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VENEZUELA-BRITISH GUIANA BOUNDARY ARBITRATION

THE CASE

OF THE

UNITED STATES OF VENEZUELA

BEFORE THE

TRIBUNAL OF ARBITRATION
To Convene at Paris

UNDER THE

Provisions of the Treaty between the United States of Venezuela and
Her Britannic Majesty Signed at Washington February 2, 1897

VOLUME 1

NEW YORK
The Evening Post Job Printing House, 156 Fulton Street
1898

TRIBUNAL OF ARBITRATION
His Excellency F. de Martens, President
The Honorable Melville Weston Fuller
The Right Honorable Baron Herschell, G. C. B.
The Honorable Sir Richard Henn Collins, Kt.
The Honorable David Josiah Brewer

J. M. De Rojas
Agent of Venezuela

CONTENTS, VOLUME 1.

PAGE
1. Introduction, ........ 2
2. Geographical Sketch of the Disputed Territory, . . . 13
1. Orinoco Delta Region, . . ... 14
2. Moruca-Pomeroon Region, ..... 24
3. Cuyuni-Mazaruni Basin, ..... 28
4. Upper Essequibo Basin, ..... 34
3. Historical Sketch Showing Basis of Spain's Original Title to Guiana,
and of Venezuela's Title to the Disputed Territory, . . 35
1. Discovery and Exploration, .... 35
2. Settlement and Possession, ..... 36
3. Spain's Effective Control of Guiana, ... 44
4. Historical Sketch Showing Derivation of the Dutch-British Title
to Essequibo, ........ 53
5. Early Dutch Relations with Guiana, 1597-1648, ... 61
6. History of the Essequibo Dutch Post, 1648-1674, . 75
7. History of the Essequibo Dutch Post, 1674-1700, . . 85
8. History of the Essequibo Dutch Post, 1700-1725, ... 93
9. History of Spanish Settlement by Way of Orinoco, 1648-1725, . 99
10. History of the Essequibo Colony, 1725-1803, . . . .107
1. As to Trade, ...... Ill
2. Capture of Runaways, . . . . . .114
Slave-Trading Cuyuni Stations of 1754 and 1766, . 121
Dutch "Weakness and Spanish Control, . . . 127
11. Spanish Control and Settlement in Disputed Territory, 1725-1800, 135
1. The Coast Region, ...... 135
2. The Interior, ...... 147
12. Dutch Remonstrances, ....... 157
13. History of British Occupation, 1803-1850, . . . 163
1. Extent of British Occupation, .....' 164
2. Condition of Essequibo Colony, .... 173
14. History of British Occupation, 1850-1896, . . . .179
1. As to the Coast, ...... 187
2. As to the Interior, ...... 190
15. Regarding Spanish and Venezuelan Occupation During the 19th
Century, ........ 197
16. Diplomatic Correspondence, ..... 201
17. Conclusion,  321

CASE OF THE UNITED STATES OF VENEZUELA.

I.— INTRODUCTION.

The Treaty of Arbitration signed at "Washington on tJtl^tlf°l89flU"
the second day of February, 1897, between the United
States of Venezuela and Her Majesty, the Queen of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, after
making provision for the organization of the Tribunal
of Arbitration, proceeds, in Article III, to define the.
questions which are to be investigated and determined.
Article III is as follows :
" The Tribunal shall investigate and ascertain the extent of the Questions sub.
¦ nutted.
territories belonging to, or that might lawfully be claimed by, the
United Netherlands or by the Kingdom of Spain respectively
at the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of tlie Colony of
British Guiana, and shall determine the boundary line between
the Colony of British Guiana and the United States of Venezuela."
After laying down certain rules for the government
of the Arbitrators in connection with the decision of the
matters submitted, the Treaty then proceeds to specify
the time and manner in which each party shall present
its case.
Article VI, which provides for this, is as follows :
" The printed Case of each of the two parties, accompanied by Delivery of Case.
the documents, the official correspondence, and other evidence on
which each relies, shall be delivered in duplicate to each of the
Arbitrators and to the Agent of the other Party as soon as may be
after the appointment of the members of the tribunal, but within
a period not exceeding eight months from the date of the exchange
of the ratifications of this Treaty."

INTRODUCTION.

Submission of
Case.

In compliance with this stipulation, the Agent of Ven
ezuela before the Arbitral Tribunal has the honor to
submit the present Case, accompanied by an Appendix
printed in two volumes and an atlas. The Government
of Venezuela reserves the right to hereafter present ad
ditional documents, correspondence and evidence pur
suant to the provisions of Article VII of the Treaty.
The full text of the Treaty is as follows :

Treaty of Arbi
tration of 1897.

" Her Majesty the Queeu of
the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland, and the
United States of Venezuela,
being desirous to provide for
an amicable settlement of the
question which has arisen be
tween their respective Govern
ments concerning the boundary
between the Colony of British
Guiana and the United States
of Venezuela, have resolved to
submit to arbitration the ques
tion involved, and to the end
of concluding a Treaty for that
purpose have appointed as their
respective Plenipotentiaries :
Her Majesty the Queen of the
United Kingdom of Great Brit
ain and Ireland, the Right
Honourable Sir Julian Paunce
fote, a Member of Her Majesty's
Most HonourablePrivy Council,
Knight Grand Cross of the
Most Honourable Order of the
Bath and of the Most Distin
guished Order of St. Michael
and St. George, and Her
Majesty's Ambassador Extra
ordinary and Plenipotentiary
to the United States;

" Los Estados Unidos de
Venezuela y Su Majestad la
Reina del Reino Unido de la
Gran Bretafia e Irlanda, dese-
ando estipular el arreglo amis-
toso de la cnesti6n que se ha
suscitado entre sus respectivos
Gobiernos acerca del limite de
los Estados Unidos de Venez
uela y la Colonia de la Guay
ana Britanica, han resuelto
someter dicha cuesti6n a arbi
trament©, y a fin de concluir
con ese objeto un tratado, han
elegido por sus respectivos
Plenipotenciarios :
El Presidente de los Estados
Unidos de Venezuela, al Senor
Jose Andrade, Enviado Extra-
ordinario y Ministro Plenipo-
tenciario de Veuezuela en los
Estados Unidos de America;
Y Su Majestad la Reina del
Reino Unido de la Gran Bre
tafia e Irlanda al Muy Honor
able Sir Julian Pauncefote,
Miembro del Muy Honorable
Consejo Privado de Su Majes
tad, Caballero Gran Cruz de la
Muy Honorable Orden del Baflo
y de la Muy Distinguida Orden

INTRODUCTION.

And the President of the
United States of Venezuela,
Sefior Jos6 Andrade, Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of Venezuela
to the United States of Amer
ica ;
Who, having communicated
to each other their respective
full powers, which were found
to be in due and proper form,
have agreed to and concluded
the following Articles : —
Article I.
An Arbitral Tribunal shall be
immediately appointed to de
termine the boundary-line be
tween the Colony of British
Guiana and the United States
of Venezuela. Article II.
The Tribunal shall consist of
five jurists : two on the part
of Great Britain, nominated by
the Members of the Judicial
Committee of Her Majesty's
Privy Council, namely, the
Right Honourable Baron Her
schell, Knight Grand Cross of
the Most Honourable Order of
the Bath; and the Honourable
Sir Richard Henn Collins,
Knight, one of the Justices of
her Britannic Majesty's Su
preme Court of Judicature ;
two on the part of Venezuela,
nominated, one by the President
of the United States of Venez
uela, namely, the Honourable

Treaty of Arbi
tration of 1897.

Arbitral Tribunal.

de San Miguel y San Jorge, y
Embajador Extraordinario y
Plenipotenciario de Su Majes
tad en los Estados Unidos;
Quienes, habiendose comun
icado sus respectivos plenos po-
deres que fueron hallados en
propria y debida forma, han
acordado y concluido los artie-
ulos siguientes: —

Articulo I.
Se nombrard inmediatametite
un Tribunal arbitral para deter-
minar la linea divisoria entre
los Estados Unidos de Vene
zuela y la Colonia de la Guay
ana I. ri tallica.

Articulo II.
El Tribunal se compendia ™ .. .
r Tribunal ap-
de cinco Juristas ; dos de parte pointed.
de Venezuela, nombrados, uno
por el Presidente de los Estados
U nidos de Venezuela, a saber,
el Honorable Melville Weston
Fuller, Justicia Mayor de los
Estados Unidos de America, y
uno por los Justicias de la
Corte Suprema de los Estados
Unidos de America, a saber,
el Honorable David Josiah
Brewer, Justicia de la Corte
Suprema de los Estados Unidos
de America ; dos de parte de la
Gran Bretafia nombrados por
los miembros de la Cotnisi6n
Judicial del Consejo Privado de

INTRODUCTION.

Tribunal ap
pointed.

Melville Weston Fuller, Chief
Justice of the United States of
America, and one nominated
by the Justices of the Supreme
Court of the United States of
America, namely, the Honor
able David Josiah Brewer, a
Justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States of Amer
ica ; and of a fifth Jurist to be
selected by the four persons so
nominated, or in the event of
their failure to agree within
three months from the date of
the exchange of ratifications
of the present Treaty, to be se
lected by His Majesty the King
of Sweden and Norway. Tlie
Jurist so selected shall be Presi
dent of the Tribunal.
In case of the death, absence,
or incapacity to serve of any
of the four Arbitrators above
named, or in the event of any
such Arbitrator omitting or de
clining or ceasing to act as such,
another Jurist of repute shall
be forthwith substituted in his
place. If such vacancy shall
occur among those nominated
on the part of Great Britain
the substitute shall be appoint
ed by the members for the time
being of the Judicial Commit
tee of Her Majesty's Privy
Council, acting by a majority,
and if among those nominated
on the part of Venezuela, he
shall be appointed by the Jus
tices of the Supreme Court of

Su Majestad, a saber, el Muy
Honorable Bar6n Herschell,
Caballero Gran Cruz dela Muy
Honorable Orden del Bafio, y
el Honorable Sir Richard Henn
Collins, Caballero, uno de los
Justicias de la Corte Suprema
de Judicatura de Su Majestad ;
y de un quinto Jurista, que sera
elegido por las cuatro personas
asi nombradas, 6, en el even to
de no lograr elias acordarse en
la designation dentro de los
tres meses contados desde la
fecha del canje de las ratifica-
ciones del presente Tratado,
por Su Majestad el Rey de
Suecia y Noruega. El Jurista
a quien asi se elija sera Presi
dente del Tribunal.
En caso de muerte, ausencia
6 incapacidad para servir de
cualquiera de los cuatro Arbi-
tros arriba mencionados, 6 en
el evento de que alguno de ellos
no llegue a ejercer las f unciones
de tal por omision, renuncia 6
cesaci6n, se sustituira inmedi-
atamente por otro Jurista de
reputation. Si tal vacante
ocurre entre los nombrados por
parte de Venezuela, el sustitu to
sera elegido por los Justicias
de la Corte Suprema de los Es
tados Unidos de America por
mayoria; ysi ocurriere entre los
nombrados por parte de la
Gran Bretafia, elegiran al sus-
tituto, por mayoria, los que
fueren entonces miembros dela

INTRODUCTION.

the United States, acting by a
majority. If such vacancy
shall occur in the case of the
fifth Arbitrator, a substitute
shall be selected in the manner
herein provided for with regard
to the original appointment.

Comisi6n Judicial del Consejo
Privado de Su Majestad. Si
vacare el puesso de quinto Ar-
bitro, se le elegira sustituto del
modo aqui estipulado en cuanto
al nombramiento primitivo.

Tribunal ap
pointed.

Article III.
The Tribunal shall investi
gate and ascertain the extent
of the territories belonging to,
or that might lawfully be
claimed by the United Nether
lands or by the Kingdom of
Spain respectively at the time
of the acquisition by Great
Britain of the Colony of British
Guiana, and shall determine
the boundary line between the
Colony of British Guiana and
the United States of Venezuela.

Article IV.
In deciding the matters sub
mitted, the Arbitrators shall
ascertain all facts which they
deem necessary to a decision of
the controversy, and shall be
governed by the following Rules,
which are agreed upon by the
High Contracting Parties as
Rules to be taken as applicable
to the case, and by such prin
ciples of international law not
inconsistent therewith as the
Arbitrators shall determine to
be applicable to the case: —

Articulo III.
El Tribunal investigara y se
certiorari de la extensidn de
los territories pertenecientes k
las Provincias Unidas de los
Paises Bajos 6 al Reino de
Espafia respectivamente, 6 que
pudieran ser legitimamente re-
clamados por aquellas 6 este, al
tiempo de la adquisicion de la
Colonia de la Guayana Britan-
ica por la Gran Bretafia, y de
terminant la linea divisoria
entre los Estados Unidos de
Venezuela y la Colonia de la
Guayana Britanica.
Articulo IV,
Al decidir los asuntos some-
tidos a los Arbitros, estos se
cercioraran de todos los hechos
que estimen necesarios para la
decision de la controversia, y
se gobernaran por las siguien
tes reglas en que estan conven-
idas las Altas Partes contratan-
tes como reglas que han de
considerarse aplicables al caso,
y por los principios de derecho
international no incompatibles
con elias, que los Arbitros juz-
garen aplicables al mismo.

Questions
mitted.

sub-

Rules adopted.

INTRODUCTION.

Rules.
Rules adopted. (a) Adverse holding or pre
scription during a period of
fifty years shall make a good
title. The Arbitrators mav
deem exclusive political con
trol of a district, as well as
actual settlement thereof, suffi
cient to constitute adverse
holding or to make title by pre
scription. (b) The Arbitrators mayre-
eognize and give effect to rights
and claims resting on any other
ground whatever valid accord
ing to international law, and
on any principles of interna
tional law which the Arbitra
tors may deem to be applicable
to the case, and which are not
in contravention of the forego
ing rule.
(c) In determining the boun
dary-line, if territory of one
Party be found by the Tribunal
to have been at the date of this
Treaty in the occupation of the
subjects or citizens of the other
Party,, such effect shall be given
to such occupation as reason,
justice, the principles of inter
national law, and the equities
of the case shall, in the opinion
of the Tribunal, require.

Reglas.
(a) Una posesion adversa 6
prescripci6n por el termino de
cincuenta afios constituir_, un
buen titulo. Los Arbitros po
dran estimar que la domination
politica exclusiva de un distrito,
asi como la efectiva coloniza-
ci6n de 61, son suficientes para
constituir una posesi6n adversa
6 crear titulo de prescription.
(_•) Los Arbitros podran re-
conocer y hacer efectivos dere
chos y reivindicaciones que se
apoyen en cualquier otrofunda-
mento valido conforme al dere
cho international, y en cuales
quiera principios de derecho
internacional que los Arbitros
estimen aplicables al caso y
que no contravengan a la regla
precedente. (c) Al determinar la linea
divisoria, si el Tribunal hallare
que territorio de una parte ha
estado en la fecha de este
Tratado ocupndo por los ciuda-
danos 6 subditos de la otra
parte, se dard k tal ocupaci6n
el fecto que, en opinion del
Tribunal, requieran la razon,
la justicia, los principios del
derecho internacional, y la
equidad del caso.

Meeting of Tri
bunal.

Article V.
The Arbitrators shall meet
at Paris, within sixty days
after the delivery of the
printed arguments mentioned

Articulo V.
Los Arbitros se reunir&u en
Paris dentro de los sesenta dias
despues de la entrega de los
argumentos impresos mencio-

INTRODUCTION.

in Avticle VIII, and shall pro
ceed impartially and carefully
to examine and decide the
questions that have been, or
shall be, laid before them, as
herein provided, on the part of
the Governments of Her Bri
tannic Majesty and the United
States of Venezuela respec
tively. Provided always that the
Arbitrators may, if they shall
think fit, hold their meetings,
or any of them, at any other
place which they may deter
mine. All questions considered by
the Tribunal, including the
final decision, shall be deter
mined by a majority of all the
Arbitrators. Each of the High Contract
ing Parties shall name one per
son as its agent to attend the
Tribunal, and to represent it
generally in all matters con
nected with the Tribunal.
Article VI.
The printed Case of each of
the two Parties, accompanied
by the documents, the official
correspondence, and other evi
dence on which each relies,
shall be delivered in duplicate to
each of the Arbitrators and to
the Agent of the other Party as
soon as may be after the ap
pointment of the members of
the Tribunal, but within a peri-

nados en el Articulo VIII, y
procederan a examinar y deci-
dir impartial y cuidadosamente
las cuestiones que se les hayan
sometido 6 se les presentaren,
segun aqui se estipula, por
parte de los Gobiernos de los
Estados Unidos de Venezuela
y de Su Majestad Britanica re-
spectivamente. Pero queda siempre enten-
dido que los Arbitros, si lo juz-
gan conveniente, podran cele-
brar sus reuniones, 6 algunas
de elias, en cualquier otro lugar
que determinen.
Todas las cuestiones con-
sideradas por el Tribunal, in
clusive la decision definitiva,
seran resueltas por mayoria de
todos los Arbitros.
Cada una de las Altas Partes
Contratantes nombrara como
su Agente una persona que
asista al Tribunal y la repre-
sente generalmente en todos
los asuntos conexos con el Tri
bunal. Articulo VI.
Tan pronto como sea pos
ible despues de nombrados los
miembros del Tribunal, pero
dentro de un plazo que no
excedera, de ocho meses con-
tados desde la fecha del canje
de las ratificaciones de este
Tratado, se entregara por dup-
licado a cada uno de los Arbi
tros y al Agente de la otra
parte, el Alegato impreso de

Meeting of Tri
bunal.

Delivery of Case.

INTRODUCTION.

Delivery of Case, od not exceeding eight months
from the date of the exchange
of the ratifications of this
Treaty.

cada una de las dos partes,
acompafiado de los documen
tos, la correspondencia oBcial
y las demas pruebas, en que
cada una se apoye.

Delivery of Coun
ter-Case.

