danced as long as he pleased, and when tired of that amusement, returned to his boat, released the Canadian, and with his mili tary prisoner returned to camp. This news thus acquired, enabled the general of the northern army to detach several regiments to reinforce General Washington at Newtown, Penn., and contributed their aid at Trenton and Princeton. The oflicer thus captured would give no information ; but Badger had learned sufficient for all purposes. When the captive army of Burgoyne marched for Cambridge, Mass., Lieut Badger was attached to the troops who acted as their escort. On the second day's march, Badger came acci dentally in the vicinity of his former prisoner ; the latter having previ ously seen none but hostile faces in the ranks of the escort, embraced Badger with the affection of a brother. JOHN STARK. 37 If the invasion of Canada in 1775-6 had concluded with no result commensurate with the losses incurred, the attempt to defend Long Island and New- York with inade quate forces, and without a fleet, against a superior veteran force, supported by a powerful naval armament, was still more unfortunate. The Americans were driven from one breast-work to another, leaving at each retreat prisoners to fill the British hulks — there to perish by thousands — until a considerable army was reduced to scarcely more than a brigadier's com mand. It then retreated through New-Jersey to New town, Penn., and there waited until reinforcements could be spared from the northern army to aid in retrieving its fortunes. The timely arrival of several half-filled regiments from Ticonderoga, who had marched more than 200 miles, ill- Bupplied, ill-clothed, and so poorly shod that their march could be traced by their tracks in blood, mainly contrib uted toward gaining two victories, which revived the des ponding hopes of the country. Had these last efforts failed, who can not anticipate the melancholy result ? In the council of war, preceding the affair at Trenton, in giving his opinion, Stark observed to General Washing ton : " Your men have too long been accustomed to place their dependence for safety upon spades and pick-axes. If you ever effect to establish the independence of these States, you must teach them to place dependence upon their fire-arms and their courage." Here it may be proper to introduce a circumstance, the particulars of which were related at the funeral of General Stark, by a veteran comrade in arms there present. Pre vious to the important action o'f Trenton, the American army was upon the point of being broken up by suffering, desertion, and the expiration of the term of enlistment of a great portion of the troops. A few days previous the term of the New-Hampshire regiments expired. The most gloomy period of the war had arrived. Every hope ' of the country was concentrated in the action of the 38 MEMOIR OF ill-supplied, ill-clothed, ill-shod, and unpaid troops, then assembled under the orders of Washington, on the banks of the Delaware. Their only chance of striking a blow was at some of the detached posts of the enemy by surprise. Trenton was the nearest practicable point of attack, and Princeton, twelve miles distant, the next. An army of British veterans, (4,000 strong) well supplied, commanded by Earl Cornwallis, was approaching to crush this " forlorn hope" of America. Had these last efforts failed, heaven only knows the result. In this trying emergency, while officers of other lines did the same, Colonel Stark, aware that the fate of the country depended upon the retention of the troops then . in the field, appealed to the patriotism of the men of the Granite hills, who composed the New-Hampshire regi ments. He told them that if they left the army all was lost ; reminded them of their deeds' at Bunker's hill, and other occasions in the Canada campaign ; assured them that if Congress did not pay their arrears, his own private property should make it up to them. He proposed a re- enlistment for six weeks ; and such was his influence and popularity, that not a man refused". Thus two half-filled, but veteran regiments, of tried valor and fidelity, were retained for the approaching crisis, and nobly they sus tained the efforts of their leader. The Hessians were attacked, at opposite point's of the town, by the division of Sullivan, and .that led by Washington, in person. Colonel Stark led" Sullivan's advanced guard, and General Greene that of Washington. " General Sullivan's division halted near Howell's ferry, to enable the division led by General Washington to make a circuit to attack the enemy in an opposite direction. Here it was discovered by Captain John Glover, of the Marblehead regiment, that the best secured arms of the officers and men were wet, and not in firing condition. The communication was made to General Sullivan, in presence of General St. Clair. Sullivan cast a look at St. Clair, and observed, 'What is to be done?' who JOHN STARK. 39 instantly replied, ' You have nothing for it but to push on and charge.' We soon marched (Colonel Stark in command of the advanced guard) the troops, with orders to clear their muskets as they moved on, in the best manner in their power, which occasioned a good deal of squibbing. In the meantime an officer was dispatched to apprise the General (W.) of the state of our arms, who returned for answer, by his aid-de-camp, Colonel Samuel Webb, that 'we must advance and charge.' It was now broad day, and the storm beat violently in our faces. The attack had commenced on the left, and was immediately answered by Colonel Stark in front, who forced the enemy's picket, and pressed it into the' town, our column being close at his heels. The enemy made a momentary show of resistance, by a- wild and ill-directed fire from the windows of their quarters, which they abandoned as we advanced; and -made an _ attempt to form in the main street, which might have f suc ceeded, but for a six-gun battery opened by Captain T. Forest, under the immediate orders of General Washing ton, at the head of King street, which annoyed the enemy in various directions ; and the decision of Captain Wil liam Washington, who, seconded by Lieutenant James Monroe, * led the advanced guard of the left column, per- * James Monroe was afterward President of the United States, Colonel William Washington was the gallant commander of the cavalry at the route of Tarleton's legion, in Morgan's battle at the Cowpens, which action was in effect, as regards the fate of Lord Cornwallis and his army, in 1781, what the victory of Bennington, in 1777, was to the invading army of General Burgoyne. After the defeat at Cowpens, Colone} Tarleton retreated in the rear of his flying troops, pursued by the dragoons of Colonel Washington. He faced about once, and confronted the leader of the dragoons. A blow from the sabre of the latter wounded two of his fingers. The goodness of his horse prevented his capture. Afterward, speaking to a patriotic southern lady of Colonel Washington, he remarked that he had;under- stood the " fellow was so illiterate that he could not write his name, and he should like to see his face." The lady replied, "he can make his mark ; and you might, by facing about on your retreat from theCowpens, have seen his face." It is but justice to say of the gallant General Tarleton, (a brave man he undoubtedly was) that in after days, in the British parliament, he de- 40 MEMOIR OF ceiving that the enemy were about to form a battery, rushed forward, drove the artillerists from their guns, and took two pieces in the act of firing. These officers were both wounded : the captain* in the wrist, and the lieutenant through the fleshy part of the shoulder. These particular acts of gallantry have never been noticed, and yet they could not have been too highly appreciated ; for, if the enemy had got his artillery into operation in a narrow street, it might have checked our movement and given him time to reflect ; and if he had ' retired across the bridge in his rear, and taken post, he would have placed a defile between us, which, in our half- naked and half-frozen condition, he ought to have defended against our utmost efforts ; and we, in turn, might have been compelled to retreat, which would have been fatal to us. But while I render justice to the services of Forest, Washington, and Monroe, I must not withhold due praise to the ' dauntless Stark, who dealt death wherever he found resistance, and broke down all opposition before him.' The 2d of January was a critical day for the American cause. Their advanced guard had been driven across the Assampink by Lord Cornwallis ; and had he followed up his success and crossed the river, thirty minutes would have brought on an engagement, and thirty more would have decided the contest;, and then, covered with woe, Columbia might have wept the loss of her beloved chief, and most valorous sons. In this awful moment, the guardian genius of our coun try admonished Lord Cornwallis that his troops were fended the character of the Americans for courage and conduct, saying to a certain non-fighting member who, in a tirading speech, was denouncing the cowardly yankees, " if you had fought with them as often as I have, you would perhaps entertain a different opinion." Colonel Ackland, who commanded the grenadiers under General Bur- goyne, at hearing the courage of the Americans defamed at a public dinner in London, contradicted the assertion in unequivocal terms. A duel ensued, in which the gallant colonel was slain. His widow, Lady Harriet, afterward married a chaplain, Mr. Brudenel, who had accompanied the expedition of General Burgoyne in America. JOHN STARK. 41 fatigued, and that the Americans were without retreat. Under this impression, he addressed his general officers: ' The men had been under arms all day ; they were lan guid and required rest ; he had the enemy safe enough, and could dispose of them next morning. For these rea sons, he proposed that the troops should make fires, refresh themselves, and take repose.' General Grant, his second, acquiesced, and others fol lowed; but Sir William Erskine exclaimed, 'My lord, if you trust those people to-night, you will see nothing of them in the morning.' • This admonition was not regarded; the enemy made their fires and went to supper, as we did also, our ad vanced sentries being posted within one hundred and yards of each other. The American guards at the watch-fires were doubled, the neighboring fences supplying fuel. The army, in de tachments, was so noiselessly drawn off' as to escape the notice of the enemy. The night was cold and dark ; the guards kept up the watch-fires until nearly day-light, when the remaining fuel was thrown upon them, and the men followed the army's track. Next morning Lord Cornwallis, with chagrin and disap pointment at having lost what he supposed an opportunity of finishing the war, discovered that the enemy had retired ; and soon after, the roar of artillery at Princeton indicated the direction of his march. On the 5th of January, soon after the action, an aid-de camp of Washington bore a flag of truce to Brunswick. The British officers spoke freely of the trick Washington had played them, and the race they had run ; having made a forced march from Trenton to Brunswick, being alarmed for' the safety of their magazines. The aid-de-camp, Colonel Fitzgerald, conveyed to .Gen eral Leslie the information of the fall of his son, Captain Leslie. The veteran was much affected by the recital of the respect which had been shown to his remains, and retiring to a window shed tears. When Colonel Fitzgerald 42 MEMOIR OF returned, he sent his acknowledgments to General Wash ington."* Colonel Stark was with Washington when he re-crossed the Delaware, was engaged at Princeton, and remained with him until his winter quarters were established on the heights of Morristown. The term of his men's enlistment having then expired, he returned to New-Hampshire to recruit another regiment. In March, 1777, the new regiment was completed, and he repaired to Exeter to receive instructions for the campaign. There he was informed that a new list of promotions had been made out by Congress, and his name omitted. The cause of this flagrant injustice was easily traced to the malignant influence of several officers of high rank, and members of Congress, who were dis pleased with his unbending character. He waited upon Generals Sullivan and Poor, wished them all possible success, and resigned his commission. They endeavored to dissuade him from this course ; but he replied, " that an officer who would not maintain his rank, was unworthy to serve his country." He warned them of the dangerous situation of the army at Ticonder oga, and the necessity of immediate relief. He declared his readiness again to take the field, whenever his country required his services, and retired to his estate. His letter of resignation is as follows : " To the Honorable the Council and House of Representatives for the State qf New-Hampshire, in General Court assembled: Gentlemen — Ever since hostilities commenced, I have, so fer as in me lay, endeavored to prevent my country from being ravaged and enslaved by our cruel and unnatural enemy. I have undergone the hardships and fatigues of two campaigns with cheerfulness and alacrity, ever enjoying the pleasing satisfaction that I was doing my God and country the greatest service my abilities would admit of; and it was with the utmost gratitude that I accepted the important command to which this State appointed me. I should have served with the greatest pleasure, more especially at this ?Wilkinson's Memoir. JOHN STARK. 43 important crisis, when our eountry calls for the utmost exertions of every American ; but am extremely grieved that I am in honor bound to leave the service, Congress having thought proper to promote junior officers over my head : so that, lest I should show myself unworthy of the honor conferred on me, and a want of that spirit which ought to glow in the breast of every officer appointed by this Honorable House, in not suitably resenting an indignity, I must (though grieved to leave the service of my country) b§g leave to resign my commission ; hoping that you will make choice of some gentleman, who may honor the cause and his country, to succeed Tour most obliged, humble servant, JOHN STARK." His zeal for the cause continuing as ardent as ever, he fitted out all his family and servants, capable of bearing arms, and dispatched them to the army. Upon receiving his letter of resignation, the council and house of delegates of New-Hampshire, on the 21st of March, 1777, passed the following resolve .: " Voted, That the thanks of both Houses, in convention, be given to Colonel Stark, for his good services in the present war ; and that, from his early and steadfast attachment to the cause of his country, they make* not the least doubt that his future conduct, in whatever state of life providence may place him, will manifest the same noble disposition of mind." " Thereupon the thanks of both Houses were presented to Colonel Stark by the honorable president." Colonel Stark was called before the assembly, and received their thanks. The cause of American Independence was never ex posed to a more doubtful crisis than in the eventful cam paign of 1777. That of the preceding year had been extremely disas trous ; but when the affairs of the States appeared to be irretrievably ruined, two brilliant actions, toward its close, threw a sudden ray of light upon the surrounding gloom. The winter was passed in raising men and means for another and more desperate struggle. The edicts of royal indignation had gone forth, denouncing vengeance on the 44 MEMOIR OF devoted heads of the leaders of this unnatural rebellion ; and new armies of veteran troops were organizing to exe cute their mandates. Ticonderoga was at this period occupied by the whole force of the United States' army in the north. It was the key stone of that region, and deemed of sufficient strength to oppose an effectual barrier to any advance of the enemy from Canada. The victorious career of the invader soon dispelled the delusion. He made himself master of the heights of Mount Defiance with the utmost secrecy, and drew up several pieces of heavy ordnance. These being placed in battery, and discharged at a vessel on the lake, gave notice to the American general that his post was no longer tenable. Nothing now could save the army but a precipitate retreat, and preparations were immediately commenced for that purpose. The baggage was embarked in boats, and the retreat oommenced on the night of the 5th of July. On the same night the stores in the fortress and those on Mount Independence were improvidently set on fire,, the light of which informed the enemy of the move ment.* The retreating army was immediately pursued by Fra- zer's light infantry brigade and Reidesel's Yagers, on land and water, with such diligence that the rear guard of 1000 men, under Colonel Warner, was overtaken next day at Hubbardton, and brought to action. * Which of our historians might not profitably copy the following account of the evacuation of Ticonderoga, albeit it fell from the lips of a negro? "About 11 o'clock on Saturday night, orders were given by our colonel to parade. We immediately obeyed. He then ordered our "tents to be struck and carried to the battery. On doing this, the orders were to take up our packs and march, which we also did ; passed the general's house on fire; marched twenty miles without a halt, and then had a brush with the enemy." — Butler. Near the scene of a bloody hand-to-hand contest, during the attacks upon Ticonderoga in 1758, is a fine spring. We were informed by a vet eran soldier of the first New-Hampshire regiment, Mr. William Beard, of Dunbarton, N. H., that the soldiers found a skull near it, which they cleansed and used for a drinking-cup, and that one of his comrades said he intended to carry it home. In the haste of the retreat on the night of July 5, it was left behind. JOHN STARK. 45 The contest was well fought, if we may rely upon An bury's statement, that Earl Balcarras, second in command of the light infantry, received nearly thirty balls through his jacket and trowsers, only one of which wounded him slightly in the hip. The assailants would have been repulsed by Warner, but Reidesel's Germans came up in season to save them ; and the gallant Warner, after per forming all that an intelligent and fearless soldier could do, was compelled to give way before superior numbers. Colonel Francis, a brave and valuable officer, (father of the late eminent financier of Boston) with others of less note, fell upon this occasion. One of the most unfortunate results of this affair was felt by the Americans in the loss of all their baggage, few of the officers and men having any clothing except that upon their persons. The army continued its disorderly retreat toward the Hudson, breaking down bridges, and blocking up the streams with timber-trees. The news of the fall of Ticonderoga * spread rapidly through the country, giving rise to the most fearful fore bodings. The people in general appeared to be paralyzed with terror and astonishment. All was considered as lost. But there were men whose nerves had not been unstrung by the misfortunes of two disastrous campaigns ; whose warrior spirits arose with the dangers that surrounded them ; who could look upon this dreary night of disaster as the harbinger of a more glorious day ; who could foresee that the invader, notwithstanding his hitherto triumphant advance, would not be able to retrace his steps, should he be so inclined. Around such men the hopes and strength of the country gathered. *Pive days after the evacuation of Ticonderoga, in a letter from Stockbridge, Mass., it was written : " We ar««eatly burdened with peo ple who have fled from the ' Hampshire Gwnts.' " It was feared that Manchester must be abandoned. In a letter dated there, July 15, it is said: "We learn that a large scout of the enemy are disposed to take a tour to this post. The inhabitants, with their families, can not be quieted without the assurance of the arrival of troops directly." 46 MEMOIR OF The people of New-Hampshire had performed all that it was supposed they could do. Public credit was at a low ebb ; and the ability to support a single extra regiment was doubted, even if one could be raised. ' The State council had been notified, by the authorities of Vermont, that unless speedy assistance was sent them, they must yield to circumstances, and accept the protection. of the enemy, which would leave New-Hampshire a frontier State.* In this emergency shone forth the spirit and patriotism of that man of his country, John Langdon., Ever honored be his memory ! He was then presiding officer of the assembly and, upon the repeipt of the news from the north, thus addressed that body : "I have three thousand dollars in hard money; my plate I will pledge for as much more. I have seventy hogsheads of Tobago rum, which shall be sold for the most they will bring. These are at the service of the State. If we succeed, I shall be remunerated ; if not, they will be of no use to me. We can raise a brigade ; and our friend Stark, who so nobly sustained the honor of our arms at Bunker's hill, may safely be entrusted with the command, and we will check Burgoyne." f * See letter of Ira Allen, Secretary of Vermont. f The following anecdote is a sample of many others which might be cited, to exhibit the zeal manifested in consequence of Mr. Langdon's proposition, to furnish means for the Bennington enterprise. As soon as it was decided to raise volunteer companies, and place them under the command of General Stark, Colonel Gordon Hutchins (member of the assembly from Concord) mounted his horse, and traveling all night with all possible haste, reached Concord on the Sabbath afternoon, before the close of public service. Dismounting at the meeting-house dflor, he walked up the aisle of the old North Church, while Mr. Walker was preaching. Mr. Walker paused in his sermon, and said : " Colonel Hutchins, are you the bearer of any message?" "Yes," replied the colonel, "General Burgoyne with his army is on his march to Albany. General Stark has offered to take the command of the New-Handhjiire men, and if we all turn out wo can cut off Burgoyne's march." Wiereupon, the Rev. Mr. Walker said : " My hearers, those of you who are willing to go, had better leave at once." At which all the men in the meeting-house rose and went out; many imme diately enlisted. The whole night was spent in preparation, and a com pany was ready to march next day. Phinehas Eastman said, " I can't go, JOHN STARK. 47 This noble proposal infused new life into the assembly, and arrangements were immediately commenced for carry ing it out. A messenger was dispatched to Colonel Stark who, stung with the injustice of Congress in promoting junior officers over him, had resigned- his commission, and retired to private life. He had left the army three months before, and was now living upon his estate on the banks of the Merrimack. He returned with the messenger, and waited upon the council. He listened to their proposal. They assured him that his former patriotic services were duly remembered and appreciated, and urged him to forget the past, and assume the command of their troops. He informed them that he had no confidence in the commander of the northern army ; but if they would organize a brigade to be by him commanded, to hang upon »the left wing -and rear of the enemy, with full authority to direct their operations according to his own judgment, without responsibility to any other authority than their own body, he would again take the field. The council closed with the terms, and issued a commission, investing him with as ample powers as he could have desired. Recruiting officers were immediately employed under his orders, in beating up for volunteers. His popularity, military reputation and previous successes (for he had seen more actual service than most of the continental officers) were strong inducements with the yeomanry of New-Hampshire to volunteer under his command. More men than his orders called for were soon engaged, and marched to Charlestown, on Connecticut river, as a place of general rendezvous. From thence they were for I have no shoes," to which Samuel Thompson, a shoe-maker, replied, " Don't be troubled about that, for you shall have a pair before morning," which was done. The late Jonathan Eastman, senior, esq., was in similar want of shoes, and a new pair was also made for him before morning. Rev. UT. Bouton's History of Concord. 48 MEMOIR OF ordered to Bennington, Vt., as fast as they could be equipped with arms, ammunition and supplies. On the 30th of July the General wrote from Charlestown to the New-Hampshire Council : "Iam informed that the enemy have left Castleton, with an intent to march to Bennington. We are detained by the want of bullet molds. There is but one pair in town, and the few balls sent by the council go but little way." One pair of bullet molds for an army ! In many other particulars the troops were equally deficient. The address of J. D. Butler, Esq., before the Legislature of Vermont, on the reception of the Bennington cannon, contains many interesting particulars in regard to the expedition. General Stark crossed the mountains to Manchester, in Vermont, where, after reinforcing and consulting with Colonel Warner, he proceeded to assume the command of his brigade, then mustering at Bennington, where he arrived on the 9th of August. y Soon afterward an officer of the northern army arrived, with instructions to conduct the New-Hampshire levies to the main army, then at Stillwater. To these orders General Stark declined to submit, declaring himself to be only responsible to the authorities of New-Hampshire, who had invested him with an independent command, and promptly refused to permit the troops to march to join the army commanded by General Schuyler. * The officer reported the result of his mission to head quarters, and General Schuyler complained to Congress, urging the necessity of reinforcements of men and supplies. Congress resolved " That the council of New-Hamp- * To the remark of the officer, that he was assuming a fearful responsi bility, he replied, that he had " often assumed responsibilities for the good of his country, and should do so again." It may here be observed that the New-Hampshire brigade mustered on Thursday, the 14th; although nominally consisting of 1,332 privates, it was, in real strength, but little more than half that number, as one company had been left at Number Four, two on the mountains, and others else where, or weakened by sickness and desertion. The strength of Stark's force was, by General Schuyler, estimated at 700 or 800 men. He was joined by Captain Robinson, with the Bennington militia, and by many volunteers in the vicinity. JOHN STARK. 49 shire be informed that the instructions which General Stark says he has received from them, are destructive of military subordination, and highly prejudicial to the com mon cause at this crisis ; and that, therefore, they be de sired to instruct General Stark to conform himself to the same rules which other general officers of the militia are subject to, whenever they are called out at the expense of the United States." This vote of censure neither the council nor their general considered of much account. He knew no other authority than the State council ; and had he submitted to the demand of General Schuyler, the campaign would have terminated with the ruin of the northern army; and General Burgoyne would have reached Albany, from whence he could cooperate with Howe and Clinton, and find the task an easy one to crush the other American armies. General Stark now proceeded with all diligence to organize and discipline his forcra, collect supplies, and prepare for active duty as soon as occasion should require. The commander of the northern army soon opened a correspondence with him, and he detailed to him his plan of operations; which was to intercept and cut off the enemy's supplies, remove beyond his reach all the cattle and stores of the country, harrass his rear, and attack any of his detachments which should afford him an opportu nity. The plan was approved by General Schuyler, and while arrangements were making to carry it out, General Burgoyne himself furnished the desired opportunity. That general had heard of the arrival of the militia at Bennington. He also knew that large magazines of flour and other supplies were to be found in the vicinity ; and while waiting to hear of the success of Colonel St. Leger, who had been ordered to march by a different route from that pursued by his main 'army, and reduce Fort Stanwix on his way, he resolved to detach a force sufficient, as he supposed, to look down all opposition, to disperse the enemy on his left, and secure the stores of provisions col- 50 MEMOIR OP leeted in the vicinity, which the necessities of his army already required. The force consisted of 500 German regulars, a detach ment of British light infantry and dismounted dragoons, a party of tories, 200 Indians, with two pieces of light brass field artillery, commanded by Lieut. Colonel Baum, a brave and intelligent officer, who was attended by the veteran Colonel Philip Skene, who well knew the country and the inhabitants, as an assistant and adviser. Another detachment of 600 Germans, with a similar accompanying force of tories and Indians, with two heavier brass field pieces, were also ordered to be in readiness to march at a moment's warning to support Colonel Baum, if he had occasion to call for assistance. While encamped at Battenkill, awaiting orders, Colonel Baum addressed the following note to General Burgoyne : # Battenkill, 12 August, 1777. Sir — I had the honor of acquainting your Excellency, by a man sent yesterday by Col. Skene, to head quarters, of the several corps under my command being encamped at Saratoga, as well as my intention to proceed next morning at five o'clock. The corps moved at that time, and marched a mile, when I received a letter from Brig. Gen. Frazer, signifying your Excellency's order to post the corps advantageously on Battenkill, until I should receive fresh instructions. The corps is now encamped at that place, and waits your order. I will not trouble you with the various reports, which are spread, as they seem rather to be founded on the different feelings of the people who occasion them. I have the honor to be, &c, F. BAUM. The reinforcement of fifty chasseurs, which your Excelr lency was pleased to order, joined me last night." JOHN STARK. 51 INSTRUCTIONS FOB LIEUT. COL. BAUM, ON A SECRET EXPE DITION TO CONNECTICUT RIVER. " The object of your expedition is to try the affections of the country, to disconcert the councils of the enemy, to mount Reidesel's dragoons, to complete Peters' corps, and to obtain large supplies of cattle, horses and carriages. The several corps of which the inclosed is a list, are to be under your command. The troops must take no tents ; and what little baggage is carried by officers, must be on their own bat-horses. You are to proceed by the route from Battenkill to Arlington, and take post there, so as to secure the pass to Manchester. You are to remain at Arlington until the detachment of provincials, under Capt. Sherwood, shall join you from the southward. You are then to proceed to Manchester, where you will take post, so as to secure the pass of the mountains, on the road from Manchester to Rockingham ; from thence you will detach the Indians and light troops to the northward, toward Otter creek. On their return, and also receiving intelligence that no enemy is in force in the neighborhood of Rockingham, (on Connecticut river) you will proceed by the road over the mountains to Rockingham, where you will take post. This will be the most distant point of the expedition; and must be" proceeded upon with caution, as you will have the defile of the mountains behind you, which might make a return difficult. You must therefore endeavor to be well informed of the force of the enemy's militia in the neighboring country. You are to remain there as long as may be necessary to fulfill the intention of the expedition from thence, while the Indians and light troops are detaehed up the river; and you are afterward to descend by the Connecticut river to Brattleborough ; and from that place, by the quickest march, you are to return by the great road to Albany. 52 MEMOIR OF During your whole progress, your detachments are to have orders to bring in all horses fit to mount the dragoons, under your command, or to serve as bat-horses to the troops, together with as many saddles and bridles as can be found. The number of horses requisite, besides those necessary for mounting the regiment of dragoons, ought to be thirteen hundred. H you can bring more for the army, it will be better. Your parties are likewise to bring in wagons and other convenient carriages, with as many draft oxen as will "be necessary to draw them, and all cattle fit for slaughter, (milch cows excepted) which are to be left for the use of the inhabitants. Regular receipts, in the form hereto subjoined, are to be given in all places where any of the above named articles are taken, to such persons as have remained in their habitations, and otherwise complied with the terms of General Burgoyne's manifesto ; but no receipts are to* be given to such as are known to be acting in the service of the rebels. As you will have with you persons perfectly acquainted with the abilities of the country, it may, perhaps, be advisable to .tax the several districts with their portion of the articles, and limit the hours for their delivery ; should you find it necessary to move before such delivery can be made, hostages of the most respectable people should be taken to secure their following you the next day. All possible means are to be used to prevent plun dering. As it is probable Capt. Sherwood, who is already to the southward, and will join you at Arlington, will drive in a considerable quantity of horses and cattle to you; you will therefore send in the cattle to the army with a proper detachment from Peters' corps, to cover them, in order to disincumber yourself. You must always keep the regi ment of dragoons compact. The dragoons themselves must ride and take care of the horses of the regiment. Those horses which are destined for the use of the army, should be tied together JOHN STARK. 53 in strings of ten each, so that one man may lead ten horses. You will give directions to the unarmed men of Peters' corps to conduct them, and inhabitants whom you can trust. You must always take your camps in good positions ; but at the same time where there is pasture. You must have a chain of sentinels around your cattle and horses while grazing. Col. Skene will be with you as much as possible, in order to assist you with his advice ; to help you distinguish the good subjects from the bad ; to procure the best intelligence of the enemy ; and to choose those people who are to bring the accounts of your progress and success. When you find it necessary to halt for a day or two, you must always entrench the camp of the regiment of dragoons, in order never to risk an attack or affront from the enemy. As you will return with the regiment of dragoons, mounted, you must always have a detachment of Capt. Frazer's or Peters' corps in front of the column, and the same in the rear, to prevent your falling into an ambusfade when you march through the woods. You will use all possible means to make the country believe that, you are the advanced corps of the army, and that it is intended to pass the Connecticut river on the route to Boston. You will likewise insinuate that the main army from Albany will be joined at Springfield by a corps of troops from Rhode-Island. You will send off, occasionally, cattle or carriages to prevent being too much incumbered ; and give me as frequent intelligence of your situation as possible. It is highly probable that the corps under Mr. Warner, now supposed to be at Manchester, will retreat before you ; but should they, contrary to expectation, be able to collect in great force,, and post themselves advantageously, it is left to your discretion to attack them or not, always bear ing in mind that your corps is too valuable to let any con siderable loss be hazarded on this occasion. Should any corps be moved from Mr. Arnold's main army in order to intercept your retreat, you are to take as 54 MEMOIR OF strong a post as the country will afford, and send the quickest intelligence to me ; and you may depend on my making such a movement as shall put the enemy between two fires, or otherwise effectually sustain you. It is imag ined the. progress of the whole of the expedition can be effected in about a fortnight ; but every movement of it must depend upon your success in obtaining such a supply of provisions as will enable you to subsist for your return to the army, in case you get no more ; and should not the army reach Albany before your expedition should be com pleted, I will find means to send you notice of it, and give your route another direction. All persons acting in com mittees, or any officers acting under the direction of Con gress, either civil or military, are to be made prisoners. J. BURGOYNE." The above instructions, and the following letters, are copied from Burgoyne's defence before Parliament. INSTRUCTIONS OF COL. SKENE, UPON THE EXPEDITION TO BENNINGTON. '" Sir — I request the favor of you to proceed with Lieut. Col. Baum upon an expedition of which he has the com mand, and which will march this evening or to-morrow morning. The object of his orders is to try the affections of the country to disconcert the councils of the enemy, to mount the regiment of Reidesel's dragoons, to com plete Lieut. Col. Peters' corps (tories,) and to procure a large supply of horses for the use of the troops, together with cattle and carriages. The route marked out for this expedition is to Arling ton and Manchester ; and in case it should be found that the enemy is not in too great force upon the Connecticut, it is intended to pass the mountains to Rockingham, and descend the river from thence to Brattleborough. Some hours before the corps march for Arlington, Colonel Peters, with all his men, is to set forward for Bennington, and afterward are to join you at Arlington. JOHN STARK. 55 Receipts are to be given for all horses and cattle taken from the country. Lieut. Col. Baum is directed to com municate the rest of his instructions, and to consult with you upon all matters of intelligence, negotiation with the inhabitants, roads and other means, depending upon a knowledge of the country, for carrying his instructions into execution. I rely upon your zeal and activity for the fullest assist ance, particularly in having it understood in all the coun try through which you pass, that the corps of Colonel Baum is the first detachment of the advanced guard ; and that the whole army is proceeding to Boston, expecting to be joined on the route by the army from Rhode-Island. I need not recommend to you to continue the requisites of the service with every principle of humanity in the mode of obtaining them ; and it may be proper to inform the country that the means to prevent their cattle and horses being taken for the future, will be to resist the enemy when they shall presume to force them, and drive them voluntarily to my camp. I have the honor to be, &c, J. BURGOYNE. The following letters of Colonel Baum give an account of his progress up to the 14th of August, 1777, at 9 o'clock P. M. Cambridge, 13 August, 1777. Sir — In consequence of your Excellency's order, I moved this morning at 4 o'clock with the corps under my command ; and after a march of sixteen miles, arrived at Cambridge at four in the evening. On the road I received intelligence of forty or fifty rebels being left to guard some cattle. I ordered thirty provincials and fifty savages to quicken their march in hopes to surprise them. They took five prisoners in arms, who declared themselves to be in the service of Congress ; yet the enemy received advice 56 MEMOIR OF of our approach, and abandoned the house in which they were posted. The provincials and savages continued their march about a mile, when they fell in with a party of fif teen men, who fired upon our people and took to the woods with great precipitation. The fire was quick on our side, but I can not learn if the enemy sustained any loss. A private of Captain Sherwood's company was the only one who was slightly wounded in the thigh. From the many people who came from Bennington, they agree that the number of the enemy amounted to 1,800. I will be particularly careful, on my approach to that place, to be fully informed of their strength and situa tion, and take the precaution necessary to fulfill both the orders and instructions of your Excellency. I cannot ascertain the number of cattle, carts and wagons taken here, as they have not as yet been collected. A few'horses have been also brought in ; but I am sorry to acquaint you that the savages either destroy or drive away what is not paid for with ready money. If your Excellency would allow me to purchase the horses, stipu lating the price, I think they might be procured cheap ; otherwise, they ruin all they meet with. Your Excel lency may depend on hearing how I proceed at Benning ton, and of my success there. Paying my respectful compliments to General Reidesel, I am, &c, F. BAUM.* P. S. The names of the men taken in arms are George Duncan, David Starrow, Samuel Bell and Matthew Bell. Hugh Moore, a noted rebel, surrendered himself yester day evening. The express left Cambridge at 4 o'clock on the morning of the 14th of August. * Frederick Baum. JOHN STARK. 57 Sancoick, 14 August, 9 o'clock P. M. Sir : — I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I arrived here at eight in the morning, having had intelli gence of a party of the enemy being in possession of a mill, which they abandoned at our approach, but in their usual way, fired from the bushes ; and, took their road to Bennington; a savage was slightly wounded. They broke down a bridge which has retarded our march above an hour. They left in the mill about seventy-eight barrels of fine flour, one thousand bushels of wheat, twenty bushels of salt, and about one thousand dollars' worth of pearl and potashes. I have ordered twenty provincials and an officer to guard the provisions and pass of the bridge. By the five pris oners taken here, they agree that from 1,500 to 1,800 men are in Bennington, but are supposed to leave at our approach. I will proceed so far to-day as to fall on the enemy to-morrow early, and mak$ such disposition as I think necessary from the intelligence I may receive. People are flocking in hourly, but want to be armed ; the savages can not be ruled. They ruin, and take everything they please. I am, be, F. BAUM. I beg your Excellency to pardon the hurry of this letter, it is wrote on the head of a barrel."* On perceiving the brigade, the enemy halted ; selected an advantageous position upon elevated ground, and commenced intrenching their camp, by felling timber- trees and forming log breast-works for their several corps ; ¦ for, according to the British plan of their works which, together with the orders of General Burgoyne, fell into the hands of General Stark, several redoubts were thrown up. In fact, the enemy tore down all the houses of hewn timber in the vicinity, and used the materials thus obtained for that purpose. *Burgoyne's Defence. 58 MEMOIR OF As the ground was not suitable for a general and immediate action, the American commander concluded to fallback one mile, and prepare his troops for battle. The whole day of the 15th proving stormy, nothing farther took place than a skirmish on the enemy's front. A chosen body of men, several of whom had served in the ranger corps of the " seven years' war," were ordered to try the enemy's temper, and harass their operations while forming intrenchments. In this expedition thirty of the enemy were killed and wounded ; among them two Indian chiefs were slain, whose silver ornaments were brought to camp by the victorious rangers, who returned without losing a man, or one of the scout receiving a wound. This success was hailed by the troops in camp as an omen of farther good fortune. The rain poured down in torrents during the whole night ; and the situa tion of the Americans, in their bush huts, and the enemy in their intrenchment^, was uncomfortable. At one o'clock on the morning of August 16th, the camp was aroused by the arrival of the Berkshire volunteers, led by Colonel Symonds — those from Pittsfield being conducted and commanded by their pastor, Rev. Thomas Allen. This worthy, patriotic and exemplary descendant of one of Cromwell's Ironsides, proceeded at once to the general's quarters, (a log house) and addressed him in substance, as follows : "The people of Berkshire have often turned out to fight the enemy, but have not been permitted to do so. We 'have resolved that if you do not let us fight now, never to come again." "Would you go now," observed the general, "in this dark and rainy night? No; goto your people ; tell them to take rest if they can ; and if God sends us sunshine to-morrow, and I do not give you fighting enough, I will never call upon you to come again." The storm continued until nearly noon on Saturday, the 16th of August. When the rain ceased, the clouds suddenly broke away, and the ¦ sun came out in full splendor. JOHN STARK. 59 We have reason to believe .its appearance was welcome and cheering to the martial husbandmen who had assem bled in%,rms for the defence of their soil and firesides, and that they obeyed the order to march to battle with alacrity, and the spirits of men resolved to "live free or die." An order had been dispatched to Colonel Warner, who was at Manchester with one hundred and fifty continental troops, to hasten his march to the scene of action, which order he promptly obeyed. During the retreat from Ticonderoga, Hale's regiment surrendered to a force of British and tories, who, not being able to carry away their arms, had left them stacked in the woods. General Stark being apprised of this fact had, a short time previously, directed Colonel Warner to secure them for the use of his corps. He had just returned, when the order to march arrived. He reached Benning ton in season to use them, in the second action, with glori ous effect. Colonel Baum took advantgage of the delay occa sioned by the storm of the 15th, to inform General Bur goyne of his situation, and call for Colonel Breyman's corps, who immediately marched to his support. Their preparations being completed, the Americans left their camp and marched in quest of the enemy. They were found in the position they had fortified, with their artillery properly posted, and prepared to receive the assailants. The German commander harangued his men, stating that the countrymen opposed to them were the owners of the soil, and would probably fight well to defend it ; but that, they could have no chance of success against their superior discipline and favorable position, surrounded by breast-works and supported by artillery, of which their opponents possessed not a single piece ; and the arrival of Colonel Breyman, with a reinforcement superior to their present force, with two heavier pieces of artillery, was hourly expected. 60 MEMOIR OF Common report has attributed a brief address to the American general, such as : " There, my boys, are your enemies, the red-coats and tories ^ you must bewt them, or my wife sleeps a widow to-night." We will here, however, introduce the address; with a quotation from the graphic pen of New- York's talented bard, Fitz-Greene Halleck. Speaking of the traits of New-England character, he writes : "And minds have there been nurtured whose control Is felt e'en in their nation's destiny ; — Men who swayed senates with a statesman's soul, And looked on armies with a leader's eye ; Names which adorn and dignify the scroll Whose leaves contain their country's history ; And tales of love and war — now list to one, Of the White Mountaineer — the Stark of Bennington. When on that field his band the Hessians fought, Briefly he spoke before the fight began : ' Soldiers, those German gentlemen were bought For four pounds eight and seven pence, per man, By England's King : a bargain, it is thought. Are we worth more ? let's prove it while we can : For we. must beat them, boys, ere set of sun, Or my wife sleeps a widow.' — It was done."* * "The tories, who had joined the king's troops, confident that in these last days the time of recompense for all their maltreatment had come, were intrenched in front of the German battery. They braved the battle fire, that they might, if by any means possible, turn their castle in the air into a castle on the earth. On the other hand, the assailants saw before them a band of mercena ries, bought at thirty crowns a head, and of whose speech they could not understand a syllable. They saw a horde whose orders were to make spoil of every horse, every ox, every wheel-carriage, every saddle, every bridle, leaving only milch cows as special clemency ; to carry off all provisions, to tax every village as much as it could pay — tories being judges ; to take hostages for payment of the tax; to let loose Indians and tories to do what they pleased with the refractory vanquished. They knew that they were the last hope of New-England ; that if they were repelled, there was no reserve to fall back on ; that the dragoons, now dismounted before them, on the morrow would be cavalry, a winged army pouncing upon the fugi tives in every valley, while Indians would set fire to every hill-side ham let and scalp its inmates. Stark was full of high disdain from a sense of injured merit; rivals had been promoted over his head, and he left a subaltern. "Men That never set a squadron in the field, Nor the division of a battle knew, More than a spinster, except the bookish theoriok." JOHN STARK. 61 The enemy occupied elevated ground, Vith a gradual slope on the north and west. At some short distance on his right flowed the river Hoosac, and along his front the Httle river Walioomsac to its junction with the former river. His position was reconnoitered at a mile's distance, and the plan of attack arranged. Two detachments were ordered to diverge to the right and left, passing through the woods and corn-fields, and by circuitous routes turn the enemy's flanks, unite their force, and attack his rear. Colonel Nichols, on their left, and Colonel Herrick, on their right, had the command of these attacks. Herrick's force was three hundred, that of Nichols two hundred ; but a reinforcement of one hundred men was sent him, at his own demand, before his attack commenced. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with two hundred men, were posted on the enemy's right, to attack the tory breast-work ; and one hundred men were stationed in front to attract the enemy's attention to that quarter. The General took his position with the reserve. The attack on the flanks and rear of the enemy was to be the signal for a general assault. Colonel Baum with his glass observed the movements of the flanking parties, and supposed they were running away.* ' He had insisted upon having a separate command and independent authority. Had he taken his position only to expose his weakness, like one who plunges into deep water though he can not swim ? He was tried ; and to be (pund wanting, or not wanting ? It was for him in these mo ments a fearful question. Was he to prove a mere partizan, a scout, or was he to prove a general ? " expert When to advance, or stand, or turn the sway Of battle : open when, and when to close The ridges of grim war." He heard the warwhoop of the savages, who had captivated him in his youth, and forced him to run the gauntlet. Is it any wonder his words to his men were : " There are your enemies, the red-coats and tories ; we must have them in half an hour, or this night my wife sleeps a widow !" No wonder the engagement was the hottest he had ever witnessed, resembling a continental clap of thunder." — Butler's Address. * So said his servant and waiter, Henry Archelaus, who died at Weare, N. H., many years ago. 62 MEMOIR OF The flanking parties were soon concealed from his view by the woods. In the meantime the reserve slowly advanced. The General ordered frequent halts, and was observed often to look at his watch, saying to himself, " It is time they were there." The artillery of the enemy soon commenced playing upon the reserve, which advanced slowly as at first. At three o'clock in the afternoon, Colonel Nichols opened his fire upon their left, which was immediately answered by Colonel Herrick on their right. The troops in front pressed forward, and the action became general. The enemy were, after a sharp contest, forced from their works,* and driven upon the reserve, . which soon decided the action. The Indians in the enemy's rear fired on the right and left, and fled on the appearance of the flanking detachments^ as they approached each other to form a junction. The prisoners were speedily collected, and hurried from the field, escorted by a force sufficient to secure them. The remainder of these undisciplined volunteers, exulting in their success, could not be prevented from .dispersing in quest of refreshment and plunder, not anticipating more fighting that day. The drums and bugles of the German reinforcement, under the orders of Colonel Breyman, were, in the space of an hour, heard in the distance, announcing to the victors that another and more desperate conflict was at hand. Colonel Warner's drums at the same time gave notice of his approach in an opposite direction. The men of the New-HampBhire brigade who were near were rallied, and a second action commenced. *In regard to the attack of the. redoubts, Butler says: "On a sud den a solitary1 wagon, containing all the Germans' spare ammunition, exploded in the midst of the redoubt. You would have thought that explosion to have been an order given for every American to charge with railroad speed ; for the redoubt was instantly stormed, and carried on every side." — Butler's Address. JOHN STARK. 63 Colonel Warner was directed to divide his force, and attack the right and left flanks of the enemy ; which service he performed with his accustomed gallantry, and succeeded in checking the Germans until the scattered troops of New-Hampshire could be again formed, and brought up to his support. The action continued, and was obstinately fought on both sides * until dark, the enemy fighting on a retreat for two miles. They then gave way at all points. They were pursued some distance, and many more prisoners taken. The remainder escaped under cover of the night, while the conquerors, worn down by the fatigues of the day, returned to camp. With one hour more of daylight, the whole detachment would have been captured. The fruits of this signal and almost unexpected victory, thus obtained by raw militia over European veterans, tories and savages, were four pieces of brass artillery, eight brass-barreled drums, eight loads of baggage, one thousand stand of arms, many Hessian dragoon swords, and seven hundred and fifty prisoners ; two hundred and seven of the enemy fell upon the field of battle. The loss of the Americans was about thirty killed and forty wounded. But the most important result of this victory was the restoration of confidence to the desponding armies of America, while it gave a death blow to the hopes of the invader. Lieut. Colonel Baum, who was mortally wounded, died soon after the action, and was buried with military honors. The Hessians and English were treated as prisoners of war, and marched from the field in their ranks ; but the tories,* 152 jn number, were tied in pairs; to each pair a * The most unique punishment to which they (the tories and spies) were subjected, was decreed by the Council of Bennington, in January, 1778, after this fashion : • "Let the overseer of the tories detach ten of them, with proper officers to take the charge, and march them in two distinct files from this place through the Green Mountains, for .breaking a path through the snow. Let each man be provided with three days' provisions ; let them march and tread the snow in said road of suitable width for a sleigh and span of horses ; order them to return, marching in the saine manner, with all con venient speed. Let them march at 6 o'clock to-morrow morning." Early rising. — Butler's Address before the Vermont Antiquarian Society. 64 MEMOIR OF horse was attached by traces with, in some cases, a negro for his rider; they were led away amid the jeers and scoff's of the victors — the good house-wives of Bennington taking down beds to furnish cords for the occasion. Many of their neighbors had gone over to the enemy the day before the battle. Collections of trophies of this victory were presented to the States of New-Hampshire, Massa chusetts and Vermont. "This success," says an eloquent writer, "was the first link in the chain of events, which opened a new scene to America. It raised her from the depths of despair to the summit of hope, and added unfading laurels to the brow of the veteran who commanded." The question of American Independence was no longer • considered doubtful. France, in due time, engaged in the contest with zeal and vigor, joyously embracing the oppor tunity thus afforded of humbling her most ancient and most hated foe. Immediately after the action at Bennii%ton, troops were detached, under the command of active officers, in every direction, to secure all cattle and stores of provisions within the enemy's reach, and to disconcert his foraging parties. The march of General Burgoyne's army was in consequence checked for nearly a month, during which period the Americans found time to mnster a force suffi cient to put an end to his progress. Madam Reidesel, in her memoir, speaking of the Bennington expedition, says " This unfortunate event paralyzed at once all our opera tions." A Hessian officer's journal describes the combat in the intrenchment, occupied by the Germans, as follows : " Then for a few moments, the bayonet, the butt of the rifle, the sabre and the pike were in full play, "and men fell, as they rarely have fallen in modern warfare, under the Symsbury mines furnished a subterranean prison for a portion of the spies and tories condemned by the Council of Bennington ; others were held in duress, under the supervision of overseers who, in the above de scribed instance, employed them for the benefit of the traveling public. JOHN STARK. 65 direct blows of their adversaries. Colonel Baum, sword in hand, led the remainder of his men, but soon sank mor tally wounded ; and save a few, who darted here and there between the surrounding assailants, his whole corps, with the loyalists who had joined them, were disabled or taken prisoners." Butler's discourse before the Vermont Legislature, on the reception of the Bennington cannon, contains the fol lowing passages : If Burgoyne was thunderstruck when an antagonist, he had never heard of, ' came cranking in and cut him from the best of his troops, a huge half-moon, a monstrous cantleout,' what would he have thought had he known that antagonist's history? How twenty-five years before Stark had been led along as a ransomed captive, over the very ground where the British army lay encamped ? How he had been given up by his savage masters for one Indian pony ? I copy the following from the original journal of the officer who redeemed the captive : "July 12, 1752. This day John Stark was brought to Montreal by his Indian master. He was taken a hunting this spring. He is given up for an Indian pony, for which we paid five hundred "and fifteen livres ($103). The boy, sold for a French horse, in little more than a score of years had be come a man, more precious than the wedges of Ophir." Mr. Butler continues: Ascertaining that a veteran of Bennington was still living, (1848) some eight miles from my house at Wells River, I paid him a visit about a week ago. His name is Thomas Mellen, and though upward of ninety-two years of age, he is so far from being bald or bowed down, that you would think him in the Indian summer of life. His dress was all of gray homespun, and he sat on a couch, the covering of which was sheep-skins, with the wool on. I will. repeat his statements so far as possible, in his own words : 66 MEMOIR OF " I enlisted," said he, "at Francestown, N. H., in. ColoneL Stickney's regiment and Captain Clark's company, as soon as I learned that Stark would accept the command of the State troops; six or seven others from the same town joined the army at the same time. We marched forth with to Number Four, and stayed there a week. Mean time I received a horn of powder and run two or three hundred bullets; I had brought my own gun. Then my company went on to Manchester ; soon after I went, with a hundred others, under Colonel Emerson, down the valley of Otter Creek; on this excursion we lived like lords,. on pigs and chickens, in the houses of tories. who had fled. When we returned to Manchester, bringing two hogsheads of West India rum, we heard that the Hessians were on their way to invade Vermont. Late in the afternoon of rainy Friday, we were ordered off for Bennington in spite of rain, mud and darkness. We pushed on all night, making the best progress we could ; about day-break I, with Lieut. Miltimore^ came near Bennington, and slept a little while on a hay-mow, when the barn-yard fowls waked us ; we went for bread and milk to the sign of the ' wolf,' and then hurried three miles west to Stark's main body. Stark and ****** rode up near the enemy to reconnoitre ; were fired at by the cannon, and came gallop ing back. Stark rode with shoulders bent forward, and cried out to his men : ' Those rascals know that I am an officer ; don't you see they honor me with a big gun as a salute.' We were marched round and round a circular hill till we were tired. Stark said it was to amuse the Germans. All the while a cannonade was kept up upon us from their breast-works ; it hurt no body, and it lessened our fear of the great guns. After a while I was sent, with twelve others, to lie in ambush, on a knoll a little north, and watch for tories on their way to join Baum. Pres ently we saw six coming toward us who, mistrusting us for tories, came too near us to escape. We disarmed and sent them, under a guard of three, to Stark. While- • I sat on the hillock, I espied one Indian whom I thought JOHN STARK. 67 I could kill, and more than once cocked my gun, but the orders were not to fire. He was cooking his dinner, and now and then shot at some of our people. Between two and three o'clock the battle began. The Germans fired by platoons, and were soon hidden by the smoke. Our men fired each on his own hook, aiming wherever he saw a flash ; few on our side had either bay onets or cartridges. At last I stole away from my post and ran down to the battle. The first time I fired I put three balls in my gun ; before I had time to fire many rounds our men rushed over the breast-works, but I and many others chased straggling Hessians in the woods ; we pursued until we met Breyman with 800 fresh troops and larger cannon, which opened a fire of grape shot ; some of the grape shot riddled a Virginia fence near me ; one shot struck a small white oak behind which I stood ; though it hit higher than my head I fled from the tree, thinking it might be aimed at again. We skirmishers ran back till we met a large body of Stark's men and then faced about. I soon started for a brook I saw a few rods behind, for I had drank nothing all day, and should have died of thirst if I had not chewed a bullet all the time. I had not gone a rod when I was stopped by an officer, sword in hand, ready to cut me down as a runaway, who, on my com plaining of thirst, handed me his canteen, which was full of rum ; I drank and forgot my thirst. But the enemy outflanked us, and I said to a comrade, ' we must run, or they will have us.' He iaid: 'I will have one fire first.' At that moment, a major, on a black horse, rode along be hind us, shouting ' fight on boys, reinforcements close by.' While he was yet speaking, a grape shot went through his horse's head ; it bled a good deal, but the major kept his seat, and rode on to encourage others. In a few minutes we saw Warner's men hurrying to help us ; .they opened right and left of us, and one half of them attacked each flank of the enemy, and beat back those who were just closing round us. Stark's men now took heart and stood their ground.. My gun barrel was at this time too hot to 68 MEMOIR OF hold, so I. seized the musket of a dead Hessian, in which my bullets went down easier than in my own. Right in front were the cannon, and seeing an officer on horse-back waving his sword to the artillery, I fired at him twice ; his horse fell; he cut the traces of an artillery horse, mounted him and rode off'. I afterward heard that the officer was Major Skene. Soon the Germans ran, and we followed ; many of them threw down their guns on the ground, or offered them to us, or kneeled, some in puddles of water. One said to me, ' Wir sind ein bruder!' I pushed him be hind me and rushed on. The enemy beat a parley, minded to give up, but our men did not understand it. I came to one wounded man flat on the ground, crying water or quarter. I snatched the sword out of his scabbard, and while I ran on and fired, carried it in my mouth, thinking I might need it. The Germans fled by the road and in a wood each side of it ; many of their scabbards caught in the brush and held the fugitives till we seized them. We chased them till dark; Colonel Johnston, of Haverhill, wanted to chase them all night. We might have mastered them all, as they stopped within three miles of the battle field ; but Stark, saying ' he would run no risk of spoiling a good day's work,' ordered a halt, and return to quarters. I was coming back, when I was ordered by Stark him self, who knew me, as I had been one of his body guards in Canada, to help draw off" a field-piece. I told him ' I was worn out.' His answer was, ' don't seem to disobey ; take hold, and if you can't hold out, slip away in the dark.' Before we had dragged the gun far, Warner rode near us. Some one pointing to a dead man by the road-side, said, 'Your brother is killed,' 'Is it Jesse?' asked Warner. And when the answer was 'yes,' he jumped off his horse, stooped and gazed in the dead man's face, and then rode away without saying a word. On my way back I got the belt of the Hessian whose sword I had taken in the pursuit. I also found a barber's pack, but was obliged to give up all my findings till the booty was divided. To the best of my remembrance, my share was four dollars JOHN STARK. 69 and some odd cents. One tory, with his left eye shot out, was led in, mounted on a horse, who had also lost his left eye. It seems to me cruel now — it did not then. My company lay down and slept in a corn-field, near where we had fought — each man having a hill of corn for a pillow. When I waked next morning, I was so beaten out that I could not get up till I had rolled about a good while. After breakfast I went to see them bury the dead. I saw thirteen tories, mos'tly shot through the head, buried in one hole. Not more than a rod from where I fought, we found Captain McClary dead and stripped naked. We scraped a hole with sticks, and just covered him with earth. We "saw many of the wounded who had lain out all night. Afterward we went to Bennington, and saw the prisoners paraded. They were drawn up in one long line ; the British, foremost, then the Waldeckers, next the Indians, and hindmost the tories. A letter is still preserved, written by Secretary Fay, of Bennington, at six o'clock on the afternoon of the battle, and sent hither and thither as a circular. It says : ' Stark is now in an action which has been for some time very severe. The enemy were driven ; but, being reinforced, made a second stand, and still continue the conflict. But we have taken their cannon ; and prisoners, said to number four or five hundred, are now arriving. ' When the smoke cleared away, those who had van quished the tories beheld, among the captives, among the wounded, among the killed, their neighbors, and in some cases their kinsmen. My own mother's father was in the battle under Stark. My step-mother's father, but for an accident, might have fought in the same engage ment under Baum ; and these, my ' two grand-fathers, were cousins.' " The following incident, resting upon good authority, we have never seen published. All the men of Bennington, capable of bearing arms, Avere acting as volunteers in the American battalions, leav- 70 MEMOIR OF ing in the town old men, and the wives, daughters, and sisters of the brave men who had advanced to repel the British, German and Indian force, which had invaded their soil.- A runaway from the field, who fled at the first fire, circulated a rumor in the town that General Stark was killed, and his forces routed, which spread consternation through the place. One lady, the wife of an opulent inhabitant, then with his command engaged in the action — a lady who had not even been accustomed to perform household labor — went alone to the barn-yard, yoked a pair of oxen, attached them to a hay-cart ; with her own hands, unaided, loaded the cart with her most valuable articles, and drove the team into the woods, where she sunk down exhausted with her uncommon exertions. When the victors returned, search was made for her, and by lantern-light she was found by her friends, instead of the savages of whose approach a false rumor had given notice. .»., "Who of us can figure to himself the tortures 'of sus pense by which the women and helpless ones all around about Bennington were excruciated during the hour of battle ? In my boyhood, my grand-mother often related to me how, on that day she, with many other women of Williamstown, and their minister, resorted to the meeting house and continued in prayer for their kinsmen who were on the field of blood, till late at night, when a courier came, announcing glad tidings. She could never refrain from tears when she spoke of hearing the cannon peals again and again booming over the hills, and knew not but each peal spoke defeat and death to those she held most dear, and threatened her home with outrage, pillage and flames." JOHN STARK. 71 " One more such stroke," said Washington, on learning the tidings, " and we shall have no great cause for anxiety as to the future designs of Britain." * In the second engagement, after the arrival of Colonel Warner with one hundred and fifty men, the advance of the enemy was checked. Mr. Butler says : " Stark's bat talion, you would have said, arose out of the earth at a stamp of his foot. He ordered a hogshead of rum, and it was ready for distribution among his men ; but they, refusing to taste while the victory was doubtful, and flushed with success an hour before, rushed to meet the fresh troops of Breyman. The field pieces which we to night 'begin to possess, were turned against those who came to Baum's rescue. Breyman's cannon, of large cali bre, were taken and retaken more than twice ; but at last remained in the hands of Americans. The cannon were an emblem of victory on that-eventful day.' 'But what could overcome the men who fought for their fire-sides and freedom, and who,' in the words of Stark, ' had every man been an Alexander, or a Charles' of Sweden, they could not have behaved more gallantly.' ' One of the soldiers who went into battle bare-foot, or nearly so, seeing a good pair of shoes on one of the slain, transferred them to his own feet, but found the dead man's shoes a fleeting inheritance — being killed in the course of the action.' ' The whole expense of Stark's brigade, for mustering, mileage, rations, wages, and contingent charges, was £16,492 12s. 10^. of continental money, which was paid by the United States, according to such a scale of depre ciation that every single dollar of hard money paid for thirty-three dollars of the account. So that £491 and ld, or less than $2,000, paid for the two-fold and ever memora ble victory.' " ?The retreat of St. Leger from Fort Stan wix, and the surrender of Burgoyne, amply supplied the " one more stroke" hoped for by Washing ton. 72 MEMOIR OF It is the testimony of cotemporary journals that we read of the victories at Bennington as " sowing the seed of all the laurels that Gates reaped during the campaign." Soon after the battle of Bennington, General Burgoyne wrote to Lord George Germaine: " The Hampshire grants in particular, unpeopled and almost unknown in the last war, now abound with the most active and rebellious race upon the continent; and hang like a gathering storm upon my left. In all parts, their industry and manage ment in driving cattle and removing corn are indefatigible, and it becomes impracticable to move without a portable magazine. Another most embarrassing circumstance is the want of communication with Sir William Howe. Of the mes sengers I have sent, I know of two being hanged, and am ignorant whether any of the rest arrived. The same fate has probably attended those dispatched by Sir William, for only one letter has come to hand, informing me that his intention is for Pennsylvania ; that Washington has detached Sullivan with 2,500, men to Albany, and that 'Putnam is in the highlands with 4,000 men. No opera tion has yet been undertaken in my favor." The situation of General Burgoyne became every day more critical and desperate. The defeat of Baum and Breyman, and the failure of Colonel St. Leger's expedi tion, came upon him in rapid succession. Colonel St. Leger had defeated General Herkimer, (slain in the action) and invested Fort Stanwix on the second of August. The fort was bravely defended by Colonel Peter Ganesvoort, of the New- York line, until August 22, when the siege was raised by a forced march of General Arnold. The enemy heard of his approach, which was the signal for the Indians, of whom Colonel St. Leger had a large party, to desert. He therefore raised the seige and' retreated to Canada, while Arnold was thirty miles distant from the fort. General Burgoyne was thus deprived of the support of 1,500 good troops. By these several disasters he lost the JOHN STARK. 