Article VII.
Within four months after the
delivery on both sides of the
printed Case, either Party may
in like manner deliver in dupli
cate to each of the said Arbi
trators, aud to the Agent of the
other Party, a Counter-Case, and
additional documents, corres
pondence, and evidence, in re
ply to the Case, documents, cor
respondence, and evidence so
presented by the other Party.
If in the Case submitted to
the Arbitrators either Party
shall have specified or alluded
to any report or document in
its own exclusive possession,
without annexing a copy, such
Party shall be bound, if the
other Party thinks proper to
apply for it, to furnish that
Party with a copy thereof, and
either Party may call upon the
other, through the Arbitrators,
to produce the originals or cer
tified copies of any papers ad
duced as evidence, giving in
each instance notice thereof
within thirty days after de
livery of the Case, and the
original or copy so requested
shall be delivered as soon as
may be, and within a period not

Articulo VII.
Dentro de los cuatro meses
siguientes a la entrega por am
bas partes del Alegato impreso,
una u otra podra del mismo
modo entregar por duplicado a
cada uno de dichos Arbitros, y
al Agente de la otra parte, nn
contra- Alegato y nuevos docu
mentos, correspondencia y pru
ebas, para contestar al Alegato,
documentos, correspondencia y
pruebas presentados por la otra
parte. Si en el Alegato sometido a
los Arbitros una u otra parte
hubiere especificado 6 citado
algun informe 6 documento que
este en su exclusiva posesion,
sin agregar copia, tal parte
qnedara bbligada, si la otra cree
conveniente pedirla, a suminis-
trarle copia de el; y una ii otra
parte podra excitar a la otra,
por medio de los Arbitros, a
prodncir los originales 6. copias
certificadas de Ios papeles adu-
cidos como pruebas, dando en
cada caso aviso de esto dentro
de los treinta dias despues de la
presentacion del Alegato ; y el
original 6 la copia pedidos se
entregaran tan pronto como sea
posible y dentro de un plazo

introduction.

exceeding forty days after re
ceipt of notice.
Article VIII.
It shall be the duty of the
Agent of each Party, within
three months after the expira
tion of the time limited for the
delivery of the Counter-Case on
both sides, to deliver in dupli
cate to each of the said Arbi
trators, and to the Agent of the
other Party, a printed argument
showing the points, and referr
ing to the evidence upon which
his Government relies, and
either Party may also support
the same before the Arbitrators
by oral argument of counsel ;
and the Arbitrators may, if they
desire further elucidation with
regard to any point, require a
written or printed statement
or argument, or oral argument
by counsel upon it; but in
such case the other party shall
be entitled to reply either or
ally or in writing, as the case
may be. Article IX.
The Arbitrators may, for any
cause deemed by them suffi
cient, enlarge either of the
periods fixed by Articles VI,
VII and VIII by the allow
ance of thirty days additional.
Article X.
The decision of the Tribunal
shall, if possible, be made

que no exceda de cuarenta dias
despues del recibo del aviso.
Articulo VIII.
El Agente de cada parte, den
tro de los tres meses despues de
la expiration del tiempo sefla
lado para la entrega del contra-
Alegato por ambas partes, de-
bera entregar por duplicado a
cada uno de dichos Arbitros y
al Agente de la otra parte un
argumento impreso que sefiale
los puntos y cite las pruebas en
que se funda su Gobierno, y
cualquiera de las dos partes
podra ..tambien apoyarlo ante
los Arbitros con argumentos
orales de su Abogado ; y los
Arbitros podran, si desean
mayor esclarecimiento con re
specto a algun punto, requerir
sobre el una exposcion 6 argu
mento escritos 6 impresos, 6
argumentos orales del Abogado ;
pero en tal caso la otra. parte
tendra derecho a contestar oral-
mente 6 por escrito, segun f ue.re
el caso. Articulo IX.
Los Arbitros por cualquier
causa que juzguen. suficiente
podran prorrogar uno u otro
de los plazos fijados en los Ar-
ticulosVI, VII y VIII, con-
cediendo treinta dias adicion-
ales. Articulo X.
Si fuere posible, el Tribunal
dara su decision dentro de tres

Delivery
Counter-case.

of

Delivery of
Printed Argument.

Extensions.

Decision.

10 Decision.

INTRODUCTION.

Record
ce3dings.

of Pro-

sel

within three months from the
close of the argument on both
sides. It shall be made in writing
and dated, and shall be signed
by the Arbitrators who may as
sent to it.
The decision shall be in du
plicate, one copy whereof shall
be delivered to the Agent of
Great Britain for his Govern
ment, and the other copy shall
be delivered to the Agent of the
United States of Venezuela for
his Government. Article XI.
The Arbitrators shall keep an
accurate record of their pro
ceedings, and may appoint and
employ the necessary officers to
assist them. Article XII.
Agents and Coun- Each Government shall pay
its own Agent and provide for
the proper remuneration of the
counsel employed by it, and of
the Arbitrators appointed by it
or in its behalf, and for the
expense of preparing and sub
mitting its Case to the Tribunal.
All other expenses connected
with the Arbitration shall be
defrayed by tbe two Govern
ments in equal moieties.
Article XIII.
Result to be Final. The High Contracting Par
ties engage to consider the result
of the proceedings of the Tri
bunal of Arbitration as a full,

meses contados desde que ter-
mine la argumentaci6n por
ambos lados.
La decisi6n se dara por escri
to, llevara fecha y se firmara
por los Arbitros que asientan a
ella. La decisi6n se extendera por
duplicado ; de ella se entregara
tin ejemplar al Agente de los
Estados Unidos de Venezuela
para su Gobierno, y el otro se
entregara al Agente de la Gran
Bretafia para su Gobierno.
Articulo XI.
Los Arbitros llevaran un re
gistro exacto de sus procedimi-
entos y podran eligir y emplear
las personas que necesiten para
su ayuda. Articulo XII.
Cada Gobierno pagara k su
propio Agente y proveera la
remuneration conveniente para
el Abogado que emplee y para
los Arbitros elegidos por el 6
en su nombre, y costeara los
gastos de la preparaci6n y
sometimiento de su causa al
Tribunal. Los dos Gobiernos
satisfaran por partes iguales
todos los demas gastos relativos
al arbitramento. ArtIculo XIII.
Las altas Partes Contratantes
se obligan a eonsiderar el re-
sultado de los proeedimientos
del Tribnual de Arbitramento

introduction.

11

perfect, and final settlement of
all tlie questions referred to
the Arbitrators. Article XIV.
The present Treaty shall be
duly ratified by Her Britannic
Majesty and by the President
of the United States of Vene
zuela, by and with the approval
of the Congress thereof, and
the ratifications shall be ex
changed in London or in Wash
ington within six months from
the date hereof.
In faith whereof we, the re
spective Plenipotentiaries, have
signed this Treaty and have
hereunto affixed our seals.
Done in duplicate, at Wash
ington, the second day of Feb
ruary, one thousand eight hun
dred and ninety-seven.
Julian Pauncefote. [seal.]
Jose Andrade. [seal.]

como arreglo pleno, perfecto y Result to be Final.
definitivo de todas las cues
tiones sometidas a los arbitros.

Articulo XIV.
El presente Tratado sera
debidamente ratificado por el
Presidente de los Estados Uni
dos de Venezuela con la apro
bacion del Congreso de ellos, y
por Su Majestad Britanica : y
las rati ficaci ones se canjearan
en Washington 6 en Londres
dentro de los seis meses con-
tados desde la fecha del pre-
seijte tratado.
En f _ de lo cual los respec
tivos Plenipotenciarios hemos
firmado este tratado y le hemos
puesto nuestros sellos.
Hecho por duplicado en
Washington, a dos de Febrero,
de mil ochocientos noventa y
siete.
Jose Andrade. [sello.]
Julian Pauncefote. [sello.]

Ratification
Treaty.

of

II.— GEOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE DISPUTED
TERRITORY.
The disputed territory lies on the noi'th-eastern bor- Location and Ex-
der of South America, between the Essequibo and Territory.
Orinoco rivers. It extends from the coast southward
as far as the boundary with Brazil. Venezuela claims
the entire region as far east as the western bank of the
Essequibo : Her Majesty's Government has, at various
times, made mention of an " extreme British claim "
from the Essequibo west as far as the main mouth of
the Orinoco, on the coast, and, in the interior, as far as
the divide which separates the drainage basin of the
Cuyuni from the drainage basin of the Orinoco. *
The relations of the various parts of this territory to Division of Ter
ritory into four
the question in controversy will be best appreciated if tracts.
the entire region be considered as divisible into four
great tracts :
First. — That which drains directly into the Orinoco
below the junction of that river with the Caroni.
Second. — That which, lying between the Essequibo on
the east, the Moruca on the northwest, and the Imataca
mountains on the southwest, drains directly into the
Atlantic Ocean.
Third. — That which, constitutes the great interior
Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin.
Fourth: — That which, stretching from the junction of
the Cuyuni, Mazaruni and Essequibo towards the south,
constitutes the upper drainage basin of the Essequibo.
These four tracts will be considered in the order named.
* In British Blue Book, Venezuela, No. 1 (1896), map 9, however, it is
stated that this " extreme British claim * * * is not pressed."

24 SKETCH OF DISPUTED TEREITOKY.
1.— ORINOCO DELTA REGION.
Orinoco Delta The first of these tracts, which for convenience may
be called the Orinoco Del ta Region, includes a portion
of the lower drainage basin of the Orinoco, and a
great part of its delta. It is bounded on the north and
west by the Orinoco itself ; on the south by a range of
hills or mountains, to different parts of which have
been applied the designations "Piacoa mountains" and
" Imataca mountains " ; on the east it is separated from
the second of the four tracts above mentioned ; first, by
a wet savanna difficult to traverse ; and, further inland,
by a tract of white sand, miles in length, white almost
as the driven snow, hot and dazzling to the eyes, difficult
and even painful to travel over.
Points of special The points to be especially noted in connection with
importance. , . .  ,
this tract are : 1st, its essential unity or indivisibility,
geographically speaking ; and 2d, the importance of
Barima as a point from which the entire Orinoco
system may be controlled.
1st. Geographic Unity of the Orinoco Delta
Region.
Geographic A glance at the nature and extent of the Orinoco
Unity of Orinoco . .
Delta Region. river and or its delta will make this apparent.
The Orinoco, except for the Amazon the greatest
river of South America, and one of the world's great
rivers, after flowing for miles 1,500 through a region of
large precipitation, discharges its waters through a mighty,
forest-clad delta. The area of this delta is about 12,000
square miles ; and its coast line is fully 250 miles long.
Through this delta the Orinoco discharges its waters by
an uncounted number of channels, estimated at 150 ; of
which three or four may be navigated by craft of con
siderable size. The main or " Ship's Mouth," that which
alone is available for large steamers, and that which to-

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 15
day serves as the main channel of commerce, is the one Orinoco River.
which empties into the Atlantic Ocean between Crab
island and Barima point.
Into the Orinoco, at and above Barima point, flow
various streams : the Barima, Amacura, Arature, Aguire
and Imataca.
The Barima, between Mora passage and Barima point, ?a;1'ima River
r ° r 7 and Mora passage.
can hardly be called an independent stream ; it is rather
one of those many channels through which the Orinoco
empties its waters into the ocean. At certain states
of the tide the waters of the Barima flow westward
and are discharged into the Orinoco ; at other states the
current is in the opposite direction, the water from the
Orinoco flowing eastward through this same Barima
channel, and discharging through the Mora passage
into the sea. This set of conditions, which converts
the lower Barima and the Mora passage into a veritable
Orinoco mouth, gives rise to unusual conditions in the
Mora passage itself; conditions which serve to emphasize
the intimate connection between the Mora passage and
the main mouth of the Orinoco.
H. I. Perkins, F. R. G. S., government surveyor, in M»easc^|e £
an article published in Timehri* in June^ 1889, thus Perkins-
describes these conditions :
" A peculiar feature of this (Mora) passage is the remarkable
swiftness of its current, both at ebb and flow, and the presence of
large trees which have been washed down and anchored by their
roots, and have become fixed in the centre of the channel, where
they sway, bend, creak and groan, as the water swirls past them
at the rate of five or six miles an hour. As the distance from the
sea of the Barima and Waini ends of the passage, is respectively
fifty-one and eight miles, there is considerable difficulty in com
prehending the state of the water in the passage, for sometimes it
is falling at one end and rising at tlie other, and vice versa, or
*Timehri is the journal of the Royal Agricultural and Commercial
Society of British Guiana, published at Demerara.

Ill SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
Ih'Norlptlon of rising or railing at both ends, according to the state of the tide
Morn |)I\hnii.j;o by .
I'ciUius. ' in the sen at the time."*
\v iviui Kivrr. Also intimately connected with the Lower Orinoco,
as will appear from the passage just quoted, is the
Waini, a river which empties into the ocean, in part
through its own mouth, but in part also, through this
same Mora passage and the Barima river. The Waini,
with the region through which it flows, constitutes a
part of the great Orinoco delta.
rima^tc^wU^ori" ^e intimate connection, with each other and with
noco- the Orinoco, of these various streams, the WaiDi, the
Barima, the Amacura, the Arature, and the rest, is evi
denced by the physical features of the region, proved
by the history of settlement and trade (to be examined
later), and explicitly recognized by British explorers and
British writers.
Description o f |£ ,._ Everard F. im Thurn, in a paper read before the
the Coast Region by 7 L r
im Thurn Royal Geographical Society, and published in its Pro
ceedings for 1892, thus describes the coast region :
"Its coast region, which consists mainly of a series of river
deltas, is almost everywhere very low, — indeed, almost invariably
below the level of the sea. It is everywhere, except where the
hand of man has worked a change, covered by a dense growth of
trees, of which so large a proportion are the semi-aquatic, stilt-
raised mangroves (Rhizophora mangle), or the somewhat similar
courida (Avicennia nitida), that it requires a careful eye to dis
tinguish the presence of any other species amid the scenery to
which these two trees give a very distinctive character. From this
low-lying mangrove belt, which may be said to be yet only half
land, half sea, there is a gradual, at first scarcely perceptible, rise;
but, further inland, the alluvial tract ending at vai-ying distance
from the sea, the land rises far more rapidly, in a series of ter
races, till it culminates in the comparatively high, dry table-land
* Timehri. 12", Demerara, 1889, June, vol. 3, p. 55. For further infor
mation regarding the Mora passage, see U. S. Commission, Report,
iii., pp. 249-253. v

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 17
which, in Guiana, is called savannah, and which forms so much Description of
of the interior of the continent of South America."* ThurnRegi°n by im
Further on he adds :
"The network of rivers is in itself a natural wonder; the
Waini, with its sister, or tributary, the Barama, and the Barima,
and the Amakuru, all of which, though they have long appeared
on our maps, have virtually remained unknown until the last few
years, and have remained completely outside the limits of civiliza
tion and settlement. The Waini system and the Barima are wide
and deep rivers, affording water-passage for vessels up to 15 or 16
feet draught, for 80 or more miles inland from the sea ; the
Morawhanna, navigable for equally large vessels, forms a link be
tween these two main rivers. Thus we have one splendid water
way, and many small water-ways affording passage to small boats
between all the rivers of the district, and between these and the
Orinoco on the one hand, and the old civilised portion of the
colony on the other."f
Schomburgk, in a letter to Governor Light, dated __ Description of
° ' ° ' Delta Rivers by
June 22, 1841, Says: Schomburgk.
" We reached in the afternoon, at 3 o'clock, the Coyuni
[this is elsewhere more correctly called by him Brazo, i. e., Coyoni
Pass, a stream connecting the Amacura with the Arature, and not
to be confounded with the great Cuyuni river in the interior]
which, like the Mora from the Waini to the Baiima, and vice
versa, forms an uninterrupted passage in canoes from the Amacura
to the Araturi. The Coyuni connects the Amacura with the
Waicaicaru or Bassama, which falls into the Araturi. This river
flows opposite the island Imataca into the Orinoco, and is
another instance of a remarkable connection between the tidal
rivers of this coast."J
2d. — The Political, Military and Commercial
Importance of Barima Point.
The importance of Barima point, and of the land Ba^P°PoTnte °f
and rivers immediately surrounding it, is due to its
*Royal Geog. Soc. Proceedings, London, 1892, October, vol. XIV, pp.
666-667. f Same, p. 668.
% Appendix to Case, iii, 89.

|K SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
impo.tam-e of commanding position with reference to the "Ship's
Barium Point, , .-. . a -i.
Mouth" or main channel of the Orinoco. As a result
of this, the essential unity of the Orinoco Delta Region
from a geographical standpoint is emphasized, while its
indivisibility from a political standpoint is made
apparent. This importance of Barima, political and
otherwise, has been forcibly set forth by explorers and
writers, and has been recognized and acted upon by
British statesmen.
Humboldt's tes- Humboldt, in his Personal Narrative of Travels to
importance. the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent dwing
the years 1799-1804, after some description of the
Orinoco, says of the facts he mentions :
"They will I think suffice to show, how intimately the political
security of the United Provinces of Caraccas and New-Grenada is
connected with the defence of the months of the Oroonoko ; and
how Spanish Guyana, though scarcely cleared, and desitute of
population, acquires a high importance in the struggle between
the colonies and the mother country. This military importance
was foreseen more than two centuries ago by the celebrated
Raleigh/'*
McCreagh's tes- Another authority to be quoted in this connection is
.mTorLnfe.*0 ** Major MeCreagh, a British officer who was sent, in 1802,
to make a military survey of the Orinoco. He reported
where the Spanish forts and military posts were, and
pointed out the military and commercial importance of
holding the Orinoco. He said :
"Except the conversion of the aboriginal natives (which is
certainly not the primary motive), the Spanish Government lias
obviously no other object in occupying the Oronoque ' than the
very important one of excluding other Powers from a river which
runs along the rear of the Provinces of Popayan, Venezuela,
Carraccas, Cumana, and Paria; which, therefore, in the hands of
a commercial nation would carry away from them the productions,
* Humboldt (A. von), "Personal narrative of travels, etc,, 1799-18Q4,'
London, 1821, Vol, V, p. 714.

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 19
and monopolize the traffic of those rich territories, and which, if . McC.eagh's tes-
possessed by a warlike Power, might immediately paralyze the poXnce^Biri-"
authority and gradually destroy the tenure by which Spain holds ma Point
her vast Empire in South America."*
Schomburgk, on various occasions, gave his testimony Schomburgk's
to the same effect. Referring to Colonel Moody's importance of Ba°
survey of the Orinoco in the early part of this century,
he says :
" This point (Barima point) in the possession of Great Britain
is of great value in a military respect. The peculiar configuration
of the only channel (Boca de Navios), which admits vessels of some
draught to the Orinoco, passes near Point Barima, so that if
hereafter it became of advantage to command the entrance to the
Orinoco, this might be easily effected from that point. This
assertion is supported by Colonel Moody's evidence, who visited
this spot in his military capacity in the commencement of this
century."! Expressing his own opinion Schomburgk, on another
occasion, says :
" Of equal importance is the determination of the western
boundary, the limits of which have never been completely settled,
and it merits the greatest attention on account of the political
importance of the mouth of the Orinoco."J
Again, speaking of the importance of the Amacura
and Arature, he mentions an inland waterway or pass
which there exists ; and adds that it
" offers an uninterrupted passage in canoes from the Amacura to
the Araturi. . . . This river flows opposite the island Ima
taca into the Orinoco, and is another instance of a remarkable
connection between the tidal rivers of this coast. A short dis
tance above the mouth of the River Araturi is the Venezuelan post
Coriabo. The importance of this natural canal in a military or
a commercial point of view is undeniable, but its importance to
Venezuela (if a denser population should make it such) is ren-
* Appendix to Case, iii, 58.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 82.
\ Parliamentary Papers, 1840, Vol. 34, p. 327.