73 support of more than 2,500 men ; and as the scouts of the victorious Americans carried beyond his reach all the sup plies of the eountry, and disturbed his foraging parties, he was obliged to obtain his subsistance from Canada. As he had invaded the eountry with so much of the " pomp and circumstance of war," and sounding proclamations, declaring that "Britons never retrograde," his British pride prompted him to try his fortune in an engagement with an army of nearly twice his numbers, more than half of which had volunteered since the victory of Bennington. But for that, to him, fatal expedition, he would probably have reached Albany and effected a junction with Sir Henry Clinton, who advanced some distance up Hudson river for that purpose. Happily, for the cause of Ameri can liberty, that junction never took place. The affairs consequent upon the battle of Bennington having been arranged, General Stark, with his volunteers, approached the main army, and entered the camp on the 18th of September. General Gates, sensible that an engagement must soon take place, was desirous of adding these victorious troops to his army. They were drawn up and addressed by him ; but to no purpose. " Their time had expired, they had performed their part, and must return to their farms, as their harvests now waited for them." Thus they reasoned among themselves, and commenced their route homeward. Their general being then without a command, proceeded to New-Hampshire to make his. report to the council. His return was a triumphal march. He was waited upon by committees of congratulation wherever he came, and was received with the warmest demonstration of the people's gratitude. His triumph over his enemies in and out of Congress was complete. Their malignant acts of injustice had given him an independent command ; and his good fortune had confounded their machinations, by a victory which had turned in its favor the doubtful tide upon which floated the forlorn hope of American independence. 6 74 MEMOIR OF General Stark was soon afterward at the head of a more formidable command of New-Hampshire volunteers^ and again advanced, by order of the council of that State, to the theatre of action.* After capturing Fort Edward, and securing the garrison left at that post by General Burgoyne, and leaving there a detachment of his own troops, he descended the Hudson river and disposed of his forces in such a manner as to enable him to check any attempt, of General Burgoyne to retreat. After his defeat, on the 7th of October, that general concluded to abandon his artillery, his wounded men, and heavy baggage, and with his remaining troops, lightly equipped, cross the Hudson, force his way back to Fort Edward, and retreat from thence to Canada. He was not then aware that the garrison he had sta tioned at Fort Edward 'were prisoners, and that General Stark, with a force of 2,500 men, had arrived in the evening, and then occupied the opposite shore of the river fronting his camp, f * In this second expedition of New-Hampshire troops, impressed with the certainty that Burgoyne must be captured, volunteers flocked to his standard from all quarters, mustering nearly 3,000 men. The militia turned out with the understanding that they were to serve under General Stark. This argument induced the men to march and the general to remain on the field. — Farmer's Ed. Belknap. f By this movement Burgoyne became completely surrounded ; and General Stark earnestly advised General Gates to attack his camp and thus compel an unconditional surrender. A capitulation^ however, was the most prudent, and perhaps equally advantageous mode of ending the military career of Lieutenant General Burgoyne. He never afterward commanded an army. He in later days made no ordinary figure as a member of parliament, and was distinguished as an elegant miscellaneous writer. General Burgoyne was the natural son of Lord Bingly. His wife, clandestinely married, was the Lady Charlotte Stanley, daughter of the Earl of Derby, who died at Kensington palace, during his absence in America, in 1776. Her memory was embalmed in the fond regrets of the general, in the following verses : " Encompassed in an angel's frame, An angel's virtues lay ; Too soon did heaven assert its claim, And call its own away. My Anna's worth, my Anna's charms, Must never more return — • What now can fill these widowed arms ; Ah me ! my Anna's urn." JOHN STARK. 75 In the course of the night he ordered a sergeant, with a party, to cross the river and ascertain whether the passage was practicable. He returned with a report that an army occupied the opposite shore, and had watch-fires burning. Disbelieving this report, the general dispatched one of his staff to ascertain the truth. His boat was hailed, and, no answer being returned, was fired upon by the Ameri can sentinel. Soon afterward a flag of truce was dispatched to the head quarters of General Gates, which caused a cessation of hostilities, and eventually resulted in the surrender of the British army at Saratoga. Thus ended with glory the campaign of 1777 in tlje north, which had so inauspiciously commenced with the retreat from Ticonderoga. Colonel Breyman was killed, when the British lines were stormed, on the 7th of October, 1777 ; and General Frazer, one of Burgoyne's ablest officers, fell on the same day. In a small house, near the battle ground, he died. We vis ited the house a few years ago, and were shown the stain made by the hero's life-blood upon the floor. His last words, says Baroness de Reidesel, who was by his side, were : " Oh fatal ambition ! Poor General Burgoyne ! Oh my poor wife ! " Speaking of the heroes of Bennington, General Stark stated, in his official dispatch to the New-THampshire coun cil, " Too much honor can not be given to our brave officers and soldiers, for their gallant behavior in advancing through fire and smoke, and mounting breastworks sup ported by cannon. Had every man been an Alexander, or a Charles XH., they couid not have behaved more gal lantly. I can not particularize any officer, as they all be haved with the greatest spirit. Colonels Warner and Herrick, by their superior intelli gence and experience, were'of great service to me. I de sire they may be recommended to Congress." The general was an enthusiastic admirer of Charles XH., king of Sweden. 76 MEMOIROF Five days after the battle of Bennington, a resolution was offered in Congress, censuring General Stark for not submitting to the army regulations. " Thereupon a member from New-Hampshire rose and said ' that he had not the least doubt but the first battle they heard of from the north would be fought by Stark and the troops under his command, notwithstanding some gentlemen, iriilheir warmth, had spoken disrespectfully of them ; and that he should not be afraid to risk his honor or his life on a wager, that Stark's men would do as much as any equal number of troops toward the defence of the country.' " • In a letter home, that speaker says: "Judge my feelings, when the very next day I had a confirmation of all I had asserted, by an express, from General Schuyler, detailing the defeats of Baum and Breyman."* Upon the receipt of this news, Congress, on motion of Mr. Bland, of Virginia, Resolved, that the thanks of Con gress be presented to General Stark, of the New-Hamp shire militia, and the officers and troops under his com mand, for their brave and successful attack upon, and sig nal victory over the enemy in their lines at Bennington ; and that Brigadier Stark be appointed a brigadier in the army of the United States. By order of Congress — JOHN HANCOCK, President." One member of Congress voted against the passage of the foregoing resolution, who, as Mr. Everett states in his biography of Stark, was Hon. Samuel Chase, of Maryland. The war being now over in the north, the general re turned to New-Hampshire to obtain recruits and supplies. In December he received orders from Congress to repair to Albany, and prepare for a winter expedition to Canada, according to the following resolves : * Butler's Address. JOHN STARK. 77 "In Congress, Dec. 3d, 1777. Whereas, the surprise and destroying of the enemy's shipping at St. John's and elsewhere, on Lake Champlain, during the winter, is an expedition of the utmost impor tance, and of which there is the greatest prrospect of success, provided it can be conducted with prudence, resolution and secrecy — Resolved, That the Hon'ble James Duane, Esq., be authorized and directed, in a personal conference, to communicate the enterprise to Brigadier General Stark, who is appointed to the command, and to consider with him the best and' most practicable means for its accom plishment ; That Brig'r Gen. Stark be authorized, with the utmost secrecy, to select or raise a competent number of volun teers for this service, and to receive, from the commanding officer of the northern department, a sufficient quantity of military stores, carriages and provision (or, if more convenient, to hire carriages . and purchase provisions) ; and that the sum of five thousand dollars, for those and other contingent expenses be advanced, out of the military chest in the said department, to him or his order, for the expenditure whereof he is to be accountable ; That, if the expedition should be successful, the sum of $20,000 shall be paid to the said Gen. Stark and his officers and men, to be divided among them in proportion as the pay of continental officers and privates bears to each other, as a reward for their service, and in full satisfaction of all wages and claims, or in such proportion, more advantageous to the privates, as the general and his officers shall ascertain. * But, if stipulated wages should be preferred to the chance of such reward, the general shall be at liberty to retain the officers and. men, at double continental pay and rations, during the expedition, in consequence of the inclemency of the season and the importance of the service ; 78 MEMOIR OF That General Stark be enjoined to keep secret the said enterprise, and not to communicate it until the nature of the operation shall render it necessary ; That a warrant, in the words following and subscribed by the president, shall be transmitted to Gen. Stark : ' In Congress, York Town, 3d Dec, 1777. Whereas, Brigadier General Stark is appointed to command and direct a secret expedition during the winter season, you are therefore directed and required, upon his order, to supply him with such sum of money, not exceeding five thousand dollars, and such carriages, military stores and provisions as he may require, taking his vouchers for the same, and for which he will be accountable. By order of Congress— HENRY LAURENS, President. To the Commanding .Officer, Pay Master General, Quarter Master General, and Commissioner of Stores ana Provis ions in the Northern Department: That if, from any unforeseen accident, General Stark should be unable or unwilling to engage in the said enterprise, the commanding officer in the northern department be in such case directed and authorized to appoint some other brave and diligent officer to the said command ; and that the officer so commanding shall have the same rewards and pay as before proposed ; That all officers in the service of the United States, and all civil officers and others, be requested to give every aid and assistance in their power for forwarding and securing the success of the said enterprise.* CHAS. THOMPSON, Secretary. * Extract from the Minutes. JOHN STARK. 79 Manour Livingston, 16th Dec, 1777. Sir — Congress, from a high sense of your patriotism, activity and valor, have conferred upon you the chief com mand of an important enterprise, which they have very much at heart, as, under divine providence, its success entirely depends upon expedition and secrecy. I am enjoined by Congress to meet you, as soon as pos sible, at Albany, and there deliver your commission and instructions ; and, in a personal conference, fully explain their views. The time you will be pleased to fix ; and you may be assured, if health permits, of my punctual attendance. When you are apprised that not a moment is to be lost, and that the security of the United States, and your own in particular, now call for your exertions, I am persuaded all farther arguments must be unnecessary. I left your friend, General Folsom, in good health and spirits, the 5th instant. He desired me to present you with his respectful compliments. It is with singular pleasure I congratulate you and your brave militia on the honor which you have acquired at the important battle of Bennington. I feel it the more grate fully, as it has eminently contributed to rescue this de voted State (New- York) from the dangers with which it was surrounded. Waiting for your speedy answer, by the return of the express, whom you will order to take the shortest route to this place, I have the honor to be, &c, JAMES DUANE. Brigadier General Stark. Albany, 14th Jan'y, 1778. Sir— This evening I had the honor of your favor of. yesterday, by the express, and shall communicate its con tents to Congress, as soon as an opportunity offers on which I can securely rely. Indeed, without the most urgent necessity, I would not commit any thing on this 80 MEMOIROF important subject to paper, well knowing that, by declar ing it unseasonably, the enterprise must in all probability be blasted. I observe that you make your election of the wages, instead of the bounty. I have no doubt but that you may safely trust to the liberality of Congress in case of success. But this you will be pleased to consider as the opinion of an individual having no authority beyond the instructions I communicated to you at the conference. With a high sense of your merit, and the greatest personal regard, I am, sir, &c, &c, JAMES DUANE.* Brigadier General Stark.' " In consequence of this order of Congress, preparations were made for carrying it into execution, with every pros pect of success. Had the undertaking been crowned with good fortune, it would have contributed much to insure the safety of the northern frontiers during the remainder of the war* Supplies were obtained of provisions, snow- shoes, conveyances, and every thing required for a winter campaign. The troops were engaged, equipped and ready to march, and their leader was confident of a successful issue — when Congress thought proper to abandon the design. Early in 1778 he was ordered to assume the command of the northern department at Albany. For this service he had very few reliable troops, and was obliged to depend for support, at times, upon the militia. He had two large frontier rivers to guard, and was surrounded by tories, spies, peculators, and public defaulters. In regulating these abuses, he succeeded like most reformers. Those detected cursed him, while their friends complained ; and in November he. gladly received notice from General Washington that General Gates desired his assistance in * James Duane was a member from New-York, of the first congress, in 1774, and the first mayor of New-York, after the evacuation of that city by the British army. He was appointed United States district judge, for the district of New-York, in October, 1789, and died at Albany in 1797. — Allen's Biographical Dictionary. JOHN STARK. 81 Rhode-Island, with orders to proceed thither. General Hand succeeded him at Albany, but shortly afterward left the command with equal pleasure. On joining General Gates at Providence, he was direct ed to take post at East Greenwich, on account of his pop ularity with the militia, and with a view to ascertain and counteract the designs of the enemy from Rhode-Island. Wl^en the season for action was over he returned, by way of Boston, to New-Hampshire, to urge the necessity of recruits and supplies. In the spring of 1779 he joined the army at Providence, and, by direction of General Gates, examined the coast from Providence to Point Judith, as well as the east side of the bay, as far as Mount Hope. Few troops were em ployed on this station ; aud more than ordinary vigilance was required to prevent inroads, and establish a regular system of espionage. In autumn, indications of a descent from the enemy being discovered, he removed his head quarters to Point Judith, seldom resting more than one night in a place. Late in October the enemy were in motion, and his command were for some days upon constant duty. About the 10th of November the British army decamped from Rhode-Island,- and at day light next morning General Stark took possession of Newport, and placed guards in the streets to prevent plunder, and preserve order. At this time General Washington, fearful that on the arrival of the Newport reinforcement at New- York, an attack might be made upon his army, ordered Generals Gates and Stark, with the troops who had blockaded New port, excepting a small garrison, to join him in New- Jersey, whence, soon afterward, he directed the latter to proceed to New-Hampshire to make requisitions of troops and supplies. Having performed this service, he returned to the army at Morristown in May, 1780, and was present at the battle of Springfield, on Short hills, in June following. The affair at Springfield appears to have been as follows : 82 MEMOIR OF General Knyphausen, with a force of 5,000 Hessians, made a marauding incursion into- New-Jersey, and advanced to Springfield June 23, 1780. The American army was ordered under arms, to oppose them. Maxwell's brigade engaged their advanced guard, but was forced to fall back before superior numbers, until reinforced by Stark's brig ade, when a stand was made on high ground near Spring field. While this contest continued, a detachment oflfhe British forced the bridge, after a gallant defence of forty minutes, and burned the village. The enemy then drew off his forces, and commenced his retreat, in which, by order of General Greene, Stark's and Maxwell's brjgades closely pursued,, and harrassed him for several miles. The pursuers brought back several prisoners, and a quantity of baggage abandoned by the enemy. Immediately after this General Stark was dispatched to New-England, with orders to collect a body of militia and volunteers, and conduct them to West-Point. He arrived with the troops at West-Point while General Washington was absent to meet Count de Rochambeau at Hartford, Connecticut, shortly before Arnold's desertion. Upon delivering up the reinforcement, he joined his division at Liberty Pole, New-Jersey. In September he was ordered to relieve the Pennsylva nia line, under General St. Clair, which had occupied West-Point after Arnold's treason. General St Clair marched next day to Liberty Pole. While at West-Point he was called upon to participate in the melancholy duty of deciding the fate of Major Andre.* He was one of the thirteen generals who com- *JUDGMKNT OF THE BOARD OF GENERAL OFFICERS, IN THE CASE OF MAJOR JOHN ANDRE. The Board, having considered the letter of His Excellency, General Washington, respecting Major Andre, adjutant general to the British army, the confession of Major Andre, and the papers produced to them : Report, to His Excellency, the commander-in-chief, the following facts which appear to them relative to Major Andre : First. — That he came on shore from the Vulture, sloop-of-war, in the night of the 21st of September instant, on an interview with General Arnold, in a private and secret manner. JOHN STARK. 83 posed the military tribunal. He was duly sensible of the hardship of the case ; but, with his brother officers, was also aware that the liberty of his country was at stake, and that the safety of her army depended upon the exam ple. Their decision, stern and unfeeling as it has since been termed by those who have lived in less dangerous times, had undoubtedly an effect, throughout the war, of preventing a recurrence of the same necessity. An almost universal distrust of each other, at this time, prevailed in the army. Indeed, to such an extent did this feeling increase, that it was deemed unsafe to trust the custody of the prisoner to the guard of soldiers alone. Officers * were present, relieving each other by turns ; and, by every atten tion in their power, they endeavored to alleviate the painful Secondly. — That he changed his dress within our lines, and, under a feigned name, and in disguised habit, passed our works at Stoney and Ver- plank's Points, on the evening of the twenty-second of September instant, and was taken the morning of the twenty-third of September instant, at Tarry Town, in a disguised habit, being then on his way to New- York ; and when taken, he had in his possession several papers which contained intelligence for the enemy. The Board, having maturely considered these facts, do also report to His Excellency, General Washington, That Major Andre, adjutant gen eral to the British army, ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy ; and that, agreeably to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he ought to suffer death. NATH. GREENE, M. Gen'l., President. Sterling, M. G. Ar. St. Olair, M. G. La. Fayette, M. G. R. Howe, M. G. Steuben, M. G. Samuel H. Parsons, B. Gen'l. James Clinton, B. Gen'l. H. Knox, Brigr. Gen'l. Artillery. Jno. Glover, B. Gen'l. John Patterson, B. Gen'l. Edward Hand, B. Gen'l. J. Huntington, B. Gen'l. John Stark, B. Gen'l. John Lawrence, J. A. Genl. In regard to the execution of Major Andre-, six members were in favor of his being shot ; six others were of opinion that he ought to be hung as a spy. ¦ General Greene, the president, decided the question in favor of the latter. * The late Major C. Stark, and his brother, Lieutenant Archibald Stark, were among those who were frequently in his place of confinement, and were present at his execution. 84' MEMOIR OF • situation of a high-minded soldier who, in an evil hour, became the dupe of a traitor who'se name has gone down to posterity with scarcely a ray of honor to lighten the darkness of his memory. At this time General Washington formed the design of surprising Staten island. To mask his intention, General Stark was detached, with 2,500 of the best troops of the army, with a suitable proportion of cavalry and field artil lery, accompanied by a large train of wagons, teamsters, and cattle-drivers, with orders to advance near Manhattan island ; bring away all the cattle, grain and forage to be found, and hover about the vicinity of New- York until far ther orders ; if attacked by the enemy, to collect his forde upon advantageous ground, and trust to his own conduct and the goodness of his troops for the result. The enemy, suspecting some design from another quarter, suffered this detachment to pillage the country, (principally peopled by the disaffected) as far as Morrisania and King's bridge, for several days, and then quietly return with their booty. Colonel Humphreys, aid-de-camp to General Washington, crossed the Hudson on a stormy night, informed that the Staten island project was abandoned, and directed the foragers to retire. The army soon afterward went into winter quarters at West-Point, New Windsor and Fishkill. General Stark was there visited with a severe illness, and returned home on furlough, with the standing order for men and supplies. In the spring of 1781 he was ordered once more to as sume the command of the northern department, and fix his head quarters at Saratoga. Some feeble detachments of militia from New-Yo/k, Massachussetts and New- Hampshire constituted all the disposable force for the protection of this extensive frontier. If the country was in a sad condition in 1778, it was ten fold more so in 1781. It was overrun with spies and traitors. Robberies were frequent, and many inhabitants (non-combatants) carried prisoners to Canada. JOHN STARK. 85 General Schuyler's house, at Albany, was robbed, and two of his servants carried away. The general saved himself by retreating to his chamber, barricading the door, and firing through it upon the marauders. The reports of his pistols roused the city military ; but the plunderers escaped. Soon after the establishment of the military post at Sar atoga, a party of these brigands was discovered within the lines, unarmed, and a British commission found upon their leader, a refugee from the States. A board of offi cers examined the case, pronounced him a spy, and con demned him to be hanged ; which sentence was executed on the next day.* One of the prisoners, upon promise of quarter, informed that he belonged to a party of fifteen, who had come down from Canada as spies; that his companions were then variously disguised and scattered through the country to ascertain its defensive condition, for the benefit of the British officers in Canada, who were planning an inroad ; and that their boats had been concealed on the shore of Lake George. A lieutenant, with a sufficient force, with the prisoner for a guide, was dispatched to the place, with * Death "Warrant of Thomas Lovelace. By John Stark, Esq., Brig adier Weneral in the army of the United States, and Commander of the Northern Department, §c. At a general court-martial, held at Saratoga, October second, 1781, whereof Colonel Weissenfels was president, Thomas Lovelace, of the tory forces in the British army, was brought before the court, charged with being a spy ; and the' court, after hearing the examinations, and other tes timony, have pronounced their opinion that he was a spy, and, by the usages of war, he be hanged by the neck until he be dead ; which sen tence being approved by me, you will remove him from the main guard to-morrow, the 8th instant, at half past ten o'clock A. M., and exactly at eleven o'clock cause him him to be hanged by the neck until he be dead — for which this is your sufficient warrant. Given under my hand and seal, at my head quarters, at Saratoga, this 7th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one. By the General's command — JOHN STARK, fL g -, Brig. General Commanding. <¦ ' ' ¦" Caleb Stark, Brigade Major. To the Adjutant of the day. 86 .MEMOIROF orders " to wait five days for the return of the party." He found the boats, and remained there one day. The pris oner escaped in the night, and, becoming alarmed for his safety, he disobeyed his orders and returned to Saratoga. Ten Abiel Austin, ." Kinsman. John Folsom, (1 <( Jonathan Bell, tt Reid. tt William Gamble, Stephen Dudley, it tt Capt. Henry Dearborn, " ti Robert McDonnel, Moore. Kinsman- Andrew Robinson, ti Keid. William Frazer, ti n Josiah Bachelder, it •• David Abbot, ti tt Daniel Ladd, ti tt William Graves, it a John Page, a Kinsman. Samuel Lakeman, (( tt Robert Page, it Cf James Colamer, tt tt James Noyes, a tt Andrew Silkens, ti tt Jonathan Robey, ti 98 MEMOIR OF All or the larger portion of the men before named were in the action at Bunker's hill. We copy, from the " Siege of Boston," a list of the officers of the New-Hampshire regiments who were in the action at Bunker's hill. Isaac Baldwin, Elisha "Woodbury, Samuel Richards, John Moore, Joshua Abbot, Gordon Hutchins, Aaron Kinsman, Henry Dearborn, Daniel Moore, George Reid, STARK'S REGIMENT. LIEUTENANTS. John Hale, Thomas Hardy, Moses Little, Jonas McLaughlin, Samuel Atkinson, Joseph Soper, Ebenezer Eastman, Amos Morril, Ebenezer Frye, . Abraham Reid, ENSIGNS. Stephen Hoyt. Jona. Corliss. Jesse Carr. Nath'l Boyd. Abiel Chandler. Daniel Livermore. Samuel Dearborn. Michael McClary. John Moore. James Anderson. The regiment contained thirteen companies; and but ten captains, lieutenants and ensigns, are named in the above list. An old manuscript contains charges, by Colonel Stark, to his officers, for advances. We find as captains, charged with sundries, Captain Chandler, No vember 19, 1775 ; Captain James McCurdy, June 1776 ; Captain Morril, March 14, 1776 ; Captain Walker, March 14, 1776; Captain. Noah Cook, November 20, 1775; Dr. Obadiah Williams, June 10, 1775 ; Lieutenant Amos Mor ril, November 20, 1775.' John Marcy, Benjamin Mann, Josiah Crosby, "William "Walker, Philip Thomas, Ezra Towne, Jona. Whitcomb, Jacob Hinds, Levi Spaulding, Hezekiah Hutchins, REED'S REGIMENT.* LIEUTENANTS. Isaac Farwell, , Benjamin Brewer, Daniel Wilkins, James Brown, John Harper, Josiah Brown, Elijah Clayes, Isaac Stone, Joseph Bradford, Amos Emerson, ENSIGNS. James Taggart, 48. Samuel Pettengill, 49. Thomas Maxwell, 44. William Roby, 46. Ezekiel Rand, 46. John Hackness, 52. Stephen Carter, 59. George Aldrich, 54. Thomas Buff, 44. John Marsh, 44. * Colonel James Reed was not in the action. ness, and left the service in 1776. He was struck with blind- JOHN STARK. 99 ITEMS PROM COLONEL STARK'S ACCOUNT BOOK. Camp on Isle aux Noix, June 20, 1776. £ s. d. Lieutenant Carr, to cash lent, lawful money, 0 18 0 Chimney Point. Jonathan Carr, to cash lent, lawful money, 0 4 0 Paid August 20, 1776. 9 Mess bill. Cash laid out by Colonel Stark. £ s. d. To J case gin, bought at Crown Point, • 1 13 9 To 1 case gin, bought of Mr. Tucker, 3 12 9 To 1 do. bought of Mr. Avery, 3 9 9 To cash paid for brewing a barrel of beer, 0 2 0 Extract from the speech of Colonel Potter, at the anniver sary dinner of the Amoskeag Veterans, February 22, 1859 : " Stark, at Lake George, when a shot from the enemy broke the lock of his gun, deliberately running over to the enemy's line, and seizing the gun of a prostrate Frenchman, to use instead' of his own, shew his individ ualism. It was the same quality that, at the news of Lexington battle, led him to throw down his crow-bar, shut down the gate of his saw-mill, seize his arms, mount his horse, and ride to the post of danger. It was his striking indi vidualism that indueed fourteen full companies to flock to. his standard in less than as many days. It was individualism that stamped the heights of Bunker's hill with the impress* of American valor. Each battalion seemed to be actuated by individualism. The battle was fought by individualism. Each commandei!1 of a battalion or regiment, seemed to fight in his own way, and ' on his own hook.' Prescott fought at his redoubt ; Warren, with a niajor general's commission in his pocket, fought as a volunteer. Stark came up to the rail fence breast-work, (itself an in dividualism) continued it down to the beach, and, in a a moment as it were, built a wall to ^he water's edge of the stones upon the beach. Then was displayed that indi vidualism so often spoken of by Washington, to his honor. 100 MEMOIR OF Taking a stake in his hand, he deliberately walked in front of his line, the distance of thirty or forty yards, where, setting up the stake in the ground, he shouted: 'Boys, the red coats are coming up the hill. If one of you fire a gun till they reach that stake, I '11 shoot him.' It was the same individualism that, at Bennington, dic tated the memorable speech : ' There are the enemy, boys, the red coats and tories ; you must beat them, or Betty Stark sleeps a widow to-night.' " The speaker obtained the anecdote of the stake from George W. Park Custis, who said he had often heard General Washington relate it, to show the cool courage of • General Stark. In his speech, at the tomb of Washing ton, before the Amoskeag Veterans, General Custis alluded to the fact of the stake, and stated his authority. The following relates to statements contained in Powers' History of Coos : In Stark's Memoir, page 15, the exploring expeditions to Coos are noticed. Mr. Powers disbelieves that any party, acting under the orders of government, did in reality visit that region in 1752,. or prior to 1754. - Belknap (vol. 2, p. 215) states that a " party was sent up in the spring of 1752, to view the meadows and lay out the townships." Stark and Eastman passed, in 1752, as captives to the Indians, through the Coos country. The former, as pil<& attended the expedition of Colonel Lovewell, in 1753, and in 1754, in the same capacity, that conducted by Captain Peter Powers. The following extract, from the History of Manchester, (p. 279—281) relates to the subject : "About the time Stark was taken, Sebattis and Plaus- awa, Indians living at St. Francis, but who had formerly lived in the Merrimack valley, came to Canterbury, and having been kindly treated by Messrs. Miles and Lindsay, with whom they had formerly been acquainted, they left the JOHN STARK. 101 place, having seized upon and captured two negroes, be longing to the men who had treated them with so much hospitality. One of the negroes escaped and informed of his captors, while the other was sold at Crown Point. This conduct of the Indians produced the greatest con sternation and alarm, and the project of taking armed possession of the Coos country was prosecuted with re newed vigor. The assembly of New-Hampshire, in answer to the me morial of those engaged in the project, so far complied with the wishes of the memorialists as to assume the ex pense of cutting and making a road from the settlements upon the Merrimack, to the ' Coos meadows ; ' and ap pointed a committee to survey and mark the road. This active preparation to seize their lands did not escape the notice of the Indians ; and in January, 1753, they sent six Indians, with a flag of truce, to the fort at Number Four, to remonstrate against the proceedings of the English. They took strong grounds upon the subject, and it is highly propable that the whole procedure was at the in stance and under the direction of the French. They told Captain Stevens that they were displeased ' at our people going to take a view of the Coos meadows last spring' (spring of 1752) ; ' and that for the English to set tle Cowos was what they could not agree to ; and as the English had no need of that land, but had enough without it, they must think the English had a mind for war if they would go there, and that they should have a strong war.' * Meantime, about the 10th of March, 1753, the commit tee, appointed by the assembly to survey and. mark the road to Coos, commenced the performance of their duty. The committee consisted of Zacheus Lovewell, of Duns- * The Rev. Mr. Powers, in his History of the Coos Country, undertakes to show that Dr. Belknap has misconstrued this extract from Colonel Wil liams' letter, and that no such persons visited the Coos country, in the spring of 1752. But in this matter Dr. Belknap is right and Mr. Powers wrong. Mr. Powers does not quote" the extract correctly. As given above (from the original letter of Colonel Williams, of March 19, 1753) no one can doubt, were other proofs wanting, that our people went into the Coos country in the sprjng of 1752. 102 MEMOIR OF table, John Talford, of Chester, and Caleb Page of Starks- town. They hired sixteen men at Amoskeag and Penna- cook to assist in the expedition ; and John. Stark, of Der- ryfield, as pilot, he having passed through the Coos country, as a captive, the spring previous. Caleb Page was the surveyor. The committee performed the duties assigned them in twenty days, returning to Concord on the 31st of March. As most of the men engaged in this .expedition were from Amoskeag, the following account is added, giving the names, time, and capacity in which each one was em ployed. March, 1753. Messrs. Zacheus Lovewell, John Talpord, and Caleb Page, charge ye Province of New-Hamp'r, Dr. For themselves and men, here named, hired to survey and make the road to Coos, in March, curr't : £ s. d. Zacheus LovewaR, John Talford, Caleb Page, Nath'l Smith, John Eveny, Reuben Kimball, Benj. Laikin, Enoch Webster, Eben. Copp, Jona. Burbank, John Johnson, Benj. Eastman, Peter Bowen, Nath'l Ingalls, Robert Rogers, John Combs, Wm. MfGluer, John Stark, pilot, Abraham PeSry, Caleb Page, surveyor, 22 days, a 85a. 22 ' 22 19J 19J 19£ 19J19$ 19£ 19| 19J 19£ 19* 22* 19* 22* 2221 22 22 35 3530 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 3030 30 30 3030 35 3060 Zach. Lovewell, John Talford, Caleb Page, .each one day attendance to appoint the day's and prepare for ye march, Caleb Page, jurney to Rumford, to hire pen, four days, 35 38 38 38 2929 29 29 29 29 29 29 29 2933 29 33 333633 66 5 7 684 10 10 10 55 5 55 55 5 5505 0 0 15 0 0 5 0 0 0 Old tenor, Dated 31st of March, 1753 ZACHEUS LOVEWELL, JOHN TALFOT" " CALEB PAGE, J * See files in Secretary's office. 0 JOHN TALFORD,' " "' L Committee* JOHN STARK. 103 The author of the History of Manchester has collected other information in regard to the expeditions to Coos, which will probably appear in the edition of Belknap's History of New- Hampshire, which he is now preparing for publication. We have a recollection of seeing, in boy hood, a journal of the above survey, written by our ances tor, Captain Caleb Page, surveyor of the expedition, but thought no more of it, until a letter was received from John Farmer, Esq., making inquiries concerning such a paper. He was then preparing his edition of Belknap's History. Search was made for the manuscript, but with-' out success. L04 BATTLE OF THE BATTIiE OP BENNINGTON, August 16, 1TT7. BY REV. THOMAS P. RODMAN. Copied from the Rhode-Island Book. Up through a cloudy sky, the sun Was buffeting his way On such a morn as ushers in A sultry August day. » Hot was the air — and hotter yet, __ Men's thoughts within them grew ; They, Britons, Hessians, Tories, saw, They saw their homesteads too ! They thought of all their country's wrongs ; They thought of noble lives, Poured out in battle with their foes ; — They thought upon their wives, Their children and their aged sires, Their firesides, churches, God ! And these deep thoughts made hallowed ground Each foot of soil they trod. Thejr leader was a veteran man — A man of earnest will ; — His very presence was a host ; He 'd fought at Bunker's hill ! A living monument he stood, Of stirring deeds of fame ; Of deeds that shed a fadeless light On his own deathless name ! Of Charlestown's flames, of Warren's blood, His presence told the tale ; It made each patriot's heart beat quick, Though lip and cheek grew pale ; It spoke of Princeton, Morristown ; — .Told Trenton's thrilling story ; It lit futurity with hope, And on the past shed glory. Who were those men ? their leader, who t Where stood they on that morn ? The men were northern yeomanry, — Brave men as e'er were born ; Who, in the reaper's merry row, Or warrior's rank could stand ; Right worthy such a noble troop — John Stark led on the band. Walioomsac wanders by the spot Where they, that morning, stood ; Then rolled the war-cloud o'er the stream, The waves were tinged with blood ; And the near hills that dark cloud girt, And fires like lightning flashed ; And shrieks and groans, like howling blasts, Bose as the bayonets clashed. BENNINGTON. 105 The night before, the yankee host Came gathering from afar, And in each belted bosom glowed The spirit of the war ! All full of fight, through rainy storm, Night cloudy, starless, dark — They came, and gathered as they came, Around the valiant Stark ! There was a Berkshire Parson — he And all his flock were there, And like true churchmen militant, The arm of flesh made bare. Out spoke the Dominie, and said : — > " For battle have we come, " These many times ; and after this, " We mean to stay at home, " If now we come in vain." Said Stark : — " What ! would you go to-night, " To battle it with yonder troops ? ' ' God send us morning light, " And we will give you work enough ; Let but the morning come, " And if ye hear no voice of war, " Go back and stay at home." The morning came — there stood the foe ; — Stark eyed them as they stood ; Few words he spoke — 'twas not a time For moralizing mood ; "See there, the enemy, my boys — Now, strong in valor's might, " Beat them, or Betty * Stark will sleep " In widowhood to-night ! " Each soldier there had left at home, A sweetheart, wife or mother ; A blooming sister, or perchance, A fair-haired, blue-eyed brother ; Each from a fireside came, and thoughts These simple words awoke, That nerved up every warrioT's arm, And guided every stroke. Fireside and woman ! — mighty words ! How wond'rous is the spell They work upon the manly heart, Who knoweth not full well ? And than, the women of this land, That never land hath known A truer, nobler-hearted race, Each yankee boy must own. * General Stark's wife's name was Elizabeth Page. 106 THE TOMB OF STARK. Brief eloquence was Stark's — nor vain ; Scarce uttered he the words, When burst the musket's rattling peal ; — Out leaped the flashing swords ; — And when brave Stark in after time, Told the proud tale of wonder, He said "the battle din was one Continual clap of thunder." Two hours they strove, when victory crowned The valiant yankee boys ; Nought but the memory of the dead Bedimmed their glorious joys ! Aye — there 's the rub ; the hour of strife. Though follow years of fame, Is still in mournful memory linked With some death-hallowed name. The cypress with the laurel twines — The P^ean sounds a knell — The trophied column marks the spot Where friends and brothers fell ! Fame's mantle, a funeral pall Seems to the grief-dimmed eye ; For ever where. the bravest fall, The best-beloved die ! THE TOMB OF GENERAL STARK. by herrick:. No trappings of State their bright honors unfolding, No gorgeous display mark the place of thy rest ; Yet the granite points out where thy relics lie mould'ring, And the wild rose is shedding its sweets o'er thy breast. The zephyrs of evening shall sport with the willow, And play through the grass where the sweet flow'rets creep, Where the thoughts of the brave as they bend o'er thy pillow, Shall hallow the spot of the hero's last sleep. As from glory and honor to death thou descendedst, It was mete thou shouldst lie by the Merrimack's wave ; It was well thou shouldst sleep 'mongst the hills thou defendedst And take thy last rest in so simple a grave.. There for ever thou 'It sleep, and tho' ages roll o'er thee, And crumble the stone o'er thine ashes to earth, The sons of the free shall with reverence adore thee — The pride of the mountains that gave thee thy birth. CORRESPONDENCE. In regard to the following correspondence, we will here state that the letters from General Stark are copies of the original draughts, » few of which are in his own hand writing ; all subsequent to the campaign of 1777 were written by his brigade major, and aid-de-camp. The letters addressed to him are copied from the originals now in the pos session of the writer of the foregoing memoir. Copy of a Petition to the Government of New-Hampshire, in 1754, as on file in the office of the Secretary of State. Amos Eastman, of Pennacook (Concord), and John Stark, of Starkstown (Dunbarton), both in the province of New-Hampshire, of lawful age, testify and say " that on the 28th day of April, 1752, they were in company with William Stark, of Starkstown, and David Stinson, of Lon donderry, on one of the branches of the Permigwasset river, about eighteen miles from Stevenstown (Salisbury) ; that on the same day, toward night, the Indians captivated the said John, and the next morning, soon after day break, captivated the said Amos ; and fired upon David Stinson and William Stark ; they killed and scalped the said David (the said William made his escape), and car ried the deponents both to Canada ; That the stuff the Indians took from the deponents and their company was of the value of five hundred and sixty pounds at least, old tenor, for which they have no restitu tion ; 108 CORRESPONDENCE OF' That the said Amos was sold to the French, and for his redemption paid sixty dollars to his master, besides all his expenses of getting home ; that the said John purchased his redemption of the Indians, for which he paid one hun dred and three dollars, besides his expenses in getting home ; that there were ten Indians in the company who cap tivated the deponents, and lived at St. Francis. They often told the deponents it was not peace. One Francis Titigaw was the chief of the scout. There was in the scout one named Peer, a young sagamore, who belonged to St. Francis. The deponents made oath to the preceding, May 23, 1754, before Joseph Blanchard, one of his majesty's jus tices of the peace. In a memorial presented by John and William Stark to Governor Wentworth, in 1754, they say that they gave no offence to the Indians ; that they had it in their power to destroy them, or defeat their enterprise ; but esteeming it a time of peace with all the Indians who own themselves subjects of the French king, free from any expectation of any hostilities to be committed against them, they peace ably applied themselves to their own business, till am bushed by the Indians. They killed, scalped and stripped David Stinson, one of their company, captivated the afore said John and Amos, and shot at the said William, who escaped ; that they carried the said captives to Canada, and, at the same time, took the goods and effects of your memorialists and said David Stinson, in company, of the .value of five hundred and sixty pounds at least, old tenor." The government never refunded any portion of the above. In this respect Massachusetts adopted a more lib eral policy, and redeemed all her captives from the Indians. JOHN STARK. 109 Medford, May 18, 1 775. Gentlemen — About the 29th of April last, a committee, sent from the provincial Congress of the province of New- Hampshire, to the provincial Congress of the Prov. of Mass. Bay, having discretionary instructions from said Congress, advised to raise a regiment from the province of New-Hampshire as soon as possible, under the constitu tion or establishment of the Massachusetts Bay, but to be deemed as part of the quota of men from the province of New-Hampshire, and that the New-Hampshire Congress would establish said measures. In consequence of which a number of officers from the province of New-Hampshire convened and made choice of their field oflicer s for said regiment, who have raised the same — 584 of whom are now present at Medford, exclusive of drummers and fifers, and the remainder are hereby expected. And, as a great number of those already here (who expected, when they enlisted, to draw arms from the provincial stock) are desti tute of the same, and can not be furnished (as no arms are to be procured here, at present), must inevitably return from whence they came, unless they are supplied from some quarter speedily, I humbly pray that you would maturely consider our defenceless situation, and adopt some measure or measures whereby they may be equipped. In confidence of your immediate compliance with the above request, I am, in the country's common cause, Your most obedient, humble serv't, JOHN STARK. N. B. The gentlemen who present this to the conven tion can give you particular information as to our present situation.* Superscribed " the Chairman of Prov'l Congress, for the province of New-Hampshire, now sitting at Exeter." * Vol. 1, State papers, p. 149. HO CORRESPONDENCE OF To the Hon. Council of New-Hampshire. Medford, May 29, 1775. Gentlemen — Yours of the 20th inst. I have received, and note the contents ; and as to fire-arms for the regi ment under my command, the greater part who were destitute when I wrote you, are since furnished ; and I am informed from the officers of the several companies, that the remainder will be equipped very shortly, so that I flatter myself this difficulty will be speedily removed as to my regiment ; but as to the manner of procuring them, whether by the respective towns to which they belong, or by individuals, I can not at present inform you, as no ac count thereof has as yet come to hand. But I would beg leave still to entreat you to take a little farther notice of us ; and, in the first place, consider that a considerable part of the regiment are destitute of blankets (and can not be supplied by their towns), and are very much exposed ; some of whom, for want thereof, by reason of colds, are very much indisposed, and thereby rendered unfit for duty ; and, secondly, that we are in great want of money ; and that neither the officers or soldiers can subsist without it, much longer, by any means. And this I am well assured of from daily complaints which are made to me, that un» less you, by some means or other, advance some money to the army directly (as there is no room in my mind to doubt but there is a very considerable sum in the province, belonging thereto), their courage will fail, and they will return ; and by that means, we shall work our own de struction. Again, I would recommend a sutler or supplier for the army ; and if it should be necessary that there should be a sutler or sutlers, and you can not find one in that province who will undertake it on reasonable terms, I know of a gentleman in this province who wilh if ap plied to. I would likewise be glad if a chest of medicine might be procured for the use of the regiment, and tools for the armorer to repair arms with. According to your request, I have inclosed and transmitted to the committee of safety a return of the men who have enlisted in the JOHN STARK. HI service of the province of New-Hampshire (now under my command), and who expect to be paid therefrom. Your speedy compliance with the above will greatly oblige Yours, in the common cause, JOHN STARK. The Congress of the Colony of New-Hampshire, To John Stark, Esq., Greeting. We, reposing especial- trust and confidence in your courage and good conduct, do, by these presents, consti tute and appoint you, the said John Stark, to be colonel of the first regiment pf foot, raised by the Congress afore said, for the defence of the American colonies. You are, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duty of a colonel, in leading, ordering, and exercis ing the said regiment in arms, both inferior officers and soldiers, and to keep them in good order and discipline. And they are hereby commanded to obey you as their colonel ; and you are yourself to observe and follow such orders and instructions as you shall, from time to time, receive from the general and commander-in-chief of the forces raised in the colony, aforesaid, or any other your superior officers, according to such military rules and dis cipline of war as have been, or hereafter shall be, ordered by the Congress of said colony, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. By order of the Congress — MATTHEW THORNTON, President. Exeter, the third day of June, A. D. 1775. E. Thompson, Secretary. 112 CORRESPONDENCE OF Colonel Stark to Hon. Matthew Thornton, President of the New-Hamp shire Provincial Congress. Medford, June 19, 1775. Sir — I embrace this opportunity, by Colonel Holland, to give you some particulars of an engagement in battle, which was fought on the 17th inst., between the British troops and the Americans. On the 16th, at evening, a detachment of the Massa chusetts line marched, by the general's order, (General Ward) to make intrenchment upon a hill in Charlestown, called Charlestown hill, near Boston, where they in trenched that night, without interruption, but were at tacked, on the morning of the 17th, very warmly by the ships of war in Charlestown river, and the batteries in Boston. Upon this, I was ordered by the general to send a detachment of two hundred men, with proper officers, to their assistance ; which order I promptly obeyed, and appointed Lieutenant Colonel Wyman to command the, same. At two o'clock P. M. an express arrived with orders for my whole regiment to proceed to Charlestown, to oppose the British who were landing on Charlestown point ; accordingly we proceeded, and the battle soon came on, in which a number of officers and men of my regiment were killed and wounded. The officers killed were Major McClury, by a cannon ball ; Captain Baldwin aud Lieutenant Scott, by small arms. The whole number, including officers, killed and missing, 15 Wounded, 45 Total, killed, wounded and missing, 60 By Colonel Reed's desire, I transmit the account of those who suffered belonging to that portion of his regi ment who were engaged : Killed, 3 ; wounded, 29 ; missing, 1. Total, in both regiments, 93. JOHN STARK. 113 But we remain in good spirits, being well satisfied that where we have lost one, the enemy have lost three. I should consider it a favor if the committee of safety should recommend to the several towns and parishes of New- Hampshire the necessity of detaining and sending back all the soldiers belonging to the New-Hampshire line, sta tioned at Medford, whom they may find at a distance from the army, without a furlough from the commanding officer. I am, sir, with great respect, Yours and the country's, To serve in the good cause, JOHN STARK. Notes by Editor. Colonel Stephen Holland, of Lon donderry, afterward went to New- York and joined the enemy. He received a grant of land in Ireland, as a re muneration for his estate confiscated in America. General Ward ordered this party to intrench upon Bunker's hill, but by mistake they proceeded a mile far ther, to Breed's hill, a lesser eminence, and nearer to Bos ton. The attempt of the enemy to dislodge them pro duced the action called the battle of Bunker's hill. This affair gave the enemy direct evidence that the yankees could fight, and the latter confidence in themselves. The enemy intended to possess and fortify Dorchester heights, on the 18th of June, but the operations of the Americans, on the night of the 16th, directed their attention in an other direction ; very fortunate for the Americans, as they were enabled to fortify the heights themselves, and force the enemy to evacuate Boston. 114 CORRESPONDENCE OF Marching Orders for Colonel John Stark, commanding the 5th and 25th Regiments of Foot. You are forthwith to march, with the regiments under your command, to Norwich, in Connecticut, according to the route indicated ; and in case of extreme bad weather or other unforeseen accidents you are obliged to halt a day or more, between this and Norwich, you will acquaint Brigadier General Heath, who is appointed to the com mand of the brigade, now under marching, orders, and receive and follow his directions. You will immediately apply to Commissary General Trumbull, and to Quarter Master General, Col. Mifflin, for an order for carriages and provisions for your march to Norwich. Upon your arrival there, Brigadier General Heath has his excellency, the commander-in-chief's directions for the farther dispo sal of the brigade. His excellency expects you to preserve good order and exact discipline upon your march, carefully preventing all pillage and marauding, and every kind of ill-usage, or in sult to the inhabitants of the country. As the motions of the enemy, and the advanced season of the year make it of the utmost consequence that not a moment should be lost that can possibly be made use of on your march, the general, depending on your zeal, experience and good conduct, is satisfied that, on your part, ^no vigilance will be wanting. Given at head quarters, this 16th day of March, 1776. HORATIO GATES, Adj't Gen'l. Route from Cambridge to Framingham, 20 Sutton, 18 Dudley, 20 Mort Lake, 19 . Norwich, 20 In all, 97 THOMAS MIFFLIN, Q. M. Gen'l. JOHN STARK. 115 Colonel Stark, and other colonels, presented a remon strance to General Schuyler against the removal of the army from Crown Point to Ticonderoga. GENERAL SCHUYLER'S ANSWER. Ticonderoga, July 9, 1776, 9 P. M. Gentlemen — Your remonstrance, of yesterday's date, was delivered to me at eight o'clock this evening, by General Sullivan. Previous to any observations on it, give me leave to remind you of a mistake you have made in sup posing that I informed you " that Congress had directed that the army was to be removed to Ticonderoga." My expression was exactly in these words : " That it be recom mended to General Schuyler to form a strong camp in the vicinity of Ticonderoga or Crown Point." I observed that, as I quoted from memory, and had not the resolution with me, I could not repeat the very words of it. I rather wish to impute your mistake to misapprehension than to any intentional false repetition of what I said, which I can not suppose any gentleman can be guilty of. The reasons which induced the council of general offi cers unanimously to give their opinion to move the main body of the army from Crown Point, I can not conceive myself at liberty to give without their consent ; for myself, I declare with that frankness which I wish always to char acterize me, that the measure seemed not only prudent, but, in my opinion, indispensably necessary for a variety of reasons, against which those you have given do not, in my opinion, bear a sufficient weight to alter it; some of which are evidently nugatory, and all of which might be contrasted with more cogent ones' in support of the resolu tion. I assure you, at the same time, that if I were con vinced of the impropriety of the measure, I should not be in the least tenacious of supporting my opinion, but immediately give way to conviction, and rescind the reso lution so far as depended on me to do it. I am happy, gentlemen, that you declare your readiness to obey the resolution of the general officers, although it 116 CORRESPONDENCE OF does not meet your approbation — a sentiment . that every good officer ought not only to entertain, but to inculcate on others as a principle on which the preservation of every army in a great measure depends. Such a sentiment will always induce me, and I dare say every other general offi cer, to receive with patience and pleasure the advice of his officers, and act accordingly, where I or they are con vinced. I am, gentlemen, with great respect, Your most obedient, humble serv't, PH. SCHUYLER. Note by Editor. After events proved that the memo rialists were correct. The following extract expresses the opinion of the commander-in-chief to Congress. In consequence of the evacuation of Crown Point, Gen eral Schuyler lost for a time the confidence of many of the northern officers, and many of the people of the north. Extract from a letter of General Washington to Congress, July 19, 1776. " I confess the determination of the council of general officers, on the 7th, to retreat from Crown Point, sur prised me much ; and the more I consider it, the more striking does the impropriety appear. The reasons as signed against it by the field officers, in their remonstrance, coincide greatly with my own ideas, and those of the other general officers I have had an opportunity of con versing with, and seem to be of considerable weight, I may add, conclusive. I am not so fully acquainted with the geography of that country, and the situation of the differ ent posts, as to pronounce a peremptory judgment upon the matter ; but if my ideas are right, the possession of Crown Point is essential to give us the superiority and mastery of the lake. That the enemy will possess it, as soon as abandoned by us, there can be no doubt ; and if they do, whatever gallies JOHN STARK. 117 or force we keep upo'n the lake, will be unquestionably in their rear. How they are to be supported there, or what succor can be drawn from them, is beyond my comprehen sion. Perhaps it is only meant that they shall be em ployed on the communication between that and Ticonder oga. If this is the case, I fear the views of Congress will not be answered, nor the salutary effects derived from them that were intended. I have mentioned my surprise to General Schuyler, and would, by the advice of the general officers, haye directed that post should be maintained, had it not been for two causes : an apprehension that the works had been de stroyed, and that if the army should be ordered from Ticonderoga, or the post opposite to it (where I presume they are), to repossess it, they would have neither one place or another secure, and in a defensible state ; 'the other, lest it might increase the jealousy and diversity of opinions which seem already too prevalent in the army, and establish a precedent for the inferior officers to set up their judgment whenever they would, in opposition to their superiors — a matter of great delipacy, and that might lead to fatal consequences if countenanced, though in the present instance I could have wished their reasoning had prevailed." General Gates and Schuyler took fire at the implied censure of the general officers who had given their opin ions to General Washington, against the abandonment of Crown Point, and the preference of Ticonderoga. They made common cause, and in spirited terms vindicated their judgment to the commander-in-chief; reprehended in strong language the general officers to whom General Washington alluded, and carried their complaints to Con gress. The steady, temperate course, however, of the commander-in-chief, prevented" serious consequences.* *Wilkinson, vol. 1, page 63. 118 CORRESPONDENCE OF Ira Allen to New-Hampshire Committee of Safety. Onion River, July 10, 1776. Gentlemen — I learn you are alarmed at the retreat of our army "out of Canada. I can assure you the savages have killed and scalped a number of men by the river La Cole, on the west side of Lake Champlain. When they will visit us or you, is uncertain ; I advise you to look sharp, keep scouts out, but not to move, except some families much remote from the main inhabitants. Last Saturday I was at Crown Point with General Sullivan. He assured me he would -do all in his power to protect the frontier settlements. I proposed a line of forts by this river to Cohos. He said he believed that to be the best place, and made no doubt but it would be done. He immediately ordered Colonel Waite and two hundred men to this place, here to remain, and grant all protection in his power to the inhab itants. Before I left there, Generals Schuyler, Gates and Arnold arrived. I conclude there is a determination, be fore this time, in regard to all the frontiers. I make no doubt but a line of block forts is agreed on by all, from this river to yours, and so round your frontiers. I had in telligence from St.. Johns about twelve days ago. Our enemy had but one hundred tents, which at most could not be more than six hundred men. They did not appear to be in much preparation for war. At Chambly there were but few men. It is thought by some that the enemy are busy in sending provisions and clothing to all the garrisons near the head of the river St. Lawrence, and in supplying the Indians with all necessaries. The small-pox has almost gone through our army; they are in much better health than they were. Gondolas are building ; the vessels are preparing for war. I hope, in a short time, they will be able to beat all the powers of Britain on this lake. Crown Point is proposed for head quarters. In haste, IRA ALLEN.* * Vol. 1, fifth series, American Archives, page 177. JOHN STARK. 119 A PROCLAMATION. By Lieut. General John Burgoyne, commanding an army and fleet against the revolted Provinces of America. To the inhabitants of Castleton, Hubbardton, Rutland, Tinmouth, Pawlet, Wells and Granville, with the neigh boring districts; also the districts bordering on White Creek, Cambden, Cambridge, &c. You are hereby directed to send, from your several town ships, deputies, consisting of ten persons or more, from each township, to meet Colonel Skene, at Castleton, on Monday, July 15, at 10 o'clock in the morning, who will have instructions not only to give farther encouragement to those who complied with my late manifesto, but also to communicate conditions upon which the persons and property of the disobedient may yet be spared. This fail not to obey, under pain of military execution. Head Quarters, at Skenesborough House, July 10, 1777. J. BURGOYNE. By order of His Excellency, the Lieutenant General — B. Kimpton, Secretary. A PROCLAMATION. By Philip Schuyler, Esq., Major General in the Army of the United States of America, and Commander-in-chief of the Northern Department. To the inhabitants of Castleton, Hubbardton, Rutland, Tinmouth, Paulet, Wells, Granville, with the neighboring districts bordering on White creek, Cambden, Cambridge, &c, &e. Whereas, Lieutenant General John Burgoygne, com manding an army of the British troops, did, by a written paper, by him subscribed, bearing date at Skenesborough House, on the 10th day of July, instant, require you to send from your several townships, deputations consist- 120 CORRESPONDENCE OF ing of ten persons or more from each township, to meet Colonel Skene at Castleton, on Wednesday, July 15th, at ten in, the morning, for sundry purposes in said paper mentioned ; and that you were not to fail in paying obedi- Snce thereto, under pain of military execution. Whatever, my countrymen, may be the ostensible rea sons for such meeting, it is evidently intended by the ene my, then to prevail on you, by threats and promises, to forsake the cause of your injured country ; to assist them in forcing on the United States of America, and under the specious pretext of affording you protection, to bring on you that misery which their promises of protection drew on such of the deluded inhabitants of New-Jersey who were weak enough to confide in them, but who expe rienced their fallacy by being treated indiscriminately with those virtuous citizens, who came forth in defence of their country, with the most wanton barbarity, and such as hitherto hath not even disgraced barbarism. They cruelly butchered, without distinction to age or sex ; ravished children from ten, to women of eighty years of age ; they burnt, pillaged and destroyed whatever came into their power. Nor did those edifices dedicated to the worship of Almighty God escape their sacrilegeous fury. Such were the deeds — such they were incontestibly proved to be which have marked the British arms with the most indeli ble stains. But they having, by the blessing of divine providence on our arms, been obliged totally to abandon that State, they left those who were weak or wicked enough to take protection under them, to bemoan their credulity, and to cast themselves on the mercy of their injured countrymen. Such will be your fate, if you lend a willing ear to their promises, which I trust none of you will do. But lest any of you should so far forget the duty you owe to your coun try as to join with, or in any manner assist or give com fort to, or hold correspondence with, or take protection from the enemy : be it known to each and every one of you, the inhabitants of said townships, or any other, the JOHN STARK. 121 inhabitants of the uniled States, that you will be consid ered and dealt with as traitors to said states ; and that the laws thereof will be put in execution against every person, so offending, with the utmost rigor ; and do hereby strictly enjoin and command all officers, civil and military, to ap prehend or cause to be apprehended, all such offenders. And I do strictly enjoin and command such of the militia of said townships as have not yet marched, to do so with out delay, to join the army under my command or some detachment thereof. Given under my hand and seal, at head quarters. PHILIP SCHUYLER. Fort Edward, July 13, 1777. By the general's command — Henry B. Livingston. Manchester, 2ith July, 1777. Dear Sir — I learn, by express, from the council of safety and assembly of your State, dated the 19th instant, and directed to the council of this State, that it is expected that one fourth part of twelve regiments are to be imme diately drafted, formed into three battalions', and put under your immediate command, and sent forthwith into this State, to oppose the ravages and coming forward of the enemy ; and also to desire the convention of this State to send some person or persons to wait on you, at No. 4, this day, to advise with you, relative to the route and disposi tion your troops are to take, as also the present disposition and manoeuvres of the enemy. By Major Tyler and Captain Fitch I send you an extract of a letter from General Schuyler, relative to the situation of the enemy. And from what intelligence I have been able to collect since that date, I judge there is not less in number than 2,000, at different places in Cas tleton and Rutland, and a large number at Skenesbor ough ; part of which are (by their motion) making 122 CORRESPONDENCE OF preparations for a very speedy movement toward this camp, which is at present so thinly inhabited that I can by no means be able to make a stand without assistance. It is, therefore, of the most pressing importance that your troops be forwarded to this place with as much expedition as possible. Provision will be made here for their sub sistence, on their arrival. The council of safety of this State are present, and join me in urging the necessity of your speedy assistance. I am, sir, your very humble servant, SETH WARNER. Brigadier General Stark. Address of the Council of Safety of Vermont to the Councils of Safety of Massachusetts and New-Hampshire. In Council of Safety. State of Vermont, \ Manchester, July 15, 1777. J Gentlemen^-Tlais State, in particular, seems to be at pres ent the object of destruction. By the surrender of the fortress of Ticonderoga, a communication is opened to the defenceless inhabitants on the frontier, who, having little more in store at present than sufficient for the maintenance of their respective families, and not ability immediately to remove their effects, are therefore induced to accept such protections as are offered them by the enemy. By this means, those towns who are most contiguous to them are under the necessity of taking such protection, by which the next town or towns become equally a fron tier as the former towns before such protection ; and un less we can have the assistance of our friends, so as to put it immediately in our power to make a sufficient stand against such strength as they may send, it appears that it will soon be out of the power of this State to maintain its territory. This country, notwithstanding its infancy, seems to be as well supplied with provisions for victualing an army as JOHN STARK. 123 any on the continent ; so that, on that account, we can not see why a stand may not as well be made in this State as in Massachusetts ; and more especially, as the inhabitants are heartily disposed to defend their liberties. You, gentlemen, will be at once* sensible that every such town as accepts protection is rendered, at that in stant, incapable of affording any farther assistance ; and what is infinitely worse, as some disaffected persons eter nally lurk in almost every inhabited town, such become doubly fortified to injure their country, our good disposi tion to defend ourselves and make a frontier for your State, with our own, which can not be carried into execu tion without your assistance. Should you send immediate assistance, we can help you ; and should you neglect till we are put to the necessity of taking protection, you know it is in a moment out of our power to assist you. Your laying these circumstances together will, I hope, induce your honors to take the same into considera tion, and immediately send us your determination in the premises. I have the satisfaction to be your honors' most obedient and very humble servant. By order of the council, IRA ALLEN, Secretary. Letter from Meshech Weare, President of New-Hampshire, to Ira Allen, Secretary of the State of Vermont. Exeter, July 19, 1777. Sir — I was favored with yours of the *15th instant yes terday, by express, and laid the same before our general court, who are sitting. We had, previous thereto, deter mined to send assistance to your State. They have now determined that a" quarter part of the militia of twelve regiments shall be immediately drafted, formed into three battalions, under the command of Brigadier General John Stark, and forthwith sent into your State, to oppose 124 CORRESPONDENCE OF the ravages and coming forward of the enemy ; and orders are now issuing, and will go out in a few hours, to the sev eral colonels for that purpose. Dependence is made that they will be supplied with pro visions in your State ; and I am to desire your convention will send some proper person or persons to Number Four, by Thursday next, to meet General Stark there, and ad vise with him relative to the route and disposition of our troops ; and to give him such information as you may then have relative to the manoeuvres of the enemy. In behalf of the council and assembly, I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, MESHECH WEARE, President. State of New-Hampshire. 1 In Committee of Safety, July 30, 1777. J To Colonel Samuel Folsom — You are desired to proceed to No. 4, and if General Stark has marched from there before you arrive, to fol low him until you overtake him, and endeavor to find out what circumstances his men are in ; how they are sup plied, and what they are likely to want that can be sup plied from hence. The State of Vermont having assured us that they would supply them with provisions, dependence is made on them therefor. You are to inform General Stark that it is expected that he, with the advice of his field officers, will appoint such officers as are wanting in his army. Beside the ammunition lately sent to No. 4, there is now on the way forty-three bushels of salt, a thousand weight of musket-balls, of different sizes, four hundred flints, and a small cask of medicines,* of which you will inform General Stark. If it had been possible to procure tin kettles, they would have been sent, but they were not to be had ; and we fear the men will be put to great diffi- JOHN STARK. 125 culty for want of them. You will endeavor to be informed what magazine of ammunition there is at Bennington, and whether our men can depend on a supply from thence in case of necessity. You will inquire of Mr. Grant and Col. Hunt what ammunition they have delivered to Gen. Stark's men, and what is now on hand, as well as stores. On the whole, you are to advise with all persons in the service of this State on such things as you think needful to forward the business we are engaged in, and make report, on your return, of what shall appear to you necessary to be farther done for supplying the troops under Gen. Stark. The £200 (pounds) delivered to your care you are to deliver to Gen. Stark, if he thinks he shall need it, for contingencies, taking his receipt to account therefor. MESHECH WEARE, President. General Schuyler to General Lincoln. Albany, August 8, 1777. Dear General — Your favor of the 6th instant was de livered me last night. I could not wish you to remain too long at Bennington for the Massachusetts militia, as the enemy point their force down Hudson river ; and we can not know how soon we may want your assistance. Please to leave orders for them to follow you, and do the same in respect to those from New-Hampshire, who are yet expected. I inclose you a copy of a letter from General Washing ton to General Putnam, which was transmitted me by the latter, and came to hand last evening. You will please to promulgate it as extensively as possible. I am, with great regard and esteem, Dear General, your mo. obt. hbl. servt., PH. SCHUYLER. Major General Lincoln. 126 CORRESPONDENCE OF Half Moon, August 14, 1777. Dear General — Your favor of yesterday's date, per ex press, I received on the road to this place. As the troops were not on the march, I am glad you detained them in Bennington. Our plan is adopted. I will bring with me camp-kettles, axes, ammunition and flints. I expect from Albany a surgeon, with a case of capital instruments, band ages, dressing, medicines, &c., &c. You will please to meet us, as proposed, on the morning of the 18th. If the enemy shall have possession of thatA place, and in your opinion it becomes improper for us to rendezvous there, you will be so good as to appoint another, and advise me of the place. You will give me leave to recommend that all the troops march as light as possible, bringing only their blankets, a second shirt, and a pair of stockings, be side what they have on. I am, sir, your most obed't humble serv't. B. LINCOLN. Brigadier General Stark. To the Council of New-Hampshire. Bennington, August 18, 1777. Gentlemen — I congratulate you on the late success of your troops under my command, by express. I propose to give you a brief account of my proceedings since I wrote to you last. I left Manchester, Vt, on the 8th instant, and arrived here on the 9th. The 13th I was informed that a party of Indians were at Cambridge, which is twelve miles distant from this place, on their march thither. I detached Col. Gregg, with two hundred men under his command, to stop their march. In the evening I had information, by express, that there was a large body of the enemy on their way, with field pieces, in order to march through the country, command ed by Governor Skene. The 14th I marched with my JOHN STARK. 127 brigade, and a portion of the State militia, to oppose them, and cover Gregg's retreat, who found himself unable to withstand their superior numbers. About four miles from this town I accordingly met him on his return, and the enemy in close pursuit of him, within a half mile of his rear ; but when they discovered me, they presently halted on a very advantageous piece of ground. I drew up my little army on an eminence in view of their encampment, — but could not bring them to an en gagement. I marched back about a mile, and there en camped. I sent a few men to skirmish with them, who killed thirty of them, with two Indian chiefs. The 15th it rained all day ; I sent out parties to harrass them. The 16th I was joined by this State's (Vt.) militia, and those of Berkshire county. I divided my army into three divisions, and sent Lieut. Col. Nichols with two hundred and fifty men on the rear of their left wing, Colonel Herrick on the rear of their right, ordered, when joined, to attack the same. In the meantime I sent three hundred men to oppose the enemy's front, to draw their attention that way. Soon after I detached Colonels Hubbard and Stickhey on their right wing, with two hundred men, to attack that part ; all which plans had their desired effect. Colonel Nichols sent me word that he stood in need of a reinforcement, which I readily granted, consisting of one hundred men ; at which time he commenced the attack precisely at three o'clock in the afternoon, which was followed by all the rest. I pushed forward the remainder with all speed. Our people behaved with the greatest spirit and bravery imaginable. Had they been Alexanders, or Charleses of Sweden, they could not have behaved better. The action lasted two hours ; at the expiration of which time we forced their breastworks, at the muzzle of their guns ; took two pieces of brass cannon, with a number of prisoners ; but before I could get them into proper form again, I received intelligence that there was a large rein forcement within two miles of us, on their march, which occasioned us to renew our attack ; but, luckily for us, 128 CORRESPONDENCE OF i Colonel Warner's regiment came up, which put a stop to their career. We soon rallied, and in a few minutes the action began very warm and desperate, which lasted until night. We used their cannon against them, which proved of great service to us. At sunset we obliged them to retreat a second time ; we pursued them till dark, when I was obliged to halt for fear of killing our men. We recovered two pieces more of their cannon, together with all their baggage, a number of horses, carriages, &c. ; killed upward of two hundred of the enemy in the field of battle. The number of wounded is not yet known, as they are scattered about in many places. I have one lieutenant colonel, since dead (Colonel Baum), one major, seven captains, fourteen lieutenants, four ensigns, two cornets, one judge advocate, one baron, two Canadian officers, six sergeants, one aide-de-camp, one Hessian chaplain, three Hessian surgeons, and seven hundred prisoners. I inclose you a copy of General Burgoyne's instruc tions to Colonel Baum, who commanded the detachment that engaged us. Our wounded are forty-two — ten privates and four officers, belonging to my brigade ; one dead. The dead and wounded in the other corps I do not know, as they have not brought in their returns yet. I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest regard, your most obedient and humble servant, JOHN STARK, Brigadier General Commanding. P. S. I think in this action we have returned the enemy a proper compliment for their Hubbardston engage ment.* * Historical Collections and Monthly Literary Journal. JOHN STARK. 129 Van Schaik's Island, August 18, 1777. Sir — I have the honor to congratulate Congress on a signal victory obtained by General Stark, an account whereof is contained in the following letter from General Lincoln, which I have this moment had the happiness to receive ; together with General Burgoyne's instructions to Lieut. Col. Baum, a copy whereof is inclosed. I am in hopes Congress will very soon have the satisfac tion to hear that Gen. Arnold has raised the siege of Fort Schuyler. If that takes place, I believe it will be possible to engage two or three hundred Indians to join the army, and Congress may rest assured that my best endeavors shall not be wanting to accomplish it. I am informed that General Gates arrived at Albany yesterday. Major Livingston, one of my aids, will have the honor to deliver this dispatch. I am, with every sentiment of respect, Your obedient servant, PH. SCHUYLER. Hon. John Hancock, Pres't of Congress. The following private letter to General Gates, is copied from General Stark's first draft. He would not write to Congress ; but wrote to his old friend, General Gates. Bennington, August 23, 1 777. Dear General — Yours of the 19th was received with pleasure, and I should have answered it sooner, but I have been very unwell since. General Lincoln has written you upon the subject, with whom I most cordially concur in opinion. I will now give you a short account of the action near this place. On the 13th of August, being informed that a party of Indians were at Cambridge, on their way to this jplace, I detached Lieutenant Colonel Gregg to stop 130 CORRESPONDENCE OF their march, and, -in the night, was informed that a large body of the enemy were advancing in their rear. I rallied my brigade, sent orders to Colonel Warner, whose regiment lay at Manchester, and also expresses to the militia to come in with all speed to our assistance ; which orders were all promptly obeyed. We then marched with our collected force in quest of the enemy, and, after proceeding five miles, we met Colonel Gregg in full re treat, the enemy being within a mile of him. Our little army was immediately drawn up in order of battle ; upon which the enemy halted, and commenced intrenching upon very advantageous ground. A party of skirmishers, sent out upon their front, had a good effect, and killed thirty of them, without loss on our side. The ground where I then was not being fit for a general ac tion, we retired one mile, encamped, and called a council of war, where it was determined to send two detachments to the rear, while the remainder attacked in front. The 15th, proving rainy, afforded the enemy an opportunity to surround his camp with a log breast work, inform General Burgoyne of his situation, and request a reinforcement. On the morning of the 16th, Colonel Symonds joined us, with a party of Berkshire militia. In pursuance of our plan, I detached Colonel Nichols, with two hundred men, to the left ; and Colonel Herrick, with three hundred men, to the right, with orders to turn the enemy's flanks, and attack his rear. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, with two hundred men, were posted upon his right, and one hundred men stationed in front, to attract their atten tion in that quarter. About three o'clock P. M., Colonel Nichols began the attack, which was followed up by the remainder of my little army. I pushed up in front ; and, in a few minutes, the action became general. It lasted about two hours, and was the hottest engagement I have ever witnessed, resem bling a continual clap of thunder. The enemy were at last compelled to abandon their field pieces and baggage, and surrender themselves prison- JOHN STARK. 131 ers of war. They were well inclosed by breast works, with artillery; but the superior courage and conduct of our people was too much for them. In a few moments we were informed that a large rein forcement of the enemy were on their march, and within two miles of us. At this lucky moment, Col. Warner's reg iment (one hundred and fifty men) came up fresh, who was directed to advance and commence the attack. I pushed up as many men as could be collected to his support, and the action continued obstinately on both sides until sunset, when the enemy gave way, and was pursued until dark. With one hour more of daylight, we should have captured the whole detachment. We obtained four pieces of brass cannon, one thousand stand of arms, several Hessian swords, eight brass drums, and seven hundred and fifty prisoners. Two hundred and seven were killed on the spot ; wounded unknown. The enemy effected his escape by marching all night, and we returned to camp. Too much honor can not be awarded to our brave officers and soldiers, for their gallant behavior in advancing through fire and smoke, and mounting breast works sup ported by cannon. Had every man been an Alexander or Charles XH.,* they could not have behaved more gallant ly. I can not particularize any officer, as they all behaved with the greatest spirit. Colonel's Warner and Herrick, by their superior intelligence and experience, were of great service to me ; and I desire they may be recommended to Congress. As I promised, in my orders, that the soldiers should have all the plunder taken in the British camp, I pray you to inform me of the value of the cannon and other artil lery stores. * The general was an enthusiastic aamirer of Charles XII. The memoir of that intrepid warrior was the companion of all his campaigns ; and, even to the last of his life, he dwelt with pleasure upon the daring exploits of that Alexander of the north. 132 CORRESPONDENCE OF I lost my horse in the action, and was glad to come off so well. Our loss is inconsiderable — about thirty killed and forty wounded. Very respectfully, Yours, in the common cause, JOHN STARK. Hon. Maj or ..General Gates. N. B. In this action, I think we have returned the enemy a proper compliment for their Hubbardston affair. Note by Editor. This letter differs in a few particu lars, of "no importance, from the dispatch to the New- Hampshire council. Not considering himself as acting under the orders of Congress, he forwarded them no ac count of the action. General Schuyler, however, dis patched an aid-de-camp to that body, with the intelligence of his success. Copy of a handbill issued at Boston, August 22, 1777. Boston, (12 o'clock) Friday, August 22, 1777. The following letter from Hon. Maj. Gen. Lincoln to the honorable council is just received by express. Bennington, August 18, 1777. Gentlemen — I most sincerely congratulate you on the late very signal success gained over the enemy, near this place, by a few continental troops, the rangers from the* grants, some of i^ie militia from the State of Massachu setts, and those from New-Hampshire and the Grants, under the command of Brigadier General Stark. Officers and men, stimulated by the most laudable motives, behaved with the greatest spirit and bravery ; entered the enemy's several intrenchments with fortitude and alacrity, amid the incessant fire from their field-pieces and musketry. Our loss, killed, is supposed to be between twenty and thirty — wounded in common proportion. The enemy JOHN STARK. 133 were totally defeated. The number of their slain has not yet been ascertained, as they fought on a retreat, several miles, in a wood ; but is supposed to be about 200. A large number of the wounded have fallen into our hands. We have taken one lieutenant colonel, mortally wound ed ; one major, five captains, twelve lieutenants, four ensigns, two cornets, one judge advocate, one baron, two Canadian officers, and three surgeons. Beside the above officers and wounded, there are in our hands thirty-seven British soldiers, three hundred and ninety-eight Hessians, thirty-eight Canadians, and one hundred and fifty-five Tories ; four brass field-pieces, with a considerable quan tity of baggage. The number the enemy had in the field can not be ascertained — perhaps one thousand five hun dred. It is very unhappy for the wounded, and painful to us, that such is our situation that we can not afford them all that speedy relief which their distresses demand of us. We were under a necessity to forward the prisoners to the State of Massachusetts. They are now under the care of General Fellows. He will wait the order of the council with respect to them. I was ordered by General Schuyler, a few days since, from this place, to join the army at Stillwater, and was on my return when the action happened. This is the best account I can obtain of matters at present. It appears, by one of the • enemy's journals, that the day before the general action they had thirty killed, and two Indian chiefs, and some wounded. I am, gentlemen, . With sentiments of esteem and regard, Your very humble servant, B. LINCOLN. Published by order of couticil — John Avery, Dep. Sec. 134 CORRESPONDENCE OF Captain Barnes, who brought the above letter, was in those gallant actions, the following particulars of which were taken from his own mouth : viz., that on Saturday, the 16th instant, about one thousand six hundred militia from New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and the Grants, un der the command of Brigadier General Stark, about five miles west of Bennington, at a place called Loomschork, attacked a body of the enemy, consisting of about one thousand five hundred, in their intrenchments ; and, after an obstinate engagement, dislodged them from their strong holds, making prisoners of upward of three hundred men, and taking two field-pieces. General Stark, having been reinforced with one hundred and fifty continental troops, under Colonel Warner, took advantage of the confusion of the enemy's retreat, and pursued them, with great slaughter, about two miles and a half, where the enemy were reinforced with one thousand men and two field-pieces. A second and very severe en gagement ensued, and after continuing about two hours,the enemy beat a retreat. The militia rushed on with a uni versal shout, which put the enemy into such confusion, that they left their wounded behind, and General Stark com plete master of the field. In the second onset, two more field-pieces, together with three hundred more of the enemy were taken; among whom was a lieutenant colonel, a major, the general's aid- de-camp, and thirty other officers. The prisoners arrived at Lanesborough last Tuesday night. The enemy left nearly two hundred dead on the field. Our loss was twenty- five killed, and a number wounded. Among the prisoners were one hundred and forty-seven tories, belonging to this and other States ; that the parties sent out by General Stark, the day after the engagement, brought in about one hundred more prisoners. In the whole, the prisoners amounted to more than seven*hundred. The number of the enemy, in the lines first attacked by the militia only, were, as Capt. Barnes was informed by the aid-de-camp of the general commanding, fifteen hundred ; JOHN STARK. 135 and that their reinforcement consisted of one thousand. About one thousand stand of arms, and eight loads of baggage was also taken, and twenty horses, supposed to belong to the dragoons. The lieutenant colonel, who was taken, is since dead of his wounds. General Stark is the same person who commanded a regiment at the famous battle of Bunker's hill, and be haved there with great intrepidity and courage. Captain Barnes says that, after the first action, General Stark ordered a hogshead of rum for the refreshment of the militia ; but so eager were they to attack the enemy, upon their being reinforced, that they tarried not to taste it, but rushed on the enemy with an ardor perhaps unpar alleled. State of New-Hampshire. In Committee of Safety. Dear Sir — The committee received yours, of the 18th instant, with the greatest pleasure, and have directed me to present their very sincere thanks to you, the officers and soldiers under your command, for their brave and spirited conduct manifested in the late battle, and for the very essential service done to the country at this critical period. I hope, sir, that this success may be a prelude to greater things of the same kind ; and that heaven will yet bestow many blessings upon our country, through your hands. Fervantly praying that the God of armies may protect you in the day of battle, and be a shield and buckler to our countrymen under your command, and that he may give success and victory to all your undertakings, I do, in behalf of the committee, subscribe myself Your most obedient And very humble servant, M. WEARE, Chairman. Hon. General Stajk. 136 CORRESPONDENCE OF A collection of trophies, similar to those presented to Vermont and Massachusetts, were sent to New-Hampshire. The drum and one or two other articles have, after being missing more than forty years, found their way to the State Capitol at Concord. The cannon might also have been there, had the legislature of New-Hampshire ever considered them worth the trouble of application to Con gress. Vermont applied, and obtained two of them in 1848. To Brigadier General Stark. Vanshaik, August 19, 1777. Dear Sir — I do myself the pleasure to congratulate you on the signal victory you have gained. Please accept my best thanks. The consequence of the severe stroke the enemy have received can not fail of producing the most salutary results. I have dispatched one of my aids-de camp to announce your victory to Congress, and the com mander-in-chief. Governor Clinton is coming up the river with a body of militia ; and I trust that, after what the enemy have re ceived from you, their progress will be retarded, and that we shall yet see them driven out of the country.* General Gates is at Albany, and will this day resume the command. I am, dear general, your most obedient serv't, PH. SCHUYLER. * Better still — they were driven to Boston. — Editor. JOHN STARK. 137 To Brigadier General Stark. State of Vermont, in Council of Safety, \ Bennington, September 6, 1777. J The council's compliments most cordially wait on his honor, Brigadier Gen. Stark, with their sincere thanks for the honor the general has been pleased to do them, by presenting a Hessian brqad-sword, taken by a number of troops from the State of New-Hampshire and elsewhere, under his immediate command, in the ever memorable battle fought at Walloomschaik, near this place, on the sixteenth day of August last ; and also for the. honor the general has been pleased to do them in applauding their exertions as a council. In the House of Representatives, \ September 18, 1777. f " Voted, To choose a committee of three, to join such as the honorable board shall appoint, to take into considera tion a letter from Congress respecting General Stark, and to draft an answer thereto, and lay the same before this house; and that Col. Peabody, Capt. Martin and John Dudley, Esq., be tbe committee of this house for that purpose. Sent up by Col. McClary." September 23, 1777. " Sent the copy of a letter from • Gen. Stark, to Col. Evans, and another copy of the same to Col. Drake, with a letter from this house to each of them." In Congress, September 18, 1777. " Vote for a committee to draw an answer to a letter just received from Congress, respecting the conduct of Brig. General Stark, brought up and read, and concurred, and Mr. Bartlett, Mr. King and Mr. Thompson added." We have not been able to obtain the report of the com mittee above named upon the subject. But the Benning ton success probably superseded all farther action upon the case. And the vote of thanks of Congress, and the promotion of General Stark concluded the matter. 10 138 CORRESPONDENCE OF From the President of the Council of Safety of the State of Vermont. Bennington, Sept. Wth, 1777. The council beg leave to return their sincere thanks to the Hon. Brig. Gen. John Stark for the infinite service he has been pleased to do them, in defending them and their constituents from the cruelty and bloody rage of our un natural enemy, who sought our destruction on the 16th of August last. They also return their grateful acknowledgements for the honor the general has been pleased to do the council, by presenting them with one Hessian gun, with a bayo net ; one broad-sword, one brass barreled drum, and a grenadier's cap, taken on the memorable 16th of August, for the use of the State. The general may rely upon it they will be reserved for the use they were designed.* I remain, dear general, With sentiments of esteem, Your most ob't serv't, THOMAS CHITTENDEN. Hon. Brigadier General Stark. In Congress. The Delegates of the United States of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New- York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South- Carolina, and Georgia, To John Stark, Esquire. We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your pat riotism, valor, conduct, and fidelity, do, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be brigadier general in the army of the United States, raised for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof. You are, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duty of brigadier general by doing and per- * Mr. Butler, in his address, inquires where are they now ? Lost, we suppose. JOHN STARK. 139 forming all manner of things thereunto belonging ; and we do strictly enjoin, charge, and require all officers and sol diers under your command to be obedient to your orders, as brigadier general. And you are to observe and follow such orders and directions, from time to time, as you shall receive from this or a future Congress of the United States, or committee of Congress, for that purpose appointed, or the commander-in-chief, for the time being, of the army of the United States, or any other, your superior officers, ac cording to the rules and discipline of war, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. This commission to continue in force until revoked by this or a future Congress. Dated October 4, 1777. By order of the Congress — JOHN HANCOCK, President. Attest. Chas. Thompson, Secretary. To General Stark, from President Hancock. Yorktown, Pa., October 5, 177.7. Sir — It is with the greatest pleasure I transmit the in closed resolve of Congress, expressing the thanks of that body to you, and to the officers and troops under your command, for the signal victory you obtained over the enemy in the late battle of Bennington. In consideration of your distinguished conduct on that occasion, and the service you rendered the cause of free dom and your country, the Congress have been pleased to appoint you a brigadier in the army of the United States. Be pleased to communicate to the officers and troops, un der your command, this mark of the approbation of their country for their exertions in defence of American liberty. I inclose your commission, and have the honor to be, with, the greftest esteem and respect, sir, your most obe dient and very humble servant, JOHN HANCOCK,' President. 140 • CORRESPONDENCE OF In Congress, October 4, 1777. Resolved, That the thanks of Congress be presented to General Stark, of the New-Hampshire militia, and the of ficers and troops under his command, for their brave and successful attack upon, and signal victory over the enemy, in their lines at Bennington ; and that Brigadier Stark be appointed a brigadier in the army of the United States. By order of Congress — JOHN HANCOCK, President. Camp at Saratoga, October 18, 1777. Dear Sir — Inclosed, I send you an exact copy of the Convention, signed by Gen. Burgoyne, and ratified by me. I will forward every thing necessary for your assistance. Colonel Warner had my verbal instructions last evening. Let me very frequently hear from you by express, and be • sure to keep a sharp look out upon Lake George and South Bay, and between Fort Ann and Fort Edward. I am, dear general, Your affectionate Humble servant, HORATIO GATES. The Hon'ble Brig. Gen'l Stark. Proceedings in the Legislature of Massachusetts in regard to the Ben nington trophies. To General Stark. ' Sir — The general assembly of this State take the earliest opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your accepta ble present — the tokens of victory gained a^the memora ble battle of Bennington. The events of that day strong ly mark the bravery of the men who, unskilled in war, forced from their intrenchments a chosen number of vet- JOHN STARK. 141 eran troops of boasted Britons, as well as the address and valor of the general who directed their movements, and led them on to conquest. This signal exploit opened the way to a rapid succession of advantages most important to America. These trophies shall be safely deposited in the archives of the State, and there remind posterity of the irresistable power of the God of armies, and the honors due to the memory of the brave. Still attended with like success, may you long enjoy the just reward of your grateful country. I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, JEREMIAH POWELL, President of the Council. In Council. Read and concurred, and ordered that the above letter be taken into a fair draft, and the president of the council be directed to sign the same ; and that it be transmitted to the Hon. General Stark. Consented to by fifteen of the Council. Thursday, December 4, 1777. In the House of Representatives. Mesolved, unanimously, That the board of war of this State be, and hereby are directed, in the name of this court, to present to the Hon. Brigadier General Stark, a complete suit of clothes becoming his rank, together with a piece of linen, as a testimony of the high sense this court has of the great and important services rendered by that brave officer, to the United States of America. In Council. Read and concurred, and consented to by fifteen of the Council. Friday, December 5, 1777. Note by Editor. The trophies consisted of a musket, sword, brass barreled drum, and a Hessian helmet. They are suspended in the senate chamber of Massachusetts. 142 CORRESPONDENCE OF War Office, 24th January, 1778. Dear General — The honorable Congress having thought proper to direct an irruption to be immediately made into Canada, and their design being in part communicated to you by Hon. James Duane, Esq., I am directed by that honorable body to acquaint you that, for wise and pruden tial reasons, they have appointed Major General the Mar quis de Lafayette, first in command, and Major General Conway, second in command, who will act in concert with you in promoting the interest and political views of the United States in Canada. I am confident, from my knowledge of your attachment to the freedom of America, that you will cordially coope rate with them in every measure and move to the public service. My experience convinces me, and the opinion I entertain of you and your associates, the general officers, upon this important service, induces me to believe that the expectations of Congress will be fully answered by your hearty agreement with, and officer-like assistance to the gentlemen above mentioned. There is not any thing that will more recommend your many and great services to Congress than your implicit compliance with their wishes upon this occasion. I am, dear general, _ * Your most obed't humble serv't, HORATIO GATES, President. Hon. Brigadier General Stark. Instructions for Captain Patrick, Commanding officer at Schoharie. Sir — You will keep continual scouting parties in the adjacent country to where you are posted, to discover the motions and movements of our internal enemies. If any of them should be found under arms, aiding, assisting, or holding correspondence with our enemies, you will forth with detect them (if in your power), and with their crimes JOHN STARK. 143 send them to me or to the commanding officer at this place. You will do the utmost in your power to find out if any British officers should come into that country, as it is highly probable they will do, because they have there so many friends ; and let no pains be spared in detecting and securing them, making report of your proceedings, from time to time, to me or the commanding officer at this place. Putting great trust in your vigilance, valor, and good conduct, I subscribe myself Your very humble ser't, JOHN STARK. Given at Head Quarters, at Albany, this 20th day of April, Anno Domini 1778. Fishkill, May ISth, 1778. Dear General — Your letters of the 3d, 7th and 13th of this month are just now put into my hands by General McDougal. Being detained some days at a council of war, held at Valley Forge, I did not arrive here until this morning. I must therefore beg you will, with all conven ient expedition, embark Colonel Greaton's and Colonel Allen's regiments, with the artillery under Lieut. Col. Stevens, as directed in my last letter from the war office, of the 17th ult., and command them to proceed immedi ately to Fishkill. This being executed, you will, as speedily as may be, repair to the army in this department. Please acquaint Col. Stevens that the military stores and fixed ammunition are to be removed down the river, agreeably to my former orders. I am, sir, your most obedient And humble servant, HORATIO GATES. The Hon'ble Major General Conway. 144 CORRESPONDENCE OF To Brigadier General Stark. Fishkill, May 18, 1778. Dear Sir — This instant I received your favor of the 19th of April last. I hope that this letter will find you in Al bany, from whence I have desired General Conway to re move, the moment he has embarked fhe troops and stores to be sent down the river. As the committee at Benning ton have offered to recruit Colonel Warner's regiment with three hundred men, I desire you will immediately trans mit them the inclosed requisition for that number. I will write to Congress for the commission for your son,* and shall, the instant I receive it, transmit it to your hand. I am, dear sir, your affectionate humble serv't, HORATIO GATES. To Brigadier General Stark. Albany, May 18, 1778. Sir — We have raised a few rangers to apprehend and secure such persons whose going at large may be danger ous to the liberties of America. We want now to send them out, and would be glad if you would give an order that they may be supplied with ammunition. They are fifteen in number. We are, with great respect, Your most obedient serv'ts, MAT. VESSEKER, ISAAC D. FONDA, JOHN M. BEECKMAN, Commissioners. * Archibald Stark, then a youth of eighteen. — Editor. JOHN STARK. 145 Oneida, May 19, 1778. Sir — Your favors of 12th and 16th inst., together with the inclosed speech, this day, came safe to hand. I be lieve it most prudent to defer communicating your answer to the Senecas until I have had an opportunity of consult ing the Oneid^, chief upon the subject. The meeting at Onondaga is this day dissolved. Not one of the Quigogas attended ; nor any of the Seneca chiefs, but a number of their warriors. They have not yet taken up the affair of the commis sioner's speech at Johnstown. The whole concern of the Senecas has been to fall upon some plan to recover their prisoners out of our hands. Some friends of ours returned from Onondaga this evening, and inform that three consid erable parties of Senecas and Quigogas — one consisting of one hundred and twenty-four men — have some time since gone to war upon the frontiers of Virginia, and that an other party set out yesterday for Quigoga to ravage the frontiers of Pennsylvania, and that Butler is now at Kan- adasega, with a large quantity of arms and ammunition for the Indians, where the remaining part of his friends are to meet him. i I shall give you a farther account, as soon as the sachems, who are now on their way, return. I am informed that another council is summoned to meet at Onondaga, when the commissioner's speech at Johns town is to be taken into consideration. But from present appearances, I think there is little reason to expect such an answer as will, or can be accepted. From the character of my 'informer, and from several concurring circum stances, I have reason to think the above articles of intel ligence are too true, and that we shall soon receive a dis agreeable confirmation. I am, sir, your most obedient And very humble servant, JAMES DEANE. General Schuyler. 146 CORRESPONDENCE OF To the Hon. General Stark. Albany, Wth May, 1778. Sir — The mayor, aldermen and commonality of the city of Albany being convened in common council, in conse quence of your honor's letter to General Ten Broeck, of this date, informing him that the troops ^re ordered to Fishkill, and requesting him to relieve the guards in the city. The common council beg leave to observe that they consider themselves in duty bound to inform you that, from the weakness of the militia in this city (owing to the number in public service) it will not be safe to leave the stores, provisions, hospital, sloops and vessels, the regular and other prisoners (the latter exceeding one hundred), be side the disaffected in and about the city, to so small a number as one hundred and fifty, being the whole number of the militia that are subject to military duty ; for should any accident happen, by means of the disaffected, either in destroying the stores or in discharging the prisoners (ten whereof are now under sentenee of death), it would distress not only this city, but the service of the continent generally. The common council farther beg leave to observe that about six weeks ago the troops were also ordered down, but upon the committee's representing to the Hon. Major General Conway the above matters, and the necessity of having a body of troops in this city, to succour the north ern and western frontiers in case of an attack, General Conway, then commanding at this post, wrote upon the subject to Major General McDougal, and his excellency, the Governor, who thereupon ordered the troops to remain here. The common council farther beg leave to observe that in case your honor can not detain one of the regi ments stationed here, that at least one hundred and fifty men ought to be detained, and they doubt not that your honor will concur with them in sentiment. JOHN STA 147 The bearers hereof, Mr. Recorder and xii^fessed de\ em bers of this board, can inform your honor of many other reasons for the detention of part of the troops. We are your honor's obedient servants, JOHN BARCLAY, Mayor. By order of Common Council. To Brigadier General Stark. Head Quarters, Valley Forge, 20th May, 1778. Sir — In a letter from Maj. Gen. Sullivan of the 1st instant, he complains of wanting assistance in his com mand, and begs that you may be desired to take post with him this campaign. You will therefore be pleased to join him as soon as possible. I am, sir, your most obed't And very humble serv't, GEO. WASHINGTON. To Hon. Major General Gates. Albany, May 21, 1778. Dear Sir — In consequence of the remonstrance from the mayor and aldermen of this city, in committee assembled, which I inclose you, I have detained a regiment of troops destined for Fishkill, and think it highly necessary for the security of the citizens and commonality. Murders and robberies are daily committed in the adja cent counties by our internal enemies. The militia, it is possible, could be raised, but you know that there is no dependence to be put in them ; and by letting these infa mous villains at large, we should greatly endanger our most valuable friends. I am sensible, after mature consideration, you will ap prove of my conduct, sir ; waiting with impatience for your answer, I subscribe myself Your affectionate and most humble serv't, JOHN STARK. Hon. Major General Gates. 148 < CORR.ESpoNDENCE OF iji0 (ig/Hon. General P r Albany, May 21, 1778. Sir — Doctor Smith complains that the troops at Fort Edward are turning out the inhabitants and destroying the buildings at that place. I should be glad that such disorders should be suppressed, and the inhabitants' prop erty secured. I received a letter from you, directed to General Con way, informing him that you expected that the cannon would be at Fort Ann. I should be glad to know where they are now. You mentioned teams to be sent from this place. Col. Lewis not being here, I can give no informa tion in that matter. I expect him soon, when I can give you an account. Keep a good look out for the enemy, so that they do not come upon you unawares. Your most ob't humble serv't, JOHN STARK. To Major General Schuyler. Fort Schuyler, May 23, 1778. Sir — Your favor of the 10th instant came safe to hand, and I have now the happiness to acquaint your honor that things have taken a very different turn from what they promised when I did myself the honor to write you last. I left the Oneidas yesterday. Your agent, Mr. Deane, re quested me to inform you that the reason of his not writ ing now, was the uncertainty which attended the result of the meeting at Onondaga. However, in his opinion, from what he could collect, there remained very little prospect of a reconciliation with the Senecas ; that the Oneidas would soon stand in need of your protection ; that the German Flats, and Cherry Valley would soon be attacked by the Indians, in scouting parties, some time next month. Mr. Butler is on his way down through the Six Nations. He was left at Kanadasega (the first Seneca village west of Cayuga) six days ago, where, by the way, he was met by his son, ensign Butler, and a number of tories. JOHN STARK. 149 Mr. Butler's address to the Indian's, and professed design, will be transmitted to your honor, by your agent, the moment the Oneidas determine what course to take. I left them yesterday, full of resentment against the Cayugas and Senecas. They were then upon the point of giving them up to deserved punishment, and immediately call upon your honor for a sufficient force to crush them. The Oneidas now find they have been very much imposed on by their brothers, the Cayugas, who had the impudence to frame a great part of that speech sent you with four strings of wampum. When the Oneida sachems left Onondaga they could not determine what effect their dec larations and advice would have upon the minds of the Seneca warriors there convened ; whether they would re turn from thence to meet Mr. Butler, or proceed with their prisoners down to Albany. Mr. Butler strictly enjoined them to go no farther than Onondaga, or Oneida at far thest, and" then, by the hands of the Oneidas, demand of General Schuyler their prisoner, " Atskeara," to be de livered up at one of those places for an exchange ; but this the Oneidas peremptorily refused. This morning two runners came from Oneida, with a letter from Mr. Deane, informing that three Senecas had arrived there, and the others were on their way with their prisoner. This, said Mr. Deane, changed the face of things. I am fully of your opinion that a conference with the Six Nations, at Fort Schuyler, if attainable, would be at tended with good consequences ; but at present it appears to me impracticable, unless you had such a force at this garrison as would strike terror through those. haughty, in solent Senecas, and a speech sent them of a like import, closing with some words of clemency ; and then, it is my opinion, you might effect it. I propose going down, the beginning of next week, by which time I expect Mr. Deane will be able to transmit to you something decisive as to affairs in this quarter. You can hardly conceive what ar tifices and barefaced lies the enemy make use of to evade 150 CORRESPONDENCE OF the force of argument, and misrepresent every thing you say to the Indians, particularly among the Senecas. I have the "honor to be » Your obedient and humble serv't, S. KIRKLAND.* P. S. Mr. Butler has said, as related by the Indians, that Sir John Johnson f is repairing to Oswego, to take post there, and Mr. Butler is collecting the Indians for a conference at that place. % . To Honorable President of Congress. Albany, 24th May, 1778. Dear Sir — I received your favor of April 18th, for which I am greatly obliged to you and my country, for the hon ors bestowed upon me. The cause of my country appears the noblest for which man ever contended ; and no meas ures should be neglected, or sacrifices withheld, which will support it to a favorable result. In such a cause we may despise even death itself. You may assure Congress that I am most happy when I can do my country the greatest service. Some time ago Congress appointed me to raise a force to destroy the British shipping at St. Johns. For- this purpose I raised a number of soldiers, but as the expedi tion was abandoned, they were 'dismissed. I hope Congress will allow them some recompense for their zeal in volunteering at so unpleasant a season of the year. I ask this favor, inasmuch as Congress made no provi sion for them in case they did not succeed. To grant this favor might prove an encouragement to others to engage' in similar cases. I am, sir, &c, &c, JOHN STARK. * Rev. S. Kirkland was the father of the late Rev. John Thornton Kirkland, President of Harvard College. He was, in 1778, a missionary among the Indians of the western part of New- York. f Son of Sir "William Johnson. He joined the enemy in 1775. — Editor. JOHN STARK. 151 Albany, 24th May, 1778. Dear General — I received a letter from Governor Chit tenden, of Vermont, of the 21st inst., informing me that you had written to that State for three hundred men to be sent to Albany. I think it will be an injury to have them leave that section, except they can be replaced by the like number from some other quarter. We expect an invasion, for the enemy's vessels are now at Crown Point, cruising along the lake, which lies sixty miles on the frontier of that State. I have ordered Colonel Bedel to keep scouts at Onion river and St. Johns, and make report to me of any movements of the enemy in those parts. You wrote, some time since, that General Fellows was to command on the Grants. He has not yet arrived. I should like to know if he is to take that command, and likewise how far eastward my command extends, that I may govern myself accordingly. Colonel Safford informs me that he has brought all the cannon as far as Fort Ann. As I have a great deal of writing, I should be much obliged to your honor to allow me a clerk ; or if I employ one, to inform me what I shall promise him. I am, &c, JOHN STARK. Hon. General Gates. To the Hon. Major General Schuyler. Oneida, May 25, 1778. Sir — I have deferred writing for several days, after the return of the Indians from Onondaga, in hopes of being able to give you a just account of the situation of affairs among the ^Six Nations. But the intelligence I receive is so various and contradictory, that it is impossible to de termine what are their real intentions. It is, however, now publicly known that three different parties of Quigogas are already gone to war upon the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania. It is also said that Joseph Brandt is at the head of a fourth, and that he 152 CORRESPONDENCE OF is to collect his friends upon the Susquehanna, and attack Cherry Valley. The party of one hundred and twenty- four Senecas, mentioned in my last, are since returned from war. They have taken thirteen scalps and two pris oners, with the loss of several of their party. From the best accounts I have been able to collect, it appears that the Onondagas are much divided in senti ment ; and that a party of the Se*necas have observed a neutrality since the beginning of the war, and still wish to live in friendship with the United States. Upward of twenty, mostly of this party, arrived here yesterday, on their way to Albany, to procure an exchange of prisoners. I expect them to leave here to-morrow. 'They are deter mined to proceed to whatever part of the States you shall direct them, to effect their purpose. They were ordered by their sachems to go no farther than the boundary line, and procure an exchange there; but the Oneidas, presuming upon their influence with the commissioners, encouraged them (at the late council at Onondaga), with assurance of personal safety, to proceed to Albany, or whatever place the prisoners they are in quest of, may be confined. The other part of the Senecas, which is by far the most considerable, seem resolved to make no terms with us, though I believe there is no danger of their attacking Tryon county, while so large a party of their people are down in our country. The Onondagas have sent three runners successively to the Quigogas and Senecas, to call them to the intended meeting ; but, hitherto, to no purpose. They have there fore declared their final resolution not to address them again Upon the subject, but. return the commissioner belts, at Albany. All the Quigogas, not gone out to war, are now attending a conference with Mr. Butler, at Kana- dasega. Upon the whole, there appears but very little prospect that any considerable council will be held to deliberate upon the commissioner's speech. Or should such an event JOHN STARK. 153 finally take place, I do not expect they will make such satisfaction, for their repeated violation of treaties, as can be accepted. Your speech, of the 11th instant, I have communicated to the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, to their great satisfaction, and yesterday repeated the same to the Senecas, now here. The Oneidas have of late been under • great apprehen sions of danger. Not long since two of their young men were fired upon by a party of the enemy, not far from this village ; but as it was in the dark of the evening, they both fortunately made their escape unhurt. They are much concerned that there are no troops near their country to march to their assistance, in case of a sudden invasion. I have just received an intimation from the sachems that they determine to address a speech to the commissioners, as soon as they can find leisure and opportunity, from whence you will be able to collect their sentiments upon the present situation of affairs here. I have not been able to procure any more warriors to join General Washington's army. Their apprehensions of dan ger are such that they think it their duty to stay and pro tect their women and children. I am, sir, Your obedient humble serv't, JAMES DEANE. To Governor Chittenden, Albany, May 25, 1778. Dear Sir — I have received yours of the 22d inst.^ and noted the contents. You state that General Gates wrote to you to raise three hundred men to recruit Colonel War ner's regiment, and for their being removed to this place. I have written to the general against it, setting forth the necessity of their remaining on that station ; but have re ceived no answer yet. I have likewise written concerning the quarter master's want of money, and of the necessity 11 154 CORRESPONDENCE OF of his being so paid ; also to know how far my command extends to the eastward. When I receive the answers, I will give you farther intelligence. In the meantime, I should be glad if the three hundred men should be made up the general mentioned. Your most obed't serv't, JOHN STARK. ^ Albany, May 25, 1778. Dear General — This morning a letter came to hand from the governor and council of the State of Vermont, which I inclose to you, and recommend to your consideration. I am, dear sir, Your humble serv't, JOHN STARK, Hon. Major General Gates. To General Gates. Albany, {Sunday) 31st May, 1778. Dear Sir — I this instant received an express from Scho harie (a copy I enclose), informing that a party of the enemy have made a descent at Cobuskill, and destroyed a great part of that place. I have ordered out the militia to put a stop to farther proceedings, which I hope will have the desired effect for the present. But they can not prevent it effectually ; for, as soon as they return, the enemy will make farther descents, and get away before the militia are collected. I think it highly necessary that a party should be raised for some certain time, and equip ped, to march at the shortest notice to any quarter where the enemy may happen to be in force. Without some such method, I fear they will lay waste a great part of our frontiers. I leave it to your wise consideration. I remain yours, &c, JOHN STARK. JOHN STARK. 155 To General Stark. Headquarters, Robinson's House, \ May 30th, 1778. f Sir — I have received your favor of the 21st inst. My reason for demanding three hundred men from the com mittee at Bennington, was in consequence of their having offered to supply that reinforcement to protect Albany, and the upper part of Hudson river, from the tories and scouting parties of the enemy. Col. Bedel's regiment was thought sufficient to cover the north-western frontiers of the Grants, and all Gen; Nixon's brigade was to come to Fishkill. In case Col. Warner's regiment can not be supplied with the drafts requested from Bennington, you will apply, in my name, to the generals commanding the militia in Hampshire, and Berkshire, State of Massachusetts, for the purpose above recited. I must desire you will immediately apply to the deputy quarter master general to provide a sloop to carry the convalescent British prisoners of war, now at Albany, to Fishkill, from whence they are, by his excellency, Gen eral Washington's command, to be sent in the same vessel to New- York, where a like number of our soldiers, pris oners with the enemy, are to be returned. As the artillery stores, hospital and prisoners of war are now removed, or removing from Albany, I think Alden's regiment should be without delay sent from thence, as I can not conceive but the inhabitants of Albany can at least protect the town until the militia from the Grants, or Massachusetts, arrive to defend it, especially as Warner's regiment to the northward, Gansevoort's to the westward, and the militia of the whole country in the immediate space, cover that city. As to the extent of your command under me, it was intended that it should be confined to the State of New- York, northward and westward of Albany ; and as far as the manor of Livingston, inclusively, to the south ; and on both sides of Hudson river. The governments of the 156 CORRESPONDENCE OF adjoining States will no doubt provide for their own de fence respectively. But this, as circumstances require, will be altered hereafter. If your brigade major can not do all your writing business, you must doubtless employ a clerk. His wages must be what is at present customary for such services. I am, sir, your affectionate Humble servant, HORATIO GATES. To Major General Gates. Albany, 31si qf May, 1778. Sir — I inclose you copies of two letters received from Schoharie. The tragical scheme has been some days brewing. I shall send them all the relief in my power ; but, I assure you, it will be a slender reinforcement. I have applied to Gen. Ten Broeck for his militia, and he has promised to assist me as Boon as church is over. He can not do any business before, for fear of frightening the town into fits. I should be glad of some few field pieces for the protection of this quarter, as we are weak in men and weaker in artillery. If you could spare me one regi ment more, I think it would be highly necessary for the benefit of the United States. I am, in a great hurry, Your aff. humble serv't, JOHN STARK. P. S. I wrote you about moving the British hospital to New-England. I must desire you would immediately order it to be removed. JOHN STARK. 157 To the Mayor and Common Council of Albany. Albany, June 1, 1778. Gentlemen — As I am ordered by the Hon. Major General Gates to send to Fishkill all the continental troops from this place, with the British hospital, I must beg the favor of you to mount the guards for the security of the city and the stores in it. Your compliance will much oblige your friend, and very humble servant, JOHN STARK. To General Ten Broeck. f Albany, June 1, 1778. Dear General — I have this instant received orders from General Gates to call upon you to send, without loss of time, one hundred men from your brigade to garrison this city, and protect the stores in it, as the militia can not be depended upon. The Indians and tories have made a descent upon a place called Cobuskill, about forty miles from this place, and destroyed some part of it. A party of continentals, posted not far off, attacked them ; while a company of these militia poltroons looked on, excepting six, who be haved well. This is all the news. I have written to the brigadier of Hampshire county for the like number. I am, sir, &c, JOHN STARK. Albany, June 2, 1778. Dear General — I received yours of May 30th, informing of the British hospital's removal, which gives me pleasure. Your orders for sending down Alden's regiment shall be obeyed as soon as the wind will admit. No news could give the troops here more pleasure than to hear of their being removed, as they have lost all confidence in the militia since the affair at Cobuskill. I wrote you some 158 CORRESPONDENCE OF time since concerning Bedel's regiment being mustered by a continental muster master, but you have given no answer to that part of my letter. I think it highly neces sary that they, having been all this time at home doing nothing, should be employed some where; I think on Otter creek or at this place. If on Otter 'creek, Warner's corps could be moved this way. I have sent orders to the brigadiers of Hampshire and Berkshire counties to send me two hundred men to garrison the city and the places hereabouts. I likewise send you a copy of a journal I received this day, informing of the situation of the ene my's shipping on the lake. Yours, &c, J. STARK. Hon. Gen. Gates. Hon. Brigadier General Stark. Cohnawaga, 3d of June, 1778. Sir — We were this day at the fort at Johnstown, with a few invalids, and about six o'clock of said evening, one Philip Pellet, an old servant of Major Fonda, who is a worthy man, came and informed us that about half way between Sagondawa and Johnstown he saw about one hundred Indians, painted, in the woods, near his house. He also says he knew some tories who were there, who took George Cook and his son prisoners, together with Charles Maresius and several others ; and as we were busy swearing to this purpose, two other expresses arrived at the fort, who said the Indians were busy destroying all before them in that part of the country, and were then near Johnstown ; upon which we thought proper to go home and bring our families into Cohnawaga church, hav ing only seven armed men to defend that fort. All our militia have gone to the relief of those at Cobuskill and Cherry Valley, on the German flats. We are only about ten men strong in the church, with about one hundred JOHN STARK. 159 women and children, and expect to be attacked this night by the best accounts we can get. For God's sake, send reinforcements, or I am afraid we shall fall an easy prey to the enemy ; and we are also much afraid that some of our neighbors will act against us. We are, your most obed't serv'ts, FREDERICK FISHER, ZEPHANIEL BACHELDER, JAMES VEDEN, THOMAS ROMEA, C. F. M. ADAMS, GILES FONDA. Received at Albany, June 4th, 1778. Note by Editor. A party was dispatched to their relief by General Stark, and the besiegers were themselves sur prised and defeated ; and some of them, brought in as pris oners, proved to be tories, and hanged. General Stark to General Gates. Albany, June 4, 1778. Dear General — By the inclosed, you will find how de plorable my condition is ; and I do not in the least doubt an immediate assistance will be granted. Colonel Herrick has been here this day, applying for pay for part of a regiment he raised to go to Canada last winter. Among my inclosures, is a letter from Colonel * Bedel, who says his regiment is full, and ready for the field, waiting for nothing but provisions. I should be glad to have Colonel Ethan Allen command in the Grants, as he is a very suitable man to deal with tories, and such like villains. Colonel Herrick, whose bravery and good conduct is a sufficient recommendation to him, I look upon, would be a very suitable man to be in this western quarter to 160 CORRESPONDENCE OF scourge these tories and Indians. Your sentiments on the above will add greatly to the former favor conferred on Your affect, humb. serv't, J. STARK. Hon. Major General Gates. Albany, June 5, 1778. Honored Sir — I last night received your kind favor, of 20th ult., informing that General Sullivan desires me to join him this campaign. Had it been the pleasure of Congress to have ordered me to that station, I should have thought myself very happy to have served a cam paign with that worthy officer ; and would still be glad to join him, if it could be for the public good. I look upon myself in a disagreeable situation here, with nothing to do but guard the frontier ; with no troops but militia, who are engaged but for a month at a time. I can not obtain any great advantages to the public, nor honor to myself. But I shall cheerfully obey any orders that are entrusted- to me, and proceed wherever Congress * shall think I may be of most service. I have no will of my own ; the good of the common cause is all my ambition. I remain, dear sir, your Devoted and very humble servant, JOHN STARK. His Excellency, General Washington. * Congress ordered him to the command of the northern department. JOHN STARK. 161 To the Hon. General Stark. Highlands, 8th June, 1778. Sir — I have received your letters of the 18th and 20th instant, and now inclose two to Colonel Ethan Allen, and one for Colonel Bedel, both of which you will please to forward immediately by express. I have ordered Colonel Bedel to send you one hundred of his regiment, properly officered, without delay, to Albany ; which, with the militia from Hampshire and Berkshire counties, will be a good reinforcement. The governor farther assures me you have all the support he can furnish. Mr. Winship, when he was here, said that there were only twenty men at Fort Edward, and that Warner's reg iment was at Saratoga ; of course the issuing commissary might from thence have supplied the few men at the up per post. If it is absolutely necessary that an issuing commissary should reside at both places, you will order Mr. Winship to place them accordingly. You will please to acquaint Colonel Varick with my orders to send one of his deputies immediately to Coos, to muster Colonel Bedel's regiment ; and direct the colonel himself to set out directly for Fishkill to muster the east ern reinforcements that are daily expected. As to the employment of Colonel Bedel's regiment, I am satisfied with whatever you may determine ; but it may not be amiss to take Colonel Ethan Allen's opinion upon the sub ject, with whom I wish you to open a correspondence! I I have no doubt but an issuing commissary is employed with Bedel's regiment ; if not, one must be appointed. Colonel Bedel has my orders to obey your commands. I am, sir, your affectionate, humble servant, HORATIO GATES. 162 CORRESPONDENCE OF To Colonel Klock. Albany, June 14, 1778. Sir — I am desired by his excellency, Governor Clinton, to order you to fill up the two companies of rangers that were proposed to be raised in Tryon county, at the last session of the assembly. He is much surprised that it has been delayed so long, since your all is at stake. Your ex ertions in this affair will do you honor, and your neglect will be your disgrace and your country's ruin. You can not expect that the people of this State and the neighbor ing States will leave their farms and families to relieve you, when you will do nothing for yourselves. If you expect relief, you must first exert yourselves ; and then, I make no doubt but your neighbors will cheerfully assist you. I give this order first for your own safety, and next for the public good. Your obed't serv't, J. STARK. N. B. By having such a number of alert men (and no others are fit for such a service) on your frontier, you will not only disconcert the plans of the enemy, but oblige them to watch their own frontiers, and leave yours in peace. You complain from that quarter that you can not carry on your business ; but if there are a number in the service, there will remain less to be provided for, and the country made safe. Were such men to be found as could go into the enemy's country, and serve them as they have served you, it would put a stop to their progress, and ren der you entirely secure ; and without such measures are taken, you may depend upon it you will be harrassed to the last degree. . J. S. JOHN STARK. 163 To the Committee of Safety of Tryon County. June 16th, 1778. Gentlemen — I received yours, of 14th, wherein you comr plain that you are in bad circumstances. I am of the same opinion with you ; but you may blame yourselves for it in a great measure. The governor ordered the officers in your county to raise two companies of rangers for the defence of your frontiers, and exempted you from making up your proportion of the continental troops. Had that order been complied with, you might have been safe ; but it was neglected, and you suffer. The reason for your not having the men proposed for that place, is on that account. They say that they are obliged to raise their proportion for the army, while you were exempted, and now you want them to guard your frontier. Respectfully, JOHN STARK. To Brigadier General Stark. Peekskill, 17th June, 1778. Sir — I am favored with the receipt of your letter, of the 13th instant, from Albany. I am much pleased that the counties of Hampshire and Berkshire have so readily com plied with my request for the two hundred militia to be sent to Albany. These, with what Colonel Allen will do for you,' the reinforcements from Bedel's regiment, will, with the State militia, secure the frontier. From my conversation with the Senaca chiefs, and the complexion of affairs here, I am inclined to think you will not have many real alarms in your district. I have for some time been dissatisfied with these mat ters (as you emphatically call them). Let me know, as soon as possible, the names and officers of those you think necessary to be continued in the service, and I will lay it before Congress ; and I wish you to recommend the dis mission of the rest ; but I desire that the . armory may re main as it now stands. 164 CORRESPONDENCE OF Issuing commissaries are only to be placed at the mag azines where you think proper fo post troops. Lieut. Col. Safford was yesterday furnished with my orders upon the agents for the clothing, etc., so much wanted for Colonel Warner's regiment, and dispatched immediately therewith to Boston. Please to acquaint ColonM Wynkoop, that when he has worked up his materials, and finished the ten gun boats he mentions, I would not have him build any more, er eollect any more materials. As the boats are finished they should be sent to Fishkill landing, to be rigged and equipped. If Colonel Wynkoop is able, I should be glad if he would come to me, when the boats come down, and bring the abstract of the pay due to Captain Low's com pany of carpenters, that their demands may be satisfied. I am, sir, Your most ob't humble servant, HORATIO GATES. Hon. General Stark. Bennington, June 18th, 1778. Dear Sir — I have lately received a letter from Gen. Gates, requesting me to furnish you assistance in defending the northern frontier. I shall be happy to render any aid in my power, for that service. Your reputation, and the hatred and fear with which you are regarded by the tories, those infernal enemies of American liberty, induce me to propose a visit to your head quarters in Albany, so soon as our affairs are in a little better way. The tories, and the friends of tories, give us some trouble yet Their management in a great measure keeps alive the anarchy which has heretofore disturbed the peace of Vermont. I am of opinion that we shall never be. at peace while one of the traitors is suffered to remain in the country. I JOHN STARK. 165 hear you are doing well with some of them.* I hope, in a few days, to pay my respects to a man for whose republi can character and important services I have the highest veneration and respect. I am, sir, Your most ob't serv't, ETHAN ALLEN. To Col. Ethan Allen. Alkany, June 20th, 1778. Dear Sir — Your favor of the 18th has just come to hand, wherein you promise me a visit. You may be sure that I shall be happy in receiving one from a man whose fame has been so extensive, and whom I never have had the pleasure of seeing. As for the political matters you now have in hand, I cordially agree with you in senti ment. You may rely upon my cooperating with you in purging the land of freedom from such most infamous and diabolical villains. As for Bedel's regiment, if any iniquity has been prac ticed upon the public, I hope in a few days to discover it. I shall be obliged to you for using your best endeavors to ascertain their numbers, employments, &c. Please accept my best wishes for your success and happy settlement of the business now on hand. Iam, sir, Your obedient serv't, JOHN STARK. * Doing well, here, means hanging ; several tories this time having been hanged at Albany. — Editor. 166 CORRESPONDENCE OF To Major General Gates. Albany, June 20th, 1778. Dear General — I wrote to you some time ago to send me a few small field pieces, with a proper quantity of ammuni tion for them, but they have not yet arrived. I would be much obliged to you for them. We have here two iron three-pounders, which I intended to send to Cherry Val ley, but find there is not one shot for them. And as that is a place very much exposed, I think that they might be of great service, as that post covers all the Mohawk river, and stops all passages from Unadilla to that place. I herewith inclose you a return from the commissary of issues, which surprises me. There you will find seven hundred and* fifty rations, delivered out in a day, upon an average, in the month of May, without any to the troops or hospital. What these men are doing I do not know ; but if there are as many at every post, according to the number of troops, I think it is no wonder that provisions are scarce and dear. I should be glad to have the matter inquired into, as also the state of Bedel's regiment. It is much doubted whether he has half the number enlisted which he returns. Agreeably to your order, I have sent for one hundred of them to come to this place; but I think it would be best to send for them all, and then we shall find out the iniquity, if any there be. He has drawn for a regiment last winter, to go to St. John's, double pay and rations (and none of them ever left their homes ; and whether any of them were enlisted or not is uncertain), to the amount of $1,400 ; and now he is uneasy because he is not paid for his regiment, of which no man knows where it is. I think it the duty of every lover of his country to endeavor to find out such people, which, without ordering them some where else, is impossible-; for he can muster all the inhabitants, and as soon as they are mustered, they go to their own business again, and cheat the continent of their wages and provisions. I should be glad of your opinion on 'this subject, and as you order I will do. JOHN STARK. 167 A nest of villains are lurking about Unadilla, sixty miles from Cherry Valley, and have given us all this uneasiness. I have thoughts of trying to remove it if practicable. I have sent scouts to ascertain the strength and situation of the country. I sho#uld be glad of your opinion on this subject. Your most ob't serv't, JOHN STARK. Albany, 21st of June, 1778. Dear Sir — I received yours of the 11th, as to the expe dition to Unadilla. I have ordered scouts to be sent from Cherry Valley to reconnoitre that part of the country, and find out the enemy's strength, and the situation of the country. When they return, I shall be able to give you a more particular account ; but, till that time, I must rest content. I expect the scouts back in a week. I should be obliged if ydu would forward the letter, by express, to Gen. Gates. I am, your ob't serv't, JOHN STARK. To General Fellows. • Albany, 22d June, 1778. Dear General — I received your favors, for which I am obliged. You« wrote that you would send one hundred men, to guard the frontiers, which have arrived, and inform me that they are raised for one month. I should be glad to have them replaced by that time, as they will not tarry any longer. Your compliance with this request, will much oblige Your friend and obedient servant, JOHN STARK. 168 CORRESPONDS", To the Brigadier of Hampshire County, Mass. Albany, June 22d, 1778. Dear General — I received orders, some time ago from Gen. Gates, to call on the militia of Hampshire and Berk shire, to assist in securing the frontiers against the ravages of the enemy. In pursuance of said orders, I wrote to you and Gen. Fellows for one hundred men each, properly officered, to be stationed on the frontiers, where it was thought necessary. Gen. Fellows sent his proportion. But I have not heard from you since. I wish that you would make up your proportion, and send them as soon as possible. Gen. Fellows proposes to relieve his men every month. If you should be put upon the same footing, it would perhaps be not amiss. You can best judge of that matter. Th^e western frontiers are in great distress, and unless speedily relieved, the settlement must be broken up, which will be a great injury to the United States." As it is the best country for bread in America, which is much wanted for the use of the army, I hope you will succeed in sending the men, so that I shall rest assured of your vigilance and good wishes toward the welfare of your country and the common cause. Your ob't serv't, JOHN STARK. To Captain Ballard. Albany, 2Zd of June, 1778. Sir — You are to proceed with the party, under your command, to Cacknawaga, there, or as near that place as you shall, with the advice of your colonel, and other offi cers in that quarter, judge most convenient to defend, and stop the progress of Brandt (the Indian commandant). Nevertheless, you are not to begin an engagement, but to suffer the militia from this quarter to make the first attack, and you are to support them as you may think most proper. JOHN STARK. 169 If you should find that Brandt has crossed the Mohawk river on his way to Crown Point, you will then return with the detachment. Wishing you a happy and success ful voyage, I am, sir, your obed't serv't, JOHN STARK. To Captain "William H. Ballard. If you should stand in need of any horses or carriages, you are to apply to the quarter master ; and all officers, both civil and military, are ordered to supply you with any thing you may want. Given under my hand and seal. JOHN STARK, B. G. To General Gates. Albany, June 25, 1778. Dear General — This morning came to hand a letter, the copy of which I inclose. Since that, another from Scho harie brings much to the same purport. I must beg your immediate answer and instructions. There are here a number of bateau men, and no employment for them. Please instruct me in regard to them. Here are a num ber of British prisoners. , I should advise to send them to some part of New-England, as the scarcity and dearness of provisions here renders them very costly ; and, likewise, the number of disaffected make it dangerous. Upon the above matters I should be glad of your immediate advice. I am, &c, JOHN STARK. 12 » 170 CORRESPONDENCE OF • To General Stark. Peekskill, 26th June, 1778. Sir — Having received no letter from you since that dated the 14th inst., I conclude all is calm and serene in your quarter. Inclosed is a letter for Colonel Bedel, which the bearer is charged to deliver to him at Coos. You will, after perusal, seal and forward it as directed. I have no account from General Washington later than the 21st instant, when his army was on the east side of the Delaware, at Corgel's ferry, and the head of the enemy's column at Mount Holly, moving slowly through the Jer seys. As General Washington declares in his letter, Philadel phia was evacuated the 18th inst., at sunrise. Our parties who entered the city that day, took Cunningham, provost marshal, and seven of the enemy's officers, prisoners. I hope soon to give you joy of some capital stroke in our favor. I am, dear sir, &c, HORATIO GATES. To Major General Gates. Albany,- 26th June, 1778. Dear General — I received yours of the 17th, and it gives me great pleasure to learn that you agree with me in sen timent in regard to those supernumeraries, or rather cor-r morants, that " devour the childrens' bread." I inclose you a list, as you desired. You will find one colonel, one major, twelve captains, four clerks, and fourteen other officers ; but they can not be in lower stations than that of captains in the battalions, as I am informed their pay is a great deal more. I think two assistant quarter masters sufficient to be sta tioned at Albany for all the business to be done there ; one at Schenectady, one at Fort Schuyler ; and, as all the timber is obtained at Coeyman's, there is no more to be JOHN STARK. 171 done there than one barrack master, one forage master, and clerk, and one wagon master can do. We have not more than five or six wagons in the public works. There are many carpenters at work here, build ing store-houses, which I think of no service at present ; and God forbid they should go on, if there is any business for them elsewhere. If they could not be better employed, I think they had better be discharged, as we have now more store-room than provisions. As to the names of those to be retained in service, I can not give them, as all are strangers to me. I have been informed by some country people that the scheme which the purchasing commissaries pursue is a great dam age to the public. The more they give for any article, the more profit they have ; which seems to be the drift of every body here, come of the public what will. I understand that people have taken men out of the regiments for clerks to them, giving to them sixty dollars per month, which puts them above all officers of the reg iments, the colonel excepted ; which makes the troops very uneasy. And I think they are not far from right, since the soldier, who is despised, must run all the risks for nothing, while these others are devouring the fat of the land. I think that these things should be remonstrated against to Congress, as they must be deceived in the manner these people in their pay are spending the public money. I leave them to your farther consideration, and conclude by subscribing myself Your obedient serv't, JOHN STARK. Note by Editor. This letter caused much commotion in the hive. Those who disliked the prospect of losing profitable sinecure offices, were particularly indignant. 172 CORRESPONDENCE OF To the President of the New-Hampshire Congress. Albany, 28th of June, 1778. Dear Sir — I take this opportunity, by express, to inform you of my situation at this place. I arrived on the 18th of May, and found the greatest irregularity in the army. There were then two regiments here, and both ordered away. I detained one of them for the security of this city, and' the stores, as I.could place no dependence upon the militia ; such a set of poltroons is not to be found on the face of the earth. When their all is at stake, they rather choose to see it destroyed than to hazard any thing in its defence. On the 13th of May, a party of continental troops, who were stationed at a place called Schoharie, about thirty or forty miles from this place, being informed that a party of the enemy were advancing to destroy it, marched out, but could not induce the militia to follow them, except seven or eight ; and in a short time were engaged with a party of the enemy, in which action the captain, and the lieutenant, and fifteen men were killed, while the militia coldly looked on, but did not go to their assistance. Such is their conduct ; and when I applied to them for a guard for their State prisoners, they told me there were so many tories among'them that they could not be depended upon. The Indians and tories are making depredations daily at the westward. They have burned many houses, and killed and driven away a great number of cattle. The enemy have been very still at the northward, but I expect they will break out soon, as they visit Crown Point sometimes. If they should appear in that quarter, none can be depended upon for the security of that country but you. Gen. Bayley informs me that he has sent one Major Wright, of Peters' corps, to Number Four, but could not get the people of that place to take him into custody, which is similar to their conduct last year. I wish their conduct to be inquired into. He was obliged to send him to you. I would take it kind if he were secured, as he is an arrant poltroon. JOHN STARK. 