20 SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
Schomburgk's dered abortive in a military aspect if Great Britain possesses the
™_Sof" &S right or eastern bank of the Amacura."*

porPoi

oint,

In his work on British Guiana, he says :
" Between the Essequibo and Orinoco are the rivers Pomeroon,
Marocco, and Wa-ina or Guayma ; and although these outlets are
comparatively of small size, they are so closely connected by
branches and tributaries, that they afford an inland navigation
from the Marocco to the Orinoco. Their importance in a polit
ical and commercial respect becomes therefore evident."f
In a note in his edition of Ealeigh's Guiana, pub
lished in 1848, Schomburgk also says :
"A strong battery established at Punta Barima, where the
Dutch had as early as 1660 a fortified outpost, would prevent
any vessel from entering the Orinoco drawing more than eight
feet of water. Punta Barima, or Point Breme, as it was called
by the Dutch, commands entirely the entrance of the Orinoco by
the Booa de Navios ; and when on a late occasion the right of
possession to this point was the subject of discussion between the
British Government and the Republic of Venezuela, Punta Ba
rima was appropriately and emphatically styled 'the Dardanelles
of the Orinoco.' "%
A confidential letter of Schomburgk to Governor
Light, dated October 23, 1841, deserves to be quoted
in full in this connection. He says :
Sir, Demerara, October 23, 1841.
In my letter of this day's date, I informed your Excellency
upon what grounds I founded the right of possession of Her
Majesty to the Barima, and I have now to point out the impor
tance which is attached to this position, should the British
Government establish the Amacura as the boundary between
British Guiana and Venezuela.
The River Orinoco may be termed the high-road to the interior
of the territories of Venezuela and New Granada. It has at its
* Appendix to Case, iii, 89.
t Schomburgk (R. H.) Description of British Guiana, etc., London,
1840, p. 17.
\ Schomburgk (R. H.) Discovery of Guiana, by Sir W, Raleigh, Lon
don, 1848, p, 115, note,

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 2l
mouth the appearance of an ocean, and articles of commerce Schomburgk's
may be transported on this stream for 400 or 500 leagues. Nearly impTrTan^e of
three hundred tributary streams, of more or less importance, flow Bartma Point-
into it, which may serve as additional canals and facilitate the
commerce of the interior. Santa Fe de Bogota may be reached
within a distance of eight miles by one of its tributary streams,
the Meta, aud operations of commerce or war, combined with
others from the Pacific, could be carried on by means of the vast
plains or llanos. A small fleet may go up the Orinoco and the
Meta within fifteen or twenty leagues of Santa Fe, and the flour
of New Grenada may be conveyed down the same way.
And the only access to this vast inland communication for sail
ing vessels of more than ten feet draft of water is by means of the
Boca de Navios, which is commanded from Point Barima.
The River Barima falls into the south side of the Orinoco near
the most eastern point of its mouth and in a direction almost
parallel to the coast. Point Barima is, therefore, bounded to the
west by the river of that name, to the north by the Orinoco, to
the east by the Atlantic, and to the south by impenetrable forests.
Colonel Moody considers this position " susceptable [sic] of being
fortified so as to resist almost any attack on the sea-side — the
small depth of water, the nature of the tides, and its muddy
shores, defend it. The Barima, and the uncultivated forests on
marshy ground, present an impenetrable barrier against the
interior, and debarkation from the Orinoco might be put under
the fire of any number of guns — and the land-reproaches [sic] on
that soil could be easily rendered inaccessible to an invading force."
This is the importance which Colonel Moody in a military
respect has attached to this point, and which, so far as my knowl
edge goes in this matter, is fully borne out by personal inspection
during my late survey of the entrance to the Barima.
The Venezuelan Government, as at present organised, totter
ing in their interior relations, and embarassed by a number of
slaves who would hail the opportunity to shake off their fetters,
hated and despised by the aborigines, whom maltreatment and
cruelties have alienated, would be an insignificant enemy — but in
the hands of any of the maritime European powers, matters
would assume another aspect.
France has attempted to establish a fortified position at the mouth
of the Amazon near Macapa, which she claims as the eastern

£2 SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
Schomburgk's boundary of Cayenne. A settlement at this spot commands the
testimony as to im- , . .,,.,, , ,n •
portance of Barima commerce of the Amazon, and this, no doubt, is the reason why this
Pomt Power puts such importance upon its possession. Supposing that
unforeseen circumstances should put France in occupation of Point
Barima at the Orinoco, and that Macapa at the Amazon is ceded
to her, she will then command the commerce of the two first
rivers of South America and hold the military keys of the northern
provinces of Brazil and of the former Spanish provinces of South
America, north of the equator, which territories will be always at
the mercy of that power which commands the channels to their
commerce. Finally, trusting to the prospects of prosperity and a continued
emigration to British Guiana, there could not be a more favourable
position for a commercial settlement than Point Barima. The
capital of Spanish Guayana is Angostura, situated a distance of
85 leagues from the mouth of the Orinoco, and the intricate navi
gation of that river presents numerous difficulties to foreign
vessels going up the Orinoco as far as Angostura.
A commercial settlement established at the extreme point of
Barima, where one part of the town would front the River Barima,
and the other the Orinoco, would soon induce foreign vessels to
dispose of their cargoes at the new settlement, and leave the
further transport to the interior to smaller craft; naturally this
premises the supposition that amicable relations and commercial
treaties exist between Great Britain and Venezuela. The bar at
the Barima admits vessels of sixteen ieet draft of water, which if
once entered, may safely anchor in from four to five fathoms
water. The peculiar formation of the fluvial system of the coast-
land between the Barima and the Essequibo admits an inland
navigation, in punts and barges, to Richmond Estate, on the
Arabisi Coast of the Essequibo, which with a few improvements
might vie with any of the interior canals of England.*
Bartoa0pofnntCead- The recogniti°n of what is here so forcibly set forth in
Britain by Great the preceding extracts is by no means confined either to
foreign writers or to minor British officials. It has, in
words, been admitted by no less than three of Great
Britain's Prime Ministers, and it has been acted upon
* Appendix to Case, iii, 125-127.

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 23
by at least four of them. On March 30, 1844, Lord importance of
J ' ' Barima Point ad-
Aberdeen wrote as follows to the Venezuelan Govern- mj.tted ^ Lord
Aberdeen,
ment: " Believing, then, that the undivided possession of the Ori
noco is the object most important for the interests of Venezuela,
Her Majesty's Government are prepared to cede to the Republic
a portion of the coast amply sufficient to insure Venezuela
against the mouth of this her principal river being at the command
of any foreign power. With this view, and regarding it as a most
valuable concession to Venezuela, Her Majesty's Government are
willing to waive their claim to the Amacura as the western bound
ary of the British territory, and to consider the mouth of the
Moroco River as the limit of Her Majesty's possessions on the sea
coast." *
On September 15, 1881, Lord Granville wrote as fol- b^^Twi!
i ,„_ . mitted by Lord
loWS : Granville.
" 8. They [Her Majesty's Government] are disposed, therefore,
to submit the following as a line of boundary, which they consider
will yield to Venezuela every reasonable requirement while secur
ing the interests of British Guaina : —
" The initial point to be fixed at a spot on the sea-shore 29
miles of longitude due east from the right bank of the River Bar
ima, and to be carried thence south," etc.
" 9. This boundary will surrender to Venezuela what has been
called The Dardanelles of the Orinoco. It will give to Vene
zuela the entire command of the mouth of that river, and it yields
about one-half of the disputed territory, while it secures to British
Guiana a well-defined natural boundary along almost its whole
course, except for about the first 50 miles inland from the sea,
where it is necessary to lay down an arbitrary boundary in order
to secure to Venezuela the undisturbed possession of the mouths
of the Orinoco. f
On June 7, 1886, Lord Rosebery wrote : ^"^T^
"The line which they [Her Majesty's Government] intend to Rosebery.7
trace will run as follows : —
" The initial point to be fixed at a spot on the sea-shore 29 miles
* Appendix to Case, iii, 210.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 156.

2i SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
Importance of of longitude due east from the right bank of the River Barima,
Barima Point ad-
mitted by Lord and to be carried thence south, etc.
Rosebery. « This line is identical with that which was suggested in Lord
Granville's note to Sefior de Rojas of the 15th September, 1881, a
copy of which accompanied his Lordship's despatch to your pre
decessor of the 30th of that month.
"Her Majesty's Government, however, still reserve their right
to insist on a more westerly boundary hereafter, although, partly
for the purpose of establishing a more convenient natural bound
ary, and partly from their willingness to gratify the wish of the
Venezuelan Government to possess the right bank of the Orinoco
from its mouth, they are ready to come to an understanding with
the Venezuelan Government, and are prepared to concede to Ven
ezuela a portion of the disputed territory beyond the line now to
be marked out, provided," etc.*
# Points of special The facts so set forth, in the opinion of the Venezue-
lmportance. . r
Ian Government, clearly establish the two points first
mentioned with regard to the Orinoco Delta Region.
These are :
1st. That geographically it is a unit, knit together
by its net-work of connecting rivers and streams ; and,
2nd. That politically it is likewise a unit; the com
mercial, political and military control of the entire
Orinoco being necessarily dependent upon the exclusive
possession and control of all its mouths, especially of its
^principal mouth. 2.— MORUCA-POMEROON REGION.
roo^Region;Pome" The second tract into wMch the disputed territory
may be divided, and which, for convenience, will here be
designated as the Moruca-Pomeroon Region, has the Es
sequibo and the ocean for its eastern boundary ; is sepa
rated on the west from the rest of the coast region by
the water parting which divides the Orinoco delta from
the region watered by the Moruca, Wacupo and Pome-
* Appendix to Case, iii, 160.

Sketch of disputed territory. 25
roon; and extends inland as far as the junction of the Moruca-Pome-
" roon Region.
Essequibo with the Cuyuni and Mazaruni rivers.
Its general character near the coast is like the Ori
noco Delta Region above described. There is a fringe of
alluvial mud from one to four or five miles wide ; back
of that are the sand reefs, and yet farther back the low
est slopes of the Imatacas and the Blue mountains.
The point of special importance regarding: this tract Its separation
. . . . . ° from the Orinoco.
is its entire separation from the Orinoco, by natural bar
riers. To make this clear, it is needful to understand the
formation of the coast region in general, and in particu
lar the conditions which divide the coast at the Mo
ruca into two distinct parts.
The present coast is alluvial : it constitutes the delta .
or river-made land. An enquiry as to what preceded
this made land reveals the fact that there was formerly
a sand beach from which the ocean has gradually re
ceded, but which, by reason of its still existing pecu
liar shape, has exercised an appreciable influence upon
subsequent events.
Rodway, in his " Hand-Booh of British Guiana, The Sand Reefs.
1893," says:
"The Sand-Reefs. Behind the fringe of plantations, which
rarely extend beyond three miles from the sea-shore, lie swamps
choked with tall sedges, the soil being a kind of disintegrated
peat, called pegass. Here and there an island of sand crops up,
on which a few trees and bushes manage to exist, with grand
clumps of the Eta palm (Mauritia flexuosa) scattered here and
there, or perhaps surrounding what looks like an extensive
meadow. Wherever the land begins to rise these magnificent
palms rear their heads in the foreground, while behind, the wall
of interminable forest closes the view. Here comes the white
sand beach of long ages ago. Miles and miles of pure sand,
washed as clean as driven snow, throw up a glare under the noon
day sun which is dazzling to the eyes and sometimes quite pain-

26 SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
The Sand Reefs, ful. The barefooted Indian cuts two pieces of bark, and makes
himself a pair of slippers when crossing the 'Mourie,'as it is
called, and even the well-shod European feels it hot to the soles
of his feet. But even here, where there is hardly a trace of
mould, some hardy bushes manage to exist, their roots penetrat
ing far below the surface where it is always cool and moist."*
Schomburgk, in his " Description of British Guiana,"
p. 3, says :
" This alluvial fiat extends from ten to twenty, and in some in
stances (as between the rivers Berbice and Corentyn) even to
forty miles inland, and is terminated by a range of sand-hills,
from about 30 to 120 feet high, which approach the sea within
two miles of the Arabisi coast of the Essequibo. "f
Line of Old Beach. The geological survey, made between 1867 and 1873,
on behalf of the British Government by Messrs. Brown
and Sawkins, has traced approximately the line of this
old beach ; that is to say, the line which divides the firm
land from the filled delta ; and where this line has not
actually been followed out, it may nevertheless be
traced by the places where the water-courses change
from true flowing streams to interlacing bayous.
To map 4 of the Atlas accompanying this Case, the
results of the survey by Brown and Sawkins have been
transferred. By reference to this map it will be seen that the old
beach line, which in the Orinoco delta is now well in
land, makes its nearest approach to the present seaboard
near the mouth of the Moruca : it is now elevated land,
according to the quotation from Schomburgk above
given, and approaches the sea within about two miles.
A result of this is that the alluvial deposit at this
point is, comparatively speaking, a mere strip which
* Rodway (J.) Hand-Book of British Guiana. 12°, Georgetown 1893
p. 10.
t Schomburgk (R. H .) Description of British Guiana, etc. 12°, London
1840, p. 3.

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 27
contains no natural waterways ; and as a consequence Line of Old Beach.
there is no natural inland water communication between
the Orinoco delta, on the west, and the Moruca, on the
east. The practical effect of this lack of natural water , Communication
-* between Moruca
communication is that actual communication between and Orinoco Delta
Region, difficult
the two regions has been very slight. The difficulty and limited-
of crossing from the Moruca to the region west has
been so great as to constitute an actual barrier between
them, a barrier which, in the history of settlement has
in fact served to keep the two regions apart.
Mr. im Thurn, in a paper read before the Royal Geo- Difficulty of this
' r L J communication, ac-
graphical Society and published in its Proceedings for cording to im
October, 1892, gives the following account of a journey
from the Moruca to the Waini :
" After five hours' boat journey up the Moruka, the country
on each side of the river becoming gradually more and more open —
the river at last winding through open savannahs, and broaden
ing out here and there into pools so thickly set with water-lilies
that it was difficult to force the boat through them — we reached
the point where the waterway leaves the river and passes along a
narrow itabbo, or artificial water-path, which connects the Moru
ka with the Waini River. This connecting passage is in all
about 30 miles in length ; but only about the first 10 miles of this
is actually semi-artificial itabbo, made by the constant passage of
the canoes of the Redmen through the swampy savannah. After
that it runs into the Barabara and then into the Biara River,
which latter runs into the Baramanni River, and that again into
the Waini, at a point about 80 miles from its outflow into the sea.
We found the itabbo section of this passage very difficult to
get through. Generally, it was hardly wider than the boat, and
its many abrupt windings added to our difficulties. Again, the
trees hang down so low over the water, that even after we had
taken the tent off the boat, we had either to force the boat uv \er
the low-lying branches or make a passage by cutting them away.
On either side of the channel the ground is so swampy as hardly
anywhere to allow foothold of even a few inches in extent. The

2R SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
Difficulty of light hardly penetrates through the dense roof of leaves ; and in
.reTMorucTa^d the gloom under the roof only a few aroids, ferns, lilies, orchids,
Orinoco Delta Re- and t masses 0f a palm which had at the time of my journey
f_TnThrrdillg t0 not been described, * * * grew among the fantas
tically twisted tree-roots which rose from the bare mud. Only
close to the channel itself, where just a little more light penetrated,
did these same plants grow a little more densely.
This itabbo is quite dry in the longer dry seasons, and is then,
of course, impassable ; for walking along its banks is out of the
question— a circumstance which has had a good deal to do with
the fact that the parts beyond had up till then been almost com
pletely shut off from the rest of the colony. Even now, though
the overhanging trees have been cleared from this part of the
waterway, it presents no slight obstacle to the swarm of gold boats
which would press through it to the goldfields beyond." = '
Physical Barrier The above facts would seem to place beyond question
between the two. ^e point of special importance regarding this Moruca-
Pomeroon Region; viz., that a natural and effective
physical barrier separates it from the Ormoco Delta
Region. 3.— CUYUNI-MAZARUNI BASIN.
Cuyuni-Mazaruni The third of the tracts to be considered is the great inte-
Basin- rior Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin. The two rivers from which
this basin derives its name unite and flow into the Esse
quibo — this fact constitutes the sole connection between this
and the Essequibo. Except for this connection, a connec
tion which in this instance is without practical importance,
the interior basin, watered by the two streams, is a
its connection region quite separate and distinct from the Essequibo.
The Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin is connected, geographically
and historically with the Orinoco — not with the Esse
quibo : the approach to it is from the west — not from
the east : its fluvial connection with the Essequibo, as
will in a moment be made apparent, serves rather
*Royal Geog. Soc. Proc, London, 1892, Oct., vol. 14, p. 674.

with the Orinoco.

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 29
to emphasize than to lessen their real separation Cuyuni-Mazaruni
*¦ basin distinct and
.Nature has forced these two regions apart : and the separate from the
¦*• Essequibo.
fact that the waters of the one flow through the
territory of the other has been entirely insufficient
either to unite them, or to divorce the Cuyuni-Mazaruni
basin from the western regions upon which, geographi
cally and politically, it naturally depends.
Hilhouse, the first Englishman to attempt the ascent Hilhouse's testi-
° x mony.
of the Cuyuni, found the falls so perilous and insupera
ble a barrier that he declared it to be "evident that col
onization could never be attempted on this river."*
This interior basin is bounded on the north bv the Boundaries of
J Basin.
same range of hills which, under the name of Piacoa,
Imataca, and Blue mountains, forms the southern
boundary of the coast region ; on the south it is shut
in by a range of mountains sufficiently high and ragged
to make their crossing difficult at most places and im
possible at others ; on the east a spur of this same
rugged range, under the name of the Ayangcanna
mountains (at places nearly 5,000 feet high) runs
north until it meets the Blue mountains, which, as a
spur of the Imatacas, run south ; these two ranges
effectively separate the Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin from the
Essequibo. Near the point of junction of the Cuyuni
and Mazaruni there is a break in these mountains, and
through this break, over rapids and falls, the Cuyuni
and the Mazaruni rivers pour their united waters into
the Essequibo.
* ' ' When, in 1837, an Englishman (Hilhouse) first went up the Cuyuni,
he wrote : ' I can find no traces of any one having preceded me in the survey
of the lower part of this river.' And, having described in his journal the
first day's ascent, to the head of the Camaria Falls — ' we ascended this day,'
he thinks, ' fully seventy-seven feet '—he declares that ' it is evident that
colonization can never be attempted on this river : the first day's journal de
termines that.' ' Beyond all other rivers,' he avers, ' the Cuyuni is the most
difficult and dangerous of ascent.'— Jour nalofthe Boyal Geographical Society
of London, 1837, pp. 446-454). Yet Hilhouse was no ' tenderfoot: ' he had
long been colonial surveyor and protector of the Indians. [Note by Prof,
Burr, U. S. Commission, Report, i, 306].