173 It Leger to.Gov. Chittenden (as it was said), apologizing for tfca^accident. Upon this coming to my knowledge, I addressed a letter, to the governor, of which I inclose a copy, as likewise a copy of his answer. You will per ceive, by his letter, he gives his reason for not sending to me, by affirming that he has sent the account of it to you. If so, I should.be much Obliged for a copy of the letter. I shall be farther obliged if you let me know whether he sent you the original or a copy. If he sent you the origi nal, it" must be satisfactory; otherwise, the case will still be doubtful in my opinion. I shall think that they dare not produce the original. The proceedings of the Vermonters have been very mys terious, until about ten days ago, when they in a manner threw off the mask, and publicly avowed their determina tion to continue their claim of jurisdiction to the North river on the part of New- York, and to Mason's patent on the part of New-Hampshire, and did actually send an armed force, with a piece of artillery, to protect and defend their adherents on the west side of the twenty- mile line ; and indeed have done little less than to wage war with the United States, who, I conceive, are bound, by every tie of justice and policy, to defend all its mem bers from the insults of any enemy, internal or external. I believe, sir, that I may venture to predict that unless something decisive is done in the course of this winter, with respect to these people, we may have every thing to fear from them that they are capable of, in case we are under the disagreeable necessity of making another cam paign. This may be considered as strange language from me, who have ever been considered as a friend to Vermont ; and, indeed, I ever was their friend, until their conduct convinced me that they were not friendly to the United JOHN STARK. 305 States. Were I to judge by their professions, they are more mine and the State's friend now than ever ; but their actions and their words appear to carry a very different meaning. During my command, I have been promised everything from their government and their leading men that I could wish for ; but they have taken particular care to perform nothing, while, on the other hand, the militia of New- York, and those of Berkshire, attended to my requisitions with alacrity and uncommon spirit ; and I believe the northern and western frontiers are*in a great measure indebted to them for the protection of their houses, etc. I most sincerely wish that matters may turn out better than I expect, and am, with my best wishes for your health and happiness, Your most obedient humble servant, JOHN STARK. Albany, 22d December, 1781. Dear Sir — I have received your favor of the 12th inst., and am under infinite obligations for the indulgence you are pleased to grant me. However, I shall not hasten from the district until matters are duly arranged, and I hope not till General Hazen arrives to take the command. If he is not already on the road, I should take it as a sin gular favor if he might be directed to proceed as soon as possible. Colonel Reid addresses a letter by this conveyance. His domestic affairs are in a very fluctuating state, and render his presence very essential to his interest. It must be unnecessary to mention the difficulties ' officers and soldiers labor under for want of proper supplies, wages, 4c When all these difficulties are enumerated, you will easily perceive that the indulgences become almost neces sity ; and, without them, no officer, with a large family and in common circumstances, can continue in service. If, therefore, it is compatible with the public interest, it would certainly be a great favor if he could be permitted to visit his family in the course of the winter. 306 CORRESPONDENCE OF Your letter of the 17th has just come to my hand. I shall order the return you require to be made, and hope to be able to transmit it in a few days. I am, dear sir, your obed't serv't, JOHN STARK. Major General Heath. To General Stark. Saratoga, 22d December, 1781. Dear General — Here I am, alone, not a soul to speak a word to me but bruin and Mony. A dismal gloom overspreads this quarter at present. However, two d — m'd Indians favored me with their • company this afternoon, and gave me a piece of venison, on which I intend to dine to-morrow. No but what the cursed Irishman asks too dear for. I am invited to keep Christmas with Mr. Ensign. I think that man must be a christian. How did you get down to Albany ? I hope you have good quarters. Pray let me hear from you every oppor tunity ; in particular, I wish to have your directions with respect to the leather at Dickerson's. If you have not already wrote to General Heath, I pray you. to write as soon as possible, representing my situation, and the pres sing necessity of my being at home, and also please to forward any letters. My kind compliments to Major Caleb. I wish to hear how my book comes on. No more writing — this is the last inch of paper I have. Your prediction was right. I am informed, by a man from Peterborough, that your cousin Nathan and my cousin Abraham are really in the horse-stealing way. I am, with esteem, Your most obed't humble serv't, GEO. REID.* General Stark. * Afterwards general of State militia, and father-in-law of late Governor Samuel Dinsmoor, Senior. JOHN STARK. 307 To General Stark. Headquarters. Highlands, \ December 25, 1781. / Dear Sir — Your favors of the 2d and 12th instants have come to hand; that of the 2d, by Major Villefranche, not until yesterday. The attention and abilities of that officer deserve commendation in every quarter where his services have been experienced. I am very sorry to hear of the conduct of the Vermont ers and Yorkers with you. I fear that there will, sooner or later, be serious consequences produced by their dis putes. I transmitted your intelligence to Congress, and I request you will be pleased from time to time to commu nicate to me such other circumstances as may come to your knowledge. The paymasters of the New-Hampshire regiments have drawn clothing of every kind, and will convey it up as soon as possible. The naked condition of those regiments led me to direct that they should be first served. I hope that the time will soon arrive when the army will be relieved from many if not all of those distressing wants which they have long experienced. I trust the quarter master has relieved your wants of forage and paper. Please direct the returns to be made with as much punc tuality as possible. Congress has called upon the States to complete their respective quotas of troops by the first of March, deter mined to improve the late successes, and with the blessing of heaven bring the war to a speedy and honorable con clusion. I have the honor to be, With great regard, your obed't serv't, WM. HEATH, M. General. 308 CORRESPONDENCE OF To Honorable General Stark. Bennington, 12th September, 1786. Dear Sir — This opportunity of presenting gratitude demands a few lines from me. I have had health in general since we saw each other, but have understood your health was much impaired before you left the camp ; and since have learned it is much recovered, and wish you that blessing for a long time to come. It is doubtless yet in your mind what I have mentioned concerning a right of land granted you in this State, for which I paid the fees. If you choose to hold the land, it is agreeable to me ; but, when you wrote me last, you pro posed quitting your right to me, and that without any pay. I send you a deed ; if it is your choice to execute it, then I am secured for the money I have paid ; and if you will take the ten dollars which I heretofore proposed, on your letting me know by a line, it shall be conveyed to you by the first safe opportunity ; or if Mr. McGinnis satisfies you there, I will repay him here. I am, sir, with respect, Your obedient servant, SAM'L SAFFORD. N. B. Mine and Mrs. Safford's best compliments to the General, Mrs. Stark, and the Major. To General Stark. Monticello, August 19th, 1805. Respected General — I have lately learned, through the channel of the newspapers, with pleasure, that you a/e still in life, and enjoy health and spirits. The victories of Bennington — the first link jn the chain of successes which issued in the surrender at Saratoga — are still fresh in the memory of every American, and the name of him who achieved them dear to his heart. JOHN STABK. 309 Permit me, therefore, as a stranger who knows you only by the services you have rendered, to express to you the sincere emotions of pleasure and attachment which he felt on learning that your days had been prolonged — his fervent prayer that they still may be continued in comfort, and the conviction that whenever they end, your memory will be cherished by those who come after you, as one who has not lived in vain for his country. I salute you, venerable patriot and general, With affection and reverence, THOMAS JEFFERSON. [Answer.] Derryfield, October, 1805. Respected Sir — Your friendly letter of August 19th came to hand a few days since ; but, owing to the imbecility inseparably connected with the wane of life, I have not been able to acknowledge it until now. I have been in my 77th year since the 28th of August last ; and, since the close of the revolutionary war, have devoted my time entirely to domestic employments, and in the vale of obscurity and retirement, have tasted that tranquility which the hurry and bustle of a busy world can seldom afford. I thank you for the compliment you are pleased to make me, nor will I conceal the satisfaction I feel in receiving it from a man who possesses so large a share of my confidence. I will confess to you, sir, that I once began to think that the labors of the revolution were in vain, and that I should live to see the system restored which I had assisted in destroying. v But my fears are at an end ; and I am now calmly pre paring to meet the unerring fate of men, with, however, the satisfactory reflection that I leave a numerous progeny, in a country highly favored by nature, and under a gov- 310 CORRESPONDENCE OF ernment whose principles and views I believe to be cor rect and just. With the highest considerations of respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obed't serv't, JOHN STARK. To the Hon. Maj. Gen'l John Stark. Bennington, 16th August, 1806. Respected Sir — By direction of a numerous and respect able body "of Republican citizens of this and the adjoining towns, convened for the purpose of commemorating the glorious battle fought on the 16th of August, 1777, com monly called the Bennington action, the undersigned, in their behalf, are instructed to inform you of the grateful feelings they entertain for your person ; that they duly appreciate the important and eminent services you ren dered your country, and more especially the people of thia vicinity, on this auspicious day. They ever have and still consider your fortunate success on that day, achieved by the wisdom of your -plans and the promptness of their execution, to have been a fatal check to the success of General Burgoyne, and which shortly after produced the surrender of his whole army to the American troops. The few officers and soldiers yet living, who were imme diately under your command, still hail you as their fortu nate and brave general ; while those who were their chil dren or unborn, hail you as the patriot of your country, and acknowledge the blessings they enjoy from the pros perity of your arms. The citizens, composing this meeting, are highly grati fied when they learn, through the channel of the news papers, that you still retain your affection and first love for your country, while many of your compatriots, in their opinion, have apostatized, and forgotten the important object of the American Revolution. JOHN STARK. 311 You have their fervant prayers that your days may be prolonged ; not doubting (when they shall end) that pos terity will hold you in honorable remembrance for the noble deeds you have done. We tender you, venerable General, Our warmest affection and esteem, JOSIAH WRIGHT, * DAVID FAY, JONAS GALUSHA, * 'onvnilla: JONATHAN ROBINSON, WILLIAM TOWNER, To General Stark. Bennington, July 22, 1809. Honored and Respected Sir — You can never forget that, on the memorable 16th of August, 1777, you commanded the American troops in the action called- Bennington battle, and that, under divine providence, astonishing success attended our arms. Our enemy was defeated and captured, and this town and its vicinity saved from impending ruin. It has been usual to hold the day in grateful remembrance, by a public celebration. On Thursday last, a large and respectable number of leading characters in this and the neighboring towns, met to choose a committee of arrangements for a celebration on the 16th of August next. More than sixty of those who met were with you in the action. They recollect you, sir, with peculiar pleasure, and have directed us to write and request you, if your health and age will permit, to honor them with your presence on that day. All your expenses shall be remunerated. No event could so animate the brave "sons of liberty," as to see their venerable leader and preserver once more in Bennington ; that their young men may once have the pleasure of seeing the man who so gallantly fought to defend their sacred rights, their fathers and mothers, and protected them while lisping in infancy. 312 CORRESPONDENCE OF Should this request be inconsistent with your health, we should be happy in receiving a letter from you, on that subject, that we may read it to them on that day. Senti ments from the aged, and from those who have hazarded their lives to rescue us from the shackles of tyranny, will be read by them with peculiar pleasure, and remembered long after their fathers have retired to the silent tomb. Accept, sir, our warmest wishes for your health and happiness, and permit us, dear general, to assure you that we are, with great esteem, Your cordial and affectionate friends, GIDEON OLIN, ^| JONATHAN ROBINSON, I Committee. DAVID FAY, j [Answer.] At mt Quarters. Derryfield, \ 31st of July, 1809. / My Friends and Fellow Soldiers — I received yours, of the 22d instant, containing your fervent expressions of friend ship, and your very polite invitation to meet with you to celebrate the 16th of August in Bennington. As you say, I can never forget that I commanded American troops on that day at Bennington. They were men who had not learned the art of submission, nor had they been trained to the arts of war ; but our " astonishing success" taught the enemies of liberty that undisciplined freemen are superior to veteran slaves. Nothing could afford me greater pleasure than to meet your brave " sons of liberty" on the fortunate spot ; but, as you justly anticipate, the infirmities of old age will not permit it, for I am now more than fourscore and one years old, and the lamp of life is almost spent. I have of late had many such invitations, but was not ready, for there was not oil in the lamp. You say you wish your young men to see me ; but you who have seen me can tell them I never was worth much for a show, and certainly can not be worth their seeing now. JOHN STARK. 313 In case of my not being able to attend, you wish my sentiments. These you shall have, as free as the air we breathe. As I was then, I am now, the friend of the equal rights of men, of representative democracy, of republi canism, and the declaration of independence — the great charter of our national rights — and of course a friend to the indissoluble union of these States. I am the enemy of all foreign influence, for all foreign influence is the influence of tyranny. This is the only chosen spot of liberty — this the only republic on earth. You well know, gentlemen, that at the time of the event you celebrate, there was a powerful British faction in the country (called tories), a material part of the force we contended with. This faction was rankling in our councils, until it had laid a foundation for the subversion of our liberties ; but, by having good sentinels at our out posts, we were apprised of the danger. The sons of free dom beat the alarm, and, as at Bennington, they came, they saw, they conquered. These are my orders now, and will be my last orders to all my volunteers, to look to their sentries ; for there is a dangerous British party in the country, lurking in their hiding places, more dangerous than all our foreign enemies ; and whenever they shall appear, let them ren der the same account of them as was given at Benning ton, let them assume what name they will. I shall remember, gentlemen, the respect you and the inhabitants of Bennington and its neighborhood have shown me, until I go to the " country from whence no traveller returns." I must soon receive marching orders. JOHN STARK. Hon. Gideon Olin, ") Jonathan Robinson, Esq., V Committee. David Fat, Esq., J Note. The general forwarded in this letter, as his vol unteer sentiment: "Live free, or die — Death is not the worst of evils." 21 314 CORRESPONDENCE OF To the Hon. General John Stark. Bennington, July 25th, 1810. Once more the season has arrived for the celebration of that auspicious day, when you sir, at the headt of our brave yeomanry, under the benevolent hand of a superin tending providence, led our troops to vietory on the mem orable hill of Walloomsack. The people of the adjacent counties have resolved to celebrate the day on the conse crated: ground. For this purpose they have chosen a large and respectable committee from, the surrounding towns. The governors of the States of New- York and Vermont will be invited, and probably attend ; hundreds of your fel low-citizens, who fought by your side> and thousands of other, republicans, will be present on the pleasing occasion. Nothing can be wanting, to make our joys complete, but the presence of our venerable friend and commander, whom^ with American pride, we style " the hero of Bennington." In your patriotic address to us last year, we regret that you tell us that the oil is almost extinguished in the lamp, and that age has rendered it impossible for you to attend, although we are again' pressed by our fellow-citizens to give you an invitation to come and join in the festivities of the day. The toast, sir, which you sent us in 1809, will continue to, vibrate with unceasing pleasure in our ears : " Live, free, or die — Death is not the worst of evils." Never, never, sir, shall we cease to recollect, with the most ardent affection, the man who made the arrange ment, and' who, at the hazard of his life, executed the plan with such decision and success. And while your sword was waving on the high places of the field, the cries of thousands of our oppressed fellow citizens, like a cloud, rolled before the Eternal. Heaven heard, and. led you and your brave fellow-citizens to glory and, victory. Accept, Dear General, the expression of our warmest gratitude, and of our highest esteem, and believe us to be Your cordial friends, JONATHAN ROBINSON, ) ELEAZER HAWKS, > Committee. DAVID FAY, j JOHN STARK. 315 [Answer.] Derryfield, 20th September, 1810. My Friends — Yours, of the 25th of July, is but just received, inviting me to partake of your festival. Had not your letter been- stopped in its passage to me, its con tents could have made no difference, for it is now eighty two years since I have been in wear, and I am worn beyond all hope of repairs. The disease and pain, attend ing the last stage of life, render many of the surrounding objects that I once delighted in indifferent to me. But if any tiling, could have given me pleasure, it would to have been with you on the 16th of August. A scene like that must have brought to my recollection the principal events of my life. I could remember how British tyranny arose, and how it yielded to the untutored bravery of democracy, and particularly, as being on that fortunate spot, with so many of the brave men who taught the tyrant's tools the hard lesson. In your letter, you praise me extremely for being the fortunate commander of valiant men. To merit the praise of my country, has been a leading motive of my life. Unmerited praise is satire ; therefore we should be careful not to bestow too much praise, unless we mean to satirize. You mention being pleased with the toast I gave you last year. I have the best evidence that the people of your rugged country do sincerely accord with such sentiments, for in '77 you displayed evidence by practice. And I have no doubt if we had a Congress now, who had the resolution to express the will of the nation, you would be found as ready as you were then. Be assured of my friendship for yourselves and the other inhabitants of the Green mountains, and accept my thanks for their respect. JOHN STARK. HOn. Jonathan Robinson, Eleazer Hawks, David Fat. 316 CORRESPONDENCE OF President Madison to General Stark. Washington, December 26, 1809, Sir — A very particular friend of yours, who has been much recommended to my esteem, has lately mentioned you to me in a manner of which I avail myself to offer this expression of the sense I have always entertained of your character, and of the part you bore as a hero and a patriot in establishing the independence of our country. I can not better render this tribute, than by congratu lating you on the happiness you can not fail to derive from the motives which made you a champion in so glorious a cause ; from the gratitude shown by your fellow-citizens for your distinguished services, and especially from the opportunity which a protracted life has given you of wit nessing the triumphs of republican institutions, so dear to you, in the unrivalled prosperity flowing from them, during a trial of more than a fourth of a century. May your life be continued as long as it can be a bless ing, and may the example it will bequeath never be lost upon those who live after you. JAMES MADISON. Gen. John Stark. To James Madison, Esqr., President of the United States. Derryfield, January 21, 1810. Sir — I had yesterday the pleasure of receiving an address from the first magistrate of the only republic on earth. The letter compliments me highly upon my services as a soldier, and praises my patriotism. It is true, I love the country of my birth, for it is not only the land which I would choose before all' others, but it is the only spot where I could wear out the remnant of my days with any satisfaction. Twice has my country been invaded by foreign enemies, and twice I went out with her citizens to obtain a peace. JOHN STARK. 317 When tha objectt was attained, I returned to my farm and my original occupation. I have ever valued peace so highly that I would not sacrifice it for any thing but free dom ; yet submission to insult I never thought the way to obtain or support either. I was pleased with your dismissal of the man* sent by England to insult us : because she will ascertain by the experiment, that we are the same nation we were in '76, grown stronger by age, and having gained wisdom by experience. , H the enmity of the British is to be feared, their alli ance is still more dangerous. I have fought by their side, as well as against them, and have found them to be treacherous and ungenerous as friends, and dishonorable as enemies. I have also tried the French : first as ene mies, and since as friends ; and, although all the strong prejudices of my youth were against them, still I have formed a more favorable opinion of them than of the English. Let us watch even them. But of all the dangers from which I apprehend the most serious evil to my country, and our republican institutions, none requires a more watchful eye than our internal Brit ish faction. If the communication of the result of my experience can be of any service in the approaching storm, or if any benefit can arise from any example of mine, my strongest wish will be gratified. The few days or weeks of the remainder of my life will be in friendship with James Madison. JOHN STARK. *The British envoy. 318 CORRESPONDENCE OF Charleston, South Carolina, \ August 29th, 1811. J $wv-Tn conformity te a resolution of the " Seventy Six Association" of this State, we, their standing committee, hereby transmit for your perusal a copy of an oration, delivered on the Fourth of July, by Benjamin A. Mark- ley, Esq., a member of that institution. We remain, sir, with great respect and esteem, your obedient humble servants, JOS. JOHNS.ON, J. B. WHITE, WILLIAM LAUCE, JOSEPH KIRKLAND, MYER MOSES. To General Stark. [From the Farmer's Monthly Visitor.] We received the following letter from that indefatigable antiquarian, Henry Stevens, Esq., of Barnet, Vt. We most cheerfully comply with his request, and give it a place in our columns. We presume the cannon, spoken of by Judge Witherell, is one of the two afterward sur rendered by General Hull, which were subsequently recov ered by our army at Fort George, and ^s probably, one of the two now at Montpelier, as trophies, having been by act of Congress presented to Vermont. We hope the remaining two cannon, of the four taken at Bennington, which the venerable Stark was wont to call "my guns," may be recovered, and placed by permission of Congress in the State House at Concord, as trophies won by her worthy sons. Detroit, 26th May, 1811. Venerable General — On examining the fort of this place, a few days past, I perceived in one of the embrasures a handsome brass cannon, with this inscription on it : "John Stark. Taken at Bennington, the.l6th of August, 1777." This, together with the situation in which I found it, JOHN STARK. 319 forcibly drew my mind not only to a retrospect of the revolutionary war, but still farther back, to the records of transactions too remote for my observation ; and I could not but view the fortuitous circumstance of its being placed on these walls, as a sort of pledge for the future safety of this place, as well against those from whose mar tial hands we wrested it, on the embattled plains of Walloomsack, as the descendants of those savages who felt the chastisement of your arms, near this fort, in the mem orable ambuscade of the 31st of July, 1763. I have often contemplated the spot with horror, where fell by your side the brave Captains Dalyell and Campbell; where the bridge, from the blood of two hundred and thirty out of three hundred British troops, and that of one hundred out of two hundred provincials, is to this day emphatically called "Bloody bridge." I was much gratified with the feeling, narration of this transaction, by a man of the name of Maxwell, who served under you in that campaign, who, while he related the events, frequently attempted to wipe away the encrust ed tear from his furrowed cheeks, often exclaiming : " Ah, is my old Captain Stark still living?" But, though death is a severe muster master, you have parried his stroke until he has arrived at the very Zed of the revolutionary alphabet, by which you have been enabled to view and contemplate vast portions of your native country freed from the savage knife, and from civil tyranny ; in effecting which, to have borne so conspicu ous a part, must remain a fruitful source of consolation, even to the very last fragment of your furlough ; at the end of which, when summoned to head quarters, to join the main body of patriots and heroes who have long since marched for that station, that you may pass a good muster, and finally receive a pension which will support you through the war of elements, is the sincere wish of Dear General, your most obed't serv't, J. WITHERELL. The Venerable John Stark, Esq. 320 NOTICE AND LETTERS OF • Db. Bentlet was born at Boston in 1758 ; graduated at Harvard College in 1777 ; and was (September 24, 1783) ordained as pastor of the second church at Boston. He afterward removed to Salem, where he resided until his death, .which occurred suddenly December 29, 1819, at the age of 61 years. For nearly twenty years he edited the Essex Register, a paper which supported the political principles of the democratic republican party. He collected, in the course of his life, a large library of rare and valuable books, as also a cabinet of curiosities and minerals. He was well versed in ancient literature. His benevolence was well known, and experienced by all whose necessities demanded his assistance. Masters of vessels, and even seamen, in requital of his kind actions and friendship, when visiting foreign coun tries remembered him, by bringing home some rare or curious article to add to his collection. We have been informed of one instance where a party of American seamen, from Salem, who were in Italy during the victorious career of General Bonaparte, observ ing the French soldiers taking from churches and palaces the valuable paintings of ancient masters, to be forwarded to Paris to grace the triumph of the conqueror of Italy, during the confusion, secured one of them, which was in due time presented to Dr. Bentley. His valuable library and cabinet were bequeathed prin-' cipally to Meadville College, in Pennsylvania, and the American Antiquarian Society, of Worcester. Harvard College probably expected the donation, having conferred upon him the degree Of D. D. some short time before his death ; but the honor was perhaps too long withheld. His library was more needed, and may probably be more useful at Meadville. His eulogy was pronounced by Hon. Edward Everett. REV. WILLIAM BENTLEY. 321 He published a sermon on Matthew 7 : 21, in 1790 ; on the death of J. Gardner, 1791 ; of General Fiske, 1797 ; of B. Hodges, 1804 ^ a collection of psalms and hymns, 1795 ; three masonic addresses ; and a masonic charge, 1797-99 ; at the artillery election in 1796 ; on the death of J. Richardson, 1806 ; before the female charitable society, at the election of 1807 ; a history of Salem, con tained in vol. 6 Mass. Hist. Collections. Dr. Bentley was a warm friend and admirer of General Stark, whom he several times visited at his residence on the banks of the Merrimack, and with him kept up a friendly intercourse until his own decease. On one occasion he informed the general that he intended to deliver his eulogy on the occasion of his demise, and had prepared his notes. "Suppose, my chaplain,"* replied the veteran, "your call should come first ? " The general survived his friend nearly, three years, and all the American generals of the Revolution, thus making good the saying formerly applied to him, "First in the field, and last out of it." Major General John Stark. Salem, Mass., August 30, 1805. My Dear General — I have just received, with, the greatest pleasure, a letter from the President of the United States, inclosed to me but directed to you. In his letter to me the President writes: "Forward the expressions of my respect and esteem for the venerable General Stark, whose name, lately mentioned in the newspapers, excited in me at the same time the sensations which the recollections of his services were calculated to inspire. Disinterested esteem and approbation can not be unacceptable to any one. I therefore solicit your delivery of the inclosed letter to him, &c." *The general frequently addressed Dr. B. as "my chaplain.'- 322 NOTICE AND LETTERS OF I doubt not this best attention from the man most deserving of the highest honors of his country, so freely expressed, will be welcome to the hero who gave the first serious check to the military power of Britain, when employed against his country. I am preparing to obey all your commands. Be pleased to assure the major* and his family of my affection, and ask him to inform me of the receipt of this letter ; and believe me, with the greatest veneration, and with the highest sense of your personal merit and public services, Your devoted servant, • WILLIAM BENTLEY. Salem, Mass., June 18, 1810. My Dear General — The likeness my young pupil, Miss Hannah Crowninshield, took, proved to be a' good one.f All your friends knew* it instantly. The inclosed is a copy. The original is as large as life. She is taking a copy for President Madison ; and then I intend to get it engraved, and painted in oil colors. Any corrections will be accepted, as she had only one sitting. * With veneration and respect, Your sincere friend, WILLIAM BENTLEY. General John Stark, Derryfield. * Major Caleb Stark. f The likeness taken by Miss Crowninshield was the one from which, with alterations, was engraved the portrait at the head of this volume. We have been informed that the above named lady married Captain Armstrong, of the United States Navy. In the portrait, the artist who prepared Miss Crowninshield's painting for the lithographer, gave too much length to the neck and face. The forehead is also too narrow. He was abqut five feet nine inches in height. The portrait of Major Stark by S. F. B. Morse resembles the general more than that at the head of this volume. A person came to obtain a likeness of General Stark immediately after his decease. Major S. was there ; and the artist, in completing his work, frequently looked from the face of the dead to the living resemblance there present. REV. WILLIAM BENTLEY. 323 Salem, December 1, 1810. My Good General — My packets of papers will prove that I have not forgotten you. One friend after another has promised to convey them to you from Salem, without going the circuitous route, by your worthy son at Boston ; but after repeated disappointments, I return to my old route. Your southern friends all inquire after, and delight to honor you. Believe me, that I never am more happy than in every expression of my veneration of General Stark, and every opportunity of evincing my readiness to serve him. With the highest respect, Your devoted servant, WILLIAM BENTLEY. General John Stark. Salem, May 31, 1811. My Father — I long to pay another visit to Manchester. All your friends inquire for you. An officer told me lately, that, on a public occasion, he drank as a toast : "General Stark," and a British oflicer present remarked, " that is the hero who took me." We have a deep interest* in your welfare. If any thing in my power can give you pleasure, command. With duty and affection, WILLIAM BENTLEY. To General John Stark, Manchester, N. H. P. S. ' I send you papers by every opportunity ; I would send them daily if I could. Please ask your son, when he sees my friend Stickne,y, to beg of .him a few specimens of . such fossils, stones, minerals, earths, &c, as are within his reach, and much oblige one who will reward him to his full satisfaction. W. B. 324 NOTICE AND LETTERS OF Salem, August 13, 1811. My Worthy General — I have inclosed you eight packets of newspapers, &c, which I had no opportunity of forward ing, and now send by your son at Boston. I am obliged to inform you that your old friend, Captain Addison Richardson, left us last Wednesday, as firm as at the first. The great and the good inquire after, and remember you. With all my heart, and the highest respect, Your obedient friend, WILLIAM BENTLEY. Hon. General Stark. Salem, December 2, 1811. My Good General — The communication between Salem and Manchester is so indirect that I have few opportunities of sending to you, save by the circuitous route of Boston. If you will charge your neighbors, who visit Salem, to call on me, I should have the pleasure oftener of discovering that I remember you. I sent five packets by your son, who lately honored me with a visit. With the papers, I send you a book which has in it this value : it treats of our Indian affairs, which threaten seri ous trouble. Believe me most rich, when I imagine I can afford a momentary pleasure to the man to whom my country owes its salvation. In all duty, WILLIAM BENTLEY. Gen. John Stark. REV. WILLIAM BENTLEY. 325 Copy of a letter from David Pierce, Esq., of Gloucester, Mass., to Rev. William Bentley, of Salem, dated 19th February, 1814, on the subject of the "General Stark" armed ship, in 1780, which captured three large ships from London for Quebec, valued, with their cargoes, at $400,000. Sirr— The " General Stark" was built under my direc tion. In one cruise, in three weeks, she sent me $300,000, I having sold some part of her. She was a ship of 350 tons ; twenty guns on her lower deck, eight guns on her half deck, and two on ber fore castle — a very fast sailer and very stiff. I named her in honor of General Stark. This copy was sent to the general by Dr. Bentley, accompanied by a drawing of the ship by Miss Crownin shield. GENERAL JACOB BAYLEY. The grand-father of General Bayley, of " French war" and revolutionary notoriely, was the son of Joshua, who was the son of John Bayley, who emigrated from Chip- pingham (England) in 1635, and settled in Newburyport, Massachusetts. The general was born at Hampstead, N. H., in 1728. He was well known on both sides of the Connecticut river, from 1759 until his death in February, 1815, and rendered valuable services in the " seven years' war." He afterward served with ability and reputation during the revolution. In 1755-6 he held the rank of colonel, and in August, 1757, was at Fort William Henry, which, after a siege of nine days, capitulated to the Marquis de Montcalm. On this occasion he is said to have escaped the ensuing mas sacre, by running bare-footed seven miles, to Halfway brook, outstripping a party of Indian runners', and reach ed Fort Edward in safety. He was present in Montreal, at the capitulation of Can ada, September 8, 1760 ; after which, having obtained leave of absence on furlough, he visited his home. Being of an adventurous spirit, rather than pass down the Ben nington road, he took a point of compass intending to strike the head waters qf the Merrimack, but happening to arrive at the Connecticut, in the northern part of New bury, (now so called, and, named by him) he discovered. that most beautiful of all the valleys of New-England, comprising the Great Ox Bow and other intervals. 328 MEMOIR OF He selected this interesting location for his future resi dence, and, after the close of the war, emigrated thither through a wilderness, from the residence of Colonel Web ster, in Plymouth — his being the last dwelling-house on the route from the English settlements to Canada. At the commencement of the revolution he joined the noble spirits of the time — was appointed commissary gen eral of the northern division, and served throughout the war. His fireside narratives, in after life, were full of interest. " Many thrilling incidents and hair breadth escapes," says his grand-son, " I have heard from his lips, which have now escaped my memory. He once run the gantlet, after capitulation (probably at Fort William Henry). He was once taken by two Indians from his home, to be con veyed to Canada, where a reward had been offered for his capture. He managed to escape by extending his feet, tripping up both of them, and running for his life." " Many incidents of his history have escaped my recol lection. One of much consequence at the time, and of important interest to himself and his posterity, I will state. He furnished and became responsible for supplies, of which the army was in the utmost need. He conse quently became involved, mortgaged his property, and finally disposed of it all to discharge his obligations in an honorable manner. I well recollect seeing him writing petitions to Congress for relief; but he never obtained any, nor have his heirs, although the claims were ascer tained after his decease to have amounted to about sixty thousand dollars. Republican gratitude — or rather American ingratitude, was in this, as in thousands of other cases, strongly exemplified." The following anecdote we heard from a revolutionary veteran many years ago : In the year 1784, an elderly gentleman, in a plain dress, travelling on horse back, stopped for the night at a tavern, near King's bridge, about fifteen miles from New- York city, as it then was. He was conducted to the only spare JACOB BAYLEY. 329 room in the house, m which he had hardly been comforta bly established, when a party of young "roaring blades," the sons of wealthy citizens, arrived at the tavern, " to make a night of it." They called for a private room, but were informed by the landlord that his last spare chamber had just been taken possession of by a respectable appearing elderly gentleman, apparently from the country. " Try the old fellow," said one of them, "perhaps you can coax him to let us into his room for our spree, and we'll soon smoke him out." The host applied to his guest, who readily assented. He observed, " he was alone, and would be happy to meet a pleasant company of young gentlemen to help him spend the evening." The party soon assembled ; liquors were produced, and an excellent supper brought forward, at which the good natured old gentleman played his part as well as the best of them. After this, one of the youngsters proposed an agreement that who ever of the company should refuse to perform or submit to any proposal made by either of the others, tile recusant or recusants should forfeit the whole bill, and the damages of all the others. To the astonishment of the young gentlemen, the stranger agreed to the terms. The first proposed to burn their hats, and each threw his hat into, the fire ; coats, vests, and watches followed, the old gentleman throwing into the fire his old fashioned silver turnip, as a companion to the gold watches of the young rowdies. When his turn came, he called the landlord and requests ed him to send for a doctor, and his tooth instruments. The doctor soon appeared. The old gentleman then seated himself in a chair, and said: "I propose that the doctor shall draw out every tooth in the heads of this com pany. Doctor begin with me." The latter found but one, which he extracted. "Now, gentlemen," said the vete ran, " submit to my proposal, and ascertain whether you have turned the flanks of an old soldier." 22 330 MEMOIR OF The young men perceived that they were outgeneraled ; and learned that General Bayley was the person with whom they had attempted to trifle, and to their cost. They apologized — paid liberally his bill and damages, having learned a valuable lesson for their future govern ment. The general, newly equipped with a better outfit than when he left home, proceeded on the next day to New- York, to settle his army accounts. Extract from a letter written by General Bayley, at Newbury, many years after the close of »the war : "I could not with safety leave the frontier, where I was settled, and join the army. I thought I could be of more service to our cause by securing an extensive fron tier from the depredations of the Indians, which, by mak ing friendship with them, I effected for at least two hun dred miles. My exertions were such that I was watched and waylaid night * and day, by the enemy from Canada — my house rifled, papers destroyed, son carried captive, and maltreated only because he was my son, and would not discover to them how his father obtained intelligence of their movements. To the close of the war I was em ployed by Washington to keep friendship with the Indians, and gain intelligence of the enemy in Canada." It has lately transpired that President Wheelock inter ceded with his former pupil, Brandt, the Indian chief, and not without success. Moreover, proof is not wanting that the British colonel, Johnson, was taken prisoner by John Warner, but released on condition of the Indians being restrained from Vermont. But our frontier settle ments, however safe, were by no means secure — rather out of danger, than free from apprehensions. One of our his- *Gen. Bayley was so closely watched by the tories in his vicinity, employed by the authorities of Canada, whose scouts often attempted his capture, that his friends dared only to warn him secretly of the approach of the enemy. To have given him notice openly, would have ensured their own captivity, and the destruction of their dwellings. When a friend desired to put him on his guard against tory liers-in-wait, he dropped in his path a paper on which were written these words: "The Philistines be upon thee, Sampson." JACOB BAYLEY. 331 torians narrates a panic in Windham county — he might have spoken of another in Windsor county — when the inhabitants along the White river fled, many of them by night, lighted by brands of fire, down the river to Leba non, "when," says an eye witness, " families are this mo ment rushing into Newbury ; and for sixty miles they are upon a doubt whether to remove or not. Women yet live who can testify of such days ; when they lived in fear of the fate of Miss McRea, the bride of Fort Edward — that Gertrude of Wyoming in real life ; when every rustle of a shaken leaf seemed an Indian tread, every tree an Indian covert, every window a mark for his rifle, and every hamlet fully assured that it was singled out, above all others, as the victim of the savage." * Extract from Powers' History of Coos. "I have already stated how desirable an object it was with the British to get possession of Gen. Jacob Bayley. A bold and determined effort to effect this was made on . the 17th of June, 1782, while Col. Johnson was at home on parole. (He was a prisoner of war). ",Gen. Bayley lived at the Johnson village, in a house where now stands the brick house of Josiah Little. Capt. Prichard (British) and his scout, to the number of eighteen men, lay upon the heights west of the Ox-Bow, and made a signal for Johnson to visit them.f Johnson went, as he was bound to do by the terms of his parole, and learned that they had come to capture Gen. Bayley that evening. Johnson was now in a great strait. Bayley was his neigh bor, and a host against the enemy, and Johnson could not have him go into captivity; and yet, he must seem to con- * Butler. •f Johnson was bound by the terms of his parole, to present himself at all times before the enemy's scouts, upon certain signals being made from their -places of concealment, and to convey no information of their pres ence to his friends. 332 MEMOIR OF form to the wishes of Prichard, or he would be recalled to Canada himself, and in all probability have his buildings laid in ashes. " Johnson returned to his house, and resolved to inform Bayley of his danger, at the hazard of. every thing to him self. But how was this to be done ? Bayley, with two of his sons, was plowing on the Ox-Bow. Prichard's eleva ted situation on the hill enabled him to look down upon the Ox-Bow, as on a map. The secret was entrusted to Dudley Carleton, Esq., the brother of Col. Johnson's wife. Johnson wrote on a slip of paper this laconic sentence : ' The Philistines be upon thee, Sampson !' He gave it to Carleton, and instructed him to go on to the meadow, pass directly by Bayley, without stopping or speaking, but drop the paper in his view, and return home by a circuitous route. Carleton performed the duty assigned him well. Gen. Bayley, when he came to the paper, carelessly took it up and read it ; and as soon as he could, without exciting suspicion in the minds of lookers-on, proposed to turn out the team, and said to his sons : ' Boys, take care of your selves !' and went himself to the bank of the river. The sons went up to the house to carry the tidings to the guard who were stationed there. The guard consisted of Captain Frye Bayley, commandant; Ezra Gates, Jacob Bayley, Jun., Joshua Bayley ; Sergeant Samuel Torrey, a hired man of Gen. Bayley ; three boys, John Bayley, Isaac Bayley, Thomas Metcalf ; and a hired maid, Sarah Fowler. " Although the guard was apprised of the general's apprehensions, yet, it would seem, they thought his fears were groundless, for they were taken by surprise at early twilight, while they were taking their evening grog ; or, we might more significantly say, perhaps they were taking in a freight of prowess, to be tested at a later hour of the night. The enemy were not discovered until they were within a few rods of the front-door. Sergeant Torrey met them at the door, and presented his piece at them ; but Prichard knocked aside the gun, made Torrey prisoner, JACOB BAYLEY. 333 and the enemy rushed in. The guard dispersed in all direc tions ; Ezra Gates was wounded in the arm by a ball, as he ran from the south front-door, and a gun was discharged at John Bayley, as he was jumping the fence to run for the Ox-Bow, and two balls lodged in the fence close to him. Thomas Metcalf reached the meadow, where he tarried all night. Gates was brought in aud laid on the bed, where he lay bleeding and groaning, while the enemy were searching the house for prisoners and papers. ' But there was one belonging to the house who displayed great presence of mind and intrepidity. It was a woman ! — woman, who in ten thousand instances has risen superior to danger, and performed astonishing deeds of heroism, when man, her lord by constitution, has forfeited his claim to superiority, by timidity and flight/ " Sarah Fowler, the servant-maid spoken of, remained upon the ground, with a babe of Mrs. Bayley in her arms, undismayed at the sight of loaded muskets and bristling bayonets, and repeatedly extinguished a candle which had been lighted for the purpose of searching the house. Not succeeding with a candle, one of the parties took a fire brand and attempted to renew the search ; the dauntless maid struck it from his hand, and strewed the coals around the room. This was too much for British blood, and one of the soldiers swore, by a tremendous oath, that if she annoyed them any more he would blow out her brains, showing at the same time how he would do it. She then desisted, as she had good reason to believe he would execute his threat. " Mrs. Bayley had, at the outset, escaped through an eastern window, and lay concealed in current-bushes in the garden. The enemy having destroyed one gun, and taken what papers they could find, commenced their retreat, greatly disappointed in respect to the main object of their pursuit, for the general was resting securely on Haverhill side. They took with them prisoners Gates and Pike, the hired man of General Bayley, and proceeded south. An alarm was given, but not in time to arrest the 334 MEMOIR. enemy. About half a mile south, they met James Bayley, son of General Bayley, whom they took prisoner, and kept until the close of the war. ******** " This failure of the British, in the main object of their expedition, brought fresh trouble upon Colonel Thomas Johnson. The tories in the vicinity, who had laid the plan for taking General Bayley, learning that he was not at home that night, .and knowing that he was not in the habit of being absent from his family over night, unless on business out of town, said at once, Johnson was a traitor to their cause, for he must have given Bayley infor mation of his danger. ******* The dispo sition to peace in the mother country, and fhe actual treaty before the year came about, saved Johnson from the calamities threatened. GENERAL JOSEPH CILLEY. Joseph Cillbt was born at Nottingham, in New-Hamp shire, in 1735, of which town his father, Captain Joseph Cilley, was one of the earliest and principal settlers. With few advantages of education, he became a self-taught law yer in consequence of his residence in the midst of a law- seeking community. Before the revolutionary war com menced, he was one of those ardent patriots who seized and brought away the cannon and military stores from the fort at Portsmouth. Immediately after the commencement of actual hostil ity, on the plains of Lexington and Concord, he marched, at the head of one hundred volunteers, to the theatre of action. He was by Congress appointed a major, and in July, 1777, was colonel of a regiment in the army then occupy ing Ticonderoga. With his gallant regiment he performed a chivalrous part in the actions with General Burgoyne's invading army, near Behmus' heights, at Saratoga. On the 19th of September his regiment first encountered the enemy, and suffered a more severe loss than any other regiment engaged. He heard the British colonel give the order to fix bayo nets, and charge those d — d rebels ; and retorted, loudly enough for the enemy to hear his words : " that is a game two can play at. Charge, and we will try it." His regiment advanced, delivered their fire, and, under cover of the smoke, closed with the bayonet. The enemy 336 MEMOIR OF gave way, leaving on the field sixty killed and wounded. On the 7th of October his regiment captured a portion of the enemy's field artillery ; and with the eleventh regiment of the Massachusetts line, forced their way with the bayo net into the British camp. In this encounter, Colonel Breyman, of the German grenadiers, was killed ; and the British troops separated frqm their German allies. At Monmouth, when General Lee ordered a retreat of his division, Colonel Cilley ordered his regiment to ad vance. They boldly attacked the advanced guard of the enemy and drove them back. By this timely check, the fortune of the day was retrieved. Washington arrived with the remainder of the army, and the action recom menced. Pleased with the gallant stand made by Cilley, the general inquired, " What troops are these ? " "True blooded Yankees, sir," was the colonel's emphatic reply. "I see," said General Washington — " they are my brave New-Hampshire boys." When the army retreated from Ticonderoga, in 1776, a son of Colonel Cilley (Jonathan) was left behind. He was but a boy, and his captors, learning who he was, brought him to General Burgoyne. The latter treated him kindly, and set him at liberty, with permission to select any article he pleased from the captured* baggage of the Americans. He selected the best regimental coat he could find, which proved that of Major Hull (afterwards General Hull). He was also furnished with an old horse, and a pair of saddle-. bags, filled with Burgoyne's proclamations, to convey to his father. He found him in front of his regiment on parade. The colonel seized one of the hand-bills, which, * After the evacuation of Ticonderoga, many reams of continental paper fell into the hands of the enemy. It was divided in due proportions among the British officers. The younger ones, in derision of the yankee money, used it for lighting their pipes, while the veterans stowed it away among their effects. After the surrender of Burgoyne's army, this paper was discovered to be of value, and would purchase for the holders as many necessaries as would British gold. Jonathan Cilley irSght, under the privilege granted by Burgoyne, have demanded a few quires of these paper apologies for money, and perhaps .they would have been given him. JOSEPH CILLEY. 337 after reading, he tore into pieces, and scattered them to the winds, saying, "thus shall his army be scattered." He served throughout the war with reputation. On the 22d of June, 1786, he was appointed first major general of the New-Hampshire militia, and served the State in various civil capacities. From this time, he advised the people to compromise their lawsuits. He died in August, 1799, aged 64 years. He was a man of temperance, econ omy, great industry, decision of character and sound judg ment. His passions were strong and impetuous ; his deter minations prompt, and his disposition frank and humane. He was a decided republican in politics. Portions of this notice have been gathered from Allen's Biographical Dictionary, and the remainder from the con versations of the late Major Caleb Stark, who, in 1776 and 1777, was adjutant of the first New-Hampshire regiment, commanded by Col. Cilley. During the confused night retreat from Ticonderoga, General Kosciusko, not finding his own, took the first saddled horse that came in his way. It belonged to the adjutant of Colonel Cilley's regiment, who, not finding his horse where he left it, proceeded on foot until daylight, when he discovered the Polish general mounted upon his horse, and demanded his property, which the other refused to give up. High words ensued, and the adjutant de manded satisfaction. The general replied that " a subal tern is not of sufficient rank to meet a brigadier general." " If he is not," said a third person, coming up on foot, "I am. This officer, general, is my adjutant; the horse is his property, and his demand is a proper one." "Ah, Colonel Cilley," replied the general, "if that is the case, I will give up the horse." The adjutant recov ered his horse, but, in half an hour afterward, Colonel Cilley, who had also lost his horse, said: "Stark, I am tired ; you must lend me your horse" — which request was of course complied with. During the armistice, prior to the peace of 1783, several American officers visited New- York. Rivington, the 338 MEMOIR. king's printer, kept a book-store, which was a lounging place for British officers. At this time an American officer entered the store, purchased several books, which he directed to be sent to his lodgings; and, calling for a pen, wrote his name and address. "What," said a British colonel, half reclining on a sofa, " an American officer write his name !" " If I can not," was the prompt answer of Colonel Cilley, "I can make my mark;" and suiting the action to the word, drew his sword, and applied the flat of it to the British officer's face. The latter departed, saying that he "would hear from him." The intrepid colonel, however, heard no more of him. COLONEL MARINUS WILLET. Colonel Willet was one of the bravest, most vigilant, and enterprising officers of the New- York line. He was at Fort Stanwix when that post was invested by Colonel St. Leger, with a force of more than 2,500 regulars, tories, and Indians, on the 3d of August, 1777. On the 6th, he sallied out with a party from the fort, and bravely attacked the enemy, to favor the approach of General Herkimer with aid to the garrison. The latter was unfortunately defeated and slain. In a few days, Colonel Willet and another officer effected a march through the wilderness, to the German flats, to raise a force to succor the besieged fort, which, however, under the command of Colonel Peter Ganesvoort, held out against St. Leger, until a rapid march of General Arnold, with a strong force, and the consequent desertion of his Indians (who learned the fact of the approach of Arnold, when he was thirty miles distant), compelled him to»raise the seige and retreat to Canada, thus depriving Burgoyne of the support of 1,500 good troops. In the years 1780-81, Colonel Willet commanded Fort Rensselaer, on the western frontier. He was charged with the defence of the Mohawk river, and the western settle ments, where his prudence, foresight, and decision of character rendered important services. On the 25th of October, 1781, he defeated the enemy at the battle of Johnstown. He died at New- York, honored and respected, in August, 1830, aged ninety years. 340 MEMOIR OF In several letters of Generals Washington, Heath, Stark and others, contained in this volume, his services are highly complimented. The latter general, who in 1781 commanded the northern department, often in afte'r years spoke with approbation of the efficient support he received during his command from the gallant Colonel Willet. [Account of the Battle of Johnstown.] To Major Rowley. Fokt Rensselaer, 24th October, 1781, 1 9 o'clock, P. M. / Dear Sir — I am this moment informed by Mr. Lewis, of Correytown, that the enemy in considerable force passed through the lower part of that town about sunset, making toward the river. I am collecting all the forces in this quarter, and shall advance toward them as quickly as pos sible. As they are in your quarter, I have no doubt of your exertions in collecting as many of the men of your regiment as possible. I wish you to have them all collected in a body, without any loss of time. And as it is likely you may be somewhat acquainted with the particular route of the enemy, sooner than I shall, I wish you to take such a position as you may think best, and make me acquainted with it, together with the whole of your situ ation, and every information you can procure, as fast as possible. , • I am, sir, your obed't serv't, M. WILLET. P. S. I think it- will be best for you to forward this let ter to Schenectady as soon as possible, that the people be low may be acquainted with this intelligence, that such measures may be taken as the officer there commanding shall see fit. M. W. MARINUS WILLET. 341 To Lord Stirling. Schenectady, 26th October, 1781, 6 o'clock, P. M. '} My Lord— Last night, about 10 o'clock, I sent Mr. Van Ingen, a young gentleman who is my clerk, to Colonel Willet, in order to bring the particulars, who this moment returned. The colonel had no time to write. He has made a statement of what has happened, as near as he can recollect (he has been on the spot where the action was), which I herewith inclose. Colonel Wimp, with the greatest part of his regiment, and the Albany militia, with about thirty Indian warriors of the Oneidas, left this place in the morning for Colonel Willet. Colonel Schuyler's regiment went on this after noon. I look out for the ammunition, which will be for warded the moment it arrives. Please excuse my bad writing. I am in a great hurry. I am your Lordship's most obed't serv't, H. GLEN. Major Ross, commanding officer at Buck's island, with about 550 men, left that place in bateaux, and proceeded to Oneida lake, where they left their boats, some pro visions, and about twenty lame men to take care of them. They proceeded from thence by way of Cherry valley, to the Mohawk river, and made their first appearance at a place opposite Anthony's nose. They then proceeded to Warren bush, and in Its vicinity destroyed upward of twenty farm houses, "with out-houses containing large quantities of grain, and killed two persons. After this they crossed the Mohawk river at a ford about twenty miles above this place, and proceeded in order to Sir William's hall, where they arrived about a quarter of an hour before Colonel Willet and his detachment, who had crossed the river six miles higher, and marched, also, for the same place. Colonel Willet commenced an action with the British, which was much in his favor, when part of his troops, 342 MEMOIR OF who covered a field piece, gave way, which occasioned the loss of the piece and ammunition cart,* but which, a short time after, he bravely recovered. The enemy, however, had stripped the cart of all the ammunition. The eve ning coming on put an end to the action. Part of Colonel Willet's men, however, possessed the hall all night. The enemy retreated about six miles into the woods, where the last accounts, just now come in, leave them. About thirty British have been taken during the action and the morning before. The action commenced yesterday in the afternoon, and Colonel Willet went in pursuit this morning, with a force about equal to the enemy's. An account has also come to hand (although not official), that a party sent from Fort Herkimer took their boats and provisions. Seven of the enemy's dead and three of ours were found on the field of action this morning. Between thirty and forty were killed and wounded on both sides. 6 o'clock, P. M. For Major General Lord Stirling. This party of five hundred and fifty were so roughly handled by the intrepid Colonel Willet, that they returned to Canada with but two hundred men. Many perished in the wilderness of hunger, their boats and provisions having been cut off, and their retreat greatly harrassed. Colonel Walter Butler, notorious for his cruelties at Wyoming and Cherry valley, was slain. Colonel Willet had with him a party of Oneida Indians, who, he said, furnished the best cavalry for wood service. The enemy made a precipitate retreat, leaving behind their packs, blankets, &c, which were found strewn through the woods. Colonel Willet pursued them eight miles beyond Canada creek. Before his arrival there, he fell in with a party of forty, who had been left in the rear to procure provisions, whom he instantly dispersed. At the creek he came up with their rear, when an action com- * At this juncture Major Rowley, of Massachusetts, arrrived with a party of Colonel Willet's men, and attacked the enemy with great bravery. MARINUS WILLET. 343 menced, in which Walter Butler and a number of others fell. Butler attempted to escape by swimming the creek, but was fired at and wounded by an Oneida. He turned and called for quarter, but the Indian, throwing down his gun and blanket, dashed into the stream and soon came up with Butler, still earnestly begging for quarter. The Oneida answered, " Cherry valley," buried a tomahawk in his brain, took his scalp, and rejoined his party. In passing through the region of western New- York at this period, it was easy to ascertain, at a glance, who were whigs and who were disaffected (tories in all else but taking up arms), the houses and estates of the latter being respected by the marauders from Canada, while those of the former were plundered or destroyed. MAJOR CALEB STARK. On the 20th of August, 1758, Captain John Stark, of his Britannic majesty's corps of American rangers, while on a furlough from the army, was married to Elizabeth, daughter of Caleb Page, Esquire, who also held his majesty's commission as captain of provincial militia, and was one of the original grantees of " Starkstown," now known as Dunbarton, New-Hampshire. In the spring of 1759, his furlough having expired, and a new company having been enlisted, the hardy soldier returned to his post at Fort Edward, prepared to perform his part in the next campaign, which, under the vigorous direction of the Earl of Chatham, was destined to reduce Louisburg and Quebec, and open the way to the entire .conquest of Canada. His wife was left at home, with her father, one of the most prominent and wealthy pioneers of the settlement, under whose hospitable roof the subject of this notice was born, December 3, 1759, during the absence of his father. The' capitulation of Canada, in 1760, terminated the war in the north, and the provincial troops, returned to their homes. Soon after these events, there being no immediate pros pect of active service, Captain Stark resigned his commis sion in the army, and withdrew, with his wife, to his pa ternal acres, at Derryfield, now Manchester, New-Hamp shire. CALEB STARK. 345 The good Captain Page, entertaining a strong affection for the child who had been born under his roof, and had received his christian name, was desirous of retaining and adopting him. To this proposition his father made no objection, and he remained under the indulgent care of his maternal grand-father until the 16th of June, 1775.* The best works of the time were procured for his im provement, and he obtained a good education for that period. The two principal books were Fenning's Diction ary and Salmon's Historical Grammar, which are still pre served in the family. The tragedy enacted at Lexington, on the nineteenth of April, 1775, having aroused the martial spirit of New- England, Captain Stark abandoned his domestic occupa tions, and hasteued to the theatre of action, in the vicinity of Boston, followed by most of the old corps of " ran gers" who had served under his orders during the previ ous war, and others from the province, who were eager to prove their devotion to the cause of liberty. The daring acts of valor, which had so frequently dis tinguished the career of the veteran Stark, combined with his military experience and success, left him no competitor in the minds of his countrymen in arms, by whom he was unanimously elected colonel, and in a few hours a regi ment of nearly nine hundred men was enlisted for one year. These proceedings were soon known in the northern set tlements, and his son, then under sixteen years of age, whose memoir we are writing, made an earnest application to his grand-parent for permission to repair to the camp at Medford. The latter remonstrated with him, on account of his extreme youth, saying that although his father was familiar with scenes of strife and carnage, the camp was not a fit place for one of his years ; and there the matter for a short time rested. * This interest in the child of his adoption continued unabated until the close of his life ; and in the division of his large estate, his favorite grand son was assigned an equal portion with his own children. 23 346 MEMOIR OF Not, however, dissuaded by these representations, the young man resolved to go at all events ; and having secret ly collected his clothing in a valise, without the knowl edge of the family, and before day-light on the morning of June 16, 1775, he mounted a horse which had been given him by his grand-father, and with a musket on his shoulder, started for the American camp. After travelling a few miles he was joined by another horseman. The stranger was a tall, well-formed, fine looking person, wearing the undress uniform of a British officer. He inquired politely of our young adventurer who he was, and where he was going ; and upon being informed that he was proceeding to the camp at Medford, to join his father, Colonel Stark, the stranger said: "You are, then,' the son of my old comrade. Your father and I were fellow-soldiers for more than five years. I am travel ling in the same direction, and we will keep company." The stranger was the celebrated Major Robert Rogers, of "French war" notoriety. As they journeyed on, the major insisted on defraying all the road expenses, and toward evening took his leave, transmitting to his old associate in arms, Colonel Stark, a message, soliciting an interview at a tavern in Medford.* Upon the arrival of our youthful patriot at the regimental head quarters, his •father's first greeting was: "Well, son, what are you here for? ' You should have remained at home." The answer was: "I can handle a musket, and have come to try my fortune as a volunteer!" "Very well," said the colonel; and addressing Captain George Reid, he continued: " Take him to your quarters ; to-morrow may be a busy day. After that we will see what can be done with him." * We have reason to suppose that the object of Major Rogers' visit to America, in 1775, was to sound publio opinion and ascertain the rela tive strength of the opposing parties, to enable him, in the choice of ser vice, to make the best personal arrangement which circumstances would permit. At this interview, as we have been informed, Colonel Stark assured him that no proffers of rank ot wealth could induce him to abandon the cause of his oppressed country. " I have," he said, " taken up arms in her defence, and, God willing, I will never lay them down until she has become a free and independent nation." The veteran lived nearly forty years after this object of his most fervent wishes and labori ous toils in the field of honor had been accomplished. CALEB STARK. 347 The morrow, in truth, was a "busy day." A force, composed of detachments from the Massachusetts and Connecticut lines, under the command of Colonel William Prescott, moved, on the evening of the 16th of June, with instructions to fortify "Bunker's hill," but misap prehending their orders, proceeded about one mile farther, and commenced an intrenchment on "Breed's hill," a lesser eminence, which was commanded by the guns of the oppo site battery on Copp's hill, in Boston, as well as exposed to the fire of the ships of war at anchor in the harbor. At daylight, on the 17th, a furious cannonade opened upon the half-finished "redoubt," and soon after, in com pliance with an order from General Ward, two hundred men were detached by Colonel Stark to support the par ties employed on that rude field-work. Later in the day (about 2 P. M.), another order was received, directing him to march with his whole regiment, to oppose the enemy who were landing in great force at "Morton's point." As previously stated in the preceding pages, the New- Hampshire line, under Colonel Stark, formed the left wing of the American force on this ever memorable occa sion, and gallantly repelled the reiterated attacks of some of the choicest battalions of the British light infantry. Our young "volunteer" proceeded, with the company under Captain George Reid (to whose care he had been so summarily assigned hy his father the previous evening), to the position occupied by the regiment at the rail-fence, extending from the redoubt to the beach of Mystic river, where an opportunity was soon afforded for testing the skill and facility with which he could " handle a musket" in his country's cause. Side by side with some of the veteran rangers of the "old French war," he stood at his post on that eventful afternoon ; and when their ammu nition was nearly, expended, and the occupation of the redoubt by the British-marines and grenadiers had decided the fate of the day, he returned unharmed* to Winter hill, where the regiment was subsequently intrenched. * During the action a man was killed at his side, and it was reported to his father that he had fallen. 348 MEMOIR OF On this pleasant eminence, a few miles from the city, were located the handsome residences of several wealthy loyalists, whose opinions having rendered them obnoxious1 to the American party, on the •commencement of hostili ties, had abandoned their dwellings, and taken refuge in Boston. Among them was a gentleman named " Royal," who, on retiring to the city, had left his lady, with a family of beautiful and accomplished daughters, in possession of his abode. The mansion being conveniently situated for his ".headquarters," Colonel Stark called upon the family, and proposed, if agreeable to them, his occupancy of a few rooms for that purpose ; to which Madame Royal most cheerfully assented, being well aware that the presence of an officer of his rank would afford her family and premises the best protection against any possible insult or encroach ment, not only from those under his immediate command, but also from other detachments of the patriot forces. His proposal was made, not with the tone of authority, but rather as the request of a private individual ; and it is almost unnecessary to add, that during the intercourse which ensued, the family were always treated by Colonel Stark and his officers with the utmost consideration and respect. During the remainder of this campaign our young soldier was acquiring, as a cadet in Captain Reid's com pany, the principles and practice of the military discipline of the day ; and, when not actually engaged with his new duties, many of his leisure hours were naturally passed at the "headquarters" of his father, where his association with the refined and well educated ladies of the house could not but exert, at his age, the most favorable influ ence over the formation of his habits and manners. And when referring, iu after years, to this period of his life, the subject of this memoir has frequently acknowledged the advantages derived from the intercourse it was then his privilege to hold with this amiable and interesting family. On the re-organization of the army, early in the succeed ing year (1776), young Stark received his first commission CALEB STARK. 