30

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.

Barriers separa- These rapids and falls effectively bar the only eastern
toSiE-wSibST entrance to the interior basin; and thus, with the moun
tains on the north and south, constitute a natural physi
cal barrier between the Essequibo and this inland region.
Schomburgk's tes- Of these rapids and falls Schomburgk thus speaks :
timony. ,.
"The difficulties which the Cuyuni presents to navigation,
and those tremendous falls which impede the river in the first
day's ascent, will, I fear, prove a great obstacle to making the fer
tility of its banks available to the colony."*
Barriers separa- Th L j Guide of 1843, published at Demerara,
ting basm from
Essequibo. savs :
" A short distance above their junction, these rivers [the Maza
runi, Cuyuni and Essequibo] become impeded by rapids, above
which they are frequented only by a few wandering Indians."f
Perkins' testi- j^r jj t Perkins says of the Cuyuni :
mony. J *
" It has long been known as aniongst the most dangerous, if not
the most dangerous, of all the larger rivers of British Guiana,
and there are times when the height of its waters, either above or
below a certain point, gives it every right to claim this unenviable
notoriety. My first experience of it was a highly unpleasant one
in 1877, when, with a brother surveyor, I spent about four weeks
journeying up and down a portion of it, and surveying placer
claims on its right bank. On this memorable occasion we lost
two boat-hands from dysentery, a third dying on his return to
Georgetown from the same disorder, and last but not least, in
coming down stream our boat capsized at the Accaio — the lowest
fall in the river — where one man was drowned and everything
was lost." X
Rodway's testi- ftodway, speaking of English efforts, since 1884, to
establish armed stations in the disputed district, says :
"Another move in the same direction was made in 1892, by
establishing a boundary post up the Cuyuni near its junction
with Yuruan. Except for its bearing upon the boundary this
post is quite useless and might be abandoned if the question
* Appendix to Case, iii, 119-120.
f Local Guide to British Guiana. Demerara, 1843.
X Timehri. 12°, Demerara, 1893, June, vol. 7, p. 75.

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 31
were settled; under present circumstances however it is highly Rodway s testi-
desirable that it be kept up notwithstanding the fact that the
police who reside there have to perform a very hazardous and long
journey of forty or fifty days to reach it and then are cut off from
all communication until relieved." *
Mr. Geo. Gr. Dixon, who visited the recent British sta- Dixon's testi
mony.
tion on the Yuruan in 1894, thus contrasts the difficulty
of reaching the center of the Cuyuni basin from the Eng
lish settlements, and the ease with which the same Barriers separa-
point is reached from the Spanish Orinoco. He says : gSL S^bS""11
" This made me, as an Englishman, feel considerably mortified
to think that it takes our Government from five to six weeks to
reach their frontier station, whereas the Venezuelan outpost was
then being put, aud by this time probably is, in direct communi
cation with their capital by road and wire. Also, whereas it
costs our Government an immense annual sum to maintain their
small number of police at Yuruan on salt and tinned provisions
(sent all the way from Bartica Grove, on the Essequibo, in
paddled boats) ; within 200 yards on the other bank of Kuyuni is the
Venezuelan outpost, supplied with all kinds of fresh food from
their cattle farms and plantations." f
In further explanation of the difficulty of access to J5e.nse *°™sts. as
r J additional barriers
this region, it should be stated that its eastern part is on the east-
covered with a dense forest which renders access to it,
overland, well nigh impossible. A few paths or trails
have been at times chopped out by the Indians, but
these, under the stimulus of a tropical sun and abundant
moisture, are speedily overgrown.
In striking contrast with this difficulty of access from Easy entrance
° from the Orinoco.
the east is the natural and easy entrance from the
Orinoco on the west, by gentle slopes and over de
lightful pasture land.
This region, which forms the real and only entrance Mission Savannas.
to the Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin, is usually spoken of as
the Mission Savanna country. Every traveller has
* Appendix to Case, iii, 349,
f Appendix to Case, iii, 353,

32 SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
Mission Savannas, admired these savannas, and has noted the ease of
travel over this open parklike country. The following
is an extract from Venezuela; a Visit to the Gold Mines
of Guayana, etc., during 1886, by William Barry, O. E,
London, 1886, p. 128.*
"In the district of Upata, which forms a part of this great belt,
the fertility of the land is saicl to be inferior to no part of South
America, while the climate is deliciously temperate, at a height of
1,400 feet above the level of the sea. The traveller through this
delightful region is perpetually meeting new beauties each time
he passes through a belt of forest, where he is sheltered by over
hanging trees, full of color ; and, regaled with a hundred various
perfumes of flowers, he emerges on open tracts of moderate extent
not bare, but diversified by clumps of trees dotted about, while
the rolling ground reminds him of the most beautiful parts of
English country scenery. Park, as it were, succeeds park, till he
is at last fairly puzzled where to select to encamp, among so much
contended and rival loveliness, and here, at a nominal rent, the
cattle breeder may come and establish himself, with the certainty
of realizing thirty per cent, per annum on his outlay, and the
possibility of very much more. Always on horseback, in a most
lovely climate, and with pure air and clear blue skies, is it a won
der if I felt tempted to leave civilization, and remain in such
a spot forever ? "
*****
" Upata is a considerable town standing in a plain surrounded
by hills, and is 1,000 feet above the level of the sea.
" Here the climate is delicious, the air pure and cool, and the
temperature perfectly endurable to Europeans (p. 98).
"Leaving Upata, on Saturday at five a. m., we rode through a
delicious country, always ascending, until we reached the highest
point of the range, 1,400 feet above sea level. On crossing this,
a magnificent view burst upon us. Away below, as far as the eye
could reach, stretched vast undulating plains of waving grass,
dotted at intervals with clumps of splendid trees — some in bloom,
* Mr. Barry was an engineer sent out by Englishmen interested in the
mines. He went in by the usual route from Las Tablas on the Orinoco.
He rode back on horseback from the Callao mine south of Guacipati to Las
Tablas in three days of ten hours each. This is the usual length of the
journey.

SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY. 33
otliers in leaf, and of every tint of flower or leaf, from deepest Mission Savannas.
crimson to palest yellow. Occasionally a thin belt of forest
marked the course of a stream, or a denser mass of trees showed
where lay a lagoon, while in the extreme distance, grey against
tlie crimson dawn, rose the peaks of the distant mountains. This
does not open by degrees, but, on turning a corner of the road,
the whole panorama suddenly lies spread before you in all its im
pressive beauty. I can never forget it."
"It is at this point the watershed changes. On the Upata side,
all the streams and rivers run to the north, and empty into the
Orinoco ; on the other side all the mountain streams run to the
southward, emptying into the Yuruari, and eventually into the
Essequibo " (pp. 99-100).
The general character of the basin further inland
toward the Cuyuni may be stated in a word.
The upper parts of the various watercourses probably
run nearly or quite dry during the dry season, and the
banks are usually free from trees. Further down
stream a fringe of trees begins to appear, scattered at
first, then continuous, and gradually increasing until
these widening borders of woodland along the adjacent
streams meet, and the savannas give place to forests,
broken here and there by other savannas. The divid
ing line between the savannas and forrests is irregular,
and not always sharply defined.
From the foregoing statements the following facts
appear :
The Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin is an interior region, the Cuyuni -Mazaru-
. ni basin a natural
eastern part of which is covered by dense tropical forests dependency of the
1 # J _. r Orinoco.
and is made inaccessible from that side by these forests,
by mountains, and by falls and rapids. Toward the
west its connection with the Orinoco is so intimate as to
render the dividing line between the two scarcely per
ceptible. The open savannas of the Orinoco extend
over the divide, and down across the great bend of the
Cuyuni to the very center of the great basin and even,

34 SKETCH OF DISPUTED TERRITORY.
Cuyuni-Mazaru- heyond, thus making the entire valley a natural depend
ency of the Orinoco. 4.— UPPER ESSEQUIBO BASIN.
Upper Essequibo The fourth and last ofthe tracts, which together consti-
Basin. 7 °
tute the territory in dispute, is what may be called the
Upper Essequibo Basin. It comprises the region lying
south of the Pacaraima mountains, and west of the Esse
quibo. It is a mountainous district of broken table-land ;
and is quite shut off, both from the Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin
and from the lower Essequibo. The falls and rapids
which impede the Cuyuni and the Mazaruni are repeated
in the case of tbe Upper Essequibo ; and, beginning as
these do, but a short distance above the confluence of
the three rivers, they too serve as a barrier to separate
this interior region from the coast.

III.— HISTORICAL SKETCH SHOWING BASIS OF
SPAIN'S ORIGINAL TITLE TO GUIANA AND
OF VENEZUELA'S TITLE TO THE DISPUTED
TERRITORY.
Spain first discovered the New World, first explored
its continents ; first discovered, explored, possessed and
settled Guiana ; and first firmly established herself in
that province as its sole and lawful owner.
1.— DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION.
The discovery of the New World by Spain, and her Early discover-
^ j i. i les an(j explora-
admitted right to be regarded as the first explorer of tions-
its continents, rests upon the following facts :
Columbus on his third voyage, coasting the southern
shore of Trinidad, saw to the southward, on August 1,
1498, the main land which formed part of the delta of
the Orinoco. The volume of fresh water was such that
he wrote it must come from a land of "infinite" extent.
In 1499 his lieutenants coasted the entire line from
Surinam to Panama, sailing up the estuaries of the Esse
quibo and the Orinoco ; and on this voyage the name
of Venezuela, or "Little Venice," was given to the main
land, in consequence of the Indian dwellings, which they
found constructed over the water and swampy lands.
In 1500 Pinzon discovered the Amazon, and coasted
the shore to the Orinoco, where he took in a cargo of
Brazil wood. Other discoverers, Spanish and Portu
guese, pushed south along the Brazilian coast. In 1519-
1520, Magellan, a Portuguese in the service of Spain,
sent by Charles V, touched at or near the Bay of Eio
de Janeiro, followed down the coast, passed through
the strait which now bears his name, went; up the west

36 ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
Early discover- coast a considerable distance, and then crossed the Pa-
ies and explora-
tions. cific to the Moluccas.
Meantime in 1513, Balboa, crossing the Isthmus of
Darien, discovered the Pacific: this was followed by
many Spanish expeditions to the Pacific coast, touch
ing from Chili to upper California, so that, by 1535 or
1540, the west shore of America was known from up
per California to Cape Horn, and its outlines were
shown with respectable accuracy on maps.*
This was the work of Spain, by innumerable expedi
tions helped out at a few points by Portuguese naviga
tors ; and thus, within forty or fifty years from Colum
bus' first voyage, the nation which sent him had not
only discovered the existence of the two Americas, but
had explored and made known their entire coast line from
Labrador, round Cape Horn, at least to upper California, f
2.— SETTLEMENT AND POSSESSION.
Spain followed The work of Spain did not stop with the discovery
tiement and effect- and exploration of America. This was at once followed
ivepos ion. settlement ; and, with regard to nearly all of South
America, it was followed also by the formal taking and
effective keeping of possession. The following facts
will serve to support this statement :
Early charters. Ferdinand granted colonizing charters before his
death in 1516. Charles V followed with a considerable
number of them from 1520 onward. Settlements were
Cumana settled, made at Cumana by Ojeda and by the missionaries of
Las Casas in 1520 ; these settlements were often devas
tated by the Indians ; nevertheless they were renewed,
and Cumand is one of the most ancient cities on the
continent. In 1528 the Emperor made a large colonization con-

* Winsor (J.) Narrative and Critical History. Boston, ii, 177, vii, 389.
t Same, ii, 242.
X Fiske, ii, 459.

land.

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 37
tract with the Velsers, rich merchants of Augsburg, Early grants.
granting them a right to the coast from Cabo de la Vela
(near the western end of Venezuela) to Maracapana
(close to Cumana) — that is, over nearly the whole Car-
ribean sea-coast of Venezuela; while in 1530-31 a colo
nization grant was made to Diego de Ordaz, covering
the shore from the Velsers' grant to the Amazon — that
is, including the entire Guiana coast. The Velsers
had a royal governor ; and a Bull of July 21, 1531, made
Venezuela a bishopric, for which a cathedral was erected
at Coro,*
Each of these grants also covered the interior as far Expeditions
inland as the grantees might go, and this led to a series
of expeditions into the interior. In 1530 Pedro de
Acosta founded a settlement at the mouth of the Orinoco,
but was not long afterwards driven off by the Caribs. In
1531 Cornejo sailed up the Orinoco. In 1530-31 Ordaz,
exploring under a grant, ascended the Orinoco to the
Meta, near six hundred miles; and in 1537 another
expedition commanded by Herrera, under the Ordaz
grant, ascended both the Orinoco and its affluent the
Meta, to its headwaters close to Bogota, and marched
to that city.
The account of Keymis, Raleigh's lieutenant, writ
ten in 1596, enumerates twenty expeditious down to
1560, all Spanish, taken from " Primera Parte de las
Elegias de Varones Ilhistres de Indias" by Castellanos ;
and Raleigh's " Discoverie of Guiana'''' adds more,
These expeditions were often of great size, The ac
counts of them mention 200 men ; 400 men ; 600 men.f
* Documentos para la Historia del Libertador, i, 35-37; also Bollaert
(Wm.) Expedition of Pedro de Ursua, etc., with introduction by C. R.
Markham. London, 1861, pp. iv-v.
fHakluyt (R.) Principal navigations, etc.; edited by E. Goldsmid,
Edinburgh, 1890, vol. xv, pp. 93-96; see also Rodway (J.) and Watt (T.)
Annals of Guiana, 1888, vol. i, p. 12; also Raleigh (W.) Discovery of
Guiana, edited by R. H. Schomburgk. London, 1848, p. 16 et seq.

gg ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
Expeditions inland. Spain continued her efforts. Not to speak of others,
Berreo in 1582 started from New Grenada with 700
horsemen, 1,000 head of cattle, and a horde of Indian
slaves ; reached the Orinoco ; went down to its mouth;
and subdued or received the peaceful homage of the
Indians of that region.*
Early settle- The confluence of the Caroni and the Orinoco was
pointed out, by the nature of the land and by its posi
tion, as a place especially fitted for settlement ; for both
the river and the easy, open savannas which stretch
far back from it mark it as the natural entrance to the
interior of Guiana. In 1531-32 Ordaz had here found
a settlement of Indians ;f and about 1591 the Spanish
Santo Thome town of Santo Thome, and opposite, on an island, the
Spanish fort or citadel of Faxardo, were regularly
established.^ Beforethe end ofthe 16th century, the Spaniards were
seriously occupying themselves with the interior of
Guiana.
sion°ofm GuiTn a ^n tne year 1^94 Captain George Popham captured, at
taken by Spain. ^ certain Otters on their way to Spain. These letters
have preserved to us an account of the formal act by
which in 1593 Domingo de Vera, on behalf of Antonio
de Berreo, " Governor and Captain-General for our Lord
the King betwixt the rivers Orinoco and Amazon,"
took possession of the Province of Guiana for Spain.
One of these letters deserves to be quoted in full.
It is as follows :
" Part of the Coppy that was sent to his Maiesty of the discovery
of JSTueuo Dorado.

In the riuer of Pato otherwise called Orenoque, the principall
* Raleigh's Guiana, Schomburgk, ed., pp. 26, 39.
f Raleigh's Guiana, Schomburgk ed., p. 79, note 2.
X Simon (Fray Pedro). Noticias Historiales de las Conquistas de Tierra
Firme en las Indias Occidentales. Cuenca, 1627 ; see also U. S. Commis
sion, Report, i, 39.