349 as " ensign" in Captain George Reid's company, and pro ceeded with the regiment, which constituted a portion of Sullivan's brigade, to New- York, and thence, in May, to Canada, where our New-Hampshire troops, under that able and resolute general, rendered important service in checking the advance of Sir Guy Carleton, and covering the retreat of the forces which had invaded that province the preceding season under Montgomery and Arnold. The retrogade movement of the army, always dis couraging to the young soldier, was rendered more so on this occasion by the accompaniment of a dangerous and loathsome malady, the small-pox, which, as innoculation was not in general use in those days, rapidly spread among the officers and men, converting the camp into a vast hos pital. Among the victims of this contagious disease was the adjutant of the first New-Hampshire regiment, who died at Chimney point, in July. And Ensign Stark, who had been previously performing, during a portion of the campaign, the duties of quarter master, although then under seventeen years of age, was deemed qualified to succeed to the vacancy, being already distinguished for his energy of character and promptness of action, as well as for the proficiency attained in all the details of military discipline and duty. Promotion to the grade of lieutenant accompanied this appointment. After the retirement of Sir Guy Carleton to winter quarters in Canada, the regiment, with others from the northern department, marched to reinforce the dispirited remnant of the main army, under General Washington, in Pennsylvania. Cheerfully sharing all the hardships and privations which were endured by the army, at this gloomiest, period of our revolutionary struggle, Adjutant Stark was also an active participator in the brilliant opera tions at Trenton and Princeton, with which the campaign was so successfully closed in New-Jersey. In January, 1777, the army being cantoned on the high lands about Morristown, the first New-Hampshire regi ment was dismissed, the term of enlistment of th3 men 350 MEMOIR OF having expired. In company with his father, young Stark was now enabled to revisit his native State, where the next few months were employed cooperating with the other officers of the regiment in raising recruits for the ensuing-campaign. Several junior officers having been promoted to the rank of "brigadier," over the heads of some of the veteran colonels of the army, Colonel Stark could not, consist ently with a decent self-respect, continue to retain a commission which compelled him to serve under officers of less experience than his own. On his resignation, the command of the regiment was assigned to Colonel Joseph Cilley, an officer of undoubted courage and firmness, in every respect qualified to succeed him ; and Lieutenant Stark, having been re-appointed adjutant, repaired with the troops to Ticonderoga, in the spring of 1777. Those who are conversant with military affairs will readily appreciate the important bearing of the adjutant's duties on the discipline and efficiency of the regiment. It is no disparagement to the individual courage and con- •duct of the officers and men composing the same, to remark that the steadiness and precision with which all the evolutions of this regiment were performed, when in the presence of the enemy on various occasions during this campaign, afforded satisfactory evidence of the faith fulness with which the duties of his office were discharged by the subject of this memoir. After the evacuation of Ticonderoga, and the retreat of the American army to the North river, General Schuyler was superseded in the command of the northern depart ment by General Gates. Young Stark happened to be present on duty at the head quarters of that- general,* * While General Gates was rejoicing at the 'reception of tidings announcing the first success in the north, an aid-de-camp mentioned to him that a son of General Stark was awaiting, an interview, with a mes sage from Colonel Cilley. " Is he ?" said Gates ; "callhimin." When he appeared, the general said: "I am glad to see you, my boy. Your father has opened the way for us nobly. In less than two months we shall capture Burgoyne's army. Don 't you wish to see your father ? " The adjutant replied, that "if his regimental duties would permit, he should CALEB STARK. 251 when the intelligence of the Bennington success was received by express, and being permitted to accompany a small party sent to open a communication with General Stark, he was soon enabled to congratulate his father per sonally on that brilliant achievement; and, after a few days' absence, rejoined.his regiment, which was the first to come into action on the 19th of September. In the action of October 7, 1777, he was wounded in the left arm. Soon after the capitulation of Saratoga, General Stark, having received from Congress the commission of brigadier general, which had been justly due to him the year previous, selected his son for his aid-de-camp. Dur ing the years 1778 and 1781 he discharged the duties of aid-de-camp, brigade major, and adjutant general of the northern department, then commanded by General Stark. He was a good writer for one of his years, and from the period of his appointment as aid-de-camp, wrote the let ters of the general's official correspondence. In the cam paign in Rhode-Island, in 1779, he acted as aid-de-camp to his father, in which capacity he was present at the battle Of Springfield, in 1780. After the close of the revolutionary war, his attention was directed to mercantile pursuits : first at Haverhill, Mass., and afterward at Dunbarton, N. H. He was for a time concerned in navigation, and owned several vessels. be glad to visit him." "I will find an officer," said Gates, "to perform your duties, and you may go with the party I shall dispatch to Bennington, and convey a message from me to your father. I want the artillery he has taken for the brush I soon expect to have with Burgoyne." He pro ceeded with the party. The houses along their route were deserted by their owners, but abounded in materials for good cheer. Prom the resi dences of fugitive tories they obtained ample supplies for themselves and horses during their march. After the surrender, he accompanied General Stark on a visit to General Gates, and at his head quarters was introduced to all the British officers of rank who were there assembled as the guests of the American general- in-chief- of the northern army. He said that Major Ackland and General Burgoyne were, in personal appearance, two of the best proportioned and handsomest men, of their age, he had ever seen. General Burgoyne held a long conversation with General Stark, apart from the other company, on the subject of the French wat, of which the former then stated that he intended to write a history. 352 MEMOIR OF In 1805-6, he became an importing merchant at Boston, in the English and East-India trade. In the course of his commercial transactions he visited the West-Indies in 1798, and Great Britain in 1810, where he spent a year making purchases for himself and other merchants of Boston. While in England he travelled through a large portion of the kingdom, and his observations furnished an interesting journal. He also kept a journal during his residence in the West-Indies. After the declaration of war, in 1812, he closed his mer cantile affairs at Boston, and purchased an establishment which a company had commenced at Pembroke, N. H., which he furnished with machinery for manufacturing cotton. To this he devoted his attention until 1830, when, having disposed of his interest in the concern, he pro ceeded to Ohio to prosecute his family's claims to lands granted for military services, which, in 1837, after a vex atious course of law- suits, were recovered. He died upon his estate in Oxford township, Tuscarawas county, Ohio, August 26, 1838, aged 78 years, 8 months and 23 days. In 1787 he married Sarah, daughter of Dr. William McKinstry, formerly of Taunton, Mass., (who was, in 1776, appointed surgeon general of the British hospitals at Boston). She died September 11, 1839, aged 72. Of their eleven children (five sons and six daughters), five are now living. Major Stark's remains lie in his family cem etery at Dunbarton. His monument bears the following inscription : IN MEMORY OF MAJOR CALEB STARK, ELDEST SON OF MAJOR GENERAL JOHN STARK, Under whose command he served his country in the war of American Independence. He entered the army at the age of 16, as qua»ter master of 1st N. H. Regiment ; was afterward adjutant of the same, and sub sequently brigade major and aid-de-camp to General Stark. He was present at the battle of Bunker's hill, in 1775 ; at Trenton, in 1776 ; at Princeton, and in the actions of September 19th, and October 7lh, 1777, which immediately preceded the surrender of Burgoyne. Born December 3, 1759: Died August 26, 1838. CALEB STARK. 353 In person, Major Stark was rather above the middle height, of a slight, but muscular frame, with strong fea tures, deep-set, keen, blue eyes, and a prominent forehead. He much resembled his father in personal appearance. His characteristics were indomitable courage and perse verance, united with coolness and self-possession, which never deserted him on any emergency.* He was the youngest survivor of the action who appear ed to witness the ceremony of laying the corner stone of the Bunker hill monument, by the Marquis la Eayette, by whom he was recognized at once as a fellow-soldier. Dur ing his tour to New-Hampshire, the illustrious guest of the nation and his suite were entertained at his mansion in Pembroke. Major Stark was one of the twelve revolutionary vete rans who stood by General Jackson, at the ceremony of his first inauguration as President of the United States, and was personally acquainted with all the presidents, from General Washington to General Harrison, inclusive. [Copied from an Ohio paper of August 31, 1838.] " Patriot Departed. Died, on Sunday evening last, at his residence near New-Comerstown, in this county, Major Caleb Stark, of New-Hampshire. Though confident that on this occasion ample justice can not be done to the memory of Major Stark, yet entire silence on the subject would not be tolerated by that portion of the community who know his public services, and his worth. * When the pension act of 1820-21 was passed, Major Stark (as former brigade major) being personally known to all the officers and most of the soldiers of the New- Hampshire line, his testimony secured pensions to all whose cases he represented at the war department. Most of the veteran applicants who sought his assistance had some rem iniscence of their military days to relate. One of them, Captain Daniel Moore, spoke of the sinking of a flat-boat in the middle of the North river, in which himself, Major S., their horses, and the oarsman were the only passerigers. "While I was considering," said the captain, "what excuse I should make to the general for losing his boy, the boy's presence of mind and activity effected arrangements which enabled us all, with the horses, to reach the shore in safety, although in a well-soaked condition." 354 MEMOIR OF "He was the son of General Stark, of New-Hampshire, the hero of Bennington. At the age of fifteen he entered the army of the revolution, and commenced his career at the battle of Bunker's hill, as a volunteer in his father's regiment. He remained in service until the , close of the war, which found him a brigade major. In the engage ments which resulted in the surrender of General Bur goyne, he was adjutant of the regiment commanded by the brave Colonel Cilley, grand-father of him who fell in the duel last winter at Washington. " At the close of the war he retired to private life. He afterward was extensively engaged as an importing mer chant at Boston, and subsequently as a manufacturer of cottons at Pembroke, N. H. He owned and cultivated a large farm, and contributed the results of many agricul tural experiments to the public journals. " He possessed a highly cultivated and active mind, for the improvement of which he suffered no opportunity to pass neglected. " His memory was strong, and his stores of information, derived from travel or extensive reading, were ever at command. He had the reputation of being one of the best military critics of the nation ; and was often con sulted, especially during the war of 1812, when our army had but few experienced officers. " He came to Ohio to prosecute the claims of his family to lands granted to General Stark for military services, in whichj after a tedious litigation, he was successful. It was his intention, after he had succeeded in recovering this valuable estate, to have returned to his family in New- Hampshire, but sudden indisposition and death prevented its being carried out. " Major Stark, in all his acts and movements, exhibited the prompt decision and energy of" the soldier. Indeed, his whole course appeared to be influenced by the habits acquired while fighting the battles of freedom in the war of the revolution. At the season of life when habits are generally formed, his education was acquired in the tented CALEB STARK. 355 field, in the laborious marches, counter-marches and pri vations of that fearful struggle, devoting his moments of leisure to useful study ; and, in his duties abroad, pressing forward with indomitable resolution and confidence in himself. " From the effects of this habitual perseverance resulted, as is supposed, the immediate cause of his death. He had attended court at New-Philadelphia on the 16th of August ; and on the 17th, which was a very warm day, rode a hard travelling horse from Dover to his residence, twenty-three miles, in three hours ! On the following week he was attacked with a disease in the head, and suspension of his faculties, which, with some intermis sions, continued until his death, on Sunday evening last, at the age of 78 years, 8 months and 23 days." The subject of the following article, from the pen of Major Stark, has long since been dismissed from public attention, by the adjustment of American claims against France. As it contains the sentiments of an old soldier, of strong mind, as well as an attentive observer of all public events from the commencement of the revolution until his decease, in 1838, it may perhaps be interesting to many yet living, who remember the veteran writer. [Copied from the Tuscarawas (Ohio) Advocate, of March 31, 1835.] " Mr. Douglass. If you think the following desultory remarks will be either instructive or amusing to the pub lic, you may publish them, unless they are in the way of more interesting matter. A considerable portion of the historical facts are from memory, many of which I have never seen published ; but I can say as Virgil makes ./Eneas say : " Many of them I saw, and part of them I was." 356 CALEB STARK. FRENCH SPOLIATIONS. This knotty question has called forth the maledictions of the president against the French nation. The matter has now reached a crisis at which every real American should pause and consider. Let them take a retrospective view of our own history, and see how far we have observed good faith, national honor, and integrity, as well with our own citizens, as with other nations and individuals, who patronized us in the heart-rending strug gles which were endured when this country was conquered from Great Britain. To illustrate these intricate subjects,, it is necessary to treat of them under separate heads. I will commence with the French relations. Early in the revolution, it was considered an object of the first importance to engage, if possible, the French in our cause. Mr. Silas Deane, and other agentfe, were sent to France to feel the pulse of the king and nation upon the subject. The French court, smarting under their losses and morti fications incurred in the "seven years war," observed a cautious indifference. They neither acknowledged the agents nor directed them to- leave the kingdom. It was not so with individuals, among whom was M. Beaumarchais, who, on his own account and credit, fur nished the United States with twenty thousand stand of arms, and one thousand barrels of powder, of one hun dred pounds weight each. These were immediately hur ried off to America. Ten thousand of the muskets were landed at Portsmouth, (N. H.), and the remainder in some southern State. With those landed at Portsmouth, the army stationed at Ticonderoga, for the defence of the northern frontier, was immediately equipped, and great exertions made by the officers to instruct the soldiers in their use. We will pass over the disastrous retreat from Ticon deroga, during which, although the American army lost FRENCH SPOLIATIONS. 357 their cannon, and most of their baggage, they preserved these precious arms, and reached North river with incon siderable loss. There the same indefatigable exertions were continued in disciplining the troops for ulterior action. The first opportunity of testing the qualities of the new French muskets occurred September 19, 1777, when the Americans left their lines and advanced, without trepida tion, to meet the veterans of Britain in the open field. The result of »that day belongs to history. The two armies, after this action, lay in their intrenched camps (reserved rights) until the 7th of October, when both armies simultaneously quitted their camps and met in deadly contact on the vacant ground between their lines. On that all important day the Beaumarchais arms, fol lowed by their yankee comrades, after forcing the enemy from the field with great slaughter, leaped boldly into his camp, drove his forces from part of it, capturing a portion of his artillery, and discomfiting his whole army. Ten days afterward that army were prisoners of war, and the corner stone of independence so firmly placed that it could not be shaken or removed. The treaty of 1783 confirmed its foundation. I firmly believe that unless these arms had been thus timely furnished to the Americans, Burgoyne would have made an easy march to Albany. These same arms, under the direction of the brave and impetuous Colonel Cilley, arrested the British advance at Monmouth, and performed many other notable feats in the course of the war. What then ? My pen almost refuses to record the fact that these arms have never been paid for to this day ! When the war was ended, application was made to Congress for payment, which was refused on the frivolous pretext that they were a "present from the French king." Judge Marshall was employed to press the payment, but his efforts were unsuccessful. The claim was referred to the United States attorney general, who reported in substance that he could find no evidence of their ever 358 CALEB STARK. having been paid for, or that they were presented as a "gift" by the court of France. Congress, skulking behind their sovereignty, still refused payment. Fifty-eight years have rolled away since the arms were delivered, and forty-eight since the constitution was formed ; and, during the latter period, our eyes and ears have been charmed by our presidents and governors, by incessant reiterations, in their annual messages and speeches, of the national health, wealth and unparalleled prosperity. Yet, the cries of Beaumarchajs' heirs (by the French revolution reduced to poverty) have not been heeded ! Supposing the most favorable plea of Congress to be true, that there was an underhanded connivance by France to furnish the arms, inasmuch as the king had thought proper to deny it, is it just or magnanimous for the United States to refuse payment ? Suppose the arms were clearly "a gift," bestowed on us in our poverty, ought not a high- minded people to restore the value of that "gift," with ten fold interest, when their benevolent friend has become poor, and they have waxed wealthy and strong ? To enumerate the aid we received from France during the revolution, her various gifts, loans, troops furnished, battles fought and severe losses incurred in our behalf, is the work of history ; but an honorable remuneration from our government, and a grateful remembrance from every true American, are due to the French nation. Who has forgotten that by the treaty of 1788 we guar anteed the French West-India possessions ? Who has forgotten the proclamation of neutrality crowded upon General Washington by the British faction about him, when the "practice" of neutrality might have answered equally as well, without proclaiming to the world that we had so shortly forgotten our obligations, and, were willing to let them know that we hold treaties in contempt, when transient circumstances caused them to operate against our temporary interests ? FRENCH SPOLIATIONS. 359 By the treaty of 1783 it was mutually stipulated that no laws should be enacted to interrupt the collection of debts due to the citizens of either of the contracting par ties. Great Britain complied, on her part, with the treaty, while in some of the States stop-laws were passed, and the doors of justice closed against British claimants. The English, in consequence, refused to deliver up the frontier posts they held within the United States, which nieasure cost us two or three Iudian wars, and the posts were still retained. It was not until after the treaty of Pilnitz, formed by Great Britain and her allies to put down the revolution ary rebels of France, and the consequent invasion of their territory by a Prussian army, that France was supposed to be irretrievably ruined, and the epoch arrived to sweep republicanism from the earth, that the November order was issued by the British cabinet as a step preparatory for that important event, and Mr. Jay was dispatched to England to form a treaty. In the interim, France had aroused from her slumbers. Her gigantic energies had driven the invaders with ruin and disgrace from her soil, and followed them to their lair. Her masses had become the invaders in their turn ! This unexpected turn of affairs rendered the 'British government more pliable. They graciously gave us a treaty, by which we might navigate the West-India seas with vessels of seventy tons burthen, and pay the. debts of those States who had violated the treaty of 1783 by their stop-laws. These terms being agreed upon, the parties opened an account current. The British surrendered the posts, and agreed to pay for all illegal captures ; which terms, at maturity, were complied with by both parties. Even in this matter we were the aggressors, and suf fered severely for violating the treaty. The United States were compelled to pay the damages for the refractory por tion of the States who had arrested the course of justice by refusing to pay their debts according to treaty and moral obligation. 360 CALEB STARK. How far the license trade was countenanced, it is now difficult to determine ; but during the wise experiments of the " embargo" and " non-intercourse," to starve Great Britain into compliance by withholding tobacco from her voracious appetite, licences we're very common, very easily procured, and probably the cause of many seizures. We will now try the honor and good faith of the United States on another tack. How have they fulfilled their contract with the soldiers of the revolution ? When it was necessary to continue the army in 1776, Congress, by a resolve of September 16, promised the soldier, in addition to his pay, one hundred acres of land in case they would join the officers and conquer the country. They closed with these terms, and by unparalleled suffer ings, exertions, and consummate bravery, in eight years cleared the country of its enemies, leaving the United States government in quiet possession of our immense public domain. Two years after the peace, May 20, 1785, resolves were passed for furnishing the soldiers the prom ised lands ; but especial care was taken" to saddle the law with a supplement, requiring the lands to be located in plats of six miles square, so that if two hundred and thirty soldiers could not be collected, and induced to combine in the location, they could not obtain their land. But Congress, farther to exhibit their love of justice and honor, enacted a law that the soldier might assign his right to the honorable fraternity of speculators, many of whom were members of the honorable Congress. After the first harvest had been gathered, a considerable number of lots still remained ; and it became necessary to enact the law of 1796, reducing locations to five miles square, and permitting lands to be located in quarter townships, so that forty soldiers, uniting, might locate. At the same time, in order to hurry the business, a statute of limitation was added, fixing upon the first day of Jan uary, 1800, for the outlawry of the claims. This most "just and salutary" enactment brought many of the claims to the speculators' shops. FEENCH SPOLIATIONS. 361 The first and second lot of dealers became pretty well gorged, when Congress passed the act of March 1, 1800, confining locations to the original owners, to be transferred according to the laws for the conveyance of real estate. These matters clearly exhibit the spirit of justice and national equity in those early days of liberty and equality. It may be remembered that although the soldier was promised pay at the rate of $6.66f per month, even of that sum but a small portion was ever paid. When the war was over, a certificate was handed to the soldier, showing the amount due to him as arrears for past services, with a furlough, and the magnanimous present of his gun and bayonet. With these resources he was turned adrift to wend his way home, distant perhaps from fifty to seven hundred miles ; and this was his treatment, after conquering for his country millions of acres, secured to that country by his privations, faithfulness, courage and wounds in the public service. These papers, in process of time, were embraced in the funding system, but not until the largest portion of them had been swallowed by hawkers and speculators in and out of Congress, at the rate of 80 and 90 per cent, discount. Those owners who had not parted with their certificates, fondly expected that their principal and interest would be funded at par value. But no ! A magnanimous Congress placed the speculator, who had purchased the papers at two shillings and sixpence on the pound, on a par with the soldier who, for a nominal value of six dollars, sixty- six cents and two-thirds of a cent per month, actually received but eighty-three cents per month for his priva tions, wounds and hardships actually endured in the public service. When those flimsy papers, called "Pierce's notes," were generally disposed of, a new dish had to be prepared to glut the hungry maw of the buzzards. The soldier's land was the next bill of fare, and this new field of operation was eagerly entered. Several members of Congress, with the aid of smaller outside fry, were engaged to obtain 24 362 CALEB STARK. ex post facto laws to carry on the operations. The acts of 1785 and 1796 effectually answered the purpose of reducing the soldier's claim from the government price — say from two dollars to twenty and ten cents per acre — and opened such a field for forgery, fraud and chicanery, that many of the soldiers lost' the whole. Indeed, if this honorable tribe found the land, they experienced very little trouble in making out the title ; and, if made out of whole cloth, not one soldier iu a thousand could find out the fraud, and not one in ten thousand carry a suit to the expensive tribu nals of the United States^ if it was discovered.* We will now look back to the year 1779: Every Amer ican should be familiar with the account of the destruction of that beautiful settlement on the Susquehannah, called Wyoming, and the horrible massacre which ensued. Con gress resolved to send an expedition against the Six Nations, to revenge the inhuman murders and savage devastations committed during their expedition to Wyoming. General Sullivan was appointed to the command. Pro visions and military stores were also forwarded to sustain the army. As the march was through an unexplored wil derness, unforeseen obstructions and impediments were found in their way ; and before the troops could reach the enemy, their provisions were so far exhausted as to require * a speedy return, or a reduction of rations to half allow ance. An order of General Sullivan made the proposition in regard to half allowance, forcibly exhorting the army to accept, with a condition that Congress should pay for the deficiency. The army accepted the terms — pressed on, found, and totally defeated the enemy ; pursued him to his den, rav aged his corn fields, destroyed his villages, and returned completely victorious. So effectually was the chastisement * Having been engaged in prosecuting the claims of his family to mili tary lands, from the year 1826 until their recovery in 1837, the writer had an opportunity of examining all the proceedings of Congress, and of spec ulators in regard to soldiers' lands. FRENCH SPOLIATIONS. 363 inflicted, that the States suffered no more from the maraud ing expeditions of these tribes during the war. For this signal service, I anticipate the reader's, expec tations — votes of thanks, medals, swords, &c, and a lib eral payment of the detained allowance. I wish I could stop here ; but justice forbids the concealment of the true but shameful fact, that Congress even refused to pay for the " half rations." General Sullivan considered his honor insulted by the refusal, and resigned his commis sion. Thus, by a flagrant act of injustice, the nation was deprived of the skill, bravery and intelligence of one of the most accomplished officers of the army. The above episode affords one specimen of the manner in which the United States Government has treated her military servants. But to return to our obligations to France. No sooner had that nation recognized our independence, on the 6th of February, 1778, than instant preparations were made to render absolute assistance. Early in the summer, Count de Estainge arrived on our coast with twelve line-of-battle- ships, six frigates, and four thousand troops to aid our cause. In the attempt on Newport one ship of the line was lost, and the fleet very much shattered by the August storm. Not discouraged in well doing, more French troops arrived, and powerful fleets constantly hovered upon our coast, ready to render assistance (ever attended with great danger, loss and expense), until, to cap the climax, the French fleet and army united with our own force, reduced Cornwallis, and ended the active war upon the continent. As peace had not yet been agreed upon, to divert the British forces from New-York, Count de Grasse, with the flower of the French fleet, and a suitable land force, sailed for Jamaica, expecting to be joined by the Havana fleet. While pursuing his course, he was interrupted off the island of Dominica by Admiral Rodney, and his fleet nearly annihilated. So decisive was this naval engage- 364 CALEB STARK. ment, that France was unable to appear upon the ocean again in any force during the war ; indeed, Lord Howe's victory of August, 1794, may fairly be ascribed to the result of that battle, fought at our desire, and to secure our independence. The expense of that war was as much, if not more, to France than to the United States ; and if the latter had only paid the purchasers of soldiers' tickets, " quantum meruit," it would probably have been five times as much as it cost the United States. It is a matter of historical truth that the expenses incur red in this war by France, bankrupted the nation, and hurried on the terrible events which convulsed the world from the commencement of the French Be volution until the battle of Waterloo. During all this period of distress and disaster, the Americans were ehuckling in their sleeves, and wafting the treasures of the old world to embellish the half-fledged cities of the new world. Gratitude is a virtue often spoken of with apparent sin cerity, but not so frequently exhibited in practice. It is a notorious fact that the people of the United States were jointly and severally rebels, from the 19th of April, 1775, until the national recognition in 1783. Of course they were guilty of treason, and liable to forfeiture of life and estate, according to the well known law of nations. Now, then, who protected them from the rigor of that law ? Is it presumption to say, in answer — their soldiers ? How often was it said in conversation, in those days of trial, " if we can only get our liberties secured, we will willingly give all our personal property and half of our farms." This was the language when the soldier was in the field. The king of England had pronounced them rebels. The soldiers declared them to be freemen. They wiped away the stigma of rebellion and nullified the treason. " Treason never prospers — what is the reason ? When it does, none dare call it treason." FRENCH SPOLIATIONS. 365 The soldiers redeemed the farms, received very little personal property, generously allowed the owners to retain their lands, and added uncounted millions to the national domain, to whieh no individual had any pretence of title or claim until gained by the soldiers, by right of conquest, from a declared enemy. While the whole was in jeop ardy, the people generously promised them one hundred acres eaeh (it being understood that they must conquer it). Conquer it they did — what then ? Why, they quietly laid down their arms, trusting to the magnanimity and justice of their country for that petty pittance of one hun dred acres to each soldier. And how was that paid ? An swer — Congress, two or three years after the peace, over flowing with gratitude, liberality and justice, passed a law to locate their lands in six- mile square townships, and soon afterward in five-mile square townships, as before men tioned. If the people should ever look back upon those laws, they would doubtless agree that they ought to be headed acts of abomination, to defraud the soldiers of the revolu tion of their promised lands, for conquering the boundless regions which compose the geographical chart of the United States. • This was the manner in which Congress paid their sol diers. Their fame, their bravery, their privations and patriotism have been proclaimed to the world in both hemispheres ; and this is their reward from an high minded and honorable republic. The same republic is now about to buckle on her armor,, and engage in a war with her old patron fpv a paltry debt of five millions. . In looking over the report of the Senate, we see a tem perate, long-winded address, a la mode le Senate ; while the more chivalrous spirits of the House, as their " ultima ratio," say that the United States will sustain at all haz ards the faithful performance of the stipulations of the treaty with France ; that is, as much as to say, " pay us, or abide the consequences." 366 CALEB STARK. If this laconic paragraph does not give France a fit of the ague, that nation must possess strong nerves and robust bodies. These historical facts ought to be kept in view, in order to direct our moral obligations and duties ; and we ought occasionally to look over a worm eaten authority, seldom used eby statesmen excepting upon the eve of elections, which, as nearly as I remember, is, " cast the beam out of thine own eye, and thou wilt see more clearly to pluck the mote out of thy neighbor's eye." Americus Vespttcius. - To the Hon. Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled : Respectfully petitions Caleb Stark, and gives your hon ors to understand that he served in the army of the revo lution during the whole of that glorious war: viz., in 1775, as a cadet to learn the active principles of the then mili tary discipline and evolutions, and was present at the ever memorable battle of Bunker's hill. On the new organization of the army, in 1776, he received the appointment of- ensign in Captain George Reid's company in Col. John Stark's regiment, and ¦ advanced into Canada, when Gen. Sullivan was ordered to sustain the retreating army from before Quebec. In July, the adjutant died of small-pox at Chimney Point, and he succeeded to the offices of lieutenant and adjutant of the regiment, and proceeded to ]J^ount Independence, where the campaign was closed in that department. Qn the retreat of the British army [to winter quarters], the regiment was ordered to join General Washington in Pennsylvania. Soon after their arrival, they were ordered to enter New-Jersey, and on the morning following wit nessed the capture of the Hessians at Trenton. The reg iment was dismissed in January, 1777, their term of enlistment having expired, and the officers returned to PETITION TO CONGRESS. 367 prepare new recruits for the next campaign. In the new organization, your petitioner was continued in the same rank, and on the opening of spring repaired to the ren dezvous at Ticonderoga, in the regiment of Col. Joseph Cilley, where he continued until the retreat of the army in July, and proceeded with the regiment to the sprouts of the Mohawk, where they joined Gen. Gates, the new commander, and soon afterward took up the line of march to meet the enemy. He was found at Behmus' heights and Stillwater ; and your petitioner performed the duties of adjutant in the action of September 19th, and that of October 7th. In the last action he was sO severely wounded as to be disqualified to perform the difficult duties of his office. Colonel Stark having been appointed a general officer, requested your petitioner to accept the office of brigade major to his brigade. Peculiar circumstances, not neces sary to be explained, induced him to accept the appoint ment, and he repaired to New-Hampshire to prepare for the next campaign. In the early part of 1778 General Stark was ordered to fake command of the northern department, and fix his head quarters at Albany. It devolved on your petitioner to perform not only the duties of brigade major but those Of adjutant general to that extensive command. At the close of the campaign, orders were received to join Gen eral Gate? at Providence [R. I.], who charged General Stark with the command from East-Greenwich to Tower Hill. The same duties devolved upon your petitioner as at Albany. About mid-winter General Gates, by command of General Washington, ordered General Stark to repair to Massachusetts and New-Hampshire to forward the recruiting service, in which your petitioner performed the practical duties. He repaired early in the spring [1779] to Providence, with General Stark, and was commanded to join General Cornell, to examine and make remarks on all the points 368 CALEB STARK. liable to attack from Point Judith to Tiverton. About the time this new duty was in progress, by a new regula tion of Congress, the duty of brigade major was ordered to be performed by a major- of the line, and my office devolved upon Major Bradford, of the Rhode-Island troops. It was my intention to have retired ; but, by the desire of General Stark,- backed by General Gates, I consented to the appointment of aid-de-camp to General Stark, and in that capacity passed the campaign. In the same capacity I joined General Washington at M'orristown, in 1780, and was present at the battle of Springfield, and also engaged in the great foraging party from West-Point in October following, to mask General Washington's plan of surpri sing Staten Island. , In 1781, General Stark being again ordered to assume the command of the northern department, your petitioner was called on to perform the same duties which he had discharged at Albany in 1778, and passed the campaign at Saratoga, where he continued until after the reduction of Lord Cornwallis, when General Stark was ordered to leave a small garrison at Saratoga, and prepare for the campaign of 1782. That year passing without any active service, I pass without further notice ; but by command of General Washington I joined the army at Newburg, April 10th, 1783. The preliminaries of peace suspending military opera tions, I returned home on the separation of the army. During all this period, from the close of 1775, 1 received pay rations and forage as an ensign and lieutenant ; from July, 1776, as an adjutant; and from October, 1777, nomi nally as a major; but was occasionally obliged to draw considerable sums from my patrimonial property to sup ply my extra expenses, in consequence of the 'depreciation of paper money, and have .received neither half pay, commutation, nor land. It may appear remarkable that I have not called before. The fact is, I never saw the several laws that gave me a PETITION TO CONGRESS. 369 claim until the present season, nor ever heard of them till 1824. I supposed I was precluded by leaving the line. I now perceive a vast train of special acts in favor of the army from September 16th, 1776, to the concluding com pliment made to the illustrious la Fayette in 1825. In corroboration of the above facts, you have the depo sitions and certificates numbered 1, 2 and 3. It will now rest with Congress to determine whether I shall perhaps be the only officer in the State not allowed to profit by the public arrangements for the labors of eight dangerous and difficult campaigns. CALEB STARK. DEPOSITION.— No. 1. I, Caleb Stark, brigade major, and aid-de-camp to the late Gen. John Stark in the revolutionary war, do testify and declare that I never received any allowance, as half-pay, or commutation, or land, for my revolutionary services, other than is described in the petition accompa nying this affidavit, nor ever applied for the same. I farther declare that I never heard of the several resolu tions of Congress in favor of officers of my standing until 1824, and never saw them until the present season. CALEB STARK. DEPOSITION.— No. 2. To whom it may concern. I certify that I have been acquainted with Major Caleb Stark ever since the year 1775 ; and know that he served in the New-Hampshire line, as adjutant to Col. Cilley's regiment, in the years 1776 and 1777 ; and that he was wounded in the battle of October 7th, at Stillwater, in 1777 ; and that he served as brigade major and aid-de-camp to the late Gen. John Stark during the remainder of the revolutionary war. HENRY DEARBORN, Maj. Gen. U. S. Army. 370 CALEB STARK. DEPOSITION.— No. 3. I, Robert B. Wilkins, lieutenant in the New-Hampshire line, in the revolutionary army, do testify and declare that I knew Major Caleb Stark as early as 1775, when he served on Winter hill, and afterward as lieutenant and adjutant to the close of the northern campaign, and reduction Of Burgoyne ; that he was wounded at the battle of the 7th of October, at Behmus' heights ; and that he afterward served as bi'igade major and aid-de-camp to Gen, Stark to the end of the war. ROBERT B. WILKINS. In 1828 the petitioner obtained, by a special act of Con gress, his land and commutation (or five years' full pay), but without interest ; and by the pension act of 1828, full pay for life. To Hon. Samuel Bell, United States Senate. Pembroke, 29th November, 1825. My Dear Sir — Inclosed you have my petition to Con gress, with such evidence as I suppose will prove sufficient to establish my claim. Should farther testimony be deemed necessary, I can produe most of the New-England officers now living, as well as all the surviving officers of the State of New- York, of which, I presume, there will be no necessity. I spoke to your colleague, Hon. Mr. Woodbury, who promised me his influence. I must request you also to make my case known* to the several gentlemen of our del egation, that they may be enabled to render you assistance in case it should meet with opposition. You will find in the inclosed paper a great variety of cases similar to mine, that have been provided for. I have perused the laws cursorily, through four volumes of the digest, but could not find a regular file in the State library subsequent to that publication. I intended to PETITION TO CONGRESS. 371 have seen you before your departure, but was detained at Boston longer than I expected. If, after examining the papers, any deficiency appears, have the goodness to let me know. I have the honor to be, Your friend and humble servant, CALEB STARK. Hon. Samuel Bell. Dear Sir — Since writing the above (petition), a circum stance has occurred to me which has hitherto escaped my recollection. It is a fact that the same regiment that first arrested the advance of Burgoyne, on the 19th of Septem ber, 1777, and on the 7th of October, in the same year,- carried victory into his camp, was the same that retrieved the battle of Monmouth, when our army was retreating under the command of General Lee, and produced the well known anecdote, that after the British were checked and forced to run on their part, our illustrious Washington rode up and inquired of Colonel Cilley : " What troops are these ?" The Colonel, with his usual promptitude and impetu osity, answered : " True blooded Yankees, sir, by G — d."* In this regiment I served in 1775-6-7, devoting all my abilities to form them for action. Any person in the least acquainted with military affairs, knows the very im portant duties of an adjutant on such occasions ; and their victorious career through the whole of the war, is the best commentary on jjjae faithfulness with which the duty was performed. I send you these texts to be used for arguments, should you think them worth relating. I am, sir, &c, CALEB STARK. * " I see,'' said General Washington — " my brave New-Hampshire boys." PHINEHAS STEVENS. To most of the pioneers who sought an abode in the wilds of America, the same circumstances will apply. Prior to the year 1760, the frontier settlers were at all times exposed to the incursions of hostile savages, who were continually on the watch for opportunities of laying waste their homesteads, and to slay or carry away as cap tives the inhabitants. Necessity, therefore, compelled them to become familiar with danger, and acquire a har dihood of character unknown to their posterity. Whether they attended public worship, or cultivated their lands, they departed from their fortified garrisons with arms in their hands, prepared for instant action, and worshipped or labored with sentinels on the. alert. In their warfare, the Indians preferred prisoners and plunder to scalps. Hence, few persons were slain by them, excepting those unable to travel, those who attempted to escape, and such as appeared too formidable for them to encounter with a hope of success. Of the latter class was Captain Stevens. He was ath letic, hardy and resolute ; ever readv to cultivate his acres, or arm in their defence, as well as^lr the protection of his countrymen. He was truly a martial husbandman — " Who, in the reaper's merry row Or warrior rank could stand." A man of self-acquired education, possessing deep pene tration and intelligence, he was admirably fitted for the important public services, in the performance of which he was intrusted by the government. PHINEHAS STEVENS. 373 He was the father and defender of the early settlements on the north-eastern frontiers of New-England, where he, like « " The pastoral hero, assembled his band, To lead them to war at his monarch's command." He was the son of Joseph and Prudence Stevens, and born on the 20th of February, 1706, at Sudbury, Massa chusetts, from whence he removed with his father to Rut land, in the same State. At the age of sixteen, accompanied by his three younger. brothers, he was proceeding to a meadow where his father was engaged in making hay, when he fell into an Indian ambuscade. The enemy made him prisoner, slew two of his brothers, and were about to slay the youngest, then but four years of age. He succeeded, however, in making the savages understand, by signs, that if they would spare the life of his little brother, he would carry him on his back. He conveyed him in that manner to Canada. Such tragic events were not uncommon at that period. The captives were soon afterward redeemed. He received several commissions from Governor Went worth, of New-Hampshire, and Governor Shirley, of Mas sachusetts, and rendered important service in defending the frontiers. In 1747, when Number Four was abandoned by its inhabitants, he was ordered to occupy the fort with thirty men. On the 4th of April, of that year, the garrison was attacked by more than four hundred French and Indians, commanded by Monsieur Debeline. The siege continued three days. Indian stratagem, French skill, and fire, applied to every combustible matter in the vicinity of the fort, produced not the desired effect. Its heroic defenders were not appalled, and would not capitulate. At length the enemy demanded a parley, and the commanders met outside of the fort. The Frenchman declared that he had seven hundred men, and depicted the horrid massacre which must ensue unless the post was surrendered. 374 MEMOIR OF "My men are not afraid to die," was Captain Steven's' noble answer. The attack was renewed, and continued with increased fury until the third day, when the enemy again called for a cessation of arms. They then proposed to depart if the garrison would sell them provisions suffi cient to support them on their way back to Canada. Captain Stevens replied that he could not sell the supplies of the fort for money, but would give them five bushels of corn for every prisoner they would deliver up to him. Upon receiving this answer the enemy discharged four or five guns at the fort, and departed. This noble defence of a timber fort, by thirty-one per sons, against a force of more than fourteen times their number, confirmed the high opinion already entertained both by the government and his fellow-citizens of the capacity and dauntless valor of our frontier hero. For his distinguished gallantry upon this occasion, Commodore Sir Charles Knowles presented him an elegant sword. From this circumstance the township, when its charter was granted by Governor Wentworth to Joseph Wells, Phinehas Stevens, and others, in 1752, obtained the name of Charlestown. • On two occasions (in 1749 and 1752), if not more, the Governor of Massachusetts employed Captain Stevens to proceed with flags of truce to Canada to negotiate the redemption of captives from the Indians. Of these expe ditions he kept diaries, as we have "reason to suppose he did of most of his transactions, as well in regard to the affairs of his farm, as of his proceedings in the public ser vice. We have seen his journal of 1749, published in the New-Hampshire Historical Collections, and also his origi nal journal of 1752, which was several years ago found at the bottom of an old churn in a garret in Charlestown. It was afterward lost at the burning of the Vermont State Capitol. The manuscript was written in a plain, legible hand. The language was concise and appropriate. His education, however obtained, must therefore have been superior to that of most of his New-England cotemporaries. PHINEHAS STEVENS. 375 The journal of 1752 contained observations relative to his crops; mentioned the date when the first barrel of rum was brought to number four ; detailed a journey to Portsmouth, and another with a flag of truce to Canada. It also contained a description of Montreal. Mr. Wheel wright, of Boston, was his colleague in this mission to Canada. Captain Stevens died at Chenucoto, in Nova Scotia, April 6, 1756, while engaged in public service, in the fifty- first year of his, age. He is the ancestor of many persons of high respectability in New-Hampshire and Vermont. His son, Colonel Samuel Stevens, was the first representa tive of Charlestown to the General Court. He was a councillor six years, and afterward register of probate until his death, November 17, 1823, at the age of 85 years. One daughter of Captain Stevens was born in the fort at Number Four, and married to Hon. John Hubbard, father of the late Hon. Henry Hubbard. The president of the Vermont Historical and Antiqua rian Societies, Colonel Henry Stevens, is the grandson of the hero of Number Four. Those societies are indebted to his laborious researches for a large portion of the valuable ancient documents and curiosities in their possession. The State of Vermont should also justly appreciate his exertions in procuring from Congress two of the most im portant trophies of a victory gained by the valor of the White and Green mountain boys, to adorn her capitol — the Bennington cannon. ' He formerly resided at Barnet, Vt., but in 1858 removed to Burlington. As an industrious and scientific farmer, his experiments, his writings and addresses before the State and County agricultural societies, have obtained for him an extensive reputation. His son, Henry Stevens, junior, was an assistant of Mr. Sparks while preparing those voluminous historical works which, while they reflect the highest honor upon that dis tinguished gentleman, also cast a brilliant light upon the achievements of the American revolution. 376 MEMOIR OF Since the foregoing was written, a communication has been received from Colonel H. Stevens, which we insert in his own words. I find among my grand-father's old papers the following commissions : " To Phinehas Stevens, of No. Four so called, on ye East of Connecticut river. You, the said Phinehas Stevens to be Lieut, of the foot company of Militia, in the regiment whereof Josiah Willard, Esq., is Colonel. B. WENTWORTH. Dec. 13, A. D. 1743." " He was commissioned by Gov. W. Shirley, as Lieut. in a company of volunteers, raised for the defence of the western frontiers, on the 26th day of October, A. D. 1744." " He was appointed captain of a company of volunteers, to be raised for his majesty's service against the French and Indians, January 9, 1745, by W. Shirley." " He was commissioned first Lieut, of a company of soldiers raised for ye defence of ye western frontiers, for the protection of the inhabitants, whereof Josiah Willard, Jun'r, is Captain, 29th July, A. D. 1745," by W. Shirley. The following commission I copy from the original, which is all written : BY HIS EXCELLENCY, THE GOVERNOR. Province of Massachusetts Bay. These are to direct you forthwith to enlist sixty able bodied, effective volunteers to make up a marching com pany on the western frontiers. Twenty-five of which sixty men you may so enlist out of the standing companies in those parts ; taking effectual care, that, that enlistment be made with as much equality as may be, so as not much PHINEHAS STEVENS. 377 to weaken any particular party of those soldiers, and with the said company to scout during the summer season in such places where the Indian enemies hunt or dwell, keep ing one half of your company at the garrison called Num ber Four, to guard and defend the inhabitants there, and to repel and destroy the enemy that may assault them ; and upon return of the half that go out upon the march, the half just mentioned forthwith to march out and scout in the manner above said ; and so interchangeably — one part to continue to do their duty at Number Four, and the other to be upon the march above said. And you, the officer that shall command the said march ing party, must keep exact journals of your marches, noting down all circumstances, and making such observa tions as may be useful hereafter. You must take care to keep an exact discipline among your men, punishing all immorality and profaneness, and suppressing all . such dis orders in your marches and encampments as may tend to disorder and expose you to the enemy. Given under my hand, at Boston, the twenty-sixth day of April, 1746, in the nineteenth year of his majesty's reign. WM. SHIRLEY. To Captain Phinehas Stevens. I find also, one other commission, bearing date at Bos ton, 16th June, A. D. 1746. Also, one other commission to Phinehas Stevens, " to be commander of the fort called Number Four, and the gar rison there posted, or to be posted there, and to consist of the first company of soldiers in the said garrison." Dated' the 25th of February, A. D. 1747. Wm. Shirley. Also, one other commission : " You, the said Phinehas Stevens, to be captain of the garrison at the fort called Number Four." Dated at Boston, November 10, A. D. 1747. Wm. Shirley. Also, a commission of captain of a company at Charles town. Dated 26th April, 1754. B. Wentworth. 25 378 MEMOIR OF There were other commissions before and after the above, which I have not been able to recover. I have a commission of Simon Stevens, as a lieutenant in John Stark's company, dated the, 14th of January, 1758, signed " Loudoun." Again, I have Simon Stevens' commission, as captain of a company of rangers, bearing date at Three Rivers, July 9, 1760. Signed, Jeff. Amherst. Samuel Stevens was commissioned as a lieutenant by Jeffery Amherst, and had command of a party that went from Charlestown up Connecticut river to meet Robert Rogers with provisions, at the time he went to St. Francis, A. D. 1759. Again, Enos Stevens (my father), was a lieutenant, A. D. 1756. I had his journal of an expedition up West river, and so on to Fort Massachusetts. His diary was burnt in the -Vermont State House. ' CHILDREN OF CAPTAIN PHINEHAS STEVENS. Simon and Willard (twins), born February 4, 1735.* (Simon died.) Simon, 2d, September 3, 1737; Enos, October 2, 1739; Mary, March 28,1742; Phinehas, July 31, 1744; Catha rine, November 20, 1747. (The above named were born at Rutland, Massachusetts.) Prudence, November — 1750, Solomon, September 9, 1753— *were born at Charlestown, N. H. Dorothy, born October 31, 1755, at Deerfield, Mass. Died at Charlestown, September 10, 1758. Enos Stevens, my father, married Sophia Grout, March 4, 1791. Of their ten children, only three are now living : viz., Henry Stevens, Willard Stevens, of Barnet, Vt., and Sophia, wife of Jonathan Fitch Skinner, of Barton, Vermont. PHINEHAS STEVENS. 379 Our friend, Colonel Henry Stevens, married Candace Salter, March 16, 1815. Of their eleven children, four sons and one daughter are now living. Enos, the eldest, resides at Boston, Mass. Henry is now in London, agent for the trustees of the British museum, literary agent for the Smithsonian Institute and several other American libraries ; also for several private American gentlemen. Sophia Candace married her second husband, William Page, an artist, celebrated as the greatest colorist since the days of Titian, of whom, in that branch of the art, he has been a distinguished and successful imitator. He resides at Rome, in Italy. Simon is a distinguished attorney and counsellor at law, in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Benjamin Franklin is now engaged at New- York, assisting his brother Henry in purchasing and exchang ing books for the British museum and other libraries. Lieutenant George Stevens graduated at West-Point, in 1843, and was ordered to Fort Jessup. From thence he proceeded, with the army of occupation, to Corpus Christi, and was there attached to May's corps of dragoons. May, with his cavalry, cut their way through the Mexican field batteries, but on returning with five of his company, he found one battery still in operation. He rode up and demanded its surrender, with which demand General la Vega complied. Captain May placed him in charge of Lieutenant Stevens, who, with a sergeant, conveyed the Mexican general of artillery to the rear, and delivered him to General Taylor. After General la Vega recovered his baggage, he presented Lieutenant Stevens with several curiosities, bullets, cigars, &c, which his father now has in possession.. Lieutenant Stevens was drowned in passing the Rio Grande from Fort Brown to Metamoras. The cavalry were dismounted, and he proposed to take the lead on horseback, although advised by General Twiggs not to venture. However, he went on ahead. In passing the 380 MEMOIR OF river the horses could ford part of the way, and three of the mounted dragoons followed to direct the foremost. When within sixty yards of the Mexican shore, the horses came into a whirlpool. About sixty of them were carried round and round, and Lieutenant Stevens became unhorsed. He kept above water for about sixty rods. Boats were put off from the shore, but could not reach him on account of the roughness of the water. He was recovered on the third day after, and buried on one side of the flag-staff of>.the fort, Major Brown lying upon its other side. " How sleep the brave who sink to rest, By .all their country's wishes blest I" Both for their country, and in danger's face, Won chaplets which time's hand shall not erase ; Left her foes' cause, for memory stern and just, To live, though valor's urn has claimed their dust. Copy of a letter to Governor William Shirley, from Captain Phinehas Stevens, Commander of the Fort at Number Four, forty miles above Northfield, dated April 7, 1747 : "Our dogs being very much disturbed, which gave us reason to think the enemy were about, occasioned us not to open the gate at the usual time ; but one of our men, being desirous to know the certainty, ventured out privately, to set on the dogs, about nine o'clock in the morning, and went about twenty rods from the fort, firing off his gun, and saying choboy to the dogs. Whereupon the enemy, being within a few rods, immediately rose from behind a log and fired ; but, through the goodness of God, the man got into the fort with only a slight wound. The enemy being then discovered, immediately arose from all their ambushments and attacked us on all sides. The wind being high, and every thing exceedingly dry, they set fire to all the old fences, and also to a log house, about forty rods distant from the fort, to the windward ; so that, within a few minutes, we were entirely surrounded with PHINEHAS STEVENS. 381 fire — all which was performed with the most hideous shouting and firing from all quarters, which they con tinued in a very terrible manner until the next day at ten o'clock at night, without intermission, during which time we had no opportunity either to eat or sleep. But, notwithstanding all their shoutings and threatenings, our men seemed not to be in the least daunted, but fought with great resolution, which doubtless gave the enemy reason to think we had determined to stand it out to the last degree. The enemy had provided themselves with a sort of fortification, which they had determined to push before them, and bring fuel to the side of the fort in order to burn it down ; but, instead of performing what they threatened, and seemed to be immediately going to under take, they called to us and desired a cessation of arms until sunrise the next morning, which was granted ; at which time they would come to a parley. Accordingly, the French general, Debeline, came with about sixty of his men, with a flag of truce, and stuck it down within about twenty rods of the fort, in plain sight of the same, and said if we would send three men to him, he would send as many to us, to which we complied. The general sent in a French lieutenant, with a French soldier and an Indian. " Upon our men going to the monsieur, he made the fol lowing proposals: viz., that, in case we would imme diately resign up the fort, we should all have our lives, and liberty to put on all the clothes we had, and also to take a sufficient quantity of provisions to carry us to Mon treal, and bind up our provisions and blankets, lay down our arms, and march out of the fort. Upon our men returning, he desired that the captain of the fort would meet him half way, and give an answer to the above proposal, which I did ; and upon meeting the monsieur, he did not wait for me to give an answer, but went on in the following manner : viz., that, what had been promised he was ready to perform ; but, upon refusal, he would imme diately set the fort on fire, and run over the top, for he had seven hundred men with him ; and if we made any 382 MEMOIR OF farther resistance, or should happen to kill one Indian, we might expect all to be put to the sword. 'The fort,' said he, ' I am resolved to have, or die. Now, do what you please ; for I am as easy to have you fight, as give it up.' I told the general that, in case of extremity, his pro posal would do ; but inasmuch as I was sent here by my master, the captain general, to defend this fort, it would not be consistent with toy orders to give it up, unless I was better satisfied that he was able to perform what he had threatened ; and, farthermore, I told him that it was poor encouragement to resign into the hands of an enemy, that, upon one of their number being killed, they would put all to the sword, when it was probable we had killed some of them already. 'Well,' said he, ' go into the fort and see whether your men dare fight any more or not, and give me an answer quick, for my men want to.be fighting.' "Whereupon I came into the fort and called all the men together, and informed them what the French general said, and then put it to vote, which they chose, either to fight on or resign ; and they voted to a man, to stand it Out as long as they had life. Upon this, I returned the answer that we were determined to fight it out. Upon Which they gave a shout, and then fired, and so continued firing and shouting until daylight next morning. "About noon they called to us and said, good morning; and desired a cessation of arms for two hours, that they might come to a parley, which was granted. The general did not come himself, but sent two Indians, who came within about two rods of the fort and stuck down their flag, and desired that I would send out two men to them, which I did ; and the Indians made the following proposal : viz., that, in case we would sell them provisions, they would leave, and not fight any more; and desired my answer, which was, that selling them provisions for mOney was contrary to the law of nations ; but if they would send in a captive for every five bushels of corn, I would supply them. Upon tbe Indians returning the general PHINEHAS STEVENS. 383 this answer, four or five guns were fired against the fort, and they withdrew, as we supposed,; for we heard no more of them. " In all this time we had scarce opportunity to eat or sleep. The cessation of arms gave us no great matter of rest, for we suspected they did it to obtain an advantage against us. I believe men never were known to hold out with better resolution, for they did not seem to sit or lay still one moment. There were but thirty men in the fort, and although we had some thousands of guns fired at us, there were but two men slightly wounded: viz., John Brown and Joseph Earl. " By the above account, you may form some idea of the distressed circumstances we were under, to have such an army of starved creatures around us, whose necessity obliged them to be the more earnest. They seemed every minute as if they were going to swallow us up, using all the threatening language they could invent, with shouting and firing, as if the heavens and earth were coming together. " But, notwithstanding all this, our courage held out to the last. We were informed by the French that came into the fort, that our captives were removed from Quebec to Montreal, which they say are three hundred in number, by reason of sickness that is at Quebec, and that they were well and in good health, except three who were left sick, and that about three captives had died which were said to be Duchmen. They also informed us that John Norton had liberty to preach to the captives, and that they have some thousands of French and Indians out and coming against our frontier. "A very beautiful silver-hilted sword has been purchased by order and at the expense of the honorable Commodore Sir Charles Knowles, to be presented to Captain Stevens for his bravery in defence of the fort above mentioned." The foregoing I copied from a Boston newspaper, with the note at the bottom in relation to the sword. This 384 MEMOIR OF letter was addressed to His Excellency, Governor Shirley. I have to say that Captain Stevens received the sword, and it was kept, after grand-father's decease, by Colonel Samuel Stevens, of Charlestown. I have been told that Uncle Samuel took said sword to Northampton, to a gold smith, to have it cleansed. The goldsmith left Northamp ton, and the sword was not returned. Your friend, HENRY STEVENS. To Caleb Stark, Esq. Addressed to Honorable Spencer Phipps, Lieutenant Governor of this Province (Massachusetts), and the Council, June 12, 1750. The memorial of Phinehas Stevens, of Number Four, humbly sheweth : That, upon his enlisting himself a volunteer in his majesty's service for the then intended expedition against Canada, he removed his family, viz. : his wife and six children, to Rutland, from Number Four, expecting himself soon to set out for Canada, on said expedition ; and that, upon the delay of that expedition, he was, by direction from his excellency, the captain general, ordered to the frontiers of the province, and was constantly employed on the frontiers either in guarding stores to Fort Massachu setts or Number Four, or in keeping the fort at Number Four, till the said expedition was laid aside, and the Canada forces dismissed, in which time he defended the said fort, Number Four, from a vigorous attack of the enemy ; and his other services, in that term, he humbly hopes were acceptable to the, province, where he was at very great expense in supporting his family at a distance from his station ; and as his expenses, so he humbly con ceives, his constant labors and services for the province in that term, distinguish his case from that of most if not any PHINEHAS STEVENS. 385 of the officers who enlisted themselves for the Canada ser vice. He therefore prays your honorable consideration of the premises, and that your honors would grant that he may be allowed the common allowance for a soldier, for subsistence during the said term ; and your memorialist, as • in duty bound, will ever pray. PHINEHAS STEVENS. In the House of Representatives, June 13th, 1750. Read, and ordered that the memorialist be allowed out of the public treasury the sum of ten pounds and eight shillings, in full consideration of the above named. Sent up for concurrence, D. HUBBARD, Speaker. In Council, June 13, 1750. Read and concurred, SAM'L HOLBROOK, Dep'ty Sec'y. Consented to, S. PHIPPS. COLONEL ROBERT ROGERS. James Rooers was one of the early settlers of London derry, N. H. He afterward removed to the wilderness of the township now known as Dunbarton, where he was killed by mistake by a hunter, who was his intimate friend. The latter, in the dusk of the evening, perceiving , a dark object at a distance, supposed it to be a bear, and fired through a thicket with fatal effect. The fur cap and dark clothing of Mr. Rogers occasioned the sad disaster. Mr. Hadley, in his notice of Dunbarton, gives the follow ing account of this catastrophe : " Mr. Ebenezer Ayer, of Haverhill, Mass., a celebrated hunter of those times, came into these parts to pursue his usual avocation in quest of bears, deer, and other game. He had made a rude camp on Walnut hill, in Bow, near to "Dunbarton line. He had been hunting all day, and came to his camp at evening, and it not being late, was still looking out for the approach of a bear. " Mr. Rogers was an intimate friend of Ayer, and was coming . to pay him a visit. He drew near to his camp ; he was dressed entirely in black ; and the dusk of the evening deceived the eye of the eager hunter. He took the fatal aim, and shot the man ! He soon discovered his mistake, and with sorrowing heart stood over the bleeding form of his friend. Rogers did not long survive. He died before he reached his home. Ayer could never after relate the story of the sad event without shedding tears." ROBERT ROGERS. 387 Robert Rogers, son of the above, was born at London derry, N. H. (or Methuen, Mass.), in 1727. He was from his youth inured to the hardships of frontier life, from which circumstance he acquired a decision and boldness of character which served him in after years. He was six feet in stature, well proportioned, and one of the most athletic men of his time — well known in all the trials of strength or activity among the young men of his vicinity, and for several miles around. He was endued with great presence of mind, intrepidity, perseverance, and possessed a plausible address. In 1755 he was appointed by Governor Wentworth captain of a company of rangers. He afterward com manded that celebrated corps, with the rank of major, in the line of the army. With this corps — of which the most hardy and resolute young men New-Hampshire and other provinces could produce, constituted the principal portion — he rendered important services on the northern frontiers, and in the Canadas, until the surrender of those provinces, in 1760, to the crown of Great Britain. The enemy dreaded him and his daring followers with good reason. The rangers under his command were in their expeditions limited to no season. Summer or winter1 caused no difference or delay in their arduous duties. They made long and fatiguing marches in winter, upon snow-shoes, often encamping in the forest, without fire, to avoid discovery by the enemy, and with no other food than the game they had killed during their march. They penetrated into the enemy's country, and destroyed French settlements and Indian villages, sometimes at four hundred miles' distance. They were in truth the most for midable body of men ever employed in the early wars of America, and in every regular engagement proved them selves not inferior to British troops. To their savage and French foes they were invincible. After the year 1760, he served against the Cherokees in the south, under the orders of General Grant. 388 MEMOIR OF In 1765 he proceeded to England to prosecute his claims for services and money advanced during the northern campaigns of the "seven years war." In 1766 he was appointed governor of Michilimackinac, where, sometime afterward, he was arrested and conveyed in irons to Quebec, charged with an intention to plunder the fort he commanded, and desert to the French. He managed to be acquitted of this charge and pro ceeded, in 1769, a second time to England, where he was presented to the king. While in England at this time, the following character istic anecdote is related of him. A mail-coach, in which he was a passenger, was stopped by a highwayman on Hounslow Heath. The robber, thrusting a pistol through the coach window, demanded the purses and watches of the occupants. While others were taking out their valuables, the bold American ranger suddenly seized the man by the collar, by main strength drew him through the coach window, and ordered the coachman to drive on. The captive was an old offender, for whose apprehension a reward of fifty pounds sterling had been offered by the government. While at a social party of British officers in England, of similar spirits, it was agreed by the company that who ever of them should relate the greatest , falsehood, or the most improbable story, should have his bill paid by the others. When his turn came, Rogers stated that " his father was shot in the woods of America by a hunter, who mistook him for a bear ; that his mother was followed by a hunter, who mistook her tracks iii the snow, on a stormy day, for those of a wolf; and that he, when a boy, had carried on his back birch brooms for sale to Rumford, ten miles dis tant from his father's house, following a path through the woods only marked by spotted trees." The company admitted that Rogers had related the greatest falsehood, and the most improbable story, when he had narrated nothing but the truth. ROBERT ROGERS. 389 Rogers returned to America in 1775, where, had he not been suspected of being hostile to the revolutionary move ment, he might perhaps have obtained an important com mand, and rendered signal services. He had seen more arduous and difficult service than most of the continental officers. He visited New-Hampshire, came to Cambridge and Medford, then occupied by continental troops. , At the latter place he had an interview with Colonel Stark, who had been his second in command in the ranger service. Washington suspected him to be a British spy, and prohibited his entering the American camp. He also vis ited Congress, but his fidelity being considered doubtful, received no appointment. He obtained, in 1776, the rank of colonel from the Brit- tsh general at New- York, and raised a corps known as the " Queen's rangers," with which, for a time, he was a scourge to the people in • the vicinity of Long-Island Sound. In October, 1776, he made an attack upon an American outpost near Maroneck, of which a Hartford, (Conn.) paper states the following particulars : " On Monday last (October 21st) a party of tories (100), some of whom came from Long-Island, under the com- mand'of the infamous Major Rogers, made an attack upon an advanced party of our men, when a smart engagement ensued, in which the enemy were totally routed. About twenty were killed on the spot, and thirty-six taken pris oners, who were safely lodged in the goal at White Plains. Their gallant commander, with his usual bravery, left his men in time of action, and made his escape." ' He came very near being made prisoner. Soon after this affair, he went to England, and the command of the " Queen's rangers" devolved upon the noted Colonel Sim- .coe. In 1778 he was proscribed by the legislature of New-Hampshire, who also granted his wife (a Miss Brown, of Portsmouth) a divorce. She afterward married Cap tain John Roach. 390 MEMOIR OF His son, Arthur, resided with his mother, and at her decease inherited the property at Concord. He died at Portsmouth, in August, 1841, leaving two sons and one daughter, then occupying respectable positions in the West-Indies. His eldest son, Robert, now a respectable farmer in Derry, is the only survivor of a family of eight children. For other particulars respecting Colonel Rogers, see the history of Manchester (pages 488-492), from which several of the foregoing statements were obtained. The following account of his services during the " seven years war "in North America, contains the substance of his journal, published in London in 1765, with informa tion in regard to the same subject obtained from other sources. ACCOUNT OF THE SERVICES OP COLONEL ROBERT ROGERS. In 1755 an expedition was organized for the purpose of reducing Crown Point, a post from which had for several years been fitted out most of the Indian scouts which had harrassed the English frontier settlements. Troops were accordingly raised in New England, New- York, and New- Jersey. Albany was designated as the place of rendez vous, and Major General Johnson appointed commander. Captain Robert Rogers, with a commission from Gov ernor Wentworth, raised a company of rangers in New- Hampshire on account of that province, and made several excursions to the north-western frontiers to prevent inroads from the enemy. On the 26th of August, 1755, / he was employed in escorting provision wagons from Albany to the carrying place, since called Fort Edward. At this time, he waited upon General Johnson, to whom he had been recommended as a person well acquainted with the haunts and passes of the enemy, and the Indian methods of fighting. He was by him dispatched on sev eral scouts .to the French posts. He was on one of these up the Hudson, on the 8th of September, when General. Dieskan was taken prisoner, and his army routed at the ROBERT ROGERS. 391 south end of Lake George. Johnson's army was com posed principally of the troops raised by the above named province for the Crown Point expedition. With the exception of those who were with Rogers on his scout, the remainder of the rangers were engaged in this action. September 24, 1755. General Johnson ordered Rogere to reconnoitre Crown Point, and, if practicable, to secure a prisoner. He embarked, with four men, and proceed ing down lake George twenty-five miles, landed on the iwest shore. There leaving his boat in charge of two men, he proceeded with the other two, and on the 29th obtained a view of Crown Point. A large body of In dians were observed about the fort, who, from their irreg ular firing, were supposed to be shooting at marks — a diversion of which Indians are very fond. At night the party crept through the French guards into a small vil lage, south of the fort, and passed through it to an emi nence at the south-west, where it was ascertained that the enemy were erecting a battery, having already thrown up an intrenchment on that side of the fort. The next day, having gained an eminence a short distance from the former, an encampment was discovered, extending from the fort south-east to a wind-mill, at thirty yards distance, containing about five hundred men. Finding no oppor tunity to obtain a captive, and that they had been observed, the scout retreated on the first of October. On the route homeward they passed within two miles of Ticonderoga, from which a large smoke was noticed,* and the discharge of a number of small arms heard ; but, as their provisions were expended, they could not remain to ascertain the enemy's force. On the second they reached the place where their boat had been left in charge of two men, who, to their surprise, had departed, leaving no pro visions behind. This hastened their return to camp, where they arrived on the fourth, hot a little fatigued and dis tressed with hunger and cold. October 1th. General Johnson ordered Rogers to em- 392 MEMOIR OF bark with five men to reconnoitre Ticonderoga. He pro ceeded at night to a point of land on the* west shore of the lake, where he landed, concealed his canoe, and leaving .two men in charge of it, arrived at Ticonderoga point at noon. Here were about two thousand men, who had thrown up an intrenchment, and prepared a large quantity of hewn timber in the adjacent woods. He tarried there a second night, and in the morning saw the enemy lay the foundation of a fort, on the point which commands the pass from Lake George to Lake Champlain, and the entrance to South bay or Wood creek. Having made what discoveries he could, on his return he found a large advanced guard of the enemy posted at the north end of Lake George, near the outlet to Lake Champlain. While viewing these troops, a bark canoe, containing nine Indians and a Frenchman, was observed passing iip the lake. He kept in sight of them until they passed the point where his boat and men had been left. They informed him that the party had landed on an island, six miles south of them, near the middle of the lake. In a short time they put off from the island, and steered directly toward their place of concealment. At the distance of one hundred yards, the party gave them a salute, which reduced their number to four.* The party then took boat and pursued them down the lake until they were relieved by two other canoes, upon which the rangers retreated toward the camp at Lake George, where they arrived on the 10th of October. October 15. Rogers embarked with forty men, in five boats, with orders to ascertain the force of the enemy's advanced guard, and if possible to decoy the whole or part of them into an ambush. The exertions of the party were indefatigable for several days, but to no purpose, and on the 19th they returned to camp. October 21. Rogers embarked for Crown Point, with four men, in quest of a prisoner ; at night they landed on * Each marksman hit his man. ROBERT ROGERS. 393 the west shore, twenty-five miles from the English camp, and marching the remainder of the way, on the 26th came in sight of the fort. In the evening they approached nearer, and next morning were within three hundred yards of it. The men lay .concealed in a thicket of willows, while Rogers crept nearer, and concealed himself behind a large pine log by holding bushes in his hand. Soon afterward the soldiers came out iri such numbers that the party could not unite without discovery. About 10 o'clock a man came out alone, and advanced toward the ambush. Rogers sprang over the log and offered him quarter, which he refused, making a pass at him with his dirk. This he avoided, and presented his fusee to his breast ; but he pressed forward with resolution, which compelled Rogers to shoot him. This alarmed the enemy, and the party retreated to the mountain* They returned, October 30th, in safety to camp. November 4. Rogers embarked for the enemy's advanced guard, with thirty men in four batteaux, each mounting two wall-pieces, and next morning arrived within half a mile of their position, where the party landed, and con cealed their boats. Four spies were sent out, who returned next evening, reporting that the enemy had no works around them, but lay entirely open to assault. Notice was immediately sent to the general, requesting a sufficient force to attack them ; but, notwithstanding his earnestness and activity,' the force did not arrive until the party were compelled to retreat. On their retreat they met the rein forcement, and turned again toward the French. Two men, sent out next evening to see if their sentinels were on the alert, were fired upon, and so hotly pursued that the whole party was discovered. They obtained the first notice of this from two large canoes, containing thirty men, which Vere supposed to have come out at the same time with another party by land, to place the English between two fires. To prevent this Rogers embarked with Lieutenant McCurdy and fourteen men, in two boats, leaving the remainder of the party on shore, under the 26 394 MEMOIR OF command of Captain Putnam.* To decoy the French within reach of the wall-pieces, they steered as if intend ing to pass them, which answered the purpose meditated. The enemy boldly headed them, and when within one hundred yards the guns were discharged, which killed sev eral men, and put the boats to flight. They were pursued, and driven so near to the land party that they were again galled by the wall-pieces. Several of the enemy were thrown overboard, and their canoes rendered very leaky. At this time Rogers discovered their land party, and notified his men on shore, who immediately embarked without receiving much injury from the sharp fire which the French for some time kept up in their rear. The enemy were pursued upon the water with diligence, and the wall-pieces again discharged. They were followed to their landing, where they were received, and covered by two hundred men, whom a discharge from the wall-pieces compelled to retire. They were greatly superior in num bers, and it was deemed most prudent to return to camp, which was reached on the 8th of November. November 12. Rogers proceeded, with twelve men, to ascertain the enemy's strength and condition at Ticonde roga, and on the 14th came in sight of that fort. The enemy had erected .three new barracks, and four store houses in the fort, between which and the water, they had eighty batteaux hauled up on the beach. They had fifty tents near the fort, and appeared busily employed in strengthening their works. Their object being attained, the party returned to camp on the 19th of November. December 19. After a month's repose, Rogers embarked, with two men, once more to reconnoitre the French at Ticonderoga. On the way a fire was observed on an island near the fort, which was supposed to have been kindled by the enemy. This obliged the paTty to lay by and act like fishermen, to deceive the enemy, until night came on, when they gained the west shore, fifteen miles north of the English camp. Concealing the boat, the * Afterward General Putnam. ROBERT ROGERS. 395 march was pursued by land on the 20th, and at noon on the 21st the party reached the fort. The enemy were still engaged in their works, and had mounted four pieces of cannon on the south-east bastion ; two on the north west, toward the woods; and two on the south bastion. They mustered about five hundred men. Several attempts were made to take a prisoner by waylaying their paths, but they passed along in too large parties. At night the scout approached near the fort, but were driven, by the severity of the cold, to seek shelter in one of the enemy's evacuated huts. Before day-break, a light snow fell, which obliged the rangers to hasten homeward with all speed, lest the enemy, discovering their tracks, should pursue. They reached their canoe in safety, although almost overcome with cold, hunger and fatigue. They had the good fortune to kill a deer, with which being refreshed, on the 24th they returned to Fort William Henry, which during the year had been erected at the south end of Lake George. About this time General Sir William Johnson pro ceeded to Albany to meet the commissioners from the sev eral governments whose troops he had commanded, (New- Hampshire excepted.) These persons were empowered, with the consent of a council of war, to garrison Forts William Henry and Edward, for the winter, with the troops then in service. A regiment was therefore organ ized, to which Massachusetts furnished a colonel, Connec ticut a lieutenant colonel, and New- York a major. The general and the commissioners judged it most prudent to leave one company of rangers under the command of Captain Rogers, to make excursions to the enemy's forts duriirg the winter. January 14, 1756. Rogers marched, with sixteen men, toward the French forts. They proceeded down the lake on skates until they halted, for refreshments, near the falls between Lakes George and Champlain. At night the march was renewed, and at day-break on the 16th an ambush was formed on the east shore of Lake Cham- 396 MEMOIR OF plain, within gunshot of the path by which the enemy passed from one fort to the other. At sunrise two sledges, laden with fresh beef, were intercepted, with their drivers. Their loading was destroyed; and on the 17th, with their prisoners, the party returned to Fort William Henry. January 26. Colonel Glasier ordered Rogers, with a party of fifty men, to discover the strength of the enemy at Crown Point. On the 2d of February they arrived within a mile of the fortress, and ascended a steep moun tain, the summit of which afforded a full prospect, and an opportunity for taking a plan of the works. In the eve ning they retired to a small village, half a mile south of the fort, and formed an ambush on each • side of the road from that to the village. Next morning a Frenchman fell into their hands, and soon after two more men appeared, but took alarm before they could be seized, and fled to the fort. Finding themselves discovered by this accident, they set fire to the houses and barns of the village, con taining -large quantities of grain, and killed fifty head of cattle. They then retired, leaving the whole village in flames, and with their prisoner reached head quarters on the 6th of February. February 29. By order of Colonel Glasier, Rogers marched, with fifty-six men, down the west side of Lake George, proceeding northward until the 5th of March, when he steered east to Lake Champlain, about six miles north of Crown Point, where, from intelligence received from the Indians, he expected to find inhabited villages. There he attempted to cross the lake, but the ice was too weak. On the 7th he returned, and passing round the bay west of Crown Point, at 'night entered the cleared land, among the houses and barn's of the French. Here the party lay in ambush, expecting laborers to attend the cattle, and clean the grain with which the barns were filled. They remained there all night, and the next day until dark, when they set fire to the village and retired. Return ing, they reconnoitred Ticonderoga, and the advanced guard on Lake George, approaching so near to the fort as ROBERT ROGERS. 397 to see the sentinels on the ramparts ; and, after obtaining all the information desired of their works, strength and situation, on the 14th of March they returned to camp. The next day Captain Rogers received a letter from Mr. William Alexander,* secretary of Governor Shirley, who last year commanded at Oswego, and who, upon the decease of General Braddock, had succeeded to the chief command of his majesty's forces in North America, stating that, upon General Johnson's recommendation, he was invited to wait upon the governor at Boston, where he was preparing for the next campaign. Thither he repaired, leaving his company in command of Ensign Noah Johnson. On the 23d the general gave Captain Rogers a friendly reception, and a commission to recruit an independent corps of rangers. It was ordered' that it should consist of sixty privates, at 3s. (York currency) per day; an ensign, at 5s.; a lieutenant, at 7s.; and a captain, at 10s. Each man was to be allowed ten Spanish dollars toward pro viding clothing, arms and blankets. The company was to be raised immediately. None were to be enlisted but such men as were accustomed to travelling and hunting, and in whose courage and fidelity the most implicit confi dence could be placed. They were moreover to be sub ject to military discipline and the articles of war. The rendezvous was appointed at Albany, whence to proceed to Lake George, and " from time to time to use their best endeavors to distress the French and their allies by sack ing, burning and destroying their houses, barns, bar racks, canoes, batteaux, &c, and by killing their cattle of every kind ; and at all times to endeavor to waylay, attack and destroy their convoys of provisions byland and water, in any part of the country where they could be found." With these instructions, he received letters to the com manding officers of Forts William Henry and Edward, directing them to forward the service with which he was charged. * William Alexander was afterward known as Lord Stirling, and a major general in the United States revolutionary army. 398 MEMOIR OF When the company was completed, a part of it marched, under the orders of Lieutenant Richard Rogers, to Albany. With the remainder Captain Rogers passed through the woods to Number Four, a frontier town greatly exposed. There he received orders to proceed to Crown Point, for which, on the 28th of April, his course was directed, through vast forests and over lofty mountains. On the second day of the march Mr. John Stark, his second lieutenant, became ill, and was obliged to return with a guard of six men. May 5. Captain Rogers reached Lake Champlain, four miles from Crown Point, with nine men. They concealed their packs, and entered a village on the east side, two miles from the fort, but found no inhabitants. They waited the whole day following, opposite the Point, for some party to cross the lake. Nothing however appeared, excepting five hunded men, in batteaux, coming up the lake from St. Johns. They kept their stations until ten o'clock next day ; but finding no opportunity to trepan the enemy, they killed twenty-three head of cattle, whose tongues were of great service on the march. They now discovered eleven canoes, manned by French and Indians, crossing the lake directly toward them. It was then judged mOst prudent to disperse, each man taking a dif ferent route, and looking out for himself. This course put their pursuers at fault ; and the party, assembling at the place where their packs had. been left, made a raft, and crossed to the western shore. They obtained a view of the old Indian carrying-place, near Ticonderoga, and reached Fort William Henry on the 14th of May. Mr. Stark and his party reached Fort Edward three days before, having, on their way, discovered and eluded a scout of four hundred Indians. Lieutenant Rogers had arrived some days before, and was then on a scout. May 20. Rogers was ordered, with eleven men, to recon noitre the French advanced guard. When viewed next day from the summit of a mountain, their numbers appeared about three hundred, who were busy in fortify- ROBERT ROGERS. 399 ing their position with palisades. From the other side of the mountain the party obtained a fine prospect of Ticon deroga and the French camp, which, from the ground occupied, was judged to contain one thousand men. This night was passed upon the mountain, and early next morn ing the party proceeded to the Indian carrying-path, where an ambuscade was formed between the advanced guard and the fort. About 6 o'clock one hundred and eighteen Frenchmen passed along the path without observing them ; in a few minutes twenty-two others came along the same way. Upon this party they fired, killed six, and took one prisoner. The first party returning at the report of the guns, obliged them to retire in great haste. On the twenty-third they reached Fort William Henry in safety with the prisoner, who reported that two hundred and twenty French and Indians were preparing to sur prise the out parties at Fort Edward. This information occasioned Rogers a march, with seventy-eight men, to join a detachment of Colonel Bayley's regiment, and scour the woods as far as South bay, to intercept the enemy ; but they could not be found. June 12. According to orders, in the evening Rogers embarked, with twenty-six men, to visit the French advanced guard. A severe thunder storm compelled the party to land ten miles from their own fort, and spend the night. At sunrise they heard the discharge of about twenty small arms, on the opposite shore, which was sup posed to proceed from the enemy cleaning their guns after the rain. The party embarked in the evening, and early on the morning of the 16th drew up their batteaux four miles from the advanced guard, and lay in ambush, by a path leading to the mountain, to surprise the enemy who went there daily in parties to view the lake. They soon afterward discovered that the advanced parties had evacu ated their position, and demolished their works. They then approached very near Ticonderoga, and viewed their works from an eminence, judging the garrison to consist of three thousand men. The party returned to their fort 400 MEMOIR OF on the 18th, excepting one man who strayed away and did not return until the 23d, then almost famished for want of food. About this time the general increased the force of the ranger company to seventy men, and sent them six whale-boats from Albany, with orders to proceed to Lake Champlain, to cut off the supplies and flying parties of the enemy. June 28. Rogers, with fifty men, embarked in five whale-boats, and proceeded to an island in Lake George. The next day they passed over to the main land, and carried their boats six miles over a mountain to South bay, where they arrived on the 3d of July. The evening following they embarked, and proceeded down the bay till they came within six miles of the French fort. There the boats were concealed. The next evening they • em barked again, and passed the fort undiscovered, although so near as to hear the sentinel's watchword. They judged, from the number of fires, that the enemy had two thou sand men in his camp. Five nyles farther down they lay by all day, concealing their boats. Here several batteaux were seen passing by up and down the lake. At night they put off with the design of passing Crown Point, but afterward, considering it imprudent, on account of the clearness of the night, they lay concealed through the next day, during which a hundred boats passed by them. Seven boats came near their place of concealment, and would have landed there, but the officer insisted, in their hearing, that he would go a hundred and fifty yards farther, where they landed, and dined in the rangers' sight, without discovering them. At nine o'clock at night the latter reembarked, passed the fort, and concealed their boats ten miles north of it. July 7. Thirty boats and a schooner of forty tons burthen passed by toward Canada. In the evening they proceeded fifteen miles farther down, and dispatched a scout, who soon brought intelligence that a schooner lay at anchor one mile distant. The rangers lightened their packs, and prepared to board her ; but were prevented by two lighters ROBERT ROGERS. 401 coming up the lake, whose crews intended to land where they were posted. These were fired upon, hailed, and offered quarter, if they would come on shore ; but they pushed for the other side, whither they were pursued and intercepted. Their crews consisted of twelve men, three of whom were killed by the fire, and two wounded ; one in such a manner that he soon died. Both vessels were sunk, and the cargoes, consisting of wheat and flour, wine and brandy, were destroyed, except a few casks of the latter, which were carefully concealed.* The prisoners stated that they were a portion of five hundred men, the remainder of whom were not far behind on their passage. This report hastened the return of the scout ; which, on the 16th of July, returned to the garrison with their pris oners. The latter reported " that a large force of regulars and militia were assembling at Chamblee, destined for Carillon,f and that large quantities of provisions were on the way ; that a new general, with two veteran regiments, had arrived from France ; that there was no design against the English forts on this side, but that a party of three hundred French and twenty Indians had already set out, to intercept the provision convoys between Albany and Lake George ; that sixty livres was the reward for an English scalp, and prisoners were sold in Canada at fifty crowns each ; that the prospect of a harvest was very encouraging, but that the small-pox had made dreadful havoc among the inhabitants." Upon his return from this expedition, Captain Rogers learned that General Shirley had been superseded in com mand by Major General Abercrombie, who arrived at Albany, June 25th, with two regiments of regular troops from England. He forwarded to him the report of the last scout, and recommended the augmentation of the corps, of rangers. Soon afterward he waited upon him * A good thought for a soldier. f Of this fortress, Ticonderoga was the Indian name, and Carillon the French name ; each signifying "the meeting of waters." 402 MEMOIR OF at head quarters, and received orders to raise a new com pany, the command of which was given to his brother, Richard Rogers. Of this company Noah Johnson was appointed first lieutenant, Nathaniel Abbot second, and Caleb Page ensign. Of his own company John Stark was appointed first lieutenant, John McCurdy second, and Jonathan Burbank ensign. August 2. Captain Robert Rogers, by order of General Abercrombie, embarked, with twenty-five men in a lighter, from Fort William Henry, to reconnoitre Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Captain Learned, with sixty provin cials, was ordered by General Winslow to proceed as far as the French advanced guard, but not being acquainted with the country, he placed himself under Rogers' com mand. The latter landed about fifteen miles down Lake George, and on the 4th encamped one mile from the advanced' guard. On the morning of the 5th the whole party mustered, and gained the summit of a hill west of the enemy, from which they discovered two advanced posts ; one on the west side, half a mile south of Lake Champlain ; and the other on the east side, opposite the former, at the old Indian carrying-place. They supposed four hundred men were on the east, and two hundred on the west side. - After deliberating upon the situation of the enemy, it was deemed imprudent to remain there any longer. Cap tain Learned returned to camp, while fhe rangers went down toward Ticonderoga. They passed that post, and proceeded toward Crown Point, on the west side of the lake, where they discovered several batteaux, with troops bound for Carillon. They then proceeded to the place where they had burned the village, as before stated, where they observed a party of the enemy sally out, dri ving horses and cattle to feed. August 7. They ambushed the road to intercept those who should come to drive in the cattle; but no one appearing, they approached within half a mile of the fort, and were discovered by two Frenchmen before they were ROBERT ROGERS. 403 in their power. This caused a retreat, during which they killed forty head of cattle. August 10th they reached head quarters. A company of Stockbridge Indians was this year em ployed in his majesty's service, officered by Indians com missioned by General Shirley. General Abercrombie was at a loss how to dispose of them ; but Sir William John son advised him to employ thirty privates* and a lieu tenant as scouts, to scour the woods, under the direction of ranger officers. This party Lieutenant Stark had strengthened with some of his own men, and sent on a scout, with particular directions, f the day before the party above named returned. About this time the Earl of Loudoun had arrived at Albany, and assumed the command in chief. Rogers sent him an account of the Indian scout before mentioned, requesting permission to penetrate into Canada with these Indians, and distress the inhabitants, by burning their harvest (now nearly ripe), and destroying their cattle. Accordingly, August 16, a party embarked, in whale- boats, in two detachments — one commanded by Lieutenant Stark, and the other by Captain Robert Rogers. The next morning the detachments fell in with eight Mohawks, who had left Fort William Henry the day previous. The whole party then proceeded to the place where the boats had been left, July 7, twenty miles north of Crown Point, on the west shore of the lake, arriving there on the 24th. Embarking again at night, they steered down the lake toward St. John's, and the next day proceeded twenty miles. At midnight a schooner was seen standing up the lake, with a fair wind, toward Crown Point. She passed so swiftly that they could, not board her, as was intended. On the 26th they landed, and the Mohawks departed to * The remainder of the Stockbridge Indians were sent to Saratoga, to serve under Colonel Burton. ¦f Captain Jacobs, with his Indians, returned a few 'days'after,_ with four French scalps, taken on the east shore of the lake, nearly opposite Ticon- 404 MEMOIR OF join a party of their brethren, then on a scout. On the 27th the rangers ambushed a point of land to intercept the enemy's batteaux, which might pass up and down ; but not finding any, they returned up the lake, and landed on the east shore, eight miles north of Crown Point. On the morning of the 29th they entered a French village, east of the fort, and made prisoners of a man, his wife, and daughter, a girl of fourteen; and returned to the garrison September 22. The Frenchman stated that he was a native of Vaisae, in the province of Guienne, France. He had been in Canada fifteen years ; in the colony's service six years ; and two years at Crown Point ; which fort was garrisoned by only three hundred men, and those mostly inhabitants of the adjacent villages ; that four thousand men occupied Ticonderoga, fifteen hundred of them being regular troops, who had plenty of stores and provisions ; that he was never at Carillon or the advanced guard, but had heard there were only fifteen men at the latter place ; that six hundred Indians were at Carillon, and six hundred more expected ; that twelve hundred men had reached Quebec, on their way to Carillon ; that the last eighteen hundred were commanded by Monsieur Scipio de la Masure ; that Ticonderoga was. well supplied with cannon, mortars, shells, shot, &c. ; that the garrison expected a reinforce ment in two or three days, having sent boats to Montreal to bring the troops ; that he had heard, by letter, that Oswego had fallen into the hands of the French, but it was not yet confirmed ; that it was understood the English intended to invest Carillon, but did not know what course the French intended to take, should they neglect that step ; that they kept a hundred, and fifty batteaux on the lake, thirty-five of which plied between Montreal and Carillon; that Monsieur Montcalm commanded at Fron- tenac, with five thousand men, but he did not know whether they were regulars or militia ; that a great many vessels had arrived at Quebec, with provisions and military stores ; that he had heard the English had several ships in ROBERT" ROGERS. 405 the St. Lawrence ; that Monsieur le Compte Levi com manded Carillon, and came last year from France ; that, since the capture of the two last lighters (before men tioned), the number of men on board the large schooner had been increased from twelve to thirty men. On his" return Rogers was ordered by Lord Loudoun to wait upon Colonel Burton, at Saratoga, by whose direc tion he marched, with his company, from Fort William Henry to South bay ; thence east to Wood creek, cross ing the creek southerly, opposite Saratoga, and made report to Colonel Burton. During this tour he appre hended four deserters from Otway's regiment, going over to the enemy, who were sent back to Fort Edward in charge of Lieutenant Stark. At Saratoga the party met Captain Richard Rogers from the Mohawk, with the Stockbridge Indians in company, and all returned to Fort Edward, where an encampment was formed. Part of the Indians were sent out on the east side of Lake Champlain, to alarrh the enemy at Ticonderoga ; while Captain Robert Rogers, with a detach ment of his own company, and that of Richard Rogers, proceeded down Lake George in whale-boats, leaving the remainder of the corps to serve as flankers to the parties conveying provisions to Fort William Henry. September 7. Captain Robert Rogers embarked on Lake George, with fourteen men, in a whale-boat, which they concealed the evening following on the east side, four miles south of the French advanced guard. There he left seven men in charge of Mr. Chalmer, a volunteer (sent by Sir John St. Clair), with directions, upon discover ing the enemy's boats proceeding up the lake, to convey the news, with all possible speed, to Fort William Henry. With the other seven, he arrived, on the 9th, within half a mile of Ticonderoga. The enemy were engaged in raising the walls of the fort, and had erected a large block-house near the south-east corner of the fortress, with 'ports for cannon. East of the fort was a battery commanding the lake. Five houses were discovered close 406 MEMOIR OF to the water side, south of the works, one hundred and sixty tents on the- south-west side, and twenty-seven baf> teaux hauled up on the beach. Next morning, with one private, he took a* view, of the falls between the two lakes, where several discharges of muskets had been heard the evening before. Mr. Henry had been sent to learn the cause, and soon joined Rogers, reporting that the French were building a small fort at the head of the falls, on the east shore ; also, that he had discovered their advanced guard on the west side ; and estimated both parties at five hundred men. The French were also found engaged in building a saw-mill, at the lower part of the falls. The party returned to their boats and provisions, which Mr. Chalmers had left. He, having executed his orders, had returned to camp, whither the party followed his track, and arrived on the 11th instant. September, 24. General Abercrombie ordered three com missioned officers of the rangers, with twenty privates each, to reconnoitre Wood creek, South bay, and Ticon deroga, who alternately kept up a continual scout for some time. October 22. ' The greater portion of the army now lay at Fort Edward, under General Abercrombie ; and Lord Loudoun arriving at this time, it was supposed that, not withstanding the season was so far advanced, an attempt would be made upon the French forts. But his lordship, supposing the lakes would freeze, as they generally do in December, and that no communication could be kep't up with Fort William Henry, contented himself with keeping the field until Monsieur Montcalm retired to winter quarters. October 22. Rogers embarked, with twenty men, being ordered to bring a prisoner from ' Ticonderoga. He had passed the narrows, twenty miles from the 'place of em barkation, when his boat was hailed by Captain Shephard, who had been taken prisoner in August last. He knew his voice, and took him on board, with three men, one of whom was taken with him. He left Canada fifteen days ROBERT ROGERS. 407 before. Continuing his course, Rogers landed, on the night of the 17th, on the west shore, concealed his boats, and travelled by land until within a mile of the fort. The next day two videttes of the French picket guard were discovered, one of whom was posted on the road leading to the woods. Rogers, with five men, marched directly down the road in the middle of the day, until challenged by the sentry. He answered in French, "Friends." The sentinel was thereby deceived, until the party came close to him, when, perceiving his mistake, in great surprise he cried out, "Qui etes-vous?" The captain answered, "Rogers," led him from his post in great haste, and, with his party, reached Fort William Henry on the 31st of October. The prisoner reported that he belonged to the regiment of Languedoc, and left Brest last April, twelve month ; had since' served at Lake Champlain, Crown Point, and Carillon ; was with General Dieskau last year at Lake George ; that the French lost in that engagement a great number of troops ; that Ticonderoga at this time mounted thirty-six pieces of cannon, namely, twelve eight- eens, fifteen twelves, and nine eight-pounders ; that Crown Point was defended by eighteen pieces of cannon, the largest of which were eighteens ; that Monsieur Mont calm's forces this year at Carillon were three thousand regulars, and two thousand Canadians and Indians ; that General Montcalm was away with one battalion ; that the force at Carillon consisted of five battalions and eight hundred Canadians ; that the Indians had all gone home, but two hundred of them talked of returning to spend the winter at Carillon ; that the advanced guard on the west side, above the falls, were all drawn in, and that on the east consisted of six hundred men, who were to decamp on the 1st of November ; that five battalions of infantry of the line and sixty Canadian militia lay en camped half a league from Carillon ; that the remainder of the army 'were in the- fort ; that the barracks were sufficient for five hundred men, whom he understood were to quarter there ; that the French had one schooner and 408 MEMOIR OF two hundred batteaux on Lake Champlain, and but five or six on Lake George ; that the Chevalier Levi com manded in General Montcalm's absence, and that the Canadians were under the orders of Messieurs Corne and Columbie ; that, when the general went away, he said " he had done enough this year, and would take Fort William Henry in the spring;" that the French had taken four of Rogers' whale-boats on Lake Champlain ; that, when taken, he was within a gunshot and a half of the fort ; and that their camp was healthy. From this time the rangers were constantly employed in patrolling the woods about Fort Edward, until November 19, 1756, when they made an excursion down the lake. Captain Abercrombie, nephew of the general, had the curiosity to accompany the expedition ; and, although nothing was effected, save obtaining a view of the French garrison, he was delighted with the novelties of a scout, and the noble scenery through which he was conducted. The party returned, on the 25th, at evening. About this time his lordship drew off the main body of his troops, to be quar tered at Albany and New- York. Both armies now retired to winter quarters. The rangers were stationed at Forts William Henry and Edward, and were augmented by two new companies from Halifax (N. S.), under Captains Hobbs and Spikeman. These two companies were posted at Fort William Henry, and the other two at Fort Edward. Captain Richard Rogers was sent to New-England for recruits. He waited upon the Boston, government to obtain pay for the rangers' services in the winter of 1755 ; but could obtain none, although Lord Loudoun generously supported the claim. January 15, 1757. Capt. Robert Rogers marched with Lieutenant Stark, Ensign Page, of Richard Rogers' com pany, and fifty privates, to Fort William Henry, where they were employed in providing provisions, snow-shoes, &c, until the 17th, when being joined by Captain Spike- man, with Lieutenant Kennedy, Ensign Brewer, and four teen men of his corps, together with Ensign James Rogers, ROBERT ftOGERS. 409 with twenty, men of Hobb's company, and Mr. Baker, a volunteer of the 44th regiment of the line, the whole party proceeded down Lake George on the ice, and at night encamped on the east side of the first narrows. Next morning a portion of the party, who had become lame in consequence of yesterday's exertions, were sent back, which reduced the force remaining to seventy-four, officers included. On the 18th they encamped twelve miles down the lake, on the west side. On the 19th they marched three miles down the lake, and then took to the land with their snow-shoes ; and having travelled eight miles north west, encamped three miles from the lake. On the 20th they marched east all day, and encamped on the west side, three miles from Lake Champlain. January 21. The party marched eastward until they came to the lake half way between Crown Point and Ticonderoga, where they discovered a sled passing from the latter to the former. Lieutenant Stark, with twenty men, was directed to head the sled, while Rogers, with five of the party, cut off its retreat, leaving Captain Spike- man with the centre. Ten other sleds were discovered following down the lake. Rogers endeavored to give Mr. Stark notice before he shew himself on the lake, but could not. He sallied out, and they hastily turned back toward Ticonderoga. The rangers pursued and captured seven prisoners, three sleds and six horses ; the remainder escaped. The captives were separately examined, and reported that two hundred Canadians and forty-five Indi ans had just arrived at Ticonderoga, and were to be rein forced that evening by fifty Indians from Crown Point ; that six hundred regular troops were in that fortress, and three hundred and fifty at Ticonderoga, where they expected a large army which, in the spring, was to besiege the -English forts ; that they had large magazines of pro visions ; that the troops were well equipped, and in condi tion to march at a moment's warning, and intended to waylay and distress the convoys between the English forts. In consequence of this information, and knowing that 27 410 MEMOIR OF those who escaped would give immediate notice of the party, orders were given them to march with all expedi tion to the fires which had been kindled the night before, and prepare for battle, if offered, by drying their guns, as the .day was rainy. This was effected, and the party marched in single file — Captain Rogers and Lieutenant Kennedy in front, Lieutenant Stark in the rear, and Captain Spikeman in the centre ; Ensign Page and Rogers between the front and centre, arid Mr. Brewer between the centre and rear — Sergeant Walker having command of a rear guard. In this manner the party advanced half a mile over bro ken ground, and passed a valley fifteen rods in breadth, when the front, having gained the summit of the opposite hill, on the west side, fell in with the enemy drawn up in the form of a crescent to surround the party, and were immediately saluted with a volley of two hundred shot, at a distance of five yards from the nearest, and thirty from the rear of the party. This fire took place about 2 o'clock P. M., and proved fatal to. Lieutenant Kennedy and Mr. Gardner, a volunteer, beside wounding several, and Captain Rogers in the head. Rogers ordered his mente retire to the opposite hill, where Lieutenant Stark and Mr. Brewer had made a stand, with forty men, to cover the retreat. They were closely pursued, Captain Spikeman ¦ and others killed, and several made prisoners. Lieutenant Stark repulsed them by a brisk fire from the hill, killing a number, and affording those retreating an opportunity to post themselves to advantage. Mr. Stark then took a position in the centre, with Ensign Rogers, Sergeants Walker and Phillips acting as reserves to protect the flanks and watch the enemy's motions. Soon after the party had thus formed for battle, the enemy attempted to outflank them, but were bravely attacked by the reserve, who gave the first fire, which stopped several from returning to the main body. The rangers were then pushed closely in front, but having the advantage of the ground, and being sheltered by large trees, they maintained a constant fire, ROBERT ROGERS. 411 which killed a number, and compelled the others to retire upon their main force. The enemy attempted to outflank them once more, but were again gallantly repulsed by the reserve. In this affair, Mr. Baker was killed. A constant fire was kept up till sunset, when a shot through his wrist disabled Captain Rogers from loading his gun. The action continued until darkness prevented the parties from seeing each other. The rangers gallantly maintained their position till the fire of the enemy ceased, and he retired. During this action, the Indians practiced several strata gems to induce the rangers to submit : sometimes assur ing them that reinforcements were at hand, who would cut them to pieces without mercy ; that it was a pity so many brave men should be lost ; that, in case of surrender, they should be treated with compassion. Calling Rogers by name, they assured him of their friendship and esteem ; but he, and the brave men who fought by his side, were neither to be dismayed by their threats, nor flattered by their professions. They were resolved to conquer, or die with arms in their hands. After the action, a considerable number were so severely wounded that they could not travel without assistance ; but as the French garrison was so near, it was thought best to take advantage of the night and retreat. The spirits of the wounded were kept up as well as possible, and the party reached Lake George, six miles south of the French advanced guard, next morning. The wounded men were now exhausted, and could march no farther. Lieutenant Stark volunteered, with Thomas Bumside and another, to proceed to Fort William Henry and ; procure sleighs for the wounded. They reached the fort at 8 o'clock that night, and next morning sleighs arrived, though the distance was forty miles. Lieutenant Bulkley, of Hobbs' company, came out with fifteen men as far as the first narrows of Lake George ; and the survivors of the expedition, consisting of forty-eight effective and six 412 MEMOIR OF wounded men, arrived with their prisoners on the same evening (Jan. 23, 1757), at Fort William Henry. Before the sleighs came to their relief, the men, looking back upon the lake, observed a dark object following at a distance on the ice. Supposing it might be one of their wounded stragglers, a sleigh was sent back for him. He proved to be Joshua Martin. His hip had been shattered by a ball which passed through his body, and he had been left for dead on the field of battle ; but recovering himself, had followed his comrades' tracks to the lake, and there came in sight of them. He was so exhausted that he sank down the moment the sleigh reached him. He recovered of his wound, became a lieutenant, served through the war, and died at Goffstown at an advanced The number of the enemy in this action was two hun dred and fifty French and Indians. Accounts received afterward reported their loss on the spot, and those w-ho died of their wounds, td be one hundred and sixteen — the whole force of the rangers being but seventy-four, officers included. The officers and men who survived the first onset, behaved with the most undaunted bravery, and vied with each other in their respective stations.* * In regard to this fight, the late Mr. John Shute observed that Rogers did not on this occasion obey his own rules, written out for the guidance of the corps. After taking the sleds, a council of war advised to return by another route than that by which they came, which was their usual prac tice, and would have saved them the loss incurred by this conflict. The first notice the party had of the enemy was the noise, made in cocking their guns, which Shute supposed was occasioned by some rangers prepar ing to fire at game. He was struck senseless by a ball which ploughed the top of his head. On coming to himself, he observed a man cutting off the riDbfn of Rogers' queue, to bind up his wrist, through which a ball had passed. On the night retreat the rangers made a circuit to avoid a large fire in the woods, supposing the enemy were there. This caused them to lose time, so that Joshua Martin, who had kindled the fire by a large dry pine tree to warm himself, was enabled to follow and come in sight of them on the lake ; otherwise he must have perished. Stilson Eastman, and the late Colonel Webster, of Plymouth, corroborated the statement of Mr. Shute that the conduct and courage of John Stark saved the party, and that to his activity, enterprise, and example, the corps of rangers were indebted for much of their celebrity during the "seven years war." ROBERT ROGERS. 413 RETURN OP KILLED, WOUNDED AND MISSING, IN THE ACTION OF JAN UARY 21, NEAR TICONDEROGA. CAPTAIN ROBERT ROGERS' COMPANT. KILLED. WOUNDED. MISSING. Mr. Gardner, volunteer, Captain Rogers, William Morris, Mr. Baker, volunteer, Joshua Martin, Sergeant Henry, Thomas Henson. Thomas Burnside. John Morrison. Total — 3 killed, 3 wounded, 3 missing. CAPTAIN RICHARD ROGERS' COMPANT. KILLED. WOUNDED. MISSING. John Stevens, David Page. Benjamin Goodall, Ensign Caleb Page. David Kimball. Total — Killed 2, wounded 1, missing 2. CAPTAIN HOBBS' COMPANT. KILLED. Sergeant Jonathan Howard, Phinehas Kemp, John EdmundS, Thomas Farmer, Edmund Lapartaquer. Total— Killed 5. CAPTAIN SPIKEMAN'S COMPANT. KILLED. WOUNDED. MISSING. Captain Spikeman, Sergeant Moore, Thomas Brown. Lieutenant Kennedy, John Kahall. Robert Avery, Samuel Fisk. Total — Killed 4, wounded 2, missing 1. Total of the four companies — Killed 14, wounded 6, missing 6.* Captain Rogers forwarded this report to Major Sparks, at Fort Edward, and wrote to Capt. Abercrombie, recom mending such officers as were deserving to fill the vacan cies occasioned by the late action, as follows : *The missing men were prisoners. 414 MEMOIR OF Lieutenant Stark to be captain of Spikeman's corps, Sergeant Joshua Martin to be ensign of Richard Rogers' company, to which- he received the following answer : Albany, February 6, 1757. Dear Sir — The general received your report by Major Sparks. He returns you and your men thanks for your good behaviour, and has recommended to my Lord Lou doun that they have pay for their prisoners. On receiving an account of your skirmish, we sent an express to Boston recommending your brother James for lieutenant of Spikeman's company. Please send the names of the officers you recommend for your own company, and your recommendation shall be duly regarded. You can not imagine how all ranks of people are pleased with your men's behaviour. I was so pleased with their appearance when I was out with them, that I took it for granted they would behave -seell whenever they met the enemy. I am happy to learn that my expectations are answered. I am sorry for Spikeman and Kennedy, as well as for the men you have lost, but it is impossible to play at bowls without meeting rubs. We must try to revenge them. Few persons will believe it, but upon honor I should have been glad to have been with you, that I might have learned the manner of fighting in this country. The chance of being shot is all stuff, and King" William's principle is the best for the soldier, " that every bullet has its billet," and that it is allotted how every.man shall die ; so that I am certain every one will agree that it is better to die with the reputation of a brave man, fighting for his country in a good cause, than by shame fully running away to preserve one's life, or by lingering out an old age to die in one's bed without having done his dountry or king any service. The histories of this country, particularly, are full of the unheard of cruelties committed by the French, and the Indians, at their instigation ; wherefore I think every ROBERT ROGERS. 415 brave man ought to do his utmost to humble that haughty nation, and reduce her bounds of conquest in this country to narrower limits. When General Abercrombie receives his lordship's instructions respecting the rangers, I shall send you notice of it. In the mean time, I hope you'll get the better of your wound. As long as you and your men continue to behave so well, you may command Your most humble servant, JAMES ABERCROMBIE, Aid-de-Camp. -To Captain Robert Rogers. The wound of Captain Rogers becoming worse, he repaired to Albany for medical -aid, and there received from General Abercrombie the following instructions : INSTRUCTIONS FOR CAPTAIN ROBERT ROGERS. His Excellency, the Earl of Loudoun, having given authority to me to augment the companies of rangers under your command to one hundred men each : viz., one captain, two lieutenants, one ensign, upon English pay ; four sergeants at 4s. each, New- York currency ; and one hundred privates at 2s., Qd. each, do. per day. And whereas, certain privates are serving at present in your companies on higher pay than the above, you are at liberty to discharge them, in case they refuse to serve under the new establishment, as soon as you have men to replace them. If they remain and serve, you may assure them that, they will be noticed, and be the first provided for. Each man is to be allowed ten dollars bounty money, to find his own clothing, arms, and blankets, and sign a paper subjecting himself to the articles of war, and to serve during the war. You are to enljst no vagrants, but such men as you and your officers are acquainted with, and who are every way qualified for the duty of rangers. Complete the companies as soon as possible, and proceed to Fort Edward. JAMES ABERCROMBIE, Major General. 416 MEMOIR OP At this time Rogers wrote to Lord Loudoun, asking hia aid in obtaining the amount due to himself and men for services in the winter of 1755. He replied that, as these services were antecedent to his command, it was not in his power to reward them. General Amherst afterward gave a similar answer. His men afterward sued and recovered judgments against him for X828, 3s., 3d., beside costs. For this, and for his own services during that severe season, he never received any consideration. Captain Hobbs dying about this time, Lieutenant Bulk- ley succeeded him as captain. From March 5th to April 15th Rogers was confined with the small-pox at Fort Ed ward, during which time his officers were employed' in recruiting, according to the foregoing instructions. Soon after his recovery, he received the following letter : New- York, April 23, 1757. Sir — As another company of rangers has been sent to Albany, with orders to proceed to our forts, you will inform Colonel Gage that it is Lord Loudoun's order that the two companies at Fort William Henry*, and your own at Fort Edward, proceed immediately to Albany, and embark for this place. Show this letter to Colonel Gage, that he may inform Colonel Munro of his lordship's orders, and that quarters may be provided for your com panies at Albany. See that your companies are well equipped, and are good men ; if they are found insuffi cient, the blame will rest on you. If the officers of the new company are ignorant of the woods about Fort William Henry, your brother must send some officers and men to inform them of the different scouting grounds. I am, sir, your humble servant, ' JAMES ABERCROMBIE, Aid-de-Camp. To Captain Robert Rogers, Albany. ROBERT ROGERS. 417 Richard Rogers, with his own and Bergen's new com pany of rangers from New-Jersey, being left at Fort William Henry, Stark's* and Bulkley's from the same fort, and Robert Rogers' company from Fort Edward, pro ceeded to Albany, and thence to New- York, where Shep- hard's new company, from New-Hampshire, joined them. There they embarked on board a transport, and left Sandy Hook June 10th, with a fleet of one hundred sail, for Halifax ; where they soon arrived, and encamped on the Dartmouth side- of the harbor, while the main army lay on the Halifax side. July 3. Rogers went to Lawrencetown, where a portion of his men were employed in making hay for the horses to be employed on the Louisburg expedition. Part of them covered the hay-makers, while others went on scouts, one of which brought in two deserters from the 45th regiment. Toward the end of July, forty rangers were sent across the isthmus of Nova Scotia to the settlements on the Bay of Fundy, and a party down the north-west arm, to scour the woods for deserters, who brought in- several, both of the army and navy. At this time Admiral Holbourn arrived with a fleet from England, having on board several regiments of troops, which were landed and encamped at Halifax. All the scouts were now called in, but certain intelligence having been received that a French fleet of superior force had arrived at Louisburg, the intended expedition was abandoned, aud the rangers remanded to the western frontiers. During the summer numbers of the rangers were carried off by the small-pox, and several officers were sent on the recruiting service. The rangers embarked for New- York, and proceeded in small vessels up the Hudson to Albany, where the recruits soon after arrived. They then proceeded to Fort Edward, which was now the only cover to the northern frontiers of New- York, and the more eastern provinces, Fort * At New-Tork Captain Stark was taken with the small-pox, and did not accompany the expedition. 418 MEMOIR OF William Henry * having been taken in August previous by the French. General Webb, now commanding Fort Edward, kept the rangers constantly employed patroling the woods between that post and Ticonderoga. Lord Howe accom panied one of these scouts, being desirous of learning their method of marching, ambushing, and retreating; and, on their return, expressed his good opinion of them very generously. Lord Loudoun now added to the corps a number of vol unteers from the regulars, to be trained to wood service under Captain Rogers' inspection, to be hereafter employed as light infantry. Several of them belonged to the 42d regiment of highlanders. f * Captain Richard Rogers died of small-pox a few days before the siege of this fort; but the enemy, after its surrender, dug him up and scalped him. In consequence of the articles of capitulation, the two companies of rangers were disbanded and dismissed. After the surrender, Samuel Blodget, the ranger sutler, was found concealed under a batteau. He was allowed to go free, after being plundered of every thing but his scalp. He was afterward a sutler in the revolutionary ariny ; became a considerable merchant, a judge, and was the projector of the first canal at Amoskeag falls, on Merrimack river. He lived to a great age. and died at Man chester, respected as an enterprising and public individual. During Lord Loudoun's absence at Halifax, Fort William Henry was taken, after a siege of nine days, by the Marquis de Montcalm, while General Webb lay at Fort Edward, fifteen miles distant, with more than four thousand regular troops, and made no effort for its relief. The garri son capitulated on condition of quarter, which was shamefully broken by the enemy, and many of the prisoners massacred or carried away captive by the savages. Previous to the expedition against this fortress, ten sachems were sent by the French general as messengers to the north western tribes, to invite them to become the allies of France. In conse quence of this summons, among others, a party of a tribe called " Cold Country Indians," appeared at the siege. They were cannibals, and many prisoners were by them roasted and eaten. The journal of a French oflicer, who was in Montcalm's army, and afterward taken in the West-Indies, states "that the Indians roasted several of their English captives, and compelled the survivors to partake of the horrid banquet." — Hutch. Hist. Two savages seized a lad named Copp, and were leading him away by "his shirt sleeves, when a ranger, named Benjamin Richards, a bold, ath letic man, hearing his cries, broke from the ranks and rushed after them. He snatched away the boy, leaving the shirt sleeves in their hands, and regained his place in the ranks. f This celebrated regiment in after times repulsed the French on the shores of Aboukir, and covered the landing of Sir Ralph Abercrombie's army in Egypt. ROBERT ROGERS. 419 These volunteers formed a separate company under Rogers' immediate orders. For their instruction, he reduced to writing several rules, and a course of disci pline, of which experience had taught him the necessity. December 1, 1757. Lord Loudoun visited Fort Edward, and after giving directions for quartering the army, and leaving a strong garrison under the command of Colonel Haviland, he returned to Albany. The rangers and their ¦volunteers were quartered in huts on an island in the Hudson, near Fort Edward, and were employed in various .scouts, which the health of Rogers did not permit him to accompany, until December 17th ; when, by order of Col onel Haviland, he marched with one hundred and fifty men to reconnoitre Ticonderoga, and if possible take a prisoner. He advanced six miles in a snow storm, and encamped, the* snow being then three inches deep, and before morning it fell to the depth of fifteen. He how ever pursued his route. December 18. Eight of the party being fatigued and unwell, returned to camp. The remainder proceeded nine miles to the east side of Lake George, near the place where Mons. Montcalm landed his troops when he besieged Fort William Henry. There they discovered a large quantity of cannon balls and shells, which had on that occasion been concealed by the French, and made such marks at the place, as would enable them to find the arti cles again. This was their first visit to the ruins since their return from Halifax. December 19. The march continued on the north-west side of the lake, nine miles, to the head of .North-west bay. December 21. So many of the men became tired, and returned, as to reduce the force to one hundred and twenty three, officers included, who marched ten miles farther, and encamped for the night. Here each man was ordered to leave one day's provisions. December 22. They marched ten miles, and encamped near the great brook running into Lake George, eight miles from the French advanced guard. 420 MEMOIR OF December 23. .They proceeded eight miles — the next day six more, and halted six hundred yards from Ticon deroga. Near the mills five Indians' tracks were discov ered, supposed to have been made the day before by a hunting party. On the march this day, between the advanced guard and the fort, three places of rendezvous were appointed, in case they should be broken in action. Rogers informed the officers and men that he should rally the party at the post nearest the fort ; and if broken there, ¦ retreat to the second ; and at the third make a stand, until night should afford an opportunity of retiring in safety. The road from the fort to the woods was then ambushed by an advanced guard of twenty men, and a rear guard of fifteen. At 11 o'clock a sergeant of marines came from the fort up the road toward the advanced party, who suffered him to pass to the main body, which secured him. He reported the garrison at three hundred and fifty regu lars, fifty artificers, and five Indians ; that they had plenty of provisions, and that twelve masons were employed blowing rocks in the intrenchment, assisted by a number of soldiers ; that Crown Point was garrisoned by one hun dred and fifty regulars and fourteen Indians; that the Marquis de Montcalm was at Montreal ; that five hundred Attawawa Indians wintered in Canada ; that five hundred rangers had been raised in Canada, and were commanded by an experienced officer, well acquainted with the coun try ; he did not know that the French intended an attack on the English fort this winter, but expected a large force of Indians, as soon as the ice would bear, to go down to that post ; and all the bakers in Carillon were employed in making biscuit for these scouts. " About noon a Frenchman came near the rangers on his return from, hunting. A party was ordered to pursue to the edge of the clearing, take him prisoner, fire a gun or two, and retreat to the main body, and thus by stratagem entice the enemy from their fort. The orders were promptly obeyed, but no one ventured out. , The last pris oner gave the same information as the first, and also, that ROBERT ROGERS. 421 he had heard the English intended to attack Ticonderoga as soon as the lake was frozen hard enough to bear them. Finding that the enemy would not come out, the party killed seventeen head of cattle, and set fire to the wood collected • for the garrison. Five large piles were' con sumed. The French discharged cannon at those who kindled the fires, but did them no injury. At 8 o'clock in the evening the party commenced their march, and on the 27th, with their prisoners, reached Fort Edward. On their return, they found at the north end of lake George the boats the French had taken at Fort William Henry, and a great number of cannon balls concealed. As the boats were under water, they could not destroy them. On his return from this scout, Captain Rogers 'was ordered to New- York to confer with Lord Loudoun in respect to the augmentation of the corps of rangers. His lordship gave him a friendly reception, and the following instructions : By His Excellency, John, Earl of Loudoun, Lord Mackline, and Tair- eensen, &c, &c. ; one of the sixteen Peers of Scotland, Captain Gen eral of Virginia, and Vice Admiral of the same ; Colonel of the 13th regiment of foot, Colonel-in-chief of the Royal American regiment, Major General and Commander-in-chief of all His Majesty's forces raised or to be raised in North America.* Whereas, I have thought proper to augment the rangers with five additional companies : viz., four from New-Eng land, and one Indian company, to be forthwith raised and employed in his majesty's service ; and having entire confidence in your knowledge of the men fit for that ser vice, I therefore, by these presents, empower you to raise such a number of non-commissioned officers and privates as will complete the companies upon the following estab lishment : viz., each company to consist of one captain, two lieutenants, one ensign, four sergeants and one hun dred priyates. The officers are to receive British pay, that is, the same as officers of the same rank in the line ; the sergeants 4s., *His lordship's list of titles remind one of the Spanish traveller, for whose catalogue of names the landlord could not find room in his house. 422 MEMOIR OF New- York currency, and the privates 2s., Qd. per day. One month's pay for each of said companies shall be advanced, on condition that it is to be deducted from the first warrants which shalL be issued hereafter for the subsistence of said companies. The men are to provide themselves with good blankets and warm clothing ; the same to be uniform in each company. They will supply their own arms, which must bear inspection. The Indians are to be dressed in their own costume, and all are to be subject to the articles of war. You will dispatch the officers, appointed to these com panies, immediately upon the recruiting service, with direc tions to enlist none for a less term than one year, nor any other than able bodied men, accustomed to the woods, good hunters, and every way qualified for rangers. They are all required to be at Fort Edward on or before the 15th of March next; and are to be mustered by the officer com manding that garrison. Given under my hand, at New- York, the 11th day of January, 1758. By His Excellency's command- To Captain Robert Rogers. LOUDOUN. J. Appt, Sec'y. In pursuance of these instructions, officers were dis patched to the New-England colonies, and the levies were completed on the 4th of March. Four of them were sent to join General Amherst, at Louisburg, and the others remained under the order of Captain Rogers. He was at the whole expense of raising these companies, for which he received no allowance ; and by the death of one cap tain, to whom he had delivered one thousand dollars as advanced pay, as by his instructions he had a right to do, he was obliged to account to government for the same, for which he never received a farthing. February 28. Colonel Haviland ordered a scout from Fort Edward, under Captain Putnam, who commanded a ROBERT ROGERS. 423 company of Connecticut provincials, together with a party of the rangers, giving out publicly that upon Putnam's return Rogers would be sent to the French forts with four hundred rangers. This was known to officers and soldiers at the time of Putnam's departure. While this party was out, a servant of Mr. Best, the sutler, was taken by a flying party from Ticonderoga, and one of Putnam's men deserted to the enemy. Captain Putnam returned, report ing that six hundred Indians lay not far from the enemy's quarters. March 10. Colonel Haviland ordered Rogers to the vicinity of Ticonderoga, not with four hundred men as had been given out, but with one hundred and eighty, officers included. He had with him one captain, one lieutenant, and one ensign of the line, as volunteers : viz., Messrs. Creed, Kent and Wrightson; also, one sergeant and a private, all of the 27th regiment ; a detachment from the four companies of rangers, quartered on the island near Fort Edward : viz., Captain Bulkley, Lieuten ants Phillips, Moore, Campbell, Crafton and Pottinger ; Ensigns Ross, Waite, McDonald and White, with one hundred and sixty-two privates. Captain Rogers engaged in this enterprise, with so small a detachment of brave men, with much uneasiness. He had every reason to believe that the prisoner and deserter had informed the enemy of the movement intended, and the force to be employed. Yet Colonel Haviland, knowing all this, sent him out with but one hundred and eighty men. He probably had his -reasons, and could perhaps justify his conduct ; but that affords no consolation to the friends of the brave men who were thus rashly thrown in the way of an enemy of three times their force, and of whom one hundred and eight never returned. The detachment first marched to Half-way brook, in the road leading to Lake George, and there encamped for the night. On the 11th they proceeded as far as the first narrows on Lake George, and encamped that evening on 424 MEMOIR OF the east shore. After dark a scout was sent three miles down, to ascertain if the enemy were coming toward our fort, who returned without discovering them. The troops were, however, on their guard, and parties were kept out walking upon the lake all night, while sentries were posted at all necessary places on shore. March 12: The rangers left their camp at. sunrise, and, having advanced about three miles, perceived a dog run ning across the lake. A party was therefore sent to reconnoitre an island where it was ¦ supposed the Indians were in ambush ; but, as none were found there, it was thought expedient to take to the shore, and thus prevent being discovered from the surrounding hills. They halted at a place called Sabbath-day Point, on the west shore, and sent out scouts to look down the lake with perspective glasses'. At dark the party proceeded down the lake. Lieutenant Phillips, with fifteen men, seyeral of whom preceded him on skates, acted as an advanced guard, while Ensign Ross flanked them on the left under the west shore, near which the main body was kept marching as closely as possible to prevent separation, the night being extremely dark. In this manner they came within eight miles of the French advanced guard, when Mr. Phillips sent back a man on skates to desire the detach ment to halt. Upon this the men were ordered to sit down upon the ice. Mr. Phillips soon after appeared, reporting that he had discovered what he supposed to be a fire* on the east shore, but was uncertain. He and Mr. White were sent to ascertain the fact. They returned in an hour, fully persuaded that a party of the enemy were encamped at the place. Tbe advanced guard was called in, and the whole force marched to the west shore, where in a thicket they concealed their sleighsf and packs. * It was afterward learned that a scout of French had a fire there at the time, but on discovering the advanced party, put it out, and carried the news to the fort. j- These Indian sleighs' were pieces of split wood shaved thin, about sixteen inches wide and six feet long, turned up in front, so as to slide easily over the snow, with two arms and a cross-piece, by which they were drawn. Thus an old ranger described them. ROBERT ROGERS. 425 Leaving a small guard with the baggage, the party marched to attack the enemy's encampment, if it could be found. On reaching the place where the supposed fire had been seen, and finding no enemy,.they concluded Mr. Phillips had mistaken patches of snow or rotten wood for fire, (which in the night and at a distance resemble it.) They then returned to their packs, and passed the night without fire. On the morning of the 13th a council of officers determined that the best course was to proceed by land upon snow-shoes, lest the enemy should discover the party On the lake. Accordingly the march was continued on the west shore, along the back of the mountains, which overlooked the French advanced guard, and the party halted two miles west of them, where they refreshed themselves until three o'clock. This halt and rest was to afford the day scout from the fort time to return home, before they advanced to ambush some of the roads leading ¦ to the fortress that night, in order to trepan the enemy in the morning. The detachment now advanced in two divisions, one headed by Captain- Bulkley, and the other by Captain Rogers. Ensigns White and Waite led the rear guard, while the other officers were properly posted with their respective divisions. On their left they were flanked by a rivulet, and by a steep mountain on their right. The main body kept close under the mountain, that the ad vanced guard might better observe the brook, on the ice of which they might travel, as the snow was now four feet deep, which made travelling difficult even with snow- shoes. In this manner they proceeded a mile and a half, when the advance reported the enemy in sight, and soon afterward, that his force was about ninety-six, chiefly Indians. The party immediately threw down their knap sacks, and prepared for action, supposing the enemy's whole force were approaching our left upon the ice of the rivulet. Ensign McDonald was ordered to take command of the advanced guard, which, as the rangers faced to the left, became a flanking party to their right. They marched 28 426 MEMOIR OF within a few yards of the bank, which was higher than the ground they occupied, and, as the ground gradually descended from the rivulet to the foot of the mountain, the line was extended along the bank so far as to cover the enemy's whole front at once. When their front was nearly opposite "his left wing, Captain Rogers fired his gun as the signal for a general discharge. The first fire was given by the rangers, which killed more than forty, and put the remainder to flight, in which one-half of the rangers pursued and cut down several more with their hatchets. Imagining the enemy totally defeated, Ensign McDonald was ordered to head their flying remains, so that none should escape. He soon ascertained that the party already routed was only the advanced guard of six hundred Cana dians and Indians, who were now coming up to attack the rangers. The latter now retreated to their own ground, which was gained at the expense of fifty men killed. « There they were drawn up in good order, and fought with such intrepidity, keeping up such a constant and well- directed fire, as caused the enemy, though seven to one in number, to retreat a second time. The rangers being in no condition to pursue, the enemy rallied, and made a desperate attack upon their front and wings. They were so warmly received that their flanking parties soon re treated to their main body with great loss. This threw the whole into confusion, and caused a third retreat. The rangers' numbers were now too far reduced to take ad vantage of their disorder, and, having rallied, the enemy attacked them a fourth time. Two hunared Indians were now discovered ascending the mountain on the right, in order to fall upon our rear. Captain Rogers ordered Lieutenant Phillips, with eighteen men, to gain the heights before them, and drive the In dians back. He succeeded in gaining the summit, and repulsed them by a well-directed fire. Captain Rogers now became alarmed lest the enemy should go round on the left, and take post on the other part of the hill, and ROBERT ROGERS. 