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 3ft
part thereof called W'arismero, the 23 of Aprill 1593. Domingo Formal Posses-
de vera, Master of the Campe and Generall for An th. de Bereo taken by Spain.
Gouernour and Captaine generall for our Lorde the King, be
twixt the riuers of Pato and Papamene alias Orenoque, and
Marannon, and of the Hand of Trinedado, in presence of me
Rodrigo de Caranca register for the sea, commanded all the
soldiers to be drawne together and put in order of battaile, the
Captaines and soldiers, and master of the campe standing in the
middest of them, said vnto them ; Sirs, Soldiers, and Captaines,
you vnderstand long since that our Generall Antlio. de Berreo,
with the trauell of 11 yeares, and expence of more than 10.000
pesoes of Gold, discouered the noble prouinces of Guiana and
Dorado : Of the which hee tooke possession to gouerne the same,
but through want of his peoples health, and necessary munition,
he issued at the Hand of Marguarita, and from thence peopled
the Trinedado. But now they had sente me to learne out and dis-
couer the ways most easily to enter, and to people the saide
prouinces, and where the Campes and Armies may best enter the
same. By reason whereof I entend so to do in the name of his
Maiesty, and the said gouernour Antlio : de Berreo, and in token
thereof I require you Fran. Carillo that you aide me to aduance
this crosse that lieth here on the ground, which they set on end
towardes the east, and the said Master of the Campe, the Captains
and soldiers kneeled down and did due reuerence vnto the said
crosse, and thereupon the Master of the Campe tooke a bole of
water and dranke it of, and tooke more and threw abroad on the
" ground : he also drew out his sword and cut the grasse of the
ground, and the boughs of the trees saying I take this possession
in the name of the king Don Phillip our master, and of his
gouernour Antlio: de Berreo: and because some make question
of this possession, to them I answere that in these our actions
was present the Casique or principal Don Antlio. otherwise called
Morequito, whose land this was who yeelded consent to the said
possession, was glad there of, and gaue his obedience to our Lord
the King, and in his name to the said gouernour Antlio: de
Berreo. And the said Master of the Campe kneeled downe being
in his libertie, and all the Captaines and soldiers saide that the
possession was wel taken, and that they would defend it with
their liues, vpon whosoeuer would say to the contrary. And the
saide master of the Camp hauing his sword drawen in his hand

40 ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
Formal Posses- said vnto me, register that art here present, giue me an instru-
tlken by Spth-. "^ ment or testimonial! to confirme me in this possession, which I
haue taken of this land, for the gouernour Antho. de Berreo and
if it be needfull I wil take it a new. And I require you all that
are present to witnes the same, and do further declare that I will
goe on, taking the possession of all these landes wheresoeuer I
shall enter. Signed thus.
Domingo de vera and vndemeath, Before me Eodrigo
de Caranca, Register of the Army.
And in prosecution of the said possession, and discouery of the
way and prouinces, the 27 of April of the said yere, the Master
of the Camp entred by little and little with all the Campe and
men of warre, more than two leagues into the Inland, and came
to a towne of a principal], and conferring with him did let him
vnderstand by meanes of Antho : Bisante the Interpretor that his
Maiesty and Antho : de Berreo had sent him to take tlie said pos
session. And the said fryer Francis Carillo by the Interpretor,
deliuered him certain thinges of our holy Catholique faith, to al
which he answered, that they vnderstood him well and would
becom Christians, and that with a very good wil they should ad-
uance the crosse, in what part or place of the towne it pleased
. them, for he was for the gouernour Antho: de Berreo, who was
his Master. Thereupon the said master of the Campe tooke a
great crosse, and set it on ende toward the east, and requested
the whole Campe to witnesse it and Domingo de vera firmed it
thus. It is well and firmly done, and vndemeath, before me
Eodrigo Caranca, Register of the Army.
The first of May they prosecuted the saide possession and dis
couery to the towne of Carapana. Prom thence the said Master
of the Camp passed to the towne of Toroco whose principall is
called Topiawary beeing fiue leagues farther within the land then
the first nation, and well inhabited. And to this principall by
meane of the interpretor they gaue to vnderstand that his Maiesty
and the said Corrigidor commanded them to take the possession
of that land, and that they should yeeld their obedience to his
Maiesty, and to his Corrigidor, and to the Master of the Campe
in his name, and that in token thereof he would place a crosse in
the middle of his towne. Whereunto the said Cassique answered
they should aduance it with a very good will, and that he remained

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 41
in the obedience of our Lorde the King, and of the saide Gouer- Formal Posses-
sion of Guiana
nour Antho: de Berreo whose vassale he would be."* taken by Spain.
This act of possession was no mere fiction. In 1595
Berreo followed it up by a colonizing expedition which
started from Spain with 2,000 colonists.
In 1598 a Dutch visitor reported that the Spaniards
" have begun, about six days journey to the south of the
river Orinoco, at the mountains of Guiana, to make a
road through the rocks and hills about 1,600 stadia (200
miles) long and wide enough for five horses to march
abreast, and by these means they hope to conquer it."f
Mission work began with the beginning of Spanish Mission work be-
settlement. When Domingo de Vera, in 1595, returned
from Spain with re-enforcements for Berreo, he brought
with him ten clergymen and twelve Franciscan friars.
Seven of these went to Santo Thome and found there al
ready established a convent in charge of friars of their own
order.J In 1617 this convent was transferred from the
jurisdiction of the province of Santa Fe to that of the pro
vince of Caracas ; and on April 25, 1618, the transfer was
effected at Santo Thome.§ Shortly after, in 1618 or 1619,
another convent was founded there by the Dominicans.f
But it must not be supposed that the occupation of Spread of Span-
. . . ish occupation.
the Spaniards was limited to the Orinoco river, or to
the interior, so rich in gold.
In 1618, King James could say:
"It is confessed by all, that the parts of Guiana, where St.
Thome was scituate, were planted by Spaniards, who had divers
Townes in the same tract, with some Indians intermixed, that are
their Vassals."^!
* Raleigh (sir W.) Discovery of Guiana ; edited by R. H. Schomburgk.
London, 1848, pp. 123-126.
f Appendix to Case, ii, 9.
X Simon (fray P.) Noticias historiales, etc., Cuenca, 1627, pp. 599, 606.
§ Caulin (friar A.) Historia corographica, etc., fol. Madrid, 1779, p. 180.
I U. S. Commission, Report, i, 54, and authorities there cited.
1" " A declaration of the Demeanor and Cariage of Sir Walter Raleigh,
Knight, as well in his Voyage, as in, and sithence his Returne," p. 30.

42 ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
Early Spanish The Essequibo was early explored and occupied by
exploration and oc- ^ j ± ±
cupation of the Es- G nail!
sequibo. r
Early Spanish As early as 1553 a Spanish explorer went up the
exploration and . . ...
occupation of the Essequibo with four canoes, pushed up into the interior
and crossing the divide, descended by the other slope
into another river and so into the Amazon.*
1553. The map which records this expedition, the date of
which cannot be much later, gives the courses not
only of the Essequibo but of the Cuyuni and Mazaruni
as well.* It also marks on the Pomeroon, the Amacura,
the Waini and the Barima the name of the Indian
Cacique there ruling. -j-
1591. De Laet, in his " Beschry vinghe van West Indien"
says: "The Spaniards had here (.. .., in the Essequibo) some people
in the year 1591." J
1596. In 1596, Keymis, Sir Walter Raleigh's lieutenant,
while asserting that " further to the eastward than Des-
sekebe (Essequibo) no Spaniard ever travelled," reports
that "in this river, which wee now call Devoritia, the
Spaniards doe intend to build them a towne. "§
1597. In 1597 the Spaniards were found in the Essequibo
by the expedition sent out by Raleigh under the com
mand of Captain Leonard Berrie. Thomas Masham,
who accompanied him and wrote the account of the
voyage, says, that he there learned from an Indian
that in the Essequibo "there were some 300 Spaniards,
which for the most part now are destroyed and dead."
He also adds :
"It was reported that the Spaniardes were gonne out of Dese-
kebe, which was not so. . . . The next night wee had newes
brought . . . that there were tenne canoas of Spaniardes in the
mouth of Coritine . . . who went along the coast to buy
* U. S. Commission, Report, i, 175, 190.
f Appendix to Case, atlas, map 76.
X Laet (Jan de). Beschij vinghe van West Indien. Leyden, 1625, p. 474.
§ Keymis (L.) Relation, etc., London, 1596, fol. B 4 verso.

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 43
bread and other victuals for them in Orenoque, Marowgo and Early Spanish
Desekebe,"* exploration and
occupation of the
it it. -in • -i Essequibo.
Unpublished Spanish documents tell of another ex- ^597
pedition in 1597, led by Ibarguen, the camp master of
Domingo de Vera.f
In 1608, Unton Fisher, an Englishman whom liar- lflQg
court had left in the Marowyn for exploration, reports
that the Spaniards have " cleare left Dissikeebe, and not
a Spaniard there."|
In 1615, however, the Duke of Lerma, writing to the 1615.
Council of the Indies, speaks of the Essequibo as a place
peopled by Spaniards; and mentions that they are
settled there and engaged in cultivating the soil.§
In 1617 Raleigh, speaking of the Essequibo, referred 1617.
to it thus :
" I also gave them order to send into Dessekebe for I assured
them that they could not want Pilotts ther for Orenoke, being
the next great river adioyning vnto it, and to which the Spaniards
of Orenoke had dayly recourse."!
As a monument to the early Spanish occupation of
the Essequibo, there still exist on the Island of Kyko
veral the remains of an ancient fort, attributed for
merly to the Portuguese, but which recent investiga
tions clearly show to have been Spanish.^"
The facts which have thus been cited attest the dis
covery, possession, exploration and settlement of Guiana ry was discovered,
io- •...,.. i -1 explored, settled,
by bpam : more especially do they show the explora- and possessed by
Spain.
tion and settlement of the western part of Guiana, that
* Hakluyt (R.) Principal navigations, etc., 1811, iv, 193-194.
f Rodway; in Temehri, 1895, Dec, p. 325; see also U. S. Commis
sion, Report, iii, 189, foot note.
X " Relation of the habitations and other observations of the river of
Marwin and the adjoining regions," in Purchas, Pilgritnes (London,
1625), iv, 1285.
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 263-4.
|| Raleigh (sir W.) Discovery of Guiana, Schomburgk edition, 1848,
pp. 202, 203.
TU. S. Commission, Report, i, 185-187; and iii, 190-191.

44 ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
Disputed Terri- which comprises the Orinoco and Essequibo rivers and
tory was discov- r rL
ered, explored, set- the region lying; between.
tied and possessed ° Jo
by Spain. 3.— SPAIN'S EFFECTIVE CONTROL OF GUIANA.
Spain effectu- While the above facts miffht safely be allowed to
ally controlled it. ,
stand by themselves, the completeness and effectiveness
of Spanish control in Guiana cannot fail to be empha
sized if the ineffectual attempts of other nations to
dispossess her be considered. At times these attempts
were open, and were attended with bloodshed and
loss of life; at other times they were surreptitious,
those engaged in them limiting themselves to trading
with the Indians and to the quiet occupation of a
bit of coast or river bank. All these attempts were
unavailing. Foreign armies, foreign traders, and foreign settlers
were all driven from Guiana, and though at times the
Spaniards suffered defeat at the hands of these invaders,
and though Santo Thome was more than once taken
pillaged and destroyed, yet, in the end, the invaders
were invariably repulsed, and Spain remained mistress
of the province.
she successfully The strength of Spain in Guiana, her exercise of do-
repelled all inva- #
ders. minion there by the exclusion of other nations, and her
subjugation of the native inhabitants, were facts — facts
which in those days England attempted to dispute, but
to the truth of which the strongest witnesses are the
very Englishmen whom she put forward in that attempt,
and who, at that time, represented the strength, the
chivalry and the enterprise of that great nation.
Raleigh's expe- Of all foreign adventurers, Raleigh was the most fa
mous. His expeditions were the best planned and the
best manned. His ambition, ability and resources were
greater than those of any other foreigner who ever at
tempted to penetrate into the interior of Guiana, and

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 45
his failure to accomplish this was the most sig'nal of Raleigh's expe
'-' ditions.
which any record remains.
His expedition of 1595 was somewhat in the nature 1595.
of a preliminary survey. He went quietly up the Ori-
noco as far as the Caroni, avoiding the Spaniards and
intent merely upon reaching the fabled " Manoa del Do
rado." In his enterprise he endeavored to enlist the In
dians of that region, but he found that they had been
so subdued by the Spaniards that they would not lift
hand against them except by secret murder. A
chief was found ready to guide him to the mines of
Guiana, provided Raleigh would leave in his town men
enough to protect it against ihe Spaniards, but this
Raleigh was unable to do, as it would have required
more than his entire force.*
Of another Indian town he says that ten Spaniards dwelt
there; and that the Chief was, therefore, afraid to have
anything to do with the English. Finally Raleigh was
obliged to abandon his project of getting into the inte
rior, because, having only fifty soldiers, " the rest being
labourers and rowers," he could not leave a sufficient
guard with proper equipment on the river; for that
" without those thinges necessarie for their defence,
they shouldebe in daunger of the Spaniardes in my ab
sence."! In 1596 Keymis visited this region, and talked with Keymis 1596.
the Indian chiefs. From them he heard how they hated
the Spaniards,but the Indians refused further intercourse
than a little secret talk "least perhaps some Spie might
inform the Spaniards thereof, whereby danger would
grow to Carapana."
Commenting upon this Keymis adds :
* Raleigh (sir W.) Discovery of Guiana. Schomburgk edition, Lon
don, 1848, pp. 92, 93, 98.
f Same, pp. 92, 149.

ditions,

46 ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
" By this I perceiued that to stay longer for him 
would be purposelesse." *
Raleigh's expe- Raleigh was never able to get assistance from the na
tives. In his last expedition he did not even try. Two
Englishmen whom he left in Guiana in 1595 to foment
friendship for England and hatred towards Spain, came
to an untimely end : as soon as the Spaniards heard of
them, an order was issued for their arrest; one of them
was at once seized, and the other would doubtless have
shared his fate had he not already been destroyed by
a tiger. Down on the coast Keymis found further proof of
Spanish power over the Indians. Speaking of his ex
periences with the natives in that quarter he says :
" It was long time before wee could procure them [the Indians]
to come neere vs, for they doubted least wee were Spanish."
And he adds that the Indian chief informed him that
the Arwacas
" doe for the most part serue and follow the Spanyards."t
From Keymis, also, we have a statement showing the
strength of Santo Thome in 1597, and the character of
the fortifications on the island of Faxardo.
Keymis states that on the approach of the English
men the Spaniards stationed themselves at the mouth of
the Caroni
" to defend the passage to those mines from whence your Oare
and white stones were taken the last yeere : Wee all not without
griefe see ourselues thus defeated, and our hungry hopes thus
made voyde."
Keymis concludes his account thus :
"Sorie I am, that where I sought no excuse, by the Spaniardes
being there I found my defeat remedilesse."J
*Hakluyt (R.) Principal navigations, etc., edited by E. Goldsmid.
Edinburgh, 1890, vol. xv, p. 77.
f Same, xv, p. 60.
X Same, xv, pp. 69, 70, 80.

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 47
Immediately on his first return from Guiana, and plan- Raleigh's expe-
r dition.
nmg for a second expedition, Raleigh wrote :
"For wee are not to goe as Cortez, Pisarro, or the other con
querors against a naked vnarmed people (whose warrs are resembled
by some to the childrens play called logo di Oanne [Juego de
Oaflas]). Butt we are to encounter with the Spaniards, armed in
all respectes, and as well practised as ourselves".*
In 1611 he was engaged in preparing another expe- 1611.
dition, and in his " Proposals " of that year he undertook
to send Keymis with such men
" as should be able to defend him against the Spaniards inhabiting
vpon Orenoke if they offered to assaile him (not that itt is meant
to offend the Spaniards there or to beginne any quarrell with
them except themselves shall beginne warre).
To knowe what number of men shall be sufficient may itt please
your Lordshipps to informe your selves by Captaine More, a
servant of Sir John Watts, who came from Orenoke this last
spring, and was oftentimes ashore att St. Thome, where the
Spaniards inhabite."f
This expedition, however, never took place. It was 1617.
merged in the final one of 1617. J
This last expedition of 1617 carried 121 pieces of
ordnance in one squadron -of seven vessels, joined
presently by seven more vessels; and 400 men were sent
up the Orinoco to Santo Thome.§
Raleigh noted that no small part of the Spanish
strength was due to the ease with which the Command
ant of Guiana could obtain reinforcements from Cumana
and the other provinces. |
The expedition started up the river. Santo Thome
and a stronghold twenty-five miles below it, marked on
* Raleigh (sir W.) Discovery of Guiana. Schomburgk edition, London,
1848, p. 149.
fSame, pp. 165, 166; Rodway (J.) and Watt (T.) Annals of Guiana.
Georgetown, 1888, vol. i, p. 57.
X Same, pp. 167 et seq.
§Same, pp. 172-4.
1 Same, pp. 93, 149, 211-216.

48 ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
Raleigh's expedi- the maps as " old Guayana," were the keys to the whole
tions. r J .
interior. The Santo Thome which made Keymis retreat
in 1596 was of itself a sufficient protection to the in
terior. Raleigh in 1595 had pointed out that two small
forts on and near the bluff twenty-five miles below, at
the place where old Guayana Castle still stands, would
close both the river and the country to all commerce, no
matter how strong*
1 6 i 7. When h e started on his final expedition in 1 6 1 7, Raleigh
believed that the Spaniards had not occupied the latter
place. His plan was to land at the lowest and nearest
. available point on the river, and thence push for the
mines, thus avoiding Santo Thome; but his forces found
there a town of 140 houses, a church and two convents,
defended by 57 men, well armed and with some ord
nance, commanded by the Governor of the Province
assisted by a valiant officer, Captain Geronimo de
Grados. The English had 400 men. They took the
place at the cost of young Raleigh's life ; held it twenty-
six days ; heard that Spanish re-inforcements were
approaching ; plundered it ; burned it, and retreated.f
Raleigh's defeat. The expedition was ruined. Keymis, who commanded
for Raleigh, committed suicide ; and Raleigh went back
to England, and to the block.:]:
The most brilliant commander of England had tried
for twenty years to penetrate Guiana. He had failed
because the Spaniards held it, and held it too strongly
for him.
Dutch -witnesses But witnesses to the strength of the Spaniards in
of Spain's control _ #
of Guiana. Guiana and to their effective occupation of that province
are not confined to Englishmen alone.
Cabeliau, clerk of the Dutch Expedition to the coast
* Raleigh (Sir W.) Discovery of Guiana. Schomburgk edition, Lon
don, 1848, p. 115.
t Same, pp. 210-216.
X Same, pp. 217, 222.

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 49
of Guayana in 1597-98, describes the strength of the Dutch testimony
„, . _ . ° as to Spanish con-
bpaniards at that time as follows : tro1-
"We travelled .... up to the place or settlement where the
Spaniards are, which is named St. Thome, whereof Don Fer
nando de Berreo is Governor and also Marquis of Guiana 
Their strength consists of about 60 horsemen and 100 mus
keteers, who daily seek to conquer the gold-land of Guiana."*
Further on Cabeliau says :
" To sum np briefly, there is up that river in the kingdom of
Guiana certainly much gold, as we were told by the Indians from
there as well as by our Indians here present, and the Spaniards
themselves say so ; but for people busied with trade it is not
feasible to expect any good therefrom unless to that end consider
able expeditions were equipped to attack the Spaniards. This is
the only means of learning the whereabouts of any gold mines
from the Indians ; for whosoever are enemies, and bear enmity to
the Spaniards, are friends with the Indians, and they hope steadily
that they shall be delivered from the Spaniards by the Dutch and
English, as they told us." f
Cabeliau's statement with regard to the strength of Dutch trade to
° ° Orinoco prevented
the Spanish was put to a practical test by the Dutch in h7 sPain> 1603-3.
1602-3 when Dutch vessels authorized by the States
General attempted to penetrate up that river. But this
was " prevented by the multitude of the Spaniards who
were found there."J
In 1629 a Dutch fleet of a dozen ships, fitted out for Santo Thome in
r 1629.
a raid, attacked, sacked and burned Santo Thome, but
at once retired, attempting no permanent occupation.
At that time Santo Thome consisted of 130 or 140
houses, a church and a convent.§
In 1637 the Dutch once again attacked and plundered Dutch unable to
° hold Santo Thome
Santo Thome, but they were not strong enough to hold in 1637.
* Appendix to Case, ii, 9.
f Appendix to Case, ii, 10.
X U. S. Commission Report, ii, 25, 26.
§ Laet (Jan de) Bechrijvinghe van West Indien. Leyden, 1630, p. 593 ;
also his Historie ofte Jaerlyck "Verhael, p. 166.

50 ORIGIN OF SPANISH -VENEZUELAN TITLE.
Dutch unable to the citv ' and the Spanish chronicler of this event states
hold Santo Thome J '
in 1637. that, " In their retreat we pursued them to the port, where they em
barked, suffering the loss of a great number of their party, as
also Flemish and Indians. The small force at our command is
well known, but it pleased God to help ns, and prevent them
establishing themselves here, and so it happened that they re
treated, with the loss of life referred to."*
The Spanish A writer of seventy years ago, after pointing out the
Colossus remain- j • • _
ed firm and un- many defects in Spanish rule and bpanisn admmistra-
shaken. TT
tion, has, in a word, summed up the situation. He says :
« But notwithstanding all these defects, the Spanish colossus
was firm and unshaken ; its coasts were ravaged ; its seaport
towns burned, and its fortresses besieged, but its territory was
still intact, "f
What has been above set forth relates, in the main, to
that region of Guiana which includes the present dis
puted territory ; but it was not there alone that the
Spaniards made their presence felt in those early days.
In a remonstance, addressed in 1633 by the Dutch West
India Company to the States-General, there is a de
scription of New Spain, and of Guiana. That de
scription concludes with the following words :
" The country is bounded by the great river of the Amazons,
which also is not free from Spanish settlements, as our people
have experienced to their damage." J
Early Dutch at- The early attempts of the Dutch to gain a foothold at
foothold endecfin various points on the coast of Guiana ended invariably
failure- in failure.
In 1614 Juan Tostado, Acting Governor of Trinidad,
hanged several Flemish seeking to reconnoitre that port;
and in company with Antonio de Muxica Buitron, Lieu
tenant of Guiana, proceeded to the Corentine and there

* Blue Book, 3, 213.
fMollien (G. T.), Travels in Colombia, 1822-23. London, 1824, p. 124,
X " Documents relative to the Colonial History of New York," Vol, I,
p. 66 ; U. S. Commission Jteport, i, 356.

ure.

ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE. 51
destroyed the fort and tobacco plantations which the Early Dutch at-
--- . , , - ,,..,.- „ tempts to gain f oot-
JJutch had established there.* hold ended in faii-
Of an attempt in 1615 to found a Dutch settlement
on the Cayenne, Major John Scott thus wrote :
" The fifth colony consisted of about 280 Zealanders, with two
small ships, landed their men at Cayan, anno 1615, but could not
bring the natives to a trade, were often gauled by the Indians,
aud were at length forced to quit their post. Eeturned to Zea
land the same year.f
In this same year of 1615, the King of Spain issued a
general order, directing that the coast of Guiana be
cleared of any foreign settlements which might there be
found.:}; Speaking of these early attempts at Dutch settlement
in Guiana, Professor Burr, in his report to the United
States Commission, writes as follows :
" This silence of the English explorers as to Dutch settlement
in Gniaua cannot weaken the force of the positive Spanish testi
mony, which makes it certain that as early as 1613, and at the
least until 1615, the Dutch were settled on this coast. But, in
view of it, it is very unlikely that, save in the Amazon, they
were there much earlier, and both the English and the Spanish
evidence, as well as the Dutch, suggest that these earliest Dutch
settlements may have perished in their infancy, and in part or
wholly at Spanish hands."§
Speaking in another place of other Dutch attempts
at settlement, Professor Burr writes :
" Their duration, however, was probably but transient. When
in 1621 there was created a Dutch West India Company, with
monopoly of Dutch commercial and colonial interests on the
coasts of America, the only claim for reimbursement mentioned
anywhere in the records is that made by the Zeelanders for their
'tobacco plantation on the River Amazon.' "||
* Appendix to Case, ii, 261, 262.
t U. S. Commission Report, i, 165.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 264.
§ U. S. Commission Report, i, 164-165.
| U. S. Commission Report, i, 159.

52 ORIGIN OF SPANISH-VENEZUELAN TITLE.
English view of The English view of Spanish rights in Guiana during
Spanish rights in .,...''
1623. this period is well illustrated by the consideration given
to the protests of the Spanish Ambassador in England
against any English settlements iu that province. In a
document addressed to King James, ascribed conjectur-
ally to 1623, and intended to set forth "Briefe motives"
to maintain the right of the English " vnto the river
of Amazones and the coast of Guiana," certain English
subjects petitioned the King as follows :
"Your Majesty's subjects, with the faire leave and good liking
of the native inhabitants, have theis 13 or 14 yeares continuallie
remayned iii the said Eiver and also in the Eiver of Wiapoco,
being upon the same Ooaste." " Your Matie hath bine pleased
to graunte severall Commissions for these parts, and (wth good
advice of your Oouncell) hath granted two severall letters Pattents
the one in the 11th of your Eaigne of England, the other, the
17th." " The Count of Gondomer did bouldlie and most con-
fidentlie affirme that his Master had the actuall and present
possession of theis parts ; whereupon he obtained from your Matie
a suspence and stay of all our proceedings for a tyme. And two
yeares and a halfe afterward the said Embassadour caused about
300 men to be sent into the Eiver of Ama,zones, then to beginn the
foresaid possession and to destroy the English and Dutch there
abideinge."*
Summary of fore- What has been set forth will amply support the
going. statement first made to the effect that Spain was the
first discoverer, explorer, possessor and settler of Guiana;
and that she held the entire Province effectively against
the attempted encroachments of other nations.
It is upon these facts that Venezuela relies to estab
lish the original right of Spain — and of herself as Spain's
successor — to the territory now in dispute.
* Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1574-1660, pp. 36, 37.

IV.— HISTORICAL SKETCH SHOWING DERIVA
TION OF THE DUTCH-BRITISH TITLE TO
ESSEQUIBO.
In 1581 the Dutch renounced their allegiance to the Dutch revolt
against Spain.
King of Spain, and entered upon a war which finally
resulted in their independence in 1648.
Prior to the latter date they had obtained a certain Their possessions
^ inGuiana confirmed
foot-hold on the coast of Guiana, the extent and na- hy Treaty of Mun
ster.
ture of which will be later considered. By the Treaty
of Munster of January 30, 1648,* the right to such
possessions as they at that time held was confirmed to
them by Spain.
The Dutch West India Company f had, on June 3d ..D«tch West in-
r J ' dia Company char-

* Appendix to Case, iii, pp. 4-21.
fThe Dutch West India Company, modeled after the older Dutch East
India Company and after the government of the Netherlands, was made
up of five local Chambers — Amsterdam, Zeeland, the Maas (Meuse),
Friesland and Groningen, and " the Northern Quarter.'' In each of these
the Chief-Shareholders (Hoofdparticipanten) chose a body of Directors
(Bewindhebberen), who managed the affairs of the Chamber, and who
were currently known as the Chamber itself. The policy of the Company
as a whole was shaped by a Board, or Committee of Conference, made up
of nineteen deputies from these local Chambers, and known as " the Nine
teen." Of these the Amsterdam Directors chose eight ; Zeeland, four ;
Maas, Friesland and Groningen, and the Northern Quarter each two ;
the nineteenth being named by the States-General. The Nineteen, how
ever, was not a body of permanent membership or of stated meetings.
It was convened at the will of the Chambers, though with a growing
regularity. The Deputies were chosen afresh for its every session ; and
it dealt only with the topics for deliberation (Poincten van Beschrijving)
drawn up for it by the Chambers. Its sessions were held alternately at
Amsterdam and at the Zeeland capital, Middelburg (six years at the one,
then two at the other) ; and the Chambers of Amsterdam and Zeeland
hence bore the honorary designation of "presidial" chambers.* Besides
the meetings of the Nineteen and of the local boards of Directors of each
Chamber, the Chief-Shareholders of each Chamber came together at
intervals, mainly for the election of Directors or the consideration of
purely financial concerns ; and there was also a commission of the Nine
teen which sat in The Hague for the conduct of the Company's business
at the seat of government. All these bodies have left more or less of
record ; but the only ones which have proved fruitful for the present re
search are those of the Nineteen and of the directors of the Zeeland
Chamber. Those of the Zeeland Chamber, long in exclusive charge of
the Guiana colonies, have been much the most prolific source. — (Note
by Professor Burr, U. S. Commission Report, Vol. 2, pp. 38-39).

ter, 1621.

54 DERIVATION OF DUTCH-BRITISH TITLE.
Dutch West in- 1621 been chartered by the States-General of the
dia Company '
charter, 1621. United Netherlands.*
The nature of the charter, and the extent of territory
assigned to the operations of the Company, will appear
from the following extract taken from the charter :
" We, therefore, being moved by many different and pregnant
considerations, have, after mature deliberation of the Council and
for very pressing causes, decided that the navigation, trade, and
*"[The United Provinces] were republics, they were the freest lands in
the world, but they were anything but democracies. The governing
body was, indeed, differently constituted in the different provinces. In
Friesland and Groningen the provincial States were chosen by something
closely approaching popular election. In some of the other provinces
the nobility, and in one the clergy, enjoyed a greater or less degree of
representation. But for the most part the provincial Estates consisted
of deputies who represented the magistracies of the cities.
"The municipal councils were, then, in most cases the ultimate
authority ; and these were, under some limitations, self -electing. Fries
land and Groningen excepted, nowhere, virtually, was there any
provision for popular representation. The city council chose all the
officers of the city, and sent, to represent it in the provincial States,
most commonly one or two burgomasters, several councillors, and the
pensionary or the secretary. The number of persons deputed might be
greater or smaller, for in any case each city had but one vote. The
States of the province of Holland may best be selected as an illustration.
. . . That body consisted of nineteen members ; the nobility of the
province formed one and were represented by one of their number ; and
the others were the eighteen chief towns, each represented in the man
ner already mentioned. The pensionary or advocate of the province
presided over their deliberations and arranged their business. Their
meetings took place at the Hague. Through this assembly the sovereign
powers of the province were exercised, but it should not be forgotten
that the sovereignty itself resided in the nineteen members, and not in
their deputies ; and many of the most important matters of deliberation
were subjected, as we shall see, to enormous delays, because the
deputies in the provincial States must refer them to their principals, the
city councils.
" The seven provinces were independent and sovereign States, but the
loose union in which they were joined had as its organ an assembly long
familiar in the affairs of Europe under the title of ' The High and Mighty
Lords the Lords States General of the United Netherlands.' This
assembly was not a sovereign legislative and executive body ; rather
was it a permanent congress of ambassadors, deputed by the provincial
States to represent them in deliberations at the Hague upon common
affairs, but with little power of concluding, save with the unanimous con
sent of the assemblies which deputed them, and of the city magistracies
and other ultimate repositories of sovereignty which deputed those

DERIVATION OF DUTCH-BRITISH TITLE. 56
commerce in the West Indies, Africa, and other countries here- Dutch West In-
after enumerated, shall henceforth not be carried on otherwise charter, 1621. & U y
than with the common united strength of the merchants and in
habitants of these lands, and that to this end there shall be estab
lished a General Company which, on account of our great love
for the common welfare, and in order to preserve the inhabitants
of these lands in full prosperity, we shall maintain and strengthen
with our assistance, favour and help, so far as the present state
and condition of this country will in any way allow, and which we
shall furnish with a proper Charter, and endow with the privi
leges and exemptions hereafter enumerated, to wit :
I.
That for a period of twenty-four years no native or inhabitant
of this country shall be permitted, except in the name of this
United Company, either from the United Netherlands or from
any place outside them, to sail upon or to trade with the coasts
and lands of Africa, from the Tropic of Cancer to the Cape of
Good Hope, nor with the countries of America and the West
Indies, beginning from the southern extremity of Newfoundland
through the Straits of Magellan, Le Maire, and other straits and
channels lying thereabouts, to the Strait of Anjan, neither on
the North nor on the South Seas, nor with any of the islands
situated either on the one side or the other, or between them
both ; nor with the Australian and southern lands extending and
lying between the two meridians, reaching in the east to the
Cape of Good Hope, and in the west to the east end of New
Guinea, inclusive."*
Pursuant to the terms of this charter, the Company Company vested
became at once vested with whatever rights the States- rights to Guiana.
General may have had in Guiana. The trade to that
assemblies. Each province fixed the form of its representation to suit
itself, since the voting was by provinces. A general council of State
also existed." (Jameson (J. F.) Willem Usselinx; in Amer. Hist. Assn.
Papers. New York, 1887, vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 23-25.)
This was meant as an outline of the condition of things at the begin
ning of the seventeenth century, when the Stadhouderate was tempo
rarily in eclipse. With the addition of that dignity, whose functions,
though less important, were not wholly unlike those of the American
Presidency, it is substantially correct for the whole history of the
republic. (Note by Professor Burr ; U. S. Commission Report, ii, 4.)
•Appendix to Case, ii, pp. 1-3.

gg DERIVATION OF DDTOH-BRlTISH TITLE.
company vested COuntry, so far as the Dutch were concerned, was there-
GJ,iana?hriShtSt° after for a long time exclusively in the hands of the
Company ; and such occupation of Guiana as the Dutch
may have had in 1648 was limited to the possessions of
the Company itself at that time.
Renewal of The charter of 1621 expired in 1645. On March 22,
1647, the States-General renewed it for another quarter
of a century.* The limits remained unchanged and were
not restated.f
New Company Towards the close of 1674 this Company, after three
chartered, 1674. .
further brief renewals of its charter, expired ; and a new
Company, created by fresh charter in 1674, entered on
the inheritance of the old at the beginning of 1675.
The territorial limits of the old had included the
entire coast of both North and South America; those
of the new included, on the mainland of those conti-
Limits: Esse- nents, nothing but "the places of Isekepe [Essequibo]
quibo and Pome
roon. and Bauwmerona [Pomeroon]." The following is taken
from the new charter :
Charter, 1674. " We, therefore, having taken into due consideration that naught
can be done, protected, and upheld in the districts hereafter
mentioned without the usual aid, assistance, and resources of a
General Company .... have determined that navigation,
trade, and commerce in the districts of West India and Africa
and other places hereafter mentioned, shall henceforth be carried
on only by the common and united strength of the former share
holders and depositors of the aforesaid Company who are willing
and shall be encouraged to do so . . . . and to this end a
new General West India Company shall be established which we,
out of particular affection for the common weal .... shall
strengthen with our help, favour and assistance .... and
provide with a proper Charter and with the following privileges
and exemptions :
" To wit, that within the present century and to the year 1700
* Appendix to Case, ii, p. 4.
t U. S. Commission, Report, i, 102.

Derivation of dutch-British title. 57
inclusive, none of the natives or inhabitants of this or any other Charter, 1674.
country, shall be permitted other than in the name of this United
Company to sail or trade upon the coasts and lands of Africa,
reckoning from the Tropic of Cancer to the latitude of 30 degrees
south of the Equator, with all the islands in that district lying
off the aforesaid coasts, and particularly the Islands of St.
Thom6, Annebon, Isle of Principe, and Fernando Polo, together
with the places of Isekepe and Bauwmerona, situated on the con
tinent of America, as well as the Islands of Curacao, Aruba, and
Buonaire. The former limits of the previous grant are to be open
to all the inhabitants of our State without distinction, so that
they may navigate and trade there as best they like."*
This charter had been long in process of creation.
As early as June 7, 1669, it was under discussion in the
provincial estates of Holland, the limits then suggested
being precisely those later adopted. On April 2, 1674,
this provincial body submitted to the States-General
another draft, in which to Essequibo and Pomeroon was
added New Netherland, and also a provision that the
new West India Company might retain " such further
places and districts on the American mainland as it
should take actual possession of by the creation of forts,
warehouses, or established trade." In the new draft,
however, submitted by the estates of Holland on Aug
ust 13, 1674, this supplementary clause was omitted.f
The charter of 1674 was renewed at various times; . c1lSr1te^^e^
' in 1700, 1730, 1760
first on November 30, 1700 ;J again on August 8, 1730 ;§ andi762.
once more in 1760; and finally on January 1, 1762.
Each time the renewal was without change of limits.
The Company was dissolved at the close of the year Company dissoi-
r J ved, 1791.
1791.| On the 1st of January, 1792, the States-General as- states-General
"  assume control,

* Appendix to Case, iii, 22-23.
t U. S. Commission, Report, i, 103, note.
X Groot Placaat-Boek, iv, pp. 1333, 1334.
§ Groot Placaat-Boek, vi, pp. 1401-1407.
I U. S. Commission, Report, i, 104.

1792.

5g DERIVATION OF DUTCH-BRITISH TiTLti.
states-General sumed control of Demerara and Essequibo. These col-
assume control ^ ^.^ undeY State control until after the es-
tablishment of the Batavian Eepublic, which in 1795
replaced the government of the States-General.
British occupation In April, 1796, Great Britain and the Batavian Ee-
1796~18°2' public being at war, an English fleet appeared at Deme
rara and took possession of that river and of Essequibo.
The British occupation continued from 1796 until 1802.
In the latter year peace was restored in Europe ; and by
the Treaty of Amiens Great Britain returned to the Ba-
Treaty of Amiens, tavian Eepublic "all the possessions and colonies which
belonged to" it, and which had "been occupied or con
quered by British forces during the course of the war." *
British occupation The peace of Amiens proved short-lived; and in
1803-1814. Ju^ igo3^ ^^ oQce more broke Qut in Europa in
September of that year the British again took possession
of Essequibo; and this time they remained in occupa
tion, until, by the Treaty of London, of August 13, 1814,
the Netherlands finally ceded to Great Britain "the es
tablishments of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice."
The following is taken from the treaty of cession-
Treaty of London. " In consideration of the engagements above mentioned, the
Prince Sovereign of the Netherlands consents to cede in all sov
ereignty to His Britannic Majesty the Cape of Good Hope and
the establishments of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice, on con
dition, however, that the subjects of H. K. H. the Prince Sover
eign, who own property in said colonies or establishments, shall
be at liberty (saving the regulations which shall be agreed upon
in a supplementary convention) to navigate and trade between
said establishments and the territories of said Prince Sovereign
in Europe." f
Great Britain the Such rights as Great Britain has to-day in Guiana,
Dutch. she has acquired by virtue of the Treaty of London, and
* From this restoration were excepted the island of Trinidad and the
Dutch possessions in the island of Ceylon.
fFor treaty in full, see Appendix to Case, hi, 43-48.

DERIVATION OE DUTOH-BRITISH TITLE. 59
as the successor of the Dutch. It is the province of the Great Blitfn _he
1 successor of the
Tribunal to determine the extent of those rights so far Dutcl1-
as they relate to the territory between the Orinoco and
the Essequibo rivers.

Having set forth thus broadly : first, the basis of Purpose of sue-
xt 1 i • i i -i • . • . ceeding chapter.
Venezuela s title to the entire disputed territory, and
second the derivation of British title to that por
tion of Guiana which admittedly is hers, it becomes
necessary to set forth in more detail the special facts
upon which Venezuela relies for the substantiation of
her claims.
This is the purpose of the succeeding chapter.