427 directed Lieutenant Crafton, with fifteen men, to antici pate them. Soon afterward he sent two gentlemen, who were volunteers, with- a few men to support him, which they did with great bravery.* The enemy now pressed so closely upon the English front, that the parties were often intermixed, and in gen eral not more than twenty yards asunder. A constant fire continued from the commencement of the attack, one hour and a half, during which time the rangers lost eight officers and one hundred privates killed on the spot. After doing all that brave men could do, they were compelled to break, and each man to look out for himself. Rogers ran up the hill, followed by twenty men, toward Phillips and Crafton, where they stopped, and gave the Indians who were pursuing in great numbers another fire, which killed several and wounded others. Lieutenant Phillips was at this time about capitulating for himself and party, being surrounded by three hundred Indians. Rogers came so near that Phillips spoke to him, and said if the enemy would give good quarter, he thought it best to surrender ; otherwise, he would fight while a man was left to fire a gun. Captain Rogers now retreated, with the remainder of his party, in the best manner possible. Several men, who were wounded and fatigued, were taken by the savages who pursued his retreat. He reached Lake George in the evening, where he was joined by several wounded men, who were assisted to the place where the sleighs had been left. From this place an express was dispatched to Col onel Haviland, for assistance to bring in the wounded. The party passed the. night without fire or blankets, which * These gentlemen were both oflicers of the line, and went out as volun teers, desirous of witnessing the novelty of an Indian fight. Rogers previously requested them to retire, and offered a sergeant to conduct them. They at first accepted the offer ; but, being unused to snow-shoes, unac quainted with the woods, and seeing the rangers hardly pressed by the Indians, painted most hideously, and causing the mountains to echo with their horrid yells, like gallant men, came back to their aid. After the fight they escaped, and wandered in the forest and mountains for seven days, enduring great hardships, until the morning of the 20th, when they reached Ticonderoga, and surrendered to a party of French officers, who, observing them, ran out and prevented their capture by a party of Indians. The French treated them in a kind and hospitable manner, and in due time they were exchanged. 428 MEMOIR OF I were lost with their knapsacks. The night was extremely cold, and the wounded suffered much pain, but behaved in a manner consistent with their conduct in the action. In the morning the party proceeded up the lake, and at Hoop island met Captain John Stark bringing to their relief provisions, blankets and sleighs. They encamped on the island, and passed the night with good fires. On the evening of March 15, they arrived at Fort Edward. Regarding this unfortunate enterprise, Rogers says : " The number of the enemy who attacked us was seven hundred, of which six hundred were Indians. From the best accounts, we afterward learned that we killed one hundred and fifty of them, and wounded as many more, most of whom died. I will not pretend to say what would have been the result of this unfortunate expedition, had our number been four hundred strong, as was contem plated ; but it is due to those brave officers who accom panied me, most of whom are now no more, to declare that every man in his respective station behaved with uncom mon resolution and coolness. Nor do I recollect an instance, during the action, in which the prudence or good conduct of one of them could be questioned." The only person whose conduct appears censurable was Colonel Haviland, for sending out so small a force, when he had every reason to believe that the enemy was apprised of his intentions, and would without doubt have a superior force in readiness, to compel the rangers to an engagement under every disadvantage. RETURN OF KILLED AND WOUNDED, IN THE ACTION OF MARCH 13, 1758. The captain and lieutenant of the regular troops, acting as volunteers, were made prisoners. The ensign, a sergeant and one private, all vol unteers from the same regiment, were killed. Captain Robert Rogers' Company — Lieutenant Moore, Sergeant Parnell, and thirty-six privates, killed. Captain Shephard's Company — Two sergeants and sixteen privates killed. ROBERT ROGERS. 429 Captain James Rogers' Company— Ensign McDonald killed. Captain John Stark's Company — Two sergeants and fourteen privates killed. Captain Btjxkley's Company — Captain Bulkley, Lieutenant Pottenger, and Ensign Waite killed ; 17 privates killed and missing. Captain William Stark's Company— Ensign Ross killed. Captain Brewer's Company — Lieutenant Campbell killed. After the return of Captain Rogers from this scout, he was ordered to Albany to recruit his company, where he met with a friendly reception from Lord Howe, who advanced money to recruit men, and gave him leave to wait upon General Abercrombie, at New- York. That general had now succeeded to the command-in-chief, in place of Lord Loudoun, who was about to embark for England. At this time, he received the following com mission : By His Excellency, James Abercrombie, Esquire, Colonel of His Majesty's 44th regiment of foot, Colonel-in-chief of the 60th royal Americans, Major General and Commander-in-chief of all His Majesty's forces raised or to be raised in North America. Whereas, it may be of great use to his majesty's service in America to have a number of men employed in obtain ing intelligence of the strength, situation and motions of the enemy, and other services, for which rangers are qual ified :' Having, therefore, the greatest confidence in your loyalty, courage and skill, I do hereby constitute you major of the rangers in his majesty's service, and captain of a company of the same. You are therefore to take the said rangers as major, and the said company as captain, into your care, and duly exercise and instruct as well the officers as the soldiers; who are hereby commanded to obey you as their major and captain, respectively. And you are to observe such orders as from time to time, you shall receive from his majesty, myself, or any other supe rior officer, according to the rules and discipline of war. 430 MEMOIR OF Given at New- York, this 6th day of April, 1758, in the 31st year of our- sovereign lord, the king of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. JAMES ABERCROMBIE. By His Excellency's command — J. Afpy, Sec'y. To Major Robert Rogers. On the 12th of April Major Rogers reported himself to Lord Howe, at Albany, with whom he conversed respect ing the different modes of distressing the enemy, and prosecuting the war with vigor the ensuing campaign. He then proceeded to Fort Edward to take orders from Colonel Grant, then commanding that post. Captain Stark was dispatched to Ticonderoga, on the west side of Lake George ; Captain Jacobs (Indian), on the east side ; Captain Shephard between the lakes, with orders to take prisoners from Ticonderoga. At the same time, Major Rogers marched, with eighteen men, to Crown Point. Captain Burbank was also detached in quest of prisoners. These scouts were kept constantly out to reconnoitre the enemy from time to time. April 29. Major Rogers marched, with eighteen men, towards Fort William Henry, four miles, and encamped at Schoon creek, the weather being rainy. April 30. He proceeded north-east, and encamped by South bay. May 1. He encamped near the narrows north of South bay. May 2. He made a raft, crossed the 'lake, and encamped four miles from it, on the east side. May 3. He steered north, and encamped three miles from Ticonderoga. May 4. He marched north-east all day, and encamped three miles from Crown Point. May 5. He killed a Frenchman, and took three pris oners. With them he reached camp on the 9th instant. ROBERT ROGERS. 431 One of the prisoners reported that "he was a native of Lorraine ; that he had been eight years in Canada — of which time he had passed two years at Quebec, one at Montreal, and five at Crown Point; that at the latter place were two hundred ¦ soldiers, under Mons. Jonang ; that Ticonderoga contained four hundred of the queen's regiment, one hundred and fifty marines, two hundred Canadians and seven hundred Indians, three hundred more being expected ; that the French did not intend to attack the English fort, but were preparing to receive them at Ticonderoga; they had, heard that Rogers was killed in the conflict of last March, but from prisoners taken by the Indians, at Dutch Hoosac, they learned that he was alive, and had sworn to revenge the barbarities with which his men had been treated, particularly Lieutenant Phillips * and his party, who had been butchered in cold blood, after they had been promised quarter. This was talked of among the Indians, who blamed tljp French for encouraging them to do so." *A note in the History of Manchester, page 321, refers to this circum stance as follows : " It is stated in a, note, in Rogers' journal, that Lieut. Phillips' was killed in this battle ; he and his party being tied to trees, and hewn to pieces in the most barbarous manner. This is a mistake. Lieut. Phillips escaped, lived to a good old age, and died in Northfield, N. H, somewhere about the year 1819. The writer of this has often heard Lieut. Phillips relate this and other of his escapes in the ' seven years war.' " In regard to Phillips, Judge Potter states Jhat "his christian name was William. He was known as 'Bill Phillips.' He was a noted hunter, and lived in the vicinity of Concord, supporting himself principally by hunt ing. His father was a Frenchman, and his mother an Indian. He partly learned the trade of a blacksmith, but preferred to swing a hatchet or knife to making either; and had rather by far steal a hatchet, axe, or knife, than labor in their manufacture, or to purchase them, provided he had money. In a word, he was an excellent hunter and warrior ; but, with these characteristics, he had some of the bad habits of both the French and the Indian. He was appointed a lieutenant by Lord Loudoun. He was not killed, as reported by Rogers, in the action of March 13th, 1758, but lived in the Merrimack valley until his death, in 1819. He married Eleanor Eastman, of Eumford (now Concord), daughter of Ebe nezer Eastman. He supported himself by hunting and occasional black smith work. He became a drunkard, neglected his business, and would steal. His wife, in consequence, left him, and joined the Shakers at Canterbury. He lived to a great age, and was supported for a time by the town of Concord. . At length, he joined the settlement at Northfield. That town supported him till his death." 432 MEMOIR OF Captains Stark and Jacobs returned on the 8th instant. The former brought in six prisoners, four of whom he recaptured near Ticonderoga ; they, having escaped from New- York and Albany, were on their flight to the French forts. The latter, who had with him but one white man and eighteen Indians, took ten prisoners and seven scalps from a party of French. About the middle of May a flag of truce was sent to Ticonderoga on Colonel Schuyler's account, which put a stop to all offensive scouts till its return. May 28. Orders were issued by Rogers to all officers and men of .the rangers, and the two Indian companies on furlough, to join their respective corps before the 10th of June. These orders were obeyed, and parties kept on scouts until June 8th, when Lord Howe arrived at Fort Edward with one half of the army. His lordship ordered Rogers, with fifty men, and his whale-boatsp which were conveyed in wagons to Lake George, to proceed to Ticonderoga, to obtain at all events an accurate plan of the north end ; also, of the ground from the landing-place to the fort; also, of Lake .Cham plain for three miles beyond it, and discover the enemy's force in that quarter. With these orders, he marched on the morning of the 1 2th, and at night encamped .on the site of Fort William Henry. June 30. He proceeded down the lake in five whale- boats to the first narrows, and to the west end of the lake, where he took the plans required. Part of his men pro ceeding to reconnoitre the fort, discovered . an extensive Indian encampment and a large number of Indians. While Rogers was at a distance from his men, engaged with two or three others taking plans of the fort and camp, the rangers were attacked by a superior number of the enemy who had come between them. Captain Jacobs, with his Mohegans, ran off at the first onset, calling to the rangers to do the same; but they stood their ground, dis charged their pieces several times, and at last broke ROBERT ROGERS. 433 through the enemy, who surrounded them on all sides except their rear, which was covered by a river. They killed three of the enemy, but lost eight rangers in the skirmish. The party rallied at the boats, where Rogers joined them, and, having collected all but the slain, returned homeward. On the 20th, at Half-way brook, they met Lord Howe with three thousand men, to whom Rogers gave an account of his scout, and the plans he had requested. From him he obtained leave to wait upon General Abercrombie at Fort Edward. He ordered him to join Lord Howe next day with all the rangers, amounting to six hundred, and proceed with him to the lake. On the 22d his lordship encamped near the site of Fort William Henry. The rangers advanced four hundred yards farther, and encamped on the west side. From this position three small parties were detached, one to the nar rows of South bay, one along the west shore of Lake George, and a third to Ticonderoga, all proceeding by land. Another party of two lieutenants and seventeen men were sent down the lake in five whale-boats, on the look out, and were all taken prisoners by two huifdred French and Indians. On the 28th of June General Abercrombie arrived at the lake with the remainder of his troops; and on the morning of July 5th the whole army, of nearly sixteen thousand men, embarked in batteaux for Ticonderoga. The order of march afforded a brilliant spectacle. The regular troops occupied the centre, and the provincials formed the wings. For the advanced guard, the .light •infantry flanked the right, and the rangers- the left of Col onel Bradstreet's batteau men. In this order the army advanced, until dark, down the lake to Sabbath-day Point, when it halted to refresh. At ten o'clock at night the force moved onward, Lord Howe proceeding in front with his whale-boat, attended by Colonel Bradstreet, Major Rogers, and Lieutenant Holmes in other boats. Holmes was detached in advance to view 434 MEMOIR OF the landing-place, and ascertain if the enemy were posted there. He returned at daybreak, and met the army four miles from the landing-place, near the Blue mountains. He reported that he had discovered, by their fires, that a party of the enemy were posted at the landing-place. At daylight his lordship, Colonel Bradstreet, and Major Rogers proceeded within a quarter of a mile of the landing- place, and perceived a small party in possession of it. His lordship thereupon returned to assist in landing the army, intending to march by land to Ticonderoga. At twelve o'clock the landing was effected, and the rangers posted on the left wing. Major Rogers was ordered to gain the summit of a mountain, which bore north one mile from the landing-place ; thence to proceed to the river which enters the falls between the landing-place and the saw mills, and take possession of a rising ground on the side of the enemy ; there to await farther orders. After a toilsome march of one hour, he gained the position, and posted his men, to the best advantage, within a quarter of a mile of the post occupied by the Marquis de Montcalm, with fifteen hundred men, as the scouts ascertained. At twelve o'clock Colonels Lyman and Fitch, of the provin cials, took post in their rear. While Rogers was informing them of the enemy's position, a sharp fire commenced in the rear of Lyman's regiment, who immediately formed his front, and desired Rogers to fall upon the left flank, which he did. Rogers ordered Captain Burbank, with one hundred and fifty men, to retain their present position, and watch the motions of fhe French at the saw-mills. With his remaining force he fell upon the enemy's left, the river covering their rights and killed many of them.. By this time Lord Howe, with a detachment from his front, had broken the enemy, and hemmed them in on each side ; but, while advancing himself with too great intrepidity and zeal, he was unfortunately struck by a shot, and died instantly.* * This intrepid and accomplished nobleman was beloved by both officers and soldiers, and his fall produced a general consternation. ROBERT ROGERS. 435 At six o'clock, July 7th, Rogers was ordered to the river, where he had been stationed the day before, there to halt on the west side, with four hundred and fifty men, while Captain Stark, with the .remainder of the rangers, advanced with Captain Abercrombie, and Mr. Clerk, the engineer, to reconnoitre the place. They returned the same evening, and the whole army passed the night under arms. At sunrise, July 8th, Sir William Johnson arrived with four hundred and forty Indians. At seven o'clock the rangers were ordered to march. A lieutenant of Captain Stark led the advanced guard, which, when within three hundred yards of the intrenchments, was ambushed and fired upon by two hundred French. Rogers formed a front to support them, and they maintained their ground until the enemy retreated. Soon after this the batteau men formed on Rogers' left, and the light infantry on his right. The enemy's fire did not kill a man of the rangers. Two provincial regiments now formed in Rogers' rear, at two hundred yards' distance. While the army was thus forming, a scattering fire was kept up between the English flying parties and those of the enemy, without the breast work. At half past ten, the army being drawn up, a sharp fire commenced on the left wing, where Colonel De Lanoy's New York men and the batteau men were posted. Upon this Rogers, with the rangers, was ordered to drive the enemy within their works, and then to fall down, that the pickets and grenadiers might march through. The enemy soon retired within their works, and Major Pr'oby, with his pickets, marched within a few yards of the works, where he unfortunately fell. The enemy keeping up a steady fire, the soldiers were drawing back, when Colonel Haldiman came up with the grenadiers to support them, followed by the battalions of ,the line. The colonel ad vanced very near the breastwork, which was eight feet high. Some provincials and Mohawks also came up. The troops toiled," with repeated attacks, for four hours, being much embarrassed by trees felled by the enemy without their breastwork, • when the general ordered a retreat, 436 MEMOIR OF directing the rangers to bring up the rear, which they did in the dusk of the evening. On the 9th, at dark, the army reached the south end of Lake George, where the general bestowed upon 'them his thanks for their good behavior, and ordered them to intrench. The wounded were sent to Fort Edward and Albany. The loss of the English was sixteen hundred and eight regulars, and three hun dred and thirty-four provincials killed and wounded, while that of the French was five hundred killed and wounded, and many prisoners. Soon after this Rogers went on a scout to South bay, and returned July 16th, having discovered one thousand of the enemy on the east side. This party fell upon Colonel Nichols' regiment, at Half-way brook,* and killed three captains and twenty men. July 27. Another party of the enemy attacked a convoy of wagons between Fort Edward and Halfway brook, and killed one hundred and sixteen men, sixteen of whom were rangers. Major Rogers attempted to intercept this party with seven hundred men, but they escaped. On his return an express met him with orders to march to South and East bays, and return. On this march nothing mate rial occurred until August 8th. Early in the* morning the march commenced from the site of Fort Ann; Major Putnam, with a party of provincials, marching in front, the rangers in the rear, and Captain Dalyell, with the reg ulars in the centre, the whole force amounting to five hundred and thirty, exclusive of officers. After marching one-third of a mile, five hundred of the enemy attacked the front. The men were immediately brought into line, Captain Dalyellf commanding the centre, with the rangers * From these and other slaughters this brook is sometimes called " Bloody brook." f Captain James Dalyell was appointed a lieutenant in the 60th, or Royal Americans, January 15, 1756, and obtained a company in the 2d battalion of Royals, or 1st regiment of foot, on the 13th of September, 1760. On the §lst of July, 1763, he led a detachment against Pontiac, then encamped beyond the bridge on the creek called "Bloody run," near Detroit. The British party was obliged to retreat ; but Dalyell, seeing a wounded sergeant of the 55th lying on the ground, gazing in despair after his retiring comrades, ran back to rescue the wounded man, when he was struck by a shot, and fell dead. ROBERT ROGERS. 437 and light infantry on the right, and Captain Giddings, with his Boston troops, on the left. Major Putnam being in front of his men when the fire began, the enemy rushed in and took him, one lieutenant, and two privates pris oners, and threw his whole party into confusion. They afterward rallied, and performed good service, particularly ¦Lieutenant Durkee,* who, notwithstanding a wound in the thigh and one in his wrist, bravely maintained his ground, and encouraged his men throughout the action. Captain Dalyell, with Gage's light infantry, and Lieu tenant Eyers of the 44th regiment, behaved with great gallantry. They occupied the centre, where at first the fire was most severe. It afterward fell upon the right, where -the enemy made four different attacks upon the rangers. The officers and men behaved with so much courage, that in an hour the enemy broke and retreated ; but with so much caution, and in such small squads, as to afford no opportunities to harrass them by pursuit. The English kept the field, and buried the dead. They missed fifty-four men, twenty-one of whom came in afterward, they having been separated from the rangers during the action. The enemy lost one hundred and ninety-nine killed, several of whom were Indians. The party was met, at some distance from Fort Edward, by three hundred men with refreshments, sent by Colonel Provost, and with them they arrived, on the 9th of August, at Fort Edward. July 11. Colonel Provost, who now ranked as brigadier, ordered Rogers to pursue the track of a large body of Indians, which he heard had passed down the Hudson. The report proving groundless, he returned on the 14th, and proceeded to the camp at Lake George. August 29th, he reconnoitred Ticonderoga, and from that time until the army retired to winter quarters, was employed in various excursions to the French forts, and in pursuit of their flying parties. * Lieutenant Robert Durkee. This brave and skillful partisan served with distinction in the French war, and afterward removed to the settlement in the valley of Wyoming, Penn., and rendered valuable services in the revolutionary contest. He was slain at the battle of Wyoming, July 3, 1778. — Wilson's Orderly Book. ' 238 MEMOIR OF Although little was effected by the expedition to Ticon deroga, the British arms were not every where unsuccess ful. Colonel Bradstreet, with two thousand men, reduced Fort Frontenac* at Cataraqua ; and General Amherst, who had captured Louisburg, now assumed the chief command of his majesty's forces, and established his head quarters at New- York. Major Rogers proceeded to Albany to settle his accounts with the paymaster, and while there addressed the follow ing letter to Colonel Townshend, deputy adjutant gen eral to his excellency, General Amherst : Albany, January 28, 1759. Sir — I herewith send you a return of the present condi tion of his majesty's rangers at Fort Edward, with a list of officers now recruiting in different parts of New- England, who report nearly four hundred men enlisted, who are now wanted to protect our convoys between Albany and Fort Edward. In order to urge the recruiting service, I would propose a visit to New-England, and wait upon the general at New- York on my way, to represent the necessity of aug menting the rangers, and the desire of the Stockbridge Indians to reenter the service. The rangers' arms are in the hands of Mr. Cunningham at New- York, and are very much needed at Fort Edward. Will you be good enough to have them forwarded ? Respectfully, your obedient servant, R. ROGERS. To Colonel Townshend. P. S. General Stanwix informs me that a subaltern and twenty rangers are to be stationed at Number Four. I would recommend Lieutenant Stevens, who is well ac-; quainted With the country in that quarter. *This fort was square-faced, with four stone bastions, and nearly three quarters of a mile in circumference. Its situation was pleasant, the banks of the river presenting an agreeable landscape, with a fair view of Lake Ontario, distant one league, interspersed with many beautiful woody islands. It was erected to prevent the Indians from, trading with the English, and became a place of great trade. ROBERT ROGERS. 439 [Answer.] February 5, 1759. Sir — I received your letter with the inclosed return. ' The general commands me to inform you that he can by no means approve of your leaving Fort Edward. Your recruiting officers are ordered to send their recruits to Fort TJdward, by an advertisement in the newspapers containing the general's orders, as you did not furnish their names and places of duty. The proposals for the Indians must be sent immediately to the general. The arms shall be sent forthwith. Lieutenant Stevens has been notified of the general's intention of leaving him at Number Four. It is a season of the year when you may expect the enemy's scouting parties, and you must see the necessity of remaining at Fort Edward. Your officers will join you as soon, as possible. At another time the general would grant your request. , Your humble servant, R. TOWNSHEND, D. A. G. To Major Rogers. Rogers proposed to the colonel an addition of two new corps of rangers, pn the same footing as those already in service, and that three Indian companies should be raised for the next campaign. To secure them before they went out on hunting parties, he wrote to three of their chiefs1: one, to King Uncas of the Mohegans, was as follows : Brother Uncas — As it is for the advantage of King George to have a large body of rangers raised for the next campaign, and being well convinced of your attachment, I wish, in pursuance of General Amherst's orders, to engage your assistance early in the spring. Should you choose to come out as captain, you shall have a commis sion ; if not, I shall expect Doquipe and Nunipad. You shall choose the ensign and sergeants. TJie company shall consist of fifty men or more. If the deserters from 440 MEMOIR OF Brewer's corps will join you, the general will pardon them. You may employ a clerk, who shall be allowed 'the usual pay. I wish you success in raising the men, and shall be glad to be joined by you as soon as possible. Your humble servant, R. ROGERS. With letters to Indians, a belt of wampum is sent. The bearer reads the letter, and delivers that and the belt to the sachem, to whom they are directed. Toward the last of February Sir William Johnson sent Captain Lotridge, with fifty Mohawks, to join Rogers in a scout to Ticonderoga. On the 3d of March Colonel Haldiman ordered Rogers to reconnoitre the enemy's forts. He marched, with three hundred and fifty-eight men, to Half-way brook, and there encamped. One Indian, being hurt, returned. On the 4th he marched within a mile and a half of Lake George, and halted till evening, that he might pass the enemy undiscovered, should any of them be on the hill. He then marched on until two o'clock in the morning, and halted at the first narrows, whence several frost-bitten men were sent back in charge of a careful sergeant. At eleven, on the night of the 5th, the party reached Sabbath- day Point, almost overcome with cold. At two o'clock the march was resumed, and the landing-place reached at eight o'clock in the forenoon. Here a scout was sent out, who reported two working parties on the east side, but none on the west. This being a suitable opportunity for the engineer to make his observations, Rogers left Captain Williams in command of the regulars and thirty rangers, and proceeded with the engineer and forty-nine rangers, Captain Lotridge and forty-five Indians, to the isthmus. which overlooks the fort, "where the engineer made his observations. They then returned, leaving five Indians and one ranger to observe what numbers crossed the lake from the east side in the evening, that the party might know how to attack them in the morning. At dark the ROBERT ROGERS. 441 engineer went again to the intrenchments with Lieutenant Tute and a guard of ten men. . He returned without molestation at midnight, having completed his survey. Upon his return Captain Williams and the regulars were ordered back to Sabbath-day Point ; they, being distressed with cold, and having no snow-shoes, it appeared impru dent to march them farther. Lieutenant Tute and thirty rangers were sent with them to kindle fires at the point. At three o'clock Rogers marched with forty rangers, one regular, and Lotridge's Indians to attack the working parties when they crossed the lake early in the morning. He crossed South bay eight miles south of the fort, and at six o'clock bore down opposite to it, within half a mile of the French parties who were cutting wood. A scout of two Indians and two rangers reported that they were forty in number, and at work close upoa the lake shore, nearly opposite the fort. Throwing off their blankets, the rangers ran down upon the choppers, took several prisoners, and destroyed most of the party in their retreat. Being discovered by the garrison, the party was pursued by eighty Canadians and Indians, supported by one hun dred and fifty regulars, who, in a mile's march, commenced a fire upon their rear. The rangers, halting upon a rising ground, repulsed the enemy before their whole party came up, and resumed their line of march abreast. After proceeding half a mile, their rear was again assailed ; but, having gained an advantageous position upon a long ridge, they made a stand on the side opposite to the enemy. The Canadians and Indians came very near, but, receiving a warm fire from the rangers and Mohawks, they broke immediately, were pursued, and entirely routed before their regulars could come up. The party now marched without interruption. In these skirmishes one regular and two rangers^ were killed, and one Indian wounded. ' Thirty of the enemy were left dead. At twelve o'clock at night the party reached Sabbath-day Point,* * Considering that three skirmishes took place in the course of it, this must be considered an extraordinary march on snow-shoes. 29. 442 MEMOIR OF fifty miles from the place they left in the morning. Cap tain Williams was up, and received them withtgood fires, than which nothing could have been more acceptable, as many of the men had their feet frozen, the weather being intensely cold, and the snow four feet deep. Next morn ing the whole party marched to Long island, on Lake George, and encamped for the night. During the march several rangers and Indians had leave to hunt on the lake shore, and brought in plenty of venison. Fearing that a party of Indians, who had gone up South bay, might do some mischief before his return, Major Rogers dispatched Lieutenant Tute with the following letter to Colonel Hal- diman-: Camp at Sabbath-day Point, 8 o'clock A. M. Sir — I would inform you that sixty Indians, in two parties, have gone toward Fort Edward and Saratoga, and I fear they will strike a blow before this reaches you. Mr. Brheme, the engineer, has completed his business agreeably to his orders ; since which I have taken and destroyed several of the enemy near Ticonderoga, as the bearer will inform. The Mohawks behaved well, and ventured within pistol shot of the fort. The weather is extremely severe, and we are compelled to carry some of our men whose feet are frozen. Yours, &c, R. ROGERS. N. B. Two-thirds of my detachment have frozen their feet. [Answer.] Fort Edward, March 20, 1759. Dear Sir — I congratulate you on your success, and send twenty-two sleighs to transport your sick. You will also bring as many boards * as you can conveniently. My compliments to Captain Williams and the gentlemen. Your most obed't serv't, FRED. HALDIMAN. ?Boards left at south end of Lake George, and wanted, at Fort Edward. ROBERT ROGERS. 443 P. S. The signal guns * have been fired to give notice to the different posts to be on their guard. Nothing has yet appeared. At Lake George the party met the sleighs and a detach ment of one hundred men, and all returned in safety to Fort Edward, where Rogers received the following letter : New-York, February 26, 1759. Sir — Your letter by Mr. Stark was yesterday received. The general approves of raising the Indians, but does not agree to raise any more companies of rangers until the present ones are completed. Your arms have been proved by the artillery, and answer well. They will be sent you as fast as possible. We have chosen one hundred men from each regiment, and selected officers, to act this year as light infantry. They are equipped as lightly as possible, and are much wanted in our service. Brigadier Gage recommends you highly to the general. With him merit will not pass unrewarded, nor will he favor recommenda tions unless the person deserves promotion. Please return yOur companies when complete. Your humble servant, R. TOWNSHEND. New- York, February 13., 1759. Sir — This will be delivered by Captain Jacob Nanna- wapateonks, who during the last campaign commanded the Stockbridge Indians, who, upon hearing that you had written concerning him, came to offer his services for the ensuing campaign. As you have not mentioned any terms, I refer him to you to receive his proposals. Report them to me, and inform me whether his service is ade quate to them. After which I will give an answer. Your most obed't serv't, JEFF. AMHERST. To Major Rogers. * A party of Indians near Fort Miller, eight miles below, heard these guns, and, supposing they were discovered, retreated. 444 MEMOIR OF Before receiving this letter, Rogers had waited on the general at Albany, by whom he was well received, and assured of the rank of major in the line of the army from the date of his commission under General Abercrombie. Returning to Fort Edward, May 15th, he received tbe melancholy news of the death of Captain Burbank,* who, during his absence, had been cut off' with thirty men while on a scout. He was a good officer, and the scout upon which he was sent was needless and ill-advised. Preparations for the campaign were now hastened in every quarter. Levies from the provinces arrived, the ranger companies were completed, and in June a portion of the army under General Gage advanced to the lake. Rogers was ordered to send Captain Stark, with three companies, to join him. With the other three, Rogers remained under the orders of the general-in-chief, who directed several scouts to be made to the enemy's forts. June 20. The second division of the army proceeded to thg lake, the rangers forming • the advanced guard. Here the general fulfilled his promise to Rogers, by declaring publicly, in general orders, his rank as major in the army from the date of his commission as major of rangers. The army lay here collecting its strength, and procuring information of the enemy, until July 21st, when it was again embarked for Ticonderoga, in little more than a year from the time of the memorable repulse before the lines of that fortress. June 22. The rangers were in front, on the right wing, and were the first troops landed at the north end of Lake George. They were followed by the grenadiers and light infantry, under Colonel Haviland. The rangers marched across the mountains in the isthmus, thence, through a by-path in the woods, to the bridge at the saw-mills ; where, finding the bridge uninjured, they crossed to the * * An Indian scalped Captain Burbank, and held up the trophy with great exultation, thinking it to be that of Major Rogers. The prisoners informed him of the mistake, and the Indians appeared to be sorry, saying he was a good man. He had some time previously shown some of them kindness, which Indians never forget. ROBERT ROGERS. 445 other side, and took possession of a rising ground. From this they drove a party of the enemy, killed several, took a number of prisoners, and routed the whole party before Colonel Haviland's corps had crossed the bridge. The army took possession of the heights near the saw-mills, where it remained during the night. The enemy kept out a scout of Canadians and Indians, who killed several men, and galled the army severely. July 23. At an early hour the general put the troops in motion. The rangers were ordered to the front, with directions to proceed across Chestnut plain, the nearest route to Lake Champlain, and endeavor to strike the lake near the edge of the cleared ground, between that and the breastwork ; there to await farther orders. The general had by this time prepared a detachment to attack the main breastwork on the hill, which they carried ; while two hundred rangers carried a small intrenchment near Lake Champlain, without much loss. From the time when the army came in sight, the enemy kept up a constant fire of cannon from their walls and batteries. The general employed several provincial regiments in transporting cannon and stores across the carrying-place, which service they performed with great expedition. July 24. This day engineers were employed in raising batteries, with the assistance of a large portion of the troops, the remainder being employed in preparing fas- eines, until the 26th,* at night. Scouts of rangers were during this interval kept out in the vicinity of Crown Point, by whose means the general received hourly infor mation from that post. Orders were now given to cut * The brave Colonel Townshend was killed this day by a cannon ball. He was deeply lamented by the general, to whom he acted as deputy adjutant general. Roger Townshend, fourth son of Charles, Viscount Townshend, was commissioned lieutenant colonel February 1, 1758, and served as adjutant general in the expedition against Louisburg, and deputy adjutant general in the campaign of 1759, with the rank of colonel. He was killed in the trenches at Ticonderoga, by a cannon ball, July 26, 1759. His remains were conveyed to Albany for interment. His spirit and military knowledge entitled him to the esteem of every soldier, and his loss was universally lamented. — Wilson's Orderly Book. 446 MEMOIR OF away a boom, which the French had thrown across the lake opposite the fort, which prevented the English from passing in boats to cut off the French retreat. To effect this object, two whale-boats and one English flat-boat were conveyed a'cross the land from Lake George to Lake Champlain. In these, after dark, Rogers embarked with sixty rangers, and passed over to the other shore, opposite the enemy's camp ; from thence intending to steer along the east shore, and silently saw off' the boom, which was composed of large timber logs, fastened together with strong chains. At nine o'clock the party had nearly reached their destination, when the French, who had previously undermined the fortress, sprung their mines, which blew up the fort with a tremendous explosion, and the*garrison commenced a retreat in their boats. Rogers and his party availed themselves of this favorable oppor tunity of attacking them, and drove several boats on shore ; so that in the morning»ten boats were taken on the east shore, containing a large quantity of baggage, fifty casks of powder, and a quantity of shot and shells; which Rogers reported to the general at ten o'clock next morning. On the 27th Rogers was ordered- with a party to the saw-mills, to waylay flying parties of the enemy who were expected to return that way. There he remained until August 11th, when he received the following order: You are this night to send a captain, with a suitable proportion of subalterns, and two hundred men, to Crown Point, where they will post themselves in such a manner as not to be surprised ; and, if attacked, they are not to retreat, but to maintain their ground until reinforced. JEFF. AMHERST- Captain Brewer was detached with this party, and the general, following next morning with the whole army, took possession of Crown Point the same day. Captain Brewer had executed his orders in a most satisfactory manner. ROBERT ROGERS. 447 August 12. This evening the encampment was arranged, the rangers' station' being in front of the army. The next day the general directed the ground to be cleared, and employed a large portion of . the troops in erecting a new fort. Captain Stark, with two hundred rangers, was employed in cutting a road from Crown Point through the wilderness to Number Four.* While the army lay at Crown Point, several scouts were sent out, who brought prisoners from St. John's, and penetrated far into the enemy's back country. On the 12th of September, the general, being exas perated at the treatment of Captain Kennedy by the St. Francis Indians, to whom he had been sent with a flag of truce and proposals of peace, but who, with his party, had been made prisoners by the Indians, resolved to inflict upon them a signal chastisement, and gave orders as follows : You are this night to join the detachment of two hun dred men which was yesterday ordered out, and proceed to Missisqui bay. From thence you will proceed to attack the enemy's settlements on the south* side of the St. Law rence, in such a manner as shall most effectually disgrace and injure the enemy, and redound to the honor and success of his majesty's arms. Remember the barbarities committed by' the enemy's f Indian scoundrels on every occasion where they have had opportunities of showing their infamous cruelties toward his majesty's subjects. Take your revenge, but remember that, although the villains have promiscuously murdered women and children of all ages, it is my order that no women or children should be killed or hurt. When you have performed this service, you will again join the army wherever it may be. Yours, &c, JEFF. AMHERST. Camp at Crown Point, September 13, 1759. To Major Rogers. * Charlestown, N. H. f The plan for this expedition was formed on the day previous ; but, that all due caution might be observed, it was announced, in public orders, that Rogers would proceed another way, while he had secret orders to proceed to St. Francis. 448 ' MEMOIR OF The account of this expedition is contained in Rogers' official dispatch, and is in substance as'follows : On the evening of the twenty-second day after our departure from Crown Point, we came in sight of the Indian town of St. Francis, which we discovered by climbing a tree at three miles' distance. Here my party, consisting of one hundred and forty-two,* officers included, were ordered to refresh themselves. At eight o'clock Lieutenant Turner, Ensign Avery, and myself reconnoi tred the town. We found the Indians engaged in a high frolic, f and saw them execute several dances with great spirit and activity. We returned to our camp at two o'clock A. M., and at three advanced with the whole party within three hundred yards of the village, where the men were lightened of their packs, and formed for action. Half an hour before sunrise we surprised the village, approaching it in three divisions, on the right, left, and centre ; which was effected with so much caution and promptitude on the part of the officers and men that the enemy had no time to recover themselves, or to take arms in their own defence, until they were mostly destroyed. Some few fled to the water ; but my people pursued, sunk their canoes, and shot those who attempted* to escape by swimming. We then set fire to all the houses except three,- reserved for the use of our party. The fire consumed many Indians who had concealed themselves in their cellars and house-lofts, and would not come out. At seven o'clock in the morning the affair was completely over. We had by that time killed two hundred Indians, and taken twenty women and children prisoners. Fifteen of the latter I suffered to go their own way, and brought home with me two Indian boys and * Captain Williams of the royal troops, on the fifth day out, accident ally burnt himself with powder, and was obliged to return, taking with him forty men sick or hurt. tThe prisoners afterward informed me that the Indians celebrated a wedding the night before the destruction of their town. ROBERT ROGERS. 449 three girls.* Five English captives were also found, and taken into our care. When the detachment paraded, Captain Ogden was found to be badly wounded, being shot through the body, but still able to perform his duty. Six .privates were wounded, and one Stockbridge Indian killed. I ordered the party to take corn out of the reserved houses, for their subsistence home, which was the only provision to be found.f While they were loading themselves, I examined the captives, who reported that a party of three hundred French and Indians were down the river, four miles below us, and that our boats were waylaid. I believed this to be true, as they told the exact number of the boats, and the place where they had been left. They also stated that two hundred French had three days before gone up the river to Wigwam Martinique, supposing that I intended to attack that place. A council of war now con cluded that no other course remained for us than to return by Connecticut river to Number Four. The detachment accordingly inarched in a body eight days upon that course, and, when provisions became scarce, near Memphremagog lake, it was divided into companies, with proper guides to each, and directed to assemble at the mouth of Ammonoosuc river, as I expected to find provisions there for our relief. Two days after our separation, Ensign Avery, of Fitch's regiment, with his partyrf fell upon my track, and followed in my rear. The enemy fell upon them, and took seven prisoners, two of whom escaped, and joined me the next morning. Avery and his men soon afterward came up with us, and, we proceeded to the Coos intervales, where I left them under the orders of Lieutenant Grant. I then * These prisoners, when brought to Number Four, claimed Mrs. Johnson as an old acquaintance, she having been with their tribe as a prisoner some time before. One of them was called Sebattis. The bell of the Catholic chapel was also brought away, and a quantity of silver brooches taken from the savages who were slain. f One ranger, instead of more important plunder, placed»in his knapsack a large lump of tallow, which supported him on his way home, while many, who had secured more valuable plunder, perished with hunger. 450 MEMOIR OF proceeded with Captain Ogden, and one private, upon a raft, and arrived at this place yesterday. Provisions were in half an hour after dispatched up the river to Mr. Grant, which will reach him this night. Two other canoes, with provisions, have been sent to the mouth of Ammonoosuc river. I shall go up the river to-morrow, to look after my men, and return as soon as possible.to Crown Point. Captain Ogden can inform you of other particulars respecting this scout, as he was with me through tiie whole of the eftpedition, and behaved nobly. Your most obedient servant, R. ROGERS. Number Four, November 5, 1759. To General Amherst. The following additional particulars, stated by Major Rogers, exhibit the daring and hazardous character of this enterprise, and the hardships endured, dangers en countered, and difficulties surmounted, by the brave men by whom it was accomplished. He says : " I cannot forbear making some remarks upon the diffi culties and distresses which attended the expedition, under my command, against St. Francis, situated within three miles of the river St. Lawrence, in the heart of Canada, half way between Montreal and Quebec. While we kept the water, it was found extremely difficult to pass undiscov ered by the enemy, who were cruising in great numbers upon the lake, and had prepared certain vessels to decoy English parties on board, to destroy them ; but we escaped their designs, and landed at Missisqui bay in ten days. Here I left my boats, and provisions sufficient to carry us back to Crown Point, under the charge of two trusty Indians, who were to remain there until we returned, unless the enemy should discover the boats ; in which case they were to follow my track, and bring the intelligence. On the seeded day after this, they joined me at night, informing me that four hundred French had found my ROBERT ROGERS. 451 boats, and two hundred were following my track. This report caused us much uneasiness. Should the enemy overtake us, and we obtain an advantage in the encounter, they would be immediately reinforced, while we could expect no assistance, being so far advanced beyond our military posts. Our boats and provisions also being taken, cut off all hope of retreat by the route we came ; but, after due deliberation, it was resolved to accomplish our object, and return by Connecticut river. Lieutenant McMullen was dispatched by land to Crown Point, to desire General Amherst to relieve us with provi sions at Ammonoosuc river, at the extremity of the Coos intervales, that being the route' by which we should return, if ever. We now determined to outmarch our pursuers, and destroy St. Francis before we were overtaken. We marched nine days through a spruce bog, where the ground was wet and low, a great portion of it being covered with water a foot deep. When we encamped at night, boughs were cut from the trees, and with them a rude kind of hammock constructed to secure us from the water. We uniformly began our marcii at a little before day-break, &nd continued it until after dark at night. The tenth day after leaving the bay, brought us to a river, fifteen miles north of St. Francis, which we were compelled to ford against a swift current. The tallest men were put up stream, and holding by each other, the party passed over, with a loss of several guns, which were recovered by diving to the bottom. We had now good marching ground, and proceeded to destroy the town, as before related, which would probably hawe been effected, with no other loss than that of the Indian killed in the action, had not our boats been discov ered and our retreat that way cut oft". This tribe of Indians was notoriously attached to the French, and had . for a century past harassed the froatiers of New-England, murdering people of all ages and sexes, and in times of peace, when they had no reason to suspect hostile inten tions. They had, within my own knowledge, during six 452 MEMOIR OF years past, killed and carried away more than six hundred persons. We found six hundred scalps hanging upon poles over the doors of their wigwams. It is impossible to describe the dejected and miserable condition of the party on arriving at the Coos intervales. After so long a march, over rocky, barren mountains, and through deep swamps,* worn down with hunger and fatigue, we expected to be relieved at the intervales, and assisted in our return. The officer dispatched to the general reached Crown Point in nine days, and faithfully discharged his commis sion ; upon which the general ordered an officer to Num ber Four, to proceed from thence, with provisions, up the river to the place I had designated, and there to wait as long as there were any hopes of my return. The officer f remained but two days, and returned, carrying with him all the provisions, about two hours before our arrival. We found a fresh fire burning in his camp, and fired guns to bring him back, which he heard, but would not return, supposing we were an enemy. In this emergency, I resolved to make the best of my way to Number Four, leaving the remainder of the party, now unable to proceed farther, to obtain such wretched subsistence as the wilderness afforded J until I could relieve them, which I promised to do in ten days. Captain Ogden, myself, and a captive Indian boy, em barked on a raft of dry pine trees. The current carried us down the stream, in the middle of which we kept our miserable vessel with such paddles as could be split and hewn with small hatchets. On the second day we reached White River falls, and narrowly escaped running over them. The raft went over and was lost ; but our remain- * In one of these swamps a party was led about for three days by a squaw, and finally brought back to their tracks. This she did to afford the Indians an opportunity to overtake them. f This gentleman was censured for his conduct ; but that reproach afforded no consolation to the brave men to whom, his negligence caused such distress and anguish ; and of whom many actually died of hunger. X Ground-nuts and lily-roots, boiled, will support life. ROBERT ROGERS. 453» ing strength enabled us to land, and pass by the falls, at the foot of which Captain Ogden and the ranger killed several red squirrels and a partridge, while I attempted to construct a new raft. Not being able to cut the trees, I burned them down, and burned them off at proper lengths. This was our third day's work after leaving our compan ions. The next day we floated to Wattoquichie falls, which are about fifty .yards in length. Here we landed, and Captain Ogden held the raft by a withe of hazle-bushes, while I went below to swim in, board the raft, and paddle it ashore. This was our only hope of life ; for we had not strength to make another raft, should this be lost. I succeeded in securing it, and next morning we floated down to within a short distance of Number Four. Here we found several men cutting timber, who relieved and assisted us to the fort. A canoe was immediately sent up the river with provisions, which reached the men at Coos in four days, being the tenth day after my departure. Two days afterward I went up the river with two canoes, to relieve others of my party who might be coming that way. I met several parties : viz., Lieutenants Cargill, Camp bell and Farrington ; also Sergeant Evans, with their respective parties ; and proceeding farther, fell in with sev eral who had escaped of Turner's and Dunbar's parties, which, twenty in number, had been overtaken and mostly taken or killed by the enemy. Expresses were sent -to Suncoak * and Pennacook, f upon Merrimack river, direct ing that any who should stray that way should be assisted. At Number Four, the following letter was received from the general. Crown Point, Nov. 8, 1759. Sir — Captain Ogden has delivered your letter of the 5th, which I have read with great satisfaction. Every step you have taken was well judged, and deserves my appro bation. I am sorry Lieutenant * * * * conducted so ill in coming away with the provisions, from the place where I ordered him to wait for you. * Pembroke, N. H. t Concord, N. H. •454 MEMOIR OF An Indian came in last night, who left some of your men at Otter river. I sent for them, and tney have come in. This afternoon came in four Indians, two rangers, a Ger man woman, and three other prisoners. They left four of your party some days since, and supposed they had arrived. I hope the residue may get in safe. The only risk will be in meeting the enemy's hunting parties. I am, sir, your obed't serv't, JEFF. AMHERST. After the party had recruited their strength, such- as were able to march started for Crown Point, where they arrived December 1, 1759. Since leaving the ruins of St. Francis the party had lost three officers : Lieutenant Dunbar of Gage's light infantry, Lieutenant Turner of the rangers, and Lieutenant Jenkins of the provincials, with forty-six sergeants and privates. The rangers at Crown Point were all dismissed before Roger's return, excepting two companies, commanded by Captains Johnson and Tute. The general had left him orders to continue in that garrison during the winter, with leave to proceed down the country, and wait upon him at New- York. After reporting to the general at that city what, intelligence he had obtained respecting the enemy, he was desired, at his leisure, to draw a plan of the march to St. Francis. He returned by way of Albany, which place he left February 6, 1760, with thirteen recruitti. On the 13th, while on the way between Ticonderoga and Crown Point, he was attacked by sisty Indians, who killed five of his men, and took four prisoners. With the remain ing four he escaped to Crown point, and would have pur sued the party ; but Colonel Haviland* thought the ¦ step * This officer was the same who sent him out in March, 1758, with a small force, when he knew a superior one lay in wait for him. He was one of those sort of men who manage to escape public censure, let them do what they will. He ought to have been cashiered for his conduct on that occa sion. He was one of the many British officers who were.meanly jealous of the daring achievements of their brave American comrades, but for whose intrepidity and arduous services, all the British armies, sent to America during the seven years' war, would have effected little toward the conquest of Canada. ROBERT ROGERS. 455 would be imprudent, as the garrison was very sickly. His sleigh was taken, containing £1,196, York currency, beside stores and necessaries. Of the money, £.800 belonged to the crown, which was allowed him. The remainder, £396, being his own, was lost. March 31. Captain Tute, with two regular officers and six men, went on a scout, and were all taken prisoners. The sickness of the garrison prevented pursuit. The fol lowing letter was received from the general. New- York, March 1, 1760. Sir — The command of his majesty, to pursue the war in this country, has determined me to complete the com panies of rangers which were on foot last campaign. Captain Waite yesterday informed me that his company could easily be filled up in Massachusetts and Con*nectieut, and I have given him a warrant for $800, and beating orders. I have also written to Captain John Stark, in New- Hampshire, and Captain David Brewer, in Massachu setts, inclosing to each beating orders for their respective provinces. I send you a copy of their instructions, which are to send their men to Albany as fast as recruited. Your humble servant, JEFF. AMHERST. To Major Rogers. [Answer.] *Crown Point, March 15, 1760. • .Sir — Since the receipt of yours, I have dispatched Lieutenant McCormick, of Captain William Stark's corps, and Lieutenants Fletcher and Holmes to recruit for my own and Captain Johnson's companies. I have no doubt they will bring in good men to replace those who have been frost bitten, who may be discharged or sent to the hospital. Thesmallness of our force has prevented any incursions to the French settlements in quest of a prisoner, which may be obtained at any time. Yours respectfully, R. ROGERS. 456 MEMOIR OF March 9. The general wrote to Major Rogers that he had given a company of rangers to Captain Ogden, and to desire some one to be sent to Stockbridge to engage Lieutenant Solomon (Indian) to raise a company of Indians for the ensuing campaign. Mr. Stuart, adjutant of the rangers, was accordingly sent to explain to Solomon the conditions of the service. The Indians agreed to enter the service, but, as many of them were out hunting, they could not be collected at Albany until the 10th of May. In the faiean time, the ranger companies at Crown Point were completed. May 4. Sergeant Beverly, having escaped from Mon treal, arrived at Crown Point after seven days' journey. He had lived in the house of Governor- Vaudreuil, and reported^fhat, on the tenth of April, the enemy withdrew their troops from Isle aux Noix, excepting a* garrison of three hundred, under Monsieur Bonville ; that they had already brought away half the cannon and ammunition ; that two French frigates, of thirty-six and twenty guns, and several smaller vessels, lay all winter in the St. Lawrence ; that all the French troops in Canada had concentrated at Jecorte on the 20th of April, excepting slender garrisons in their forts ; all the militia who could be spared from the country,, leaving one male- to every two females to sow the , grain, were also collected at the same place, under General Levi, who intended to retake Quebec ; * that ninety-nine •men were drowned in their passage to Jecorte ; that he saw a private, belonging to our troops, at Quebec, who was taken prisoner April 15th. ' He stated that the garri son was healthy ; that Brigadier General Murray had four thousand troops fit for duty in the city, and an advanced guard of three hundred men at Point Levi, which place the enemy attempted to occupy in February last with a considerable force, and began to fortify a stone church near the point ; but that General Murray sent over a detachment of one thousand men, which drove the enemy from their position, with the loss of a captain and thirty * Quebec had been taken by General Wolfe, in 1759. ROBERT ROGERS. 457 French soldiers ; that General Murray had another mili tary post, of three hundred men, on the north side of the river, at Laurette, a short distance from the town ; that all along the land-ward side of the town was a line of block-houses, under cover of the cannon ; that a breast work of fraziers extended from one to the other of the block-houses ; that General Murray had heard that the enemy intended to beat up his quarters, but was not alarmed ; that a party from Quebec surprised two of the enemy's guards at Point Trimble, who were all killed or taken, one guard being composed entirely of French grenadiers ; that two more English frigates had passed up the river, and two other men-of-war lay near the Isle of Orleans ; that the French told him that a fleet of ten sail of men-of-war had been seen at Gaspee bay, and had again put to sea on account of the ice, but did not know whether they were French or English ; that the French intended, on the 1st of May, to draw off two thousand men to Isle aux Noix, and as many more to Oswegatchie, and did not intend to attack Quebec unless the French fleet entered the river before the English ; that, on the 5th of May, one hundred Indians departed for our forts — the remainder had gone to Jecorte ; that the Attawawa and Cold Country Indians would join General Levi in June, ten sachems having been dispatched last fall to solicit aid of those natives from the far north-west ; that many deserters from- the corps of Royal Americans are at Quebec, in the French service ; that they were to be sent, under the charge of Monsieur Boarbier, up the Atta wawa river to the colony between the lakes and the Mississippi ; that most of the enemy's Indians intend going there ; that many of the French who have money intend to secure it by going to New-Orleans ; that he saw at Montreal Reynolds and Hill, who were last fall reported- to Colonel Haviland as deserters — they were taken near River-head block-house while in quest of cattle ; two more rangers will be here in two days with fresh tidings from Montreal, if they can escape ; that Lougee, the 30 458 MEMOIR OF famous partisan, was drowned in the St. Lawrence a few days after his return with the party which surprised Captain Tute ; that the Indians keep a sharp look-out upon the Number Four roads, where they intercept plenty of sheep and cattle on their way to Crown Point. General Murray had hanged several Canadians, who were detected conveying ammunition from Quebec to the enemy; that the two Indian captains, Jacob, are still in Canada ; one is with Captain Kennedy on board a vessel, in irons ; the other ran away last fall, but returned, having frozen his feet ; he is at Montreal." Soon after this Major Rogers went down Lake Cham plain to reconnoitre the Isle aux Noix, the landing-places, &c. He then proceeded to Albany, and gave the general all the information he possessed in regard to the passage into Canada by the Isle aux Noix ; as, also, by Oswego and la Gallette. The genera], having learned by express that Quebec was besieged by the French, formed the design of sending Major Rogers, with a force, into Canada, with directions, if the siege continued, to lay waste the country, and, by marching from place to place, to endeavor to draw off the enemy's troops, and protract the siege, until the English vessels should ascend the river. He was to be governed entirely by the motions of the French army. If the siege was raised, he was to retreat ; if not, to harass the country, even at the expense of his party. The orders were as follows : You are to proceed with a detachment of three hundred men : viz., two hundred and seventy-five rangers, with their officers, a subaltern, two sergeants, and twenty-five men from the light infantry regiments, down the lake, under convoy of the brig, and lay up your boats in a safe place upon one of the islands while executing the follow ing orders : You will send two hundred and fifty men on the west side, in such a manner as to reach St. John's without being discovered by the enemy at Isle aux Noix. You ROBERT ROGERS. 459 will endeavor to surprise the fort at St. John's, and destroy the vessels, boats, provisions, or whatever else may be there for the use of the troops at Isle aux Noix. You will then proceed to Chamblee, and destroy every magazine you can find in that quarter. These proceedings will soon be known at Isle aux Noix, and the enemy will endeavor to cut off your retreat ; therefore, your safest course will be to cross the river, and return on the east side of the Isle aux Noix. Upon land ing on the west side, you will send an officer, with fifty rangers, to Wigwam Martinique, to destroy what he may there find on both sides of the river, and then retreat. You will take such provisions as are necessary, and direct Captain Grant, with his vessels, to wait for your return at such places as you may direct. Your men should be as lightly equipped as possible. They should be strictly cautioned respecting their conduct, and obedience to their officers. There should be no firing, no unnecessary alarms, and no retreating without order. The men are to stand by each other, and nothing can injure them. Let every man who has a proper musket be furnished with a bayonet. You are not to suffer the Indians* to destroy women or children, nor your men to load themselves with plunder. They shall be rewarded on their return as they deserve. JEFF. AMHERST. With these instructions the general delivered him a letter, directed to General Murray at Quebec, with orders to have it conveyed to him as soon as possible. He then returned to Crown Point, and about the 1st of June embarked from thence in four vessels, taking on board their boats and provisions, that the enemy might have no opportunity of discovering their design. ¦ June 3. Lieutenant Holmes, with fifty men, landed at Missisqui bay, with orders to proceed to Wigwam Marti nique. A sloop was directed to cruise for him, and on *The Stockbridge Indians had not arrived, but orders were left for them to follow the track of Rogers. 460 MEMOIR OF his return to take him and his party on board, upon his making certain signals. From this place Rogers disr patched Sergeant Beverly, with the general's letter to General Murray, with these instructions : You will take under your command John Shute, Lux- ford Goodwin, and Joseph Eastman, and proceed, under the convoy of Lieutenant Holmes, to Missisqui bay, and land in the night ; otherwise, you may be discovered by a party from Isle aux Noix. You will then steer a north easterly course, and proceed with all possible dispatch to Quebec, or to the English army at or near that city, and deliver the letter intrusted to your care to Brigadier Murray, or the officer commanding his majesty's forces in and upon the river St. Lawrence. You have herewith a plan of the country, that you may know the considerable rivers between Missisqui bay and Quebec. The distances are marked in the plan, as is the road I travelled last fall to St. Francis, which road you will cross several times. The rivers you will know by their descriptions, when you come to them. The river St. Francis, about midway of your journey, is very still water, and may be easily rafted where you will cross it ; lower down it is so rapid that its passage must not be attempted. The Chaudiere river is rapid for some miles above its mouth, and should be well examined before you cross it. After passing this river, lay your course east, leaving Point Levi on the left, and strike the St. Lawrence near the lower end of the Isle of Orleans, as General Murray may possibly -be encamped on that or the Isle of Quadoa. You are directed to look out for the English fleet, and may venture on board the first line-ofbattle ship you see, whose commander will convey you to the general, who will pay you fifty pounds, and give farther orders as. soon as you have rested from your march. Major Rogers, with his party, now crossed Lake Cham plain to the west shore, and, embarking in boats, on the ROBERT ROGERS. 461 4th landed two hundred men twelve miles south of Isle aux Noix. Captain Grant, with his sloops, was directed to cruise down the lake near the fort, to attract the notice of the enemy until Rogers could get into the country. In consequence of the rain, and the risk of spoiling their provisions, he lay with his party, during the whole day of the 5th, concealed in bushes. In the afternoon of that day several French boats appeared on the lake, continuing as near to our vessels as they could with safety, until after dark. Concluding these boats would watch the vessels all night, Rogers went on board after dark, in a small boat, and ordered them to retire to the Isle of Motte. The enemy, who were out all night, discovered his landing, and sent a force from the island to cut off the party. The scouts counted their number as they crossed from the fort in boats, making it three hundred and fifty men. At eleven o'clock the left of the rangers was briskly attacked. Their right was protected by a bog, which the enemy did not venture over ; through which, however, by the edge of the lake, seventy rangers, under Lieutenant Farrington, passed, and fell upon their rear. At the same time they were attacked in front, and immediately broke. They were pursued a mile, where they separated into small parties, and took refuge in a thick cedar swamp. The rain now came on again, and the party was recalled to the boats, where they found that Ensign Wood, of the 17th regiment, had been killed, and Captain Johnson shot through the body, the left arm, and wounded in the head. Of the rangers sixteen were killed and eight wounded ; two light infantry men were wounded. Forty of the French fell ; their commander, Monsieur la Force was wounded (mor tally), with several of his men. Fifty muskets were taken. After the action the party embarked with their killed and wounded, and returned to the Isle of Motte, near which the brig lay. One of the vessels, having on board the corpse of Mr. Wood, and that of Captain Johnson (tyho died on the passage thither), was dispatched to Crown 462 MEMOIR OF Point, with orders to return with provisions. The dead were buried upon a small island, and the party prepared for a secOnd landing. Being now joined by the Stockbridge Indians, Rogers determined to execute his orders, and, to conceal his motions, left the following orders for Captain Grant; You will immediately fall down the lake, with your vessels, to Wind-mill Point, and there cruise two or three days, to attract the attention of the enemy from my motions. When I suppose you are near the point, my party will land on the west side, opposite the north end of the Isle of Motte, near the river which enters the bay at that place. If we are not attacked, we shall return on the east side, and endeavor to join you near Wind-mill Point, or some where between that and the Isle of Motte. Our signal will be a smoke, and three guns discharged in succession, at a minute's interval, the signal to be repeated in half an hour. But, should we be attacked before reaching our destina tion, in case we have the worst of it, you may expect us to make the above signals on the west side, between the Isle of Motte and the place of our action, on the 6th instant. As the time of our return is uncertain, I advise your not coming south of the Isle of Motte, as a contrary wind may prevent your getting in to my relief. Sergeant Hacket and ten rangers will remain with you during my absence. I advise you not to send parties to the island to take prisoners until the fifth day after my landing, as the loss of a man may be a serious misfortune at this time, and discover our intentions to the enemy. Mr. Holmes will probably return between the 11th and 16th days from his departure from the Missisqui bay; one of the sloops may cruise for him off the bay. On the 9th of June, at midnight, Rogers landed, with two hundred men, on the west shore, opposite la Motte, and marched with all dispatch for St. John's. On the ROBERT ROGERS. 