V.— EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.
1597-1648.
It is proposed to consider first the early relations of Dutch wit^GuUHia'
the Dutch with Guiana; and then to define the extent ^Le*-™! '°t ^
' pOSSCSoK/IlS OH 0 HD.-
of Dutch possessions in the Essequibo on January 30, uai730> 1648-
1648, on which date in the shape of the Treaty of
Munster, the Netherlands received from Spain a quit
claim deed for what they then held.
It would be difficult to formulate a clearer or more
concise statement of these early relations than that
contained in Professor Burr's report to the United
States Commission.
The following is an extract from that report :
"The national existence of the Dutch began with the year Prof. Burr's
statement.
1579. In 1581 they formally renounced their allegiance to the
King of Spain. Till then, however rebellious, they had been his
subjects. Such title as their exploration or commerce could give
was the King of Spain's title. Even the assertion of their inde
pendence brought with it no claim to lands outside the Nether-
lauds ; nor is there reason to suppose that the Dutch yet dreamed
of such a claim. The King of Spain, indeed, was now their foe ;
and they knew well that he was not King of Spain alone. That realm
but gave him his most familiar title. He was lord of Portugal as
well, lord of the fairest lands of Italy, lord of the Mediterranean
isles, lord still of half the Netherlands; but his proudest title
was that of lord of the Indies. Thence he drew the treasures
with which he dazzled and bullied the world. America was but a
Spanish island. No other European State, save Portugal, had
yet planted a colony on its shores; and Portugal was now one of
the dominions of the King of Spain. Whatever cloud might rest
on the exclusivcness of hi. right by discovery to the northern half
of the continent, none now obscured his title to the southern.
That this title had, further, the explicit approval of the Pope of
Eome was hardly likely to give it added sanctity in the eyes of
Protestant powers ; but as yet that title, however its basis might

62

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.

Prof. Burr's state- be questioned, was not attacked from any quarter. If Drake, the
ment. Englishman, and his fellow-freebooters made the Caribbean seas
their own and took tribute of the treasures of Peru, it was con
fessedly but a raid into an enemy's territory ; land they neither
sought nor claimed.
Yet if the English, though in name at peace with the King
of Spain, might thus singe his beard on these far shores, so with
double warrant might the Dutch. And such, not conquest or
settlement, was, so far as the records show, the aim of the first
Dutch project for a visit to these coasts.( pp. 134-135.)
**********
In March of 1595, the Estates of Zeeland granted freedom of
convoy to one Balthazar de Moucheron for a cargo of goods to the
Spanish Indies. This was, of course, for peaceful traffic, and his
objective point would seem to have been the island of Margarita,
long the leading Spanish entrepdt for these parts. It was just at
this time that by a Zeeland ship, not impossibly this one, was dis
covered just south of that island of Margarita, on the Spanish
mainland of South America, the remarkable deposit of salt which
for years made Punta de Araya (or Punta del Eey, as the Dutch
more often called it) one of the leading destinations of Dutch
commerce ; and the established route thither led along the whole
length of the Guiana coast. In the same year there is record of a
venture to Santo Domingo by a union of Holland and Zeeland
merchants. In the following year we hear of another Zeeland
expedition to the Spanish Indies, and there were not improbably
many similar enterprises not mentioned in the records, for it was
only when freedom from convoy dues was sought that legislative
action was needed, and even after the establishment of the
admiralties no ship need seek a commission unless it chose.
It was in 1591 or 1592, according to - his own statement, that
William Usselinx, the inspirer above all others of the West India
trade, returning from the Spanish islands, began his agitation in
the Netherlands in behalf of Dutch trade with South America.
I have already spoken of Jan de Laet's statement as to Dutch
trade with the Spaniards on the Orinoco even before Raleigh's
expedition of 1595. Yet it is improbable that this trade to the
West Indies antedates 1594 ; for to that year is ascribed the be
ginning of direct trade with Brazil, and all tradition and prob-

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA. 63
ability make Brazil the earliest, as it was the nearest, destination Prof. Burr's state-
of Dutch trade in America.
It will be noted that as yet, so far as the records show, the
trade is with recognized Spanish settlements, and therefore not of
a sort to create a territorial title. Of Guiana or of direct trade
with the Indians, there is thus far no mention.
But in 1596 there was published in England a book which set
the imagination of all Europe on fire — Sir Walter Raleigh's Dis
coverie of Guiana. It called universal attention to the wealth
of these coasts and to the advantages of trade with the natives.
The Netherlands were not the last to feel its influence. Already
before the end of 1596 one begins to hear in the records of the
States-General of the trade with the West Indies ; and on March
24, 1597, the merchant-banker Hans van der Veken, of Botter-
dam, was granted a commission for two vessels, " manned with
Germans and other foreigners, to go to the coast of Guinea [in
Africa], Peru and the West Indies, and there to trade and bar
gain with the savages," this commission "containing also request
to all princes and potentates to let these ships and their crews
pass freely and in peace thither and return again to these prov
inces." Guiana is not yet mentioned; but, in the children's
phrase, we are growing warm. On September 3 of this same year
(1597) the States-General were requested by Gerrit Bicker and his
associates, merchants of Amsterdam, "who have it in mind to
equip two ships, so as to send them to a certain coast and haven
of America Peruana, being a place where never any from these
[Netherlands have been, and which is also not held by the Span
iards or the Portuguese," to grant them freedom of convoy both
going and coming, " and this for two full voyages, if so be that
God Almighty should be pleased to bless their first voyage as
they hope, — and this out of regard to the great sums they will
lay out on this voyage and the risk therein lying." Whereupon
it was resolved to grant them the desired convoy " to a certain
coast and haven of America Peruana, provided that they shall
lade in the aforesaid ships no forbidden goods, and that they shall
further be bound, on their return, to bring satisfactory evidence
that never anybody from these lands has traded to the aforesaid
haven, and shall make true report in the meeting of the States-
General of their experiences, with specification of the places
W here they have been and have carried on their trade," And " it is

64 EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.
Prof. Burr's state- the understanding," goes on the record, " that like freedom shall
ment- be granted to others who shall likewise desire to go to other un-
known havens." " But this," ends this significant passage, " the
deputies of Zeeland declared themselves uninstructed to grant."
The encouragement was not lost ; for but three months later,
on December 15, 1597, Jan Cornelisz. Leyn, of Enkhuisen, and
his partners, having it in mind with two ships "to sail to the
land of Guiana, situate in the realm of Peru," sought freedom of
convoy for their first six voyages, both going and returning.
Whereupon it was voted to grant their request, but only for the
two voyages "which they have it in mind to make with their two
ships to the unknown and unuavigated havens of America, to
wit, to the land of Guiana, situate in the Kingdom of Peru, as
herein specified ;" and this upon precisely the same conditions as
to lading and report as iu the preceding case. And a week later,
on December 23, the Estates of Holland voted aid toward the
arming of this expedition " to Guiana, in the Kingdom of Peru."
"Het Landt van Guiana gelegen in het Coninckrych van
Peru : " clearly we have in these expeditions the very earliest
Dutch voyages to the Guiana coast. And luckily, to make the
matter doubly sure, we have left us from one of these voyages,
and that the first, the stipulated final report to the States-General.
At least, there is no reason to doubt that the ship's clerk, Cabe
liau, whose " report concerning the unknown and unsailed course
[voiage] of America, from the river Amazon as far as the island
of Trinidad," still rests in the archives of the States- General, and
who sailed from Holland in a squadron of two ships on December
3, 1597, was the scribe of this expedition to "America Peruana."

They were able to report that " in this voyage we have discov
ered, found, and navigated more than twenty-four rivers, many
islands in the rivers, and various havens besides, which have
hitherto neither been known in these provinces nor sailed to there
from ; nay, more, were before our voyage unknown to any map or
geographer." And to this statement, Cabeliau, "as clerk of this
expedition," makes affidavit. It was the certificate demanded by
the States-General, and its validity was conceded, for on October
19, 1599, the freedom of convoy conditioned upon it was without
protest awarded by the States-General to Gerrit Bicker and Com
pany, " having made the voyage to America Peruana," as already

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA. 65
on August 11 it had been to their colleagues " returned from
Guiana, in the Kingdom of Peru."
By these acts the supreme political authority of the Netherlands
becomes a witness that the coast of Guiana was theretofore unvis-
ited by the Dutch. An investigator of political titles may well
be content with such evidence. Nor is there, so far as I can find,
the slightest reason to question its truth.*
This admirable account of early Dutch relations with Dutch sought
J only to trade and
Guiana, with what else we know on the subject, makes Pander.
it clear that the object of those early voyages to
Guiana, was, in the first place to harass the Spaniards, f
and, in the second place, to gain profit by trade and
* U. S. Commission, Report, i, 134, 135, 139-143, 144-145.
f Regarding the request of skipper Jan Gornelisz. Leyen, citizen of
Enkhuizen, hoth for himself and in the name and on behalf of his
Company, that in furtherance of their projected voyage to Guiana in
the Kingdom of Peru, they be granted assistance by the loan of eight
bronze guns, to wit, four of a weight of thirteen or fourteen hundred,
and the other four of about two thousand pounds apiece, with all am
munition belonging thereto, for the defence of the ships, on like
conditions as have been graciously granted to other laudable sea-voy
ages, it was Resolved as hereinafter follows :
The Estates of Holland and Westfriesland, having considered the
petition and request made in this matter, have resolved that, in further
ance of navigation, the merchants petitioners, for their projected
voyage, to be made with two ships to the land of Guiana situate in
the realm of Peru, shall be assisted by the credit of the State for
two pieces of ordnance, to be borrowed by the petitioners from the
cities, each not to exceed two thousand pounds iu weight. [Appendix to
Case, ii, 5-6.] *****
It should perhaps be remembered that it was in this year 1599 that
there sailed forth from the Zeeland port of Flushing the Dutch armada
under Pieter van der Does, which, after taking a town in the Canaries
and avenging at the Isle de Principe that unsuccessful enterprise of Bal
thazar de Moucheron in 1598 which Berg van Dussen Muilkerk calls the
"earliest attempt at colonization from out the Netherlands," sent seven
or eight of its ships across the Atlantic to ravage the coast of Brazil.
They returned, with great booty of sugar, in the following year. [Note
by Prof. Burr in U. S. Commission Report, Vol. 1, p. 147.]
*****
Having, off and on for more than twenty-five years, as set forth in an
earlier memorial to Your Princely Highness, sailed the seas to various
places, namely, to Guinea, to the "West Indies, and lastly with Com
mandeur Spilbergen through the strait of Magellan along the coast of
Chili and Peru and around the world, I think I have during that time
observed the right way of attacking the Spaniards where they are weak
est and feeblest, as follows. [Extract from memorial of C. J. Vianen
of Jan. 35- 1621, in Appendix to Case, ii, 17. J

trade

66 EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.
plunder. Settlement upon Spanish soil, or the acquisi
tion of territorial rights was hardly thought of.*
Early Dutch The trade then begun continued with more or less
regularity during the early years ofthe 17th century,
during which time Dutch vessels sailed along the Guiana
coast, and ascended some of its rivers. They were at
times driven off by the Spaniards, f but at other times
they were successful in capturing Spanish booty, or in
* In the matter of the request of the Burgomaster of Middelburg,
Adriaen ten Haeft, setting forth how that in the preceding year, 1598,
at heavy cost to himself, he caused to be investigated on the continent
of America many different rivers and islands, — and how that in this
voyage were discovered various coasts and lands where one could do
notable damage to the King of Spain,— and how that he is well minded
to send out again two ships, in order, in the country's behalf, to discover
certain places, a thing which can not be done so effectively with
seafaring folk alone. Wherefore, and in view of the fact that in
Holland for the encouragement of exceptional enterprises of this sort
great favor is shown to the promoters of such voyages, such as the
providing them with cannon, powder, and soldiers, he doth petition that
there be granted to his ships from sixteen to twenty experienced
soldiers, among them a good Commandant, and doth engage that he
will himself provide their rations. Whereupon the representative of the
nobility gave verdict that commerce ought here to receive the same
favor as in Holland, and that therefore it ought to be learned through
the deputies there [.. e., to the States-General] what is done in Holland
in this behalf, in order to be able to do the same here ; the deputies of
Middelburg, however, grant soldiers to the number of 16 ; those of
Zieriezee likewise, to the number of 12, on half wages, subject to the
approval of their constituents ; those of Goes, Tholen, Flushing and
Vere promise that they will send in at once their report to their town-
councils on this point and that the councils will, find out what is done in
Holland in such cases. [Extract from proceedings of Zeeland Estates,
Nov. 20, 1599, in Appendix to Case, ii, 12-13.]
Sixthly, regarding the opinion sometimes advanced, that notable
profits might be obtained through diverse products and fruits which
might be found or raised on the mainland of America, between Brazil
on the east and the river Orinoco on the west, in and about the river
Amazon. I answer, that several of our Netherlanders have as yet attained little
by the aforesaid means, although up to now they engage there in peace
ful trade ; and if an attempt were made with superior force to gain the
land there and by such cultivation introduce the products of Brazil and
the West Indies, the Spaniards would beyond doubt seek forcibly to pre
vent this, the more so as thereby their navigation to Brazil and the West
Indies would be impeded. It therefore is my opinion that, in view of the
imminent danger of war, little can be achieved there. [Frommemo*
rial of C. J. Vianen, Jan. 25, 1621, in Appendix to Case, ii, 17.]
f Dutch vessels attempting to pass up the Orinoco in 1602-3,. were.

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.

67

quietly trading with the natives at places from which Ear,y Dutch trade-
the Spaniards were at the moment absent.
The earliest date at which Dutch settlement in Guiana Earliest Dutch
Settlements.
is known is 1613.* In that year they were established in
the Corentyn ; possibly also ia the Amazon, the Wia-
" prevented by the multitude of Spaniards whom they found there."
[U. S. Commission Report, ii, 26].
*****
To all this evidence drawn, from other sources should be added that,
positive and negative, of the English colonizers, Leigh, Harcourt, and
their fellows, whose ventures about the Wiapoco were in precisely the
region where Dutch settlements are earliest vouched for by the Spanish
papers. Yet, though we have from these undertakings several reports of
one sort or another, and though evidence of rival Dutch enterprises would
unquestionably have been of value in allaying the hesitation caused by
the Spanish sympathies of King James, we find in them no mention of
Dutch settlements outside the Amazon. Harcourt in 1608 made a careful
exploration of the coast as far west as the Marowyn, and in his detailed
Relation (printed in 1613, and reprinted in Purchas's Pilgrimes, 1625,
vol. iv, pp. 1267-1283), he expressly says (p. 1278 of Purchas) :
... I took possession of the Land, by Turfe and Twigge, in
behalfe of our Sovereigne Lord King James : I took the said possession
of a part, in name of the whole Continent of Guiana, lying betwixt
the rivers of Amazones, and Orenoque, not being actually possessed,
and inhabited by any other Christian Prince or State ; wherewith the
Indians seemed to be well content and pleased.
The territory granted him by the English King's charter stretched
from the Amazon to the Essequibo. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 161.]
* This silence of the English explorers as to Dutch settlement in
Guiana can not weaken the force of the positive Spanish testimony,
which makes it certain that as early as 1613, and at least until 1615, the
Dutch were settled on this coast. But, in view of it, it is very unlikely
that, save in the Amazon, they were there much earlier ; and both the
English and the Spanish evidence, as well as the Dutch, suggest that
these earliest Dutch settlements may have perished in their infancy, and
in part or wholly at Spanish hands.
To these must be added the testimony of the later Englishman, Major
John Scott, who, not far from 1670, in his account of the colonization of
Guiana, wrote thus of what he thought the earliest Dutch settlement :
" The fifth colony consisted of about 280 Zealanders, with two small
ships, landed their men at Cayan, anno 1615, but could not bring the
natives to a trade ; were often gauled by the Indians, and were at length
forced to quit their post. Returned to Zealand the same year."—
[U. S. Commission Report, i, 164H65.]
Teodoro Claessen, resident in Amsterdam outside the old "Haar-
lemmer Poort," at the sign of the town of Leyden, is establishing a settle
ment on the River Viapoco, and another on the River Caena (Cayenne),
which have been started with a hundred men, divided between the two
settlements, which are situated two degrees one from the other. Here
the settlers collect a species of silk found on the tobacco plant, and ' '¦ palo
de litre," red with black spots. [Blue Book, Venezuela No. 3 (1896),
p. 206.]

68

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.

Destroyed by the
Spaniards.