463 evening of the 15th they came to the road leading from that place to Montreal. At eleven at night they advanced within four hundred yards of the fort. The enemy was stronger than was expected, with seventeen sentinels so well posted as to render a surprise impossible. The scout was discovered, and alarm guns fired ; upon which the party retired at two o'clock, and proceeded down river to St. d'Etrees. This place was reconnoitred at daybreak. The fort was a stockade, proof against small arms, and containing two large store-houses. The enemy were carting hay into the fort, and the rangers, watching their opportunity, when a cart was entering the gateway, fushed forward from their concealment, and captured the place before the gate could be closed. In the meantime other parties proceeded to the houses near the .garrison (fifteen), which were all surprised without 'firing a gun. In the fort were twenty-four soldiers, and in the houses seventy-eight prisoners — men, women, and children. Several young men escaped to Chamblee. Ascertaining, from an examination of the prisoners, that Chamblee could not be attacked with success, they burned the fort and village, with a large magazine of hay and provision. They killed all the cattle and horses ; and every batteau, canoe, wagon, and every thing which could be of service to the enemy, was destroyed. To the women and children Rogers gave a pass to Montreal, directed to all officers of the several detachments under his command. After this the party continued their march to the east side of Lake Champlain. While passing Missisqui bay, opposite the Isle aux Noix, their advanced guard engaged with that of a detachment of eight hundred French, who were in quest of them ; but, as the enemy's main body was a mile behind, their advanced party retreated; The party continued their march to the lake, where a pa^ty had been sent forward to repeat the signals, and found the boats waiting, in which they all embarked, thus escaping the enemy, who appeared in full force a few minutes after. Mr. Grant had performed his duty like an able and faithful 464 MEMOIR OF officer, patiently waiting with his vessels, and securing the retreat of the party. Several of the prisoners had been at the siege of Quebec, and reported that the French lost five hundred men, and, after bombarding the place twelve days, had retired to " Jack's quarters," where General Levi had left five hundred regulars and four hundred Canadians ; that the remainder of his troops were quartered hy threes and twos upon the inhabitants from that place to St. John's ; that in Montreal one hundred troops were stationed, the inhab itants themselves performing duty ; that Chamblee fort contained one hundred and fifty men, workmen included ; that the remnant of the Queen's regiment were in the village ; that St. John's fort had twelve cannon and three hundred men, including workmen, who were obliged to take up arms at a moment's notice ; that three hundred men and one hundred pieces of cannon were stationed at the Isle aux Noix. On the 21st the twenty-six prisoners, under a guard of fifty men, were dispatched in a vessel to Crown Point, the others of the party remaining to cover Mr. Holmes' retreat. He joined them the same evening, having failed in his enterprise by mistaking a river which falls into the Sorelle for that called Wigwam Martinique, which falls into the St. Lawrence near St. Francis. On the 23d the party reached Crown Point, and encamped on Chimney Point, directly opposite. The general wrote to Rogers, from Canajoharie, soon after his return, expressing his satisfaction of his conduct in this enterprise. Preparations were made for the army to advance into Canada, and, on the 16th of August, the embarkation was effected in the .order following : Six hundred rangers and seventy Indians, in whale-boats, formed the advanced guard, at the distance of half a mile from the main body. Next followed the light infantry and grenadiers in two columns, under Colonel Darby. The .right wing was composed of provincials, commanded by Brigadier Ruggles (of Boston), who was second in ROBERT ROGERS. 465 command. The left was made up of New-Hampshire and Boston troops, under Colonel Thomas. The 17th and 27th regiments formed the centre column under Major Campbell. Colonel Haviland was posted in front of these, between the light infantry and grenadiers. The royal artillery, under Colonel Orde, followed in four rideaux. In this order the troops moved down the lake forty miles the first day, and encamped on the west side. On the 18th, embarking with a fresh south wind, they proceeded within ten miles of the Isle of Motte. The roughness of the water split one of the rangers' boats, by which acci dent ten were downed. On the 9tb the army encamped on the Isle of Motte. On the 20th they proceeded twenty-two miles farther, and came in sight of the French fort. At ten o'clock A. M. Colonel Darby landed his infantry and grenadiers, the rangers following without opposition, and occupied the ground over against the fort. Batteries were raised the next day, and shells thrown into the place. On the 25th Colonel Darby proposed to capture the enemy's rideaux and vessels lying at anchor. Two com panies of regulars, four of rangers, and the Indians, were selected for the service, under Colonel Darby. Two light howitzers and a six-pounder were silently conveyed through the trees, and brought to bear upon the vessels before the enemy were aware of the design. The first shot from the six-pounder cut the cable of the great rideau, and the wind blew her to the east shore, where the English party were stationed. The other vessels weighed anchor, aud steered for St. John's, but grounded in turning a point two miles from the fort. Rogers then, led a party down. the east shore, and, crossing a river thirty yards wide, arrived opposite the vessels. From thence a portion of his men kept up a fire, while others, armed with toma hawks, swam off and boarded one of them. In the mean time Colonel Darby captured the rideau, had her manned, and secured the other two. Colonel Haviland sent down 466 MEMOIR OF men to work the vessels, and ordered the party to join the army that night. At midnight the French evacuated the island, and reached the main land, leaving their sick behind. • Next morning Colonel Haviland took possession of the fort. On the second day after Monsieur Bonville's retreat, Colonel Haviland ordered the rangers to pursue him as far as St. John's, about twenty miles down the lake, and await the arrival of the army, but by no means to approach nearer to Montreal. At daylight they reached St. John's in boats. The place was on fire, and the enemy had retreated. Two prisoners informed that Monsieur Bonville was that night to encamp half way on the road to Montreal ; that he left St. John's at nine o'clock the night before ; that many of his troops' were sick, and they thought some of them would not reach the place of encampment until late in the afternoon. It was now seven o'clock in the morning, and a portion of the men were directed to fortify the houses standing near the lake shore, while the remainder should pursue Monsieur Bonville. At eight o'clock Rogers left the boats,- under the protection of two hundred rangers, while, with four hundred others and the tw« Indian companies, he pursued the track of the French army, now consisting of fifteen hundred French and one hundred Indians. Rogers followed with such diligence as, to overtake their rear guard of two hundred men two miles before they reached their ground of encampment. They were immediately attacked, broken, and pursued to the main body.* The rangers pursued in good order, expecting General Bon ville would make a stand. But, instead of this, he pushed forward to the river, where he intended to encamp ; which he crossed, and broke down the bridge, thus putting a stop to the pursuit. The enemy encamped within a good breast-work, which had been prepared for their reception. In the pursuit the rangers lessened their numbers, and * In this attack the rangers fired the last hostile guns for the conquest of Canada. This was the finishing skirmish. ROBERT ROGERS. 467 returned in safety. In the evening Colonel Haviland's detachment arrived at St. John's, and next day proceeded down the Sorelle as far as St. d'Estrees, and fortified their camp. From this place Rogers proceeded, with his rangers, down the Sorelle, to bring the inhabitants under subjec tion to his Britannic majesty. They entered the. settled parts of the country by night, collected all the priests and militia officers, and, directed them to assemble all the inhabitants who were willing to surrender their arms, take the oath of allegiance, and keep their possessions. After this he joined Colonel Darby, at Chamblee, where he had brought several pieces of light artillery to reduce the fort ; but, as the garrison consisted of but . fifty men, they soon after surrendered at discretion. September 2. The army having nothing farther to per- • form, and favorable intelligence having been received from Generals Amherst and Murray, Major Rogers, with the rangers, was detached to join the latter, and on the 6th reached Longueville, four miles below Montreal, and next morning reported himself to General Murray, whose camp was directly opposite. General Amherst had at this time arrived, and landed his army within about two miles of the city. Early in the morning General Vaudreuil, the commander-in-chief of all the Canadas, proposed to Gen eral Amherst a capitulation. The* articles of surrender were signed on the 8th, and on the same evening the -English troops took possession of the gates of Montreal. Next morning the light infantry and grenadiers of the whole army, under Colonel Haldiman, with two pieces of cannon and several howitzers, entered the city. Among the trophies here recovered were the colors of Pepperell's and Shirley's regiments, which had been captured at Oswego. Thus, at the end of five campaigns, the whole Canadian territory became subject to the king of Great Britain. On the 12th of September General Amherst issued the following orders : 468 MEMOIR OF By His Excellency, Jeffrey Amherst, Esquire, Major General and Com mander-in-chief of His Majesty's Forces in North- America, &c. To Major Rogers, of His Majesty's Independent Companies of Rangers : • You -will, upon receipt of this, proceed with Waite's and Hazen's companies of rangers to Fort William Augus tus, taking with you one Joseph Poupao, alias la Fleur, an inhabitant of Detroit, and Lieutenant Brheme, assist ant engineer. From that fort you will continue your voyage by the north shore to Niagara, thence transporting your boats over the carrying-place to Lake Erie. Major Walters, commanding at Niagara, will render you any assistance you may require, and deliver up Monsieur Gamelin, who was made prisoner at the taking of that fortress, to be conducted, with said la Fleur, to their habitations at Detroit ; where, upon taking the oath of allegiance to his ' majesty, whose subjects they have become by the capitula tion of the 8th, they are to be protected in the peaceable enjoyment of their property. You will next proceed to Presque Isle,* and make known your orders to the commander of that post. You will there leave your whale-boats and most of your detach ment, proceeding with the remainder to join General Monckton, wherever 4ie may be. Deliver him your dis patches, aiid obey such orders as he may give you for relieving the garrisons of Detroit, Michilimackinac, and their dependencies ; for collecting the arms of the inhabit ants, and administering the oath of allegiance. This you will see administered to the said Poupao. You are to bring away the French troops and arms to such place as General Monckton shall direct. After com pleting this service, you will march your detachment back to Presque Isle or Niagara, according to the orders you receive from General Monckton, and, leaving your boats in charge of the officer at one of those posts, march your * Erie, Pennsylvania. ROBERT "ROGERS. 469 detachment by land to Albany, or wherever I may be, to receive farther orders. Given under my hand, at head quarters, in the camp at Montreal, 12th September, 1760. JEFF. AMHERST. By His Excellency's command — J. Aepy, Sec'y. An additional order was given him, to be shown only to commanders of the different posts he might touch at. The objects of the expedition were to be kept secret, lest the Indians, through whose country he must pass, should impede his march. The order was as follows : Major Walters, or the commander at Niagara, will judge whether there is sufficient provision at Presque Isle, and Major Rogers will accordingly take provisions from Niagara or not, as the case may be. The route from Montreal to Fort William Augustus will require eight days' provisions ; from that post he will take a sufficient quantity to proceed to Niagara, Major Rogers knows whither he is going, and what provisions he will want. A quantity should also be in store at Presque Isle, for the party General Monckton will send. JEFF. AMHERST. Montreal, 12th September, 1760. September 13, 1760. In pursuance of these orders,.Major Rogers and his party embarked at Montreal, in fifteen whale-boats. The detachments consisted of Captains Brewer and Waite, Lieutenant Brheme, of the engineers, Lieutenant Davis, of the royal artillery, and two hundred rangers. At night they encamped at La Chien. Next morning they reached Isle de Prairies, and surveyed the Indian settlements at Cayawaga and Canasedaga. 16th. They reached an island in lake St. Francis, and the next night encamped on the western shore, at the foot of the upper rifts. Next day they ascended the rifts, and 470 MEM OPE OF passed the night on the north shore, opposite a number of islands. 19th. At evening they reached the Isle de Galettes, and spent the next day in repairing the boats which had been damaged in passing the rapids. Ten sick rangers were sent to Colonel Fitch, at Oswego, to proceed thence to Albany. 21st. At twelve o'clock they left the island, but the wind being unfavorable, they passed Oswegatchie, and encamped three miles above, on the north shore. 22d. The course was continued up the river, and the party halted in the evening, at the narrow passes near the islands. The wind abating, at midnight they embarked, rowed the remainder of the night and the next day, until they reached the ruins of old Fort Frontenac, where a party of Indian hunters from Oswegatchie were encamped. The next day proving stormy, with snow and rain squalls, the engineer took a plan of the old fort, situated at the bottom of a fine safe harbor. Five hundred acres had been cleared around the fort; a few pine trees were still standing, and the situation was pleasant. The soil, though covered with clover, appeared rocky and barren. The Indians were highly pleased with the news of the surren der of Canada, and supplied plenty of venison and wild fowl. 25th. They steered S. two miles, then W. six miles, to the mouth of a river thirty feet wide ; thence S. four miles, where the party halted to refresh. In the afternoon they steered for a mountain, bearing S. W., which was reached in the night, and proved to be a steep rock, one hundred feet high. They rowed all night, and break fasted on shore at eight next morning. They then pro ceeded, and at eight in t^e evening were one hundred miles from Frontenac. 27th. This day being windy, the party hunted and killed many deer. The land was poor and rocky, as is generally the case on the north shore of Lake Ontario. The timber is chief! v hemlock and pine. ROBERT ROGERS. 471 28th. They steered S. W., leaving on the right a large bay, twenty miles wide, the western side of which termi nates in a point, and a small island. Proceeding fifteen miles W. by S., they entered the mouth of a river, called by the Indians the " Grace of Man ; " there they encamped, and found fifty Mississaqua Indians fishing for salmon. Upon the first appearance of the boats, the whole party ' ran down to the shore to testify their joy at the sight of English colors, and fired their muskets until the party landed. They presented the major with a deer, just killed, and split in halves, with the skin on, which is a significant token of their great respect. They pretended to be well pleasedwith the success of the English. In the evening they invited the men to fish with them. They went out, and in half an hour filled a bark canoe with salmon. They returned, much pleased with the sport, and the attentions of their tawny companions. Their mode of taking the fish was a curious one : one person held a pine torch, while another struck the fish with a spear. The soil near the river was good, and the country level. The timber was chiefly oak and maple, or the sugar tree. 29th. .The party proceeded fifteen miles farther on a W. S. W. course, and came to a river called " the Life of Man." Here twenty Mississaquas were hunting, and paid them compliments similar to those of their brethren. They presented Major Rogers with a young bear, split in halves. The rangers here caught plenty of salmon. The land was level, the soil rich, and of a dark color. The shore of the lake was quite low. 30th. The wind was fair, and, by the aid of sails, they reached Toronto in the evening, having run seventy miles. Many .long points, extending into the lake, caused fre quent alterations of their course. They passed a bank twenty miles long, behind which was a heavy growth of oak, hickory, maple, poplar, and white wood. The soil was principally clay. A tract of three hundred acres, cleared, surrounded the remains of. the old fort of Toronto. Deer were plenty. 472 MEMOIR OF A party of Indians, at the mouth of the river, fled to the woods, but returned next morning, expressing great joy at the news of the success over the French. They said that the party could reach Detroit in eight days; that, when the French resided here, the Indians brought furs from Michilimackinac down the river Toronto ; that the portage was only twenty miles from that to a river falling into Lake Huron, which was broken by several falls, but none of any consequence ; and that there was a carrying-place of fifteen miles, from some westerly part of Lake Erie to a river running through several Indian towns, without any falls, into Lake St. Clair. Toronto appeared an eligible place for a factory, from which the British government might easily settle the north side of Lake Erie. October 1. They steered south, across the west end of Lake Ontario, and reached the shore four miles from Fort Niagara, where they passed the night, and repaired the boats. October 2. The party embarked with orders for the boats to be in line ; and, if. the wind should rise, a red flag was to be hoisted,' upon which signal the boats were to close, so as to be enabled to assist each other in case of leaks. By this measure Lieutenant McCormick's boat's crew was saved, with no other loss than the men's knap sacks. They halted next day at Niagara, and were supplied with blankets, coats, shoes, shirts, moccasins, &c. They also received eighty barrels of beef, and exchanged two whale-boats for as many batteaux, which proved leaky. October 3. In the evening a party proceeded up the Niagara river seven miles, to the falls, with provisions. Next morning they were followed by the whole detach ment, who immediately commenced the portage of the baggage and provisions. While they were thus occupied, Messrs. Brheme and Davis took a survey of the great cataract .of Niagara, the roaring of which had been heard at several miles distance. Modern travellers who yearly visit this, one of the grandest creations of nature, can imagine the arduous ROBERT ROGERS. 473 labors of these hardy rangers in transporting their boats and baggage up the bank of this river, from the foot of the cataract, which is one hundred and fifty feet in height, to ascend which, even at the present time, without a load, by aid of steps and stairs, is a laborious undertaking. The rangers were more than one day engaged in convey ing their boats and baggage round the falls. On the fifth of October Rogers, with Lieutenants Brheme, Holmes and eight rangers embarked, in a birch-bark canoe, for Presque Isle, leaving Captain Brewer in command, with orders to follow to the same post.' Rogers encamped that night eight miles up the Niagara river, and at noon next day entered the waters, of Lake Erie. Leaving a small bay* or creek upon his left, he reached the south shore at sunset, and, thence proceeding west until eight o'clock, drew up his canoe on a sandy beach, forty miles from the last night's encampment. October 7. The wind being fresh, he made but twenty- eight miles in a south-west course. - October 8. Pursuing a southerly course, he reached Presque Isle in the afternoon. Here the party remained until three o'clock, when the eight rangers were sent back to meet and assist Captain Brewer ; while, with three men, in a bark canoe furnished by Colonel Bouquet, commander of the post, Rogers, with Messrs. Bhreme and Holmes, proceeded to French creek, and that night encamped .half way on the road to Fort du Bceuf, which they reached at ten o'clock next day. After three hours' rest they passed on to the lower crossings. The land on both sides appeared rich, and covered with large and valuable timber. They passed the night of the 11th at the Mingo Cabins, and on the 12th lodged at Venango. Thence they proceeded down the Alleghany river, and, on the 17th delivered their dispatches to General Monckton, at Pittsburg. The general promised to forward his instruc tions by Mr. Croghan, 'and to dispatch Captain Campbell, with a company of Royal Americans, to his support. On * Now Buffalo harbor. 31 474 MEMOIR OF the 20th Rogers started on his return to Presque Isle, which he reached October 30th. Mr. Brewer had arrived there three days before, having lost several boats and part of the provisions. Captain Campbell arrived next day. The boats were now repaired, and Rogers, having learned that a vessel expected from Niagara, with provisions, had been lost in a gale on the lake, dispatched Captain Brewer, with a drove of forty cattle supplied by Colonel Bouquet, to proceed by land to Detroit. Mr. Waite was sent back to Niagara for more provisions, and directed to cruise along the north shore of Lake Erie, and wait for farther orders about twenty miles east of the strait, between Lake St. Clair and Lake Erie. Captain Brewer-was furnished with a 'bateau to ferry his party over the creeks, two horses, and Captain Monter, with twenty Indians of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawanese, to protect him from the hostile tribes of the west. The following order of march was adopted on the reembarkment of the party from Presque Isle : " The boats are to row two deep — Major Rogers' and Captain Croghan's boats in front*, next Captain Campbell's corps, followed by the rangers- Lieutenant Holmes commanding the rear guard with his own boat ; and that of Mr. Waite will hold himself in readiness to assist any boat in distress. Should the wind blow so hard that the boats can not preserve their order, a red flag will be hoisted in the major's boat. The other boats will then steer for the flag, and make thejir landing as well as may be. Officers and men were advised to pay no attention to the waves of the lake, but, when the surf was high, to ply their oars, and the men at the helms to keep the boats quartering, in which case no injury can happen. Ten of the best steersmen of the rangers will attend Captain Campbell's party. The officers of the boats will hearken to the steersmen in all eases in a storm. If thought best to proceed in the night, a blue flag will be hoisted in the major's boat, which is the signal for the boats to dress. Mr. Brheme is to pay no regard to this order of march, but to steer as is most convenient for ROBERT ROGERS. 475 making his observations. On landing, the regulars are to . encamp in the centre ; Lieutenant Holmes and Mr. Croghan, with their men, on the left wing ; and Mr. Joquipe with his Mohegans, will constitute a picket, and encamp in front. The generale shall be beat, when ordered by the major, as the signal for embarking. No guns are to be fired unless by permission, or in case of distress. No man must leave the lines unless by order. Captain Campbell will parade and review his men as often as he thinks proper. Mr. Croghan will regularly report to the major the intelligence received from the Indians during the day. November 4. The detachment left Presque Isle, and, proceeding slowly, with bad weather, reached Chogagee river on the 7th, where they met a party of Attawawas returning from Detroit. They were informed of the reduction of the Canadas, and that this party were on their way to Detroit to bring away the French garrison. Rogers offered them a belt, and proposed to them to go with him and witness the result. They retired to hold a council, promising an answer next day. In the evening the calumet or pipe of peace was smoked, all the officers and Indians smoking in turn from the same pipe. The peace being thus concluded, the party went to rest ; but, as the sincerity of the Indians was doubted, a strict guard was kept. In the morning the Indians said their young warriors would go, while the old ones would stay and hunt for their families. Rogers gave them a string of wampum, and charged them to send some of their chiefs with the party who drove the cattle on shore, to spread the news of his arrival, and prevent any annoyance from their hunters. Bad weather detained the English party here until the 12th, during which time the Indians held a plentiful market of venison and wild turkeys in their camp. After passing the mouths of several small streams, the party reached a small river a few miles beyond San dusky, and encamped. From this place a letter was dispatched to the commandant of Detroit, as follows : 476 MEMOIR OF Sir — That you may not be alarmed at the approach of English troops, I send this in advance, by Lieutenant Bhreme, to inform you that I have General Amherst's orders to take possession of Detroit and its dependencies, which, according to a capitulation signed on the 8th of September last by the Marquis de Yaudreuil and General Amherst, now belong to his Britannic majesty. I have with me letters from the Marquis de Vaudreuil to you directed, which I will deliver on arriving at or near your fort. I have also a copy of the capitulation. I am, sir, your obed't serv't, R. ROGERS. To Captain Beleter. . The land on the south shore of Lake Erie has a fine appearance. The countiy is mostly level, and heavily timbered with oak, hickory, maple, beach, and locust; and for plenty and variety of game was at this time not surpassed by any country in the world. On the 20th of November Rogers followed Mr. Bhreme, proceeding nine miles to a river three hundred feet wide.: Here several Huron sachems gave information that four hundred Indian warriors were assembled at the mouth of the strait to oppose his passage, and that Monsieur Beleter had incited them to defend their country; and that themselves were messengers to demand his business, and whether the person sent forward told the . truth that all Canada was surrendered to the English. Rogers confirmed the account. He told them that Detroit was to be given up to him, gave them a large belt, and spoke as follows : " Brothers, with this belt I take you by the hand. Go to your people at the strait, and tell them to go home to their towns until I arrive at the fort. There I will send for you, after Monsieur Beleter is sent away, which will be in two days after my arrival. You shall live happily in your own country. Tell your warriors to mind their French fathers no more, for they are all prisoners to the English, who have left them their houses ROBERT ROGERS. 477 and goods upon their swearing by the Great One, who made the world, to become as Englishmen. They, are your brothers, and you must not abuse -them. When we meet at Detroit I will convince you that what I say is true." November 22. The party encamped upon a river twenty yards wide, where fuel was procured with difficulty, the western shore of Lake Erie abounding in swamps. Next day they rowed ten miles to Cedar point. Here several Indians they had seen the day before came to them. They said their warriors had gone up to Monsieur Beleter, who was a strong man, and intended to fight. On the 24th the party proceeded twenty-four miles, and encamped upon a long point. That night sixty Indians came with congratulations, and offered to escort them to Detroit. They reported that Mr. Bhreme and his party were confined, and that Monsieur Beleter had set up a high flag-staff, with a wooden effigy of a man's head at the top of it, and upon that a crow ; that the crow meant himself, and the head meant Rogers, whose brains he should pick out. This, they said, had no effect on them, for they told him the reverse would be the true sign. At the mouth of the strait the sachems desired Rogers to call together his officers. He did so, and the 26th was spent in conciliating their savage dispositions to peace and friendship. On the 27th Monsieur Babec brought the following letter : Sir — I have read your letter, but, having no interpreter, can not fully understand it. Your officer informs me that he was sent to give notice of your arrival to take possession of this post, according to the capitulation of Canada. I beg you will halt at the mouth of the river, and send ine Monsieur Vaudreuil's letter, that I may .conform to his instructions. I am surprised that no French officer accompanies you, as is usual in such cases. I have the honor, &c, De BELETER. To Major Rogers. 478 MEMOIR OF Soon after this Captain Barrenger, with a French party, beat a parley on the western shore. Mr. McCormick went over to him, and returned with an officer, bearing the following letter : Sir — I have already, by Mr. Barrenger, informed you the reasons why I could not answer particularly your letter delivered by your officer on the 22d. I am unac quainted with his reasons for not returning to you. I have sent my Huron interpreter to that nation to stop them, should they be on the road, not knowing whether they are disposed in your favor or my own ; and to direct them to behave peaceably ; to inform them that I knew my duty to my general, and should conform to his orders. Be not surprised, sir, if you find the inhabitants of this coast upon their guard. They were told you had several Indian nations with you, and had promised them the plunder of the place. I have, therefore, directed the inhabitants to take up arms, which may be for your safety as well as. ours ; for, should these. Indians become insolent, you may not be able to subdue them alone. ' I flatter myself, sir, that when this comes to hand, you will send some of your gentlemen with Monsieur Vaudreuil's letter and the capitulation. I have the honor to be, &c, PIGN. BELETER. To Major Rogers. November 28. The detachment encamped five miles up the river, having rowed against the wind. On the 29th Captain Campbell, with Messieurs Barrenger and Babec, were dispatched with this letter : Sir — I acknowledge the receipt of your two letters yes terday. Mr. Bhreme has not yet returned. The inclosed letter from Monsieur Vaudreuil will inform you of the surrender of Canada ; of the indulgence granted the inhabitants, and the terms allowed to the troops of his most christian majesty. Captain Campbell will show ROBERT ROGERS. 479 you the capitulation. I beg you will not detain him, as I have General Amherst's orders immediately to relieve the place. My troops will halt without the town till four o'clock, when I shall expect your answer. Your inhabitants being under arms will not surprise me, as I have as yet seen no others in that condition, excepting savages awaiting my orders. The inhabitants of Detroit shall not be molested, they and you complying with the •capitulation. They shall be protected in their estates, and shall not be pillaged by my Indians, nor yours who have joined me. Yours, &c, R. ROGERS. To Captain De Beleter, Commander of Detroit. The detachment landed half a mile below the fort, and drew up in front of it in a field of grass. Here Captain Campbell joined them, with a French officer, who, with Captain Beleter's compliments, informed Major Rogers that the garrison was at his command. Lieutenants McCormick and Leslie, with thirty-six Royal Americans, immediately took possession of the fort. The troops of the garrison piled their arms ; the French flag was hauled down, and that of the English run up in its place. Upon this about seven hundred Indians, who were looking on at a little dis tance, gave a shout, exulting in the verification of their prophecy that the crow represented the English instead of the French. They appeared astonished at the submissive salutations of the inhabitants, and expressed great satis faction at the generosity of the English in not putting them all to death. They declared that iu future they would fight for a nation thus favored by the Great Spirit. The commander delivered Major Rogers a plan of the fort, with an inventory of the stores and armament, and before noon of December 1st the militia had been collected, disarmed, and taken the oath of allegiance. Monsieur Beleter and his troops were ordered to Philadelphia, 480 MEMOIR OF under the charge of Lieutenant Holmes an'd thirty rangers. Captain Campbell, with the Royal Americans, was ordered to garrison the fort. Captain Waite and Lieutenant Butler were detached, with twenty men, to bring the French garrisons from Forts Miami and Gatanois. A party was directed to remain there, if possible, through the winter, to watch the enemy's motions in Illinois. Mr. McKee, with a French officer, was sent to Shawanese Town, on the Ohio, to bring off' the French troops. As provisions grew scarce at Detroit, Captain Brewer, with most of the rangers, was ordered to Niagara, leaving Lieutenant McCormick, with thirty-seven privates, to accompany Major Rogers to Michilimackinac. Rogers concluded a treaty with the several tribes living in the vicinity of Detroit, and departed for Lake Huron. December 10. He encamped at the north end of Lake St. Clair, and the next evening at the entrance of a considerable river, where a large body of Indians were hunting. December 12. He came to the entrance of Lake Huron, and met many Indians hunting on both sides of the outlet. He coasted along the west shore for three days, making one hundred miles, when the ice cakes obstructed his farther passage. He consulted the Indians as to the practicability of a journey to Michilimackinac by land. They declared it an impossibility at this season without snow-shoes. Rogers was therefore obliged to return. He was so impeded by the ice, that he did not reach Detroit until the 21st of December. December 23. Eogers left the command of Detroit to Captain Campbell, and departed for Pittsburg. He marched along the lake shore, and reached Sandusky January 2, 1761. The soil from Detroit is excellent, being well timbered with black and white oak, hickory, locust, maple, sassafras, and white wood. Several immense black walnuts* are also found on the south shore of Lake Erie. * One of these trees stood, in 1824, near Cataraugus creek, N. T., which was thirty feet in circumference. The trunk was hollow, and used for a refreshment shop for travellers passing along the road. A section of it was afterward carried down the New- York canal to place in a bar-room at New-Tork. ROBERT ROGERS. 481 Along the west end of Lake Erie Rogers reports that plenty of wild apples were found. He passed through many rich savannahs (or prairies), of many miles' extent, without a tree, and clothed with long jointed grass, nearly six feet high, which, decaying every year, adds fertility to the soil. Sandusky bay is fifteen miles long, and about six miles wide. Here Rogers halted to refresh at a village of Wyandots. The next day he passed through a meadow, saw several wigwams, and halted at a small village of ten wigwams. Here he saw a spring issuing from the side of a small hill, with such force as to rise three feet. He judged that it discharged ten hogsheads in a minute. He continued his march through the prairies, killing plenty of deer and wild turkeys, and encamped in the woods. January 4. He crossed a river twenty-five yards wide, where were two wigwams. A few yards . onward, in a south-east course, he came to another wigwam of Wyan dots who were hunting there. From this he proceeded south, and crossed the same river he passed in the morn ing. Several deer were killed during the day's march. January 5. He encamped on Muskingum creek, there eight yards wide. January 6. He travelled fourteen miles farther, and encamped by a fine spring. January 7. After travelling six miles he came to Mus kingum creek, there twenty yards wide ; and an Indian town, called the Mingo Cabins, lies about twenty yards from the creek on the east side. Only three Indians were at home, the remainder being out on a hunting party. They had plenty of cows, horses, hogs, &c. January 8. This day was passed with the Indians, repairing moccasins and preparing provisions. January 9. The party travelled twelve miles south-east, and encamped on a long meadow, where the Indians were hunting. January 10. They made eleven miles, and on their march killed three bears and two elks. 482 MEMOIR OF January 11. They fell in with a party of Wyandot and Six Nations Indians hunting together. January 12. They travelled six miles, and in the even ing killed several beavers. January 13. The party travelled six miles north-east, and came to Beaver Town, a village of the Delawares. The town covers a good tract of land, on the west- side of the Muskingum, which is joined by a river opposite the town. The latter is thirty yards wide, and the former forty. Their junction forms a fine stream, which flows with a swift current toward the south-west. The Indians have here three thousand acres of land cleared. The warriors number one hundred and eighty. The country from Sandusky to this place is low and rich. No pine timber was noticed, but plenty of white, black, and yellow oak, black and white walnut, cypress, chestnut, and locust. The party rested here until the 16th, and obtained a supply of corn from the Indians. January 16. They marched nine miles to a small river. January 19. After passing several creeks, they came to a small river where the Delawares were hunting. January 20; They reached Beaver creek in sight of the Ohio. Three Indian wigwams were seen on the west side. January 21. They travelled south-east twenty miles, and encamped with the Indians. January 25. They reached the Ohio, opposite Fort Pitt. From this post Lieutenant McCormick was ordered to cross the country to Albany, with the rangers, while Major Rogers proceeded by the common road over the mountains to Philadelphia, and theuce to New- York, where he reported his proceedings to General Amherst February 14, 1761. ROBERT ROGERS. 483 EXTRACTS FROM GENERAL ORDERS IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1759. June 12, 1759. " It is the general's orders that no scout ing parties or others in the army under his command shall, whatsoever opportunity they have, scalp any women or children belonging to the enemy. They may bring them away if they can ; but, if not, they are to leave them unhurted ; and he is determined that, if they should murther or scalp any women or children who are subjects of the king of England, he will revenge it by the death of two men of the enemy, whenever he has occasion, for every man, woman, or child murthered by the enemy." June 22, 1759. " Commanding officers may send their men for greens ; bui they must go only a short distance from the fort, and never without a covering party. No soldier, except with a party, is to go beyond the outposts of the camp." June 24. "Effects of late Lieutenant Watts, of late Forbes' regiment, to be sold at auction at the head of the colors of said 'regiment. " The following extract from general orders regards a field of green peas, in the vicinity of Crown Point, August 5, 1759 : "As there is a field of pease found, they shall be divided amongst the army ; and the corps are to send to-morrow two men per company with arms, a sergeant per regiment, and an officer per brigade ; each corps and the artillery taking two batteaux, and assembling in the front of the fort at five in the morning. Gage's light infantry sends a captain, two subalterns, and a partie of men in the English boat, with the three-pounder, to cover the batteaux ; Lieutenant Willamoze to shew where the pease are ; and major of brigade, Skeene, will proportion out the quantity each regiment is to take, taking care that they pluck them properly, and to take none but what is fit to be gathered, and that they do not spoil them in gathering them. They are then to return altogether to camp ; and the pease muste be equallie divided amongst the messes." 484 MEMOIR OF Similar parties were frequently sent out to obtain spruce for brewing beer for the army. Extract from general orders, August 6, 1759 : "An officer and fifty rangers to assemble at Gage's light infantry at five o'clock to-morrow morning. They will take six batteaux, and proceed two miles down the lake, where they will cut spruce. The officer will take the French prisoner who is on the general's guard, who will shew him where the spruce is ; and a man who can ¦ talk German to the interpreter. A party of Gage's light infantry will go in the English boat to guard the batteaux. The officer will deliver the spruce under the care of the sergeant's guard at the fort."* EXTRACTS FROM GENERAL ORDERS TO MAJOR ROGERS. June 9. " Major Rogers will furnish forty men for a covering party." June 17. "Major Rogers will take care the ground in front is clear ;" meaning the ground where the provincials who were not marksmen were to fire five rounds each for practice, officers of their several regiments attending to see that the men leveled well. June 20. "Major Rogers, with the rangers, and Major Gladwin, with Gage's light infantry, will form the advanced guard, and are to take great precautions in keeping out flanking parties to the left, as well as to the right." June 22. "Major Rogers is on all detachments to take rank as major, according to the date of his commission as such, next after majors who have the king's commission, or one from his majesty's commander-in-chief." June 25. " The three eldest companies of light infantry under Major Holmes, two hundred rangers and Indians under Major Rogers, the whole under the command of Colonel Haviland, to be ready to march when dark." ?Opposition writers for the British press, commenting upon the slow progress of General Amherst, insinuated " that if, instead of wasting so much time in gathering peas and brewing spruce beer, at Crown Point, he had advanced into Canada to cooperate with the expedition of the dar ing and heroic "Wolfe, the campaign of 1759 would have terminated with the capitulation of Canada the same season which witnessed the surrender of Quebec. ROBERT ROGERS. 485 July 16, 1759. "Eight of the provincial regiments are to give thirteen men each, and two of the provincial regi ments fourteen men, for the ranging service ; the men to be told they will be paid for it the difference between the provincial pay and that of the rangers. Commanding officers of those battalions to turn out all volunteers will ing to serve in the rangers to-morrow morning at ten o'clock. Major Rogers will attend, and choose the nu-mber each regiment is to turn out of such volunteers." July 18. " The men that have chose to serve with the rangers to join them this afternoon at five o'clock, and follow such orders as they shall receive from Major Rogers." Ticonderoga, 25 July, 1759. " Sixty of Major Rogers' rangers will march with the commanding officer to the trenches this night, and will be employed at a proper time to alarm the enemy, by firing into their covered way, and keeping their attention from the workmen. July 27. Major Rogers will send a company of rangers to-moitow morning, with all the boats, to the fort. The companies posted on the lake side from Colonel Haviland's corps will join their corps at reveille beating ; after which Major Rogers will put trees across the foot path that has been made by the lake side. Major Rogers will receive his orders from the general. * * * Major Ord will send this night for the two twelve-pounders that are at Major Rogers' camp." July 28. " The rangers will be posted beyond the saw mills, on the right, as ordered by Major Rogers." August 4. "Major Rogers is to send a sufficient party of men, with an officer, to take three batteaux to-morrow morning, very early, to Ticonderoga to apply to Ser jeant Airy, who will load them with spruce beer, which they are immediately to bring to camp here." July 5. " The camp not be alarmed by Major Rogers firing on the other side of the lake." August 6. " Major Rogers to send a party of men, with an officer, to take two batteaux immediately to Ticon deroga, to apply to Serjeant Airy for spruce beer, which 486 ROBERT ROGERS. they are to load and bring to camp here without the loss of time." * * * "Major Rogers will send one captain, two subalterns, and sixty men as a covering party, with some Indians, and an officer with them, te shew the commanding officer of the working party the best wood on the other side of the lake. The covering party must not fire any dropping shots.at game." "A captain and sixty rangers to set out to-morrow morning, at 5 o'clock, with six batteaux; Gage's light infantry will send at the same time the English boat to cover the batteaux, and the English boat to stay out till towards evening. The captain of the rangers will take out the French deserter from the general's guard, and must go to the place that the deserter will shew him : at which place the French have supplied themselves with spruce, and they must bring as much spruce to camp as they can." August 10. "A detachment of two hundred rangers, and one hundred of Gage's light infantry, and one company of light.infantry, and one of grenadiers, to assemble to-mor row, in their whale-boats, as soon as reveille is beat in the front of the fort. Gage's light infantry will be commanded by a captain and three subalterns, and are to take the two boats, with the three-pounders, and one. boat, with a two- pounder. The whole must take one day's provision with them. Major, Rogers will command the rangers; and the whole detachment is to be commanded by Lieut. Col. Darby, who will receive his orders from the general." PUNISHMENTS INFLICTED DURING THE CAMPAIGN OP 1759. Shot or hanged. Whipped. May 29 3 0 June 14 1 5 " 28 0 1 July 13 1 0 " 19 0 7 August 2 2 3 " 8 0 1 " 14 0 2 October 4 1 1 8 20 Commissary Wilson's Orderly Book. THOMAS BURNSIDE. Thomas Burnside was one of the celebrated corps of rangers whose exploits contributed a very important por tion of materials for the history of the "seven years war" in America. If his majesty, Frederic of Prussia, acted during that war, in Europe, the part of general, as he may be considered, for his cousin and ally, George of England, humbler individuals in America were striving to attain the same object — that of humbling the power of France. Among those individuals was Mr. Burnside. Although reported as wounded in the bloody skirmish near Ticon deroga, January 21, 1757, he volunteered, as an attendant of Lieutenant Stark, to convey the account of it to Fort William Henry, a distance of forty miles, and request sleighs to bring in the wounded. After the peace of 1763, he settled at Stratford, in Coos county, N. H., and soon afterward that township contained two inhabitants — Mr. Burnside and his neighbor . The former, desirous of becoming one of his majesty's jus tices of the peace, inquired of the facetious Colonel Barr, of Londonderry, how he should proceed to obtain his commission. He advised him to procure a firkin of butter, and a piece of Londonderry lineD, both of Scotch Irish manufacture, as presents to Governor Wentworth, and pro ceed to Portsmouth and make his application in person. Accordingly, with his presents, he called upon Governor Wentworth, at his seat (Little Harbor), and preferred his request. The latter inquired how many inhabitants the . township contained. Burnside replied, " Oh, only me and 488 THOMAS BURNSIDE. my neighbor, and we can not live any longer without a justice of the peace." Amused by this most singular application, the governor inquired who was the most suitable person to be appointed. " Myself," was the reply; " for my neighbor is no more fit for it than the devil is." The commission was granted, and the new justice immediately qualified. Observing, upon the side-board, several well filled decanters and glasses, Burnside said : " Suppose, when I get home, my neighbor should ask me what your excel lency offered me to drink, what shall I tell him? " " Help yourself, Mr. Justice," replied the latter. After refreshing himself with a glass of brandy and water, Burnside returned to his "White mountain" region, nluch gratified with his easily acquired official dig nity, and with his first visit to the provincial capitol. The foregoing is one instance of the system of bribery countenanced by and made a source of profit to the royal governors in their appointments and charters. In the grants of townships, the grantees invariably set off a liberal allowance of farm lots, for the governor, his secretary and treasurer, "to them and their heirs forever." The Amer ican revolution, however, a convulsion unanticipated and unprecedented in the history of the world, " indefinitely postponed" all these admirable schemes for future family wealth and power. Confiscation settled the account of most of these so easily obtained grants of land. APPENDIX. COLONEL PHILIP SKENE. General Burgoyne could not have selected from his whole army an individual so capable of advising Colonels Baum and Breyman in their " Secret Expedition," as this brave and intelligent Scottish officer. The following notice of him is copied from a note in Commissary Wilson's orderly book : Philip Skene was the grandson of John Skene, of Halyards, in Pife- shire, Scotland, and a descendant of the famous Sir William Wallace. He entered the army in 1739, in which year he served at Porto Bello,* and in 1740, at the reduction of Carthagena, on the Spanish Main. He fought at the celebrated battle of Pontenoy, in 1745; in that of Culloden, in the year following, and was present at the battle of Laffeldt, under the Duke of Cumberland. He came to America in 1756, and on the second of February, 1757, was promoted to a company in the 27th, or Inniskillen regiment of foot, which formed part of the force under Lord Loudoun's command that year. He was next engaged, under the command of Lord Howe, in the unfortunate attack on.Ticonderogaflin 1758, on which occasion he was wounded ; and on the 31st of July, 1759, appointed Major of Brigade by General Amherst. In October following he was left in charge of Crown Point, the works of which he had orders to strengthen. His position at that fortress made him familiar with the surrounding country, and, encouraged by General Amherst, he projected a settlement at Wood Creek and South Bay, at the head of Lake Champlain, and in the prosecution of that design settled about thirty families there. In 1762 he was ordered on the expedition against Martinico and Havana, and was one of the first to enter the breach at the storming of the Moro Gastle. On his return to New-York, in 1763, he renewed his efforts to complete his settlement at Wood Creek. He went to England, and obtained a royal order for a considerable tract of land at that place, for which a patent was granted, in March, 1765, which was formed into a township under the name of Skenesborough. His regiment having been ordered to Ireland, Major Skene exchanged into the 10th Poot, in May, 1768, so as to remain in America. He did%ot continue long in the army, for he sold out in December of the following year, and in 1770 established his residence at Skenesborough, now White Hall, Washington county, New- York. There he. established forges for smel-ting iron, mills for sawing lumber, and opened a road to Salem and Bennington, which was afterward known as " Skene's road." * Forto Bello was captured by the English fleet, commanded by Admiral Vernon. Lawrence Washington, elder brother of General Washington, served on this occasion, as a midshipman of the British Navy. The family estate having descended to him, be called it " Mont- Vernon," in honor of his former commander. 32 490 APPENDIX. His plan9 were interrupted by the Revolution! In June, 1775, he was arrested at Philadelphia, and brought to New- York. Thence he was taken to Hartford. He was allowed to reside on parole at Middletown, Conn., but in May, of the following year, on refusing to renew his parole, was committed to prison. He was finally exchanged in October, 1776, when he was conveyed to the city of New- York, whence he sailed, in the beginning of 1777, for England. He volunteered to accompany Burgoyne the same year, and in August was ordered to attend Lieutenant Colonel Baum in his "Secret Expedition," which met with a disastrous defeat at the hands of General Stark, on the 16th of that month. In this campaign Colonel Skene had his horse twice shot under him,* and was afterward made prisoner with Burgoyne's army. In 1779 he was attainted by the legislature of New- York. After the war it was said Colonel Skene came over to this country dur ing Governor Clinton's administration, and tried to recover his property ; but, not succeeding, went back to England, where he lived in retirement, and died on the 9th of October, 1810, at an advanced age, at Addersey Lodge, near Stoke, Berks. In the obituary notice he is styled, "formerly Lieut. Governor of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and Surveyor of His Majesty's woods and forests bordering on Lake Champlain." MAJOE BENJAMIN" WHITCOMB. EXTRACT FROM AVNBTTRY's LETTERS. . * " I am most agreeably interrupted in my serious reflections, by a visit from our friend, S., who is just arrived from New- York. He was taken prisoner last summer by a notorious fellow of the name of Whitcomb, the same who shot Brigadier General Gordon, the particulars of which I will inform you in my next. Montreal, June 12, 1777. My Dear Friend— In my last I mentioned to you the name of one Whitcomb, a native of Connecticut, and a great partisan of the Ameri cans, who, after the defeat upon the lakes, offered his services to venture through the woods and bring in prisoner an English officer, for which purpose he stationed himself among the thickest copses that are between La Prairie and St. Johns. The first officer who happened to pass him was Brigadier General Gordon. He was mounted on a spirited horse, and Whitcomb, thinking there was little probability of seizing him, fired at and wounded him in the shoulder. The General rode as fast as he could to camp, which he had but just reached, when, with loss of blood and fatigue, he fell from his horse. Some soldiers took him up and carried him to the hospital, where, after his wound was dressed, he related the circumstances, which were immediately made known to General Carleton. * He narrowly escaped being captured at Bennington. A soldier of the NewJIamn- ehire line stated that, observing a mounted officer actively engaged in cheerins on the troops of Colonel Breyman, he fired at him twice, but only killed Mb nolle -that hi then cut the traces of an artillery horse, mounted, and rode off at full sVeed h1 learned afterward that the officer was Colonel Skene P APPENDIX. 491 A party of Indians were sent out to scour the woods and search for Whit comb, but in vain, as he hastened back to Ticonderoga. General Carleton, however, imagining he might be lurking in the woods, or secreted in tho house of some disaffected Canadian, issued a proclamation among the inhabitants, offering a reward of fifty guineas to any one that would bring m Whitcomb, dead or alive, to the camp, A few days after this General Gordon died, of his wound, in whose dea$ we sincerely lamented the loss of a brave and experienced officer. When Whitcomb returned to Ticonderoga and informed the General who commanded there, that, although he could not take an officer, he believed he had mortally wounded one, the General expressed his disap probation in the highest terms, and was so displeased at the transaction that Whitcomb, in order to effect a reconciliation, offered his service to go again, professing that he would forfeit his life if he did not return with-a prisoner. He accordingly, with two other men, proceeded down Lake Champlain in a canoe to a small creek, where they secreted it, and repaired^) the woods, to the same spot where Whitcomb had stationed' himself before. The two men lay concealed in the wood, while he skulked about the borders of it. The regiment of which our friend S is Quarter Master, having occa sion for some stores from Montreal, he was going from the camp at St. Johns to procure them. He was advised not to go this road, but by way of Chamblee, on account of the late accident; but you know him to be a man of great bravery and personal courage, joined with uncommon strength, and he resolved not to go so many miles out of his way for any Whitcomb whatever. He jocosely remarked that he should be very glad to meet him, as he was sure he should get the reward. In this, however, he was greatly mistaken, his reward being no other than that of being taken prisoner himself. Previous to his setting out he took every precaution, having not only loaded his fusee, but charged a brace of pistols. When he came near to the woods I have already described, he was very cautious ; but in an instant Whitcomb and the two men he had with him sprang from behind a thick bush, and seized him before he could make the least resistance. They then took from him his fusee and pistols, tied his hands behind him with ropes, and blind-folded him. It was three days before they reached the canoe that had been concealed, during which time they had^but very scanty fare. A few hardt biscuits served .to allay hunger, while the fruits of the woods were a luxury. When Whitcomb had marched him to such a distance as he thought he could not make his escape, were he at liberty, through fear of losing himself, for the greater ease on his own part, and to facilitate their march, they untied his hands and took the cloth from his eyes. Only picture to yourself what must have been his feelings, at seeing himself in the midst of a thick wood, surrounded by three desperate fellows, and uncertain as to their intentions ! At night, when they had partaken of their scanty pittance, two of them used to sleep, while the other kept watch. The first night he slept, through fatigue. On the second, as you may naturally suppose, from his great anxiety of mind, he could not close his eyes ; in the middle of which an opportunity occurred whereby he could have effected his escape, for the man whose watch it was fell fast asleep. He has since told me that his mind wavered for a length of time, what measures to pursue. He could not bear the idea of putting them to death, though justified by the rules of war. If he escaped from them, they might, in all probability, retake and ill treat him. The greatest hazard of all, which determined him to ab'ide by his fate, was, that being so many miles in a tract of wood where he could not tell 492 APPENDIX. what direction to take, having been blind-folded when he entered it. He might possibly wander np and down until he perished with hunger. In this restless state he remained till day-break, when they resumed their march; and in the evening came to the creek where the canoe was concealed. They then secured him again, put him into the canoe, and proceeded up the lake to Ticonderoga, where they arrived early the ijext morning. When they landed he was again^blind-folded, that he might not see their works, and thus conducted to the General, whose only motive for endeavoring to get an officer was, either by threats or entreaties, to gain information relative to our army. In this, however, he was greatly disappointed, as he could not obtain the least intelligence from our friend." In regard to the case of General Gordon, Wilkinson states, pp. 67, 68, 69, 70 : " In this place the reader may not be dissatisfied with a particular narrative of an adventure. ****** I shall now give the de tails from my own knowledge, and the information of the partisan. Lieut. Whitcomb, of Warner's regiment, an unlettered child of the woods from the frontier of the Hampshire Grants, with all the little strategy of an Indian, and aUauntless heart, had been selected for the service, and sent into Canada befo^Gen. Gates' arrival, to take a prisoner for the purpose of intelligence. Being well acquainted with his business, he chose one man only for the compan ion of his enterprise, who, he informed me, either deserted him, or got lost before he reached the ultimate point of his march. Proceeding down the west side of Lake Champlain, Whitcomb turned St. Johns on his right, and, approaching Chamblee late in the night, unintentionally crept within the chain of sentinels of a newly formed encampment. He was hailed, and found himself surrounded before he discovered his situation. The ground had not been cleared, and the surface was thickly covered with the sprouts of the scrubby oak, or black jack, little more than knee high. Encircled and closely pressed by the soldiery in quest of him, who, in the dark, were scat tered in every direction, his immediate escape became impracticable. In this ex tremity he prostrated himself among the bushes, and distinctly heard the ob servations and inquiries of his pursuers respecting him. Turning on his back, with his knife, he cut detached twigs, which he found within his reach, and sticking them carelessly in the ground around him, before day, his person was concealed; and in this position he continued motionless until the following night, when he made his escape by crawling on the earth. He informed me that in the course of the day the soldiery passed and repassed within six feet of him, and an officer very nearly rode over him ; but the great est danger of his being discovered arose from the clearing of the ground, which was pushed within twenty feet of him, the next day, when the retreat called off the fatigue. Having regained the forest, Whitcomb concealed himself a few days until the alarm he had occasioned subsided. He then ambuscaded the road leading from Chamblee to St. Johns, at a point from whence his eye commanded an extensive view up and down. Here he expected to intercept some unsuspicious passenger. The hard fortune of Brigadier-General Gordon, of the British army, led him the same morning to take a solitary ride, and his approach was discovered by Whitcomb soon after he had taken his stand. The General was in full uniform; his epaulets rich ; he might have a gold watch and money about him, and he ap peared to be a great chief. The time for our partisan's return was at hand, and it was uncertain whether he could make a prisoner; and if he did, it would be difficult to conduct him in. This reasoning was too powerful for Whitcomb's sense of morals and humanity. He determined to disobey his orders and marked his victim. The road brought Gordon within thirty feet of Whitcomb's ambuscade. He presented, took aim, and covered his object, and kept his sight on him until he got a side view of his back. He then fired, and the ball took effect under the right shoulder blade; but the wound, though mortal, did not produce sudden' death, and the General's horse carried him into St. Johns, where he soon after expired. Thus the assassin missed his spoil III That Whitcomb believed he was performing a meritorious act, is clearly evinced by bis reporting it with exultation ; for it would otherwise have been impossible ever to have convicted him of it. In speaking of the adventure, he gave me the preceding detail, and added that he " lost his object by shooting a lit tle too high, owing to the accidental intervention of a fluttering leaf, in the instant he pulled trigger." This abominable outrage on the customs of war and the laws of humanity, produced a sensation of strong disgust in the army, and men of sensibility and APPENDIX. 493 honor did not conceal their abhorrence of its perpetrator. Yet it was impossible, in the temper of the times, to bring him to punishment, without disaffecting the righting men on that whole frontier.* But if he could not be punished consist ently with sound policy, his promotion to a Majority the ensuing winter not only sanctioned the murder but rewarded the murderer. Such are the demoralizing effects of war, and more particularly of a civil war.— Wilk., vol. 1, p. 67. Wilkinson himself, afterward, thus speaks of this partisan : " Whitcomb re turned from Split Bock last night, and confutes the intelligence transmitted you by General . He says there is only a schooner in that quarter of the Lake, and she lies off Otter Creek.— WiVc., vol. 1, p. 171. In regard to this matter, Major Caleb Stark, from whom General Wilkinson received much information for his memoirs, stated that he was present at Head quarters, being then adjutant of a regiment at Mount Independence, when Whit comb returned and gave an account of his scout. He said that Whitcomb reported the circumstances partly as they are published by Wilkinson; and said that he knew it was a field officer he had fired at, because he had two epaulets ; and that two officers rode in his rear, who dismounted and gave him chase. The American General inquired if he killed the man at whom he fired. He said "his gun never had deceived him when aimed at a deer; but as a leaf came in the way of his sight as he fired, he could not be positive; but was sure he struck him, as he saw him quiver about the shoulders. A flag of truce soon afterward came from the enemy, demanding the delivery up of Whitcomb. But the American General answered, in substance, that if the British employed Indians to waylay, murder, and scalp Americans, they might reasonably expect retaliation. Major Whitcomb was one of the most active and efficient partisans who served under fhe orders of General Stark, where, in 1778,- he commanded the Northern Department, and is mentioned in several of his let ters. General Wilkinson terms him an " unlettered child of the woods." The copy of a letter from Whitcomb, which follows this notice, (the original written in'a very plain, legible hand,) indicates that his acquirements were far above those we might expect to find in " an unlettered child of the woods." We know nothing of his birth or place of residence, or any particulars respect ing Major Whitcomb, other than those contained in the above statements. TO BRIGADIER GENERAL STARK. Bennington, Sept. 14, 1778. Dear General: — 1 forwarded the ammunition from Albany, agreeably to your orders. It has arrived thus far, but by what means I shall be able to trans port it to Rutland, I know not, as the Quarter-Master at this place utterly refuses to receipt for said ammunition to him who has charge of the same. I am, therefore, under the disagreeable necessity of delaying my time here, until I can see it forwarded in person. If such conduct is allowed to pass unnoticed, I see but a poor prospect of pros ecuting your orders, on the duty of my office. The tools which I am in imme diate want of, for the service of the fort, are still at the shore in this place, and there they must lie, until I receive farther assistance from the Quarter-Master's Department than I now have. The General's orders for my conduct in this situation will greatly oblige him who is Tour very obedient and very humble servant, Benjamin Whitcomb. * General W. here insinuates that the object of the American partisan was plunder. We have no reason to believe that such was the case, except from General W.'s declaration. EEV. THOMAS ALLEN. Thomas Allen was born at Northampton, Mass., Jan. 7, 1743, and graduated at Harvard College in 1762, being ranked among the first classical scholars of that time. He studied theology under the direction of Mr. Hooker, of North ampton, and was ordained, April 18, 1764, the first minister of Pittsfleld, Berk shire County, Massachusetts, which was named in honor of William Pitt, and was then a frontier town, in which a garrison had been kept during the French War. The Indian name was Pontoosuc. At the time of Mr. Allen's settlement, Pittsfleld contained but six houses not built of logs. He lived to see it become a wealthy and beautiful town, containing nearly three thousand inhabitants. He espoused the cause of his country in the Revolution with ardent zeal, and twice went out as a volunteer chaplain. From October 3 until January 23, 1776, be was with the army at White Plains, aDd in June and July, 1 777, at Ticonderoga. After the retreat of the northern army from that post he returned home. Upon the approach of the enemy under Col. Baum to the vicinity of Benning ton, who threatened to desolate the country, he marched with the Pittsfleld vol unteers to repel tbe invasion. Prior to the assault of the intrenchments occu pied by the refugees, he advanced, and in a voice which they distinctly heard, called upon them to surrender, promising good treatment; but, being fired upon, he rejoined the militia, and was among the foremost who entered the, breast work. His exertions and example contributed to the triumph of August 16, which checked the enemy's progress, and led the way to the capture of Bur goyne. After the action he secured the horse of a Hessian surgeon, Which carried a pair of panniers filled with bottles of wine. The wine he administered to the wounded and weary; but two large, square, glass case bottles he carried home, as trophies of his campaign of four days. During Shay's Rebellion, Mr. Allen supported the State authorities, and the insurgents, at one period, threatened to seize and convey him as a hostage into the State of New-York. His intrepidity was, however, not to be shaken, nor was he deterred from the performance of his duty to his country. He slept with arms in his bed room, ready to defend himself against the violence of lawless men. In the political controversy which followed the adoption of the federal consti tution, Mr. Allen's principles attached him to the Democratic, or Republican party. Among his parishioners were several who had been tories in the Revolu tionary War, who remembered, with no good will, the active zeal of their whig minister. Others were furious politicians, deeply imbued with the malevolent spirit of tbe times, and intent upon the accomplishment of their object, even by using the weapons of obloquy and outrage. " During the Presidency of Mr. Jefferson," says the History of Berkshire, " that spirit of political rancor that affected every class of citizens in this coun try, arraying fathers, brothers, sons and neighbors against each other, entered even the sanctuary of the church. A number of Mr. Allen's church and congre gation withdrew, and were incorporated, by the legislature, into a separate parish, in 1808, thus presenting to the world the ridiculous spectacle of a church divided on party politics, and known by the party names of the day." This division was, however, healed in a few years, though not until after the death of him whose last days were thus embittered, as well as by domestic afflic tions, in the loss of his eldest son and daughter. After the death of his brother Moses, in 1779, he performed a journey to Savan nah, on horse back, to remove his widow and infant son from the South, where the war then raged, to the happy security, for the time, of his own home. To bring home to bis family an infant child of his daughter, who died in London, in 1799, he encountered the dangers of a voyage across the Atlantic. He sailed in the ship Argo, Captain Rich. On the voyage, fears were awakened by a vessel of force, which pursued the Argo, and was supposed to be a French ship of war. The idea of a French prison was by no means welcome. In expectation of a fight, Mr. Allen obtained the captain's consent to offer a prayer APPENDIX. 495 with the men, and to make an encouraging speech to them before the action. The stranger proved to be a British frigate, and the deliverance was acknowl edged in a thanksgiving prayer. On his arrival in London he was received with great kindness by his friends, Mr. Robert Cowie and Mr. Robert Steele, and was made acquainted with several of the distinguished evangelical ministers of England : with Newton and Hawies, Rowland Hill, Bogue and others, from whom he caught a pious zeal for the promotion of foreign missions, which, on his return, he diffused aiound him. It appears, from his journal, that he was absent from Pittsfleld from July 3d to December 30, 1799. Among other objects of curiosity which attracted his attention in London, he saw the king, as he passed from St. James to the Parliament house, in a coach drawn by six cream-colored horses, and on this sight recorded the following reflections : " This is he who desolated my country; who ravaged the American coasts; annihilated our trade; burned our towns; plundered our cities; sent forth his Indian allies to scalp our wives and children; starved our youth in his prison ships, and caused the expenditure of a hundred millions of money, and a hundred thousand of precious lives. Instead of being the father of his people, he has been their destroyer. May God forgive him so great guilt. And yet, he is the idol of the people, who think they cannot live without him." The late gallant Major General E. W. Ripley married a daughter of Mr. Allen, who died, September 11, 1820, at the Bay of St. Louis. Mr. Allen died Sabbath morning, February 11, 1810, in the 68th year of his age and the 47th of his min istry. This notice has been obtained principally from President Allen's Biographical Dictionary, which contains many interesting particulars respecting this exem plary clergyman, and ever to be honored patriot of the Revolution. GENEEAL MOSES NICHOLS. [Copied from Farmer's History of Amherst.] " May 23, 1790. General Moses Nichols died at Amherst. He was a native of Reading, Mass. He had served his townsmen in the capacity of delegate to the Convention, which assembled in 1778, for forming a permanent plan or system of government, on certain established principles, and a representative to the Gen eral Court three years. Ardently attached to the cause of Liberty, he took a conspicuous part in the Revolution which established our independence. He was appointed Colonel of the Sixth Regiment of Militia, December 6,1776, and commanded a regiment under General Stark, in the engagement at Benning ton. Beside his military services, he was useful as a physician in this place (Amherst), where he practiced several years. He was Register of Deeds for the county from 1766 until his death. His duties in this office, as well as in many others of trust and responsibility, it is believed he discharged with fidelity. General Nichols left nine children : Hannah, Moses, Elizabeth, Eaton, Perkins,* Mary, Pearson, and Charity. Moses is a physician, and resides in Sherbrooke, Lower Canada." *Some forty-five years ago Perkins Nichols was a well known, enterprising citizen of Boston ;»lso in New-York, in 1825. 3 9002 03208