Truce of 1609.

poco, the Cayenne, and in one or two of the neighboring
rivers ; but that on the Corentyn was the westernmost.*
As has already been shown, however, these settle
ments, whatever may have been their exact nature,
number or location, were temporary. As soon as the
Spaniards learned of them they attacked them, and
drove them from Guiana.t
In 1609 Spain and the Netherlands made a truce
for twelve years. Article III of this provides that
" Chacun demeurera saisi et jouira effectuellement des
Pais, Villes, Places, Terres et Seigneuries qu'il tient et
possede a present, sans y etre trouble durant la dite
treve ; en quoi on entend comprendre les Bourgs, Vil
lages, Hameaux et plat Pais qui en dependent.":):
* From dispatches ofthe government of Trinidad and Spanish Guayana,
reprinted by Great Britain from the Spanish archives of the Indies, we
learn of a certainty that by June of 1613 the Dutch were established in
the Corentyn, and, though they were driven from there the next year by
the Spaniards, were alleged to have already three or four more settle
ments between the Amazon and the Orinoco — four from the Wiapoco to
the Orinoco, says a later letter of the same year. Two of these, accord
ing to a letter of the year 1615, were on the Wiapoco and the Cayenne,
having been established in 1614 (so the confused passage seems to mean)
by Theodoor Claessen of Amsterdam— that on the Wiapoco, according to
another letter, by two merchants of Flushing. It is probable that these
others were on neighboring rivers, that on the Corentyn being the west
ernmost. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 159-160.]
On the map of Jan de Laet, first published in 1625, and probably
drafted in 1624 (De Laet's preface is dated November 15, 1624), there
appear along the coast and rivers east and west of the Wiapoco and Cay
enne, as well as on these streams themselves, a number of the tiny circles
which elsewhere on this map indicate villages, European or native. To
most of them no names are attached, and they indicate possibly Indian
towns, possibly settlements ; but it is noticeable that the westernmost
are on the Corentyn. (They are oddly retained, with no additions, in the
maps of Blaeuw.) Quite apart from this, the interpretation of which is
doubtful, it is highly probable that it was the westernmost settlement
which would most attract Spanish notice and Spanish hostility ; and this
seems from the Spanish documents to have been just the case with that
on the Corentyn. After the colony on the Essequibo is known to be
established, we find all Spanish aggression directed against that. [U. S.
Commission, Report, i, 160, note.]
t Supra, pp. 50-51.
X Treaty of Antwerp, April 9, 1609 ; Dumont, Traites, vol. v. pt. ii,
p. 99. > , f >
The Twelve Years' Truce with Spain, which in 1609 went into effect,
embodied the provisions discussed by Usselinx. The Dutch might no

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA. 69
This truce stopped the formation of the Dutch
West India Company, incipient steps towards which had
been taken.*
In 1621, however, upon the expiration of the truce, the DutchWest India
company was chartered;! an(i tne trading theretofore i6°2LPanyC
carried on by the Dutch was thereafter controlled exclu
sively by the company.;];
The year 1626 brings us to the first mention of Dutch First Dutch trade
. . "i Essequibo, 1626.
trade with the Essequibo.§
As has already been shown, the Spaniards had had
occupation of this river but a few years before. They
longer trade to the Spanish ports in the Indies, but were free to traffic,
even there, with " all other princes, potentates, and peoples." To the
Spaniards this can hardly have implied a permission to found colonies ;
but the Dutch, at least in private, were hardly likely to share this view,
and in 1614 we find both the States-General and the provincial Estates of
Holland seeking to encourage discovery and settlement by general pro
visions granting to the finders a temporary monopoly of trade. That
such enterprises were, however, not wholly safe may be inferred from
the fact that in 1618 the Zeelander Jan de Moor and his partners asked
permission to arm their ships engaged in trade with the West Indies,
and that the government was concerned to protect the truce is shown by
its granting this only under pledge that they should not be used except
in self-defense. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 157-158.]
* Jameson (J. F.), Willem Usselinx. In American Hist. Assn. Papers.
8°, New York, 1887, vol. ii, p. 46.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 1-3.
X In June, 1621, the truce with Spain having now expired, there
came at last into existence the long-projected Dutch West India Com
pany. Its charter granted it monopoly of trade over all the coasts of
America, both Atlantic and Pacific, not to mention West Africa, the
islands, and the Antarctic continent, and this without a suggestion of
frontier within these bounds. All existing Dutch colonies on these
coasts passed, therefore, into its hands. The only claim for reimburse
ment which finds mention in the official records is one made by the
Zeelanders for their " tobacco-plantation on the Amazon." Of other
establishments on the South American coast nothing is heard. [U. S.
Commission, Report, i, 177.]
§And at last, on November 26, 1626, we find what I believe the
earliest mention in extant records of any Dutch establishment on the
Essequibo :
The committee on wares is authorized to make up a suitable cargo
to the Amazons for the yacht Arnemuyden.
Resolved, To send with the aforesaid yacht Arnemuyden 20 ripening
youths, in order to land them in the Amazon, the Wiapoco, or the Esse
quibo — wherever the folk of our Chamber may be found — for the pur
pose of being employed there. And each of them shall be granted 2, 3,

70 EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.
had erected a fort on the island subsequently known
as Kykoveral; and a Spanish colony had, as late as
First Dutch trade 1615, been engaged here in the cultivation of the soil*
to Essequibo, 1626. , ¦-, __._-_._i
The river having been temporarily vacated by the
Spaniards, the Dutch could enter there for trade with
the natives; and towards the close of 1626 there is
mention in the records of the Dutch West India Com
pany of men sent " to lie in the river Essequibo. "t
in 1632 Company Trade, however, did not prosper here, and in 1632 the
decided to abandon _-.-_
Essequibo. Nineteen [the governing body of the Company] decided
to abandon it- J as they had already abandoned, in 1631,
the settlement on the Cayenne. §
Jan Van der Goes, who had been in charge on the
Essequibo, returned home with those who had accom
panied him ; and it looked as though Essequibo would
be definitely given up. On April 8, 1632, however, the
or 4 guilders a month, according to their capacities. [U. S. Commission,
Report, i, 179-180 ; see, also, same, ii, 42.]
Thereafter nothing more in 1627. But from these brief items out of
the first year of its known existence I think it possible, if due weight be
given to what is omitted as well as to what is said, to draw with safety
two or three important inferences. First, that the establishment in the
Essequibo antedates May, 1626. Second, that so late as 1627, it was still
a trading post rather than a settlement, with not so much as a fort yet
erected. Third, that its commander, as yet a mere agent without a
title, had in August, 1627, not yet completed the third year of his service.
It is of course possible to reconcile all these with a longer Dutch occupa
tion ; but, when taken in connection with the absence of all authentic
evidence for their earlier presence in that river and with the purpose of
the West India Company, so clearly implied in September, 1624, to plant
new establishments on this coast, I think it not rash to conjecture that
Jan van der Goes was at the head of the first Dutch occupation of the
Essequibo, and that the beginning of that occupation was in or about
the year 1625. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 181.]
* Supra, p. 43.
t December 12, 1626. Johannes Beverlander is taken into the service
of the Company for three years, to lie in the river of Essequibo along
with Jan Adriaansz. van der Goes ; and that for twenty-one guilders a
month. [Appendix to Case, ii, 19 ; see also entries of Nov. 26 and Dec.
10 of that year.]
X Nederlandsche Jaerboeken, 1750, p. 1494.
§ Nederlandsche Jaerboeken, 1751, p. 1090.

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA. 71
Zeeland Chamber of the Company voted not to abandon
it,* and the trade was therefore continued.
Still the Essequibo did not pay ; and on April 16, Unprofitableness
A . r of Essequibo and
1637, there was again discussion in the Zeeland Cham- its demoralized
condition.
ber as to its profitableness ; and the matter was referred
to the Committee on Commerce.!
On August 17, 1637, the Zeeland Chamber adopted
the following resolution :
Inasmuch as Jan van der Goes had written from Essequibo
that he, with all the folk who were there with him, was minded
to come home by the first ship, it was some time ago resolved to
send thither in the place of the said Van der Goes, by the ship
de Jager, Cornelis Pietersz. Hose ; and on account of the great
demoralization of the folk and their wish to come home, it is re
solved that they shall be allowed to come home, and the colony
provided anew with five-and-twenty other respectable persons,
from whom the Company may receive more service and more
edifying withal. And Confraters Lonissen and Yan Pere are by
a majority vote made a committee to engage the aforesaid per
sons, being requested to look for the discreetest persons, so far
as shall be possible.^
Thus did this Dutch trading post in the Essequibo
continue oscillating between life and death during the
few years which preceded the Treaty of Munster.
During all of those years it was a trading post and
nothing more ; § its sole article of commerce was an
nate dye ; | and the Dutch occupation, such as it was,
was limited exclusively to the Island of Kykoveral. ^[
The Treaty of Munster of January 30, 1648, ended
• On the report of Messrs. de Moor and Eltsdyck, after speaking with
Van der Goes, it was resolved not to abandon the colony at Essequibo.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 19 ; see, also, note 2 on same page.]
t The Committee on Commerce and Finance was instructed to inspect
and determine whether the trade to Essequibo is profitable to the Com
pany or not, in order at an early day to make report, so as to know
whether the wares for which they ask shall be ordered made or not.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 20.]
X Appendix to Case, ii, 20.
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 27.
[ U. S. Commission, Report, ii, 104-108, 110-112.
II That its center, if not its sole seat, was the island at the junction of
Mazaruni and Cuyuni is, however, made nearly certain by several con

ster

72 EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.
Treaty of Mun- the war between Spain and the revolted Netherlands.
By Article V of that Treaty the Netherlands obtained
from Spain a title to what they at that time held upon
the coasts of America. That treaty fixed the boundary
of Dutch dominion at that time. British rights to-day,
so far as the territory in dispute is concerned, are what
Dutch rights were two hundred and fifty years ago—
no more.
The following is a translation of Articles V and VI
of the Treaty of Munster :
V. — The navigation and trade to the East aud West Indies,
shall be kept up according, and conformably to the grants made
or to be made for that effect ; for the security whereof the present
treaty shall serve, and the Ratification thereof on both sides, which
shall be obtained : and in the said treaty shall be comprehended
all potentates, nations, and people, with whom the said Lords the
States, or members of the East and West-India Companies in
their name, within the limits of their said grants, or in friend
ship and alliance. And each one, that is to say, the said Lords
the King and States respectively, shall remain in possession of
and enjoy such lordships, towns, castles, fortresses, commerce and
countries of the East and West Indies, as well as of Brazil, and
on the coasts of Asia, Africa and America respectively, as the
said Lords the King and States respectively hold and possess, in
this being specially comprised the spots and places which the
Portuguese since the year 1641, have taken from the said Lords
the States and occupied ; comprising also the spots and places
which the said Lords the States hereafter without infraction of
the present treaty shall come to conquer and possess. And the
directors of the East and West India Companies of the United
Provinces, as also the servants and officers high and low, the
soldiers and seamen actually in the service of either of the said
Companies, or such as have been in their service, as also such
siderations. In the first place, there is found nowhere in later records
any tradition of another site or of a removal. In 1764 the Zeeland
Chamber declared to the States-General that "from all old time" the
fort had been at this place. Again, the island was the only natural
stronghold of its sort. It was, moreover, probably suggested by a prior
occupation — an occupation leaving a tangible inheritance in solid stone
walls which to the end were utilized in the Dutch constructions here, and
which in part remain to this day. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 185.]

EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA. 73
who in this country or within the district of the said two com- Treaty of Mun-
panies, continue yet out of the service, but who may be employed 9 6I'
afterwards, shall be and remain to be free and unmolested in all
the countries under the obedience of the said Lord the King in
Europe ; and may sail, traffic and resort, like all the other inhab
itants of the countries of the said Lords and States. Moreover it
has been agreed and stipulated, That the Spaniards shall keep
their navigation to the East Indies, in the same manner they hold
it at present, without being at liberty to go further ; and the in
habitants of those Low Countries shall not frequent the places
which the Castilians have in the East Indies.
VI. — And as to the West Indies, the subjects and inhabitants
of the kingdoms, provinces and lands of the said Lords, the King
and States respectively, shall forbear sailing to, and trading in
any of the harbours, places, forts, lodgments or castles, and all
others possessed by the one or the other party, viz. the subjects
of the said Lord the King shall not sail to, or trade in those held
and possessed by the said Lords and States, nor the subjects of
the said Lords and States sail to or trade in those held and pos
sessed by the said Lord the King. And among the places held
by the said Lords the States, shall be comprehended the places
in Brazil, which the Portuguese took oat of the hands of the
States, and have been in possession of ever since the year 1641,
as also all the other places which they possess at present, so long
as they shall continue in the hands of the said Portuguese, any
thing contained in the preceding article notwithstanding.
The effect of this treaty was twofold : on the one Effect of Treaty,
hand it conferred upon the Dutch a title to territory
which before belonged to Spain : on the other hand it
constituted an engagement on the part of the Nether
lands that, as against Spain, and at the cost of Spain,
the Dutch would acquire nothing more than they then
possessed. It will serve to define and narrow the issues which
subsequent events present, if, before proceeding to their
consideration, the result of the examination thus far be
repeated in a few words.
At the date of the Treaty of Munster the situation ots$^\?x™.
was briefly this :

74 EARLY DUTCH RELATIONS WITH GUIANA.
Situation at date Spain had discovered and explored America : she had
of Treaty of Mun- r „ , . ,
ster. discovered, explored, taken possession ot, and settled
Guiana: she held undisputed control of the Orinoco and
of that coveted interior whose famed wealth had been
the cause of so many foreign expeditions uselessly under
taken, and of so much blood uselessly spilt : the key to
that interior was in her hands — alone : into the great
interior Cuyuni Mazaruni basin she had pushed her
roads and extended her conquests ; and the entrance—
the only entrance — to it, over the gentle rolling savannas
of the Orinoco, was in her keeping : the Essequibo itself
she had settled, cultivated, fortified: for the moment
she had left its mouth unoccupied, thus permitting
the Dutch to trade there : upon the restoration of peace
she gave them a title to territory which up to that time
they had held as mere trespassers.
rlntextent°f the Tne extent of this grant cannot be difficult to define :
the entire Dutch colony, if indeed it might be dignified
by such a name, consisted of a body of two or three
dozen unmarried employes of the West India Company,
housed in a fort on a small island, and engaged in traffic
with the Indians for the dyes of the f orest : at the time
when the treaty was signed, they were not cultivating
an acre of land.* This and an establishment on
the Berbice were the only Dutch settlements in Guiana
in 1648. Neither then, nor at any time prior thereto,
had the Dutch occupied or settled a foot of ground
west of their Essequibo post.f
* The only other avocation mentioned is that of fishing : one Jan
van Opstall, an employ, of the Company in Essequibo, in 1644, com
plained of the loss of a finger while fishing for the Company, and asked
compensation, but the Company could not find this in the contract. The
fishing was probably for the food supply of the post— as often later.
[U. S. Commission, Report, i, 192.]
¦\ Such as it was, the post on the Essequibo remained in 1648, as it had
always been, the westernmost establishment of the Dutch on this coast,
and was now, with the exception of Berbice, their only Guiana colony.
[U. S. Commission, Report, i, 193.]

VI.— HISTORY OP THE ESSEQUIBO DUTCH POST.
1648-1674.
The charter of the Dutch West India Companv hav- Dutch West In
dia Charter re-
ing expired in 1645, was in 1647 renewed for 25 years newedi647.
more.* But the West India Company was not founded for „ Privateering,
x ^ the Company s
the sake of Guiana : that region always constituted its principal source
° J of revenue.
most insignificant field.f Its main business was priva
teering. J The peace with Spain therefore took from it
its principal source of revenue ; and the company, after
the peace of Westphalia (Treaty of Munster), found
itself in great danger of coming to an end.§
The care of the Essequibo post was in the hands of of^b™c^p^ynt
the Zeeland Chamber of the Company, and for some
years they struggled along hardly keeping their heads
above water. The hope of recovering Brazil sustained
them; but when that hope was gone, the company was
driven to desperate expedients to keep the trade of
Essequibo alive.
*In thinking the charter "reaffirmed in 1637" the English Blue Book is
in error. Granted for 24 years, it did not expire till 1645. Even then it was
not at once renewed, for its friends sought strenuously the consolidation of
the West India Company with the East, whose charter had also just run
out. It was not until July 4, 1647, that the States-General promulgated the
intelligence that on March 20 preceding they had prolonged for another
quarter-century the charter of the West India Company. The limits were
unchanged, and are not restated. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 102.]
\ Note by Prof. Burr. — Even of their colonies it was by no means the
chief. New Netherland by actual figures grew as much in five years as
Essequibo in a hundred.
X Reprisals on Spanish commerce were the great object of the West
India Company. . . . The Spanish prizes, taken by the chartered pri
vateers, on a single occasion in 1038, were almost eighty-fold more valuable
than the whole amount of exports from New Netherlands for the four pre
ceding years.— [Bancroft (G.) History of the United States, 4th ed., Boston,
1839, ii, 277-378.]
§ With the conclusion of a lasting peace with Spain and with the re
newal for another quarter century of the Dutch West India Company's
charter, one might look for a rapid colonial development. But the com
pany was now robbed of the privateering which had been its leading source
of revenue, and bankrupted by the long and fruitless struggle for Brazil.
[U. Sr Commission, Report, i, 193.]

76 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674.
Coast thrown in 1656 they determined to try the result of throw-
open to coloniza- ___ , ¦. „ , ,
tion. ing the coast open to colonization. The preamble o± the
resolution by which this act was accomplished is, of
course, merely formal; yet it records the disappoint
ment of the company; and serves to show the little that
had been accomplished toward developing the Esse
quibo. This preamble and the introductory resolution
are as follows :
Whereas the directors of the Zeeland Chamber of the West
India Company, for many years, by all conceivable means and
ways, both by its, the Chamber's own means, and by contracting
with private persons, have tried, not only to increase its trade aud
commerce from here to the coasts and islands situate under the
charter, but also and especially have made it their aim to further
the colonization and agriculture of the aforesaid lands, and yet
without such success, results, and fruits as they could have hoped,
Therefore, inasmuch as they have found by careful observation
and long experience, that not only the islands lying in their dis
trict but also the mainland coasts, and especially the Wild Coast,
extending from the river Amazon to . . . degrees northward,
are of such situation and soil that one can there cultivate, plant,
raise, and gather everything which it has been possible to cultivate
and gather in the famous regions of Brazil, yet that there are
needed, for the greater increase of population and agriculture,
not only persons of reasonable means, skill, and experience, but
also all others of lesser condition and ability ; they are disposed
to offer, and do hereby offer, with the knowledge and approval of
the States General of the United Netherlands and of the General
Chartered West India Company, in order thereby to encourage
each and everyone, these following conditions : *
New "liberties Then follow tempting; conditions; which, however,
and exemptions j. o j >
offered. were apparently not tempting enough; for the following
year new "liberties and exemptions" had to be offered
before colonists could be induced to embark upon the
uncertain undertaking^
* Appendix to Case, ii, 28-29.
t Appendix to Case, ii, 30-33.

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674. 77
As a result of all these efforts, on March 22, 1657 First free coio-
, ' nists 1657.
more than nine years after the treaty of Munster, the
first free colonists, to the number of twelve persons,
arrived in the Essequibo.*
Whether it was that this small number of colonists Zeeland Cham-
,«••,. in. her loath to con-
was not sumcient to insure success, or that for other tinue direction of
reasons the Zeeland Chamber felt discouraged at the
prospects, the fact is that it shrank from assuming the
management of the Colony, and on June 9, 1657, peti
tioned the provincial Estates of Zeeland to themselves
assume its control.f
The Estates of Zeeland did not regard the proposition
with favor, and so it fell through.^:
Having; been unable to gret rid of its load in this di- Control assumed
° & by Middelburg,
rection, the Zeeland Chamber next turned to the Wal- Flushing and vere.
cheren cities ; and, towards the close of 1657, succeeded
in inducing Middelburg, Flushing and Vere to assume
the risks of the undertaking^
The cities, however, recognizing the failure of the
* Nederlandsche Jaerboeken, 1751, p. 1093.
f Appendix to Case, ii, 33.
X U. S. Commission, Report, i, 195.
%From the Provisional Contract between tlie West India Company (Zeeland
Chamber) and the Walcheren Cities, December 2%, 1657.
The West India Company shall approve and so far as in it lies make
effective this agreement, basis, and ordinance whereby the aforesaid cities,
together wilh a committee from the aforesaid directors, are to establish and
plant colonics on the continental Wild Coast between the first and the tenth
degrees, and that in conformity with the liberties and exemptions granted
or to be granted by the Board of Nineteen.
To the aforesaid cities, as founders and colonizers of the aforesaid Coast,
the States-General shall concede and grant high, middle and low jurisdic
tion, in order the better to maintain the necessary authority over their sub
ordinates. The sovereignty and supremacy, with all that thereto belongs, remaining
nevertheless to the States-General, and to the Company, in so far as the
latter is by the charter entitled thereto.
From proceedings of committee governing for the Walcheren cities the colony
of JHova Zeelandia, Monday, Dec. 24, 1657. -The provisional contract be
tween the cities of Middelburg, Flushing, and Vere, and the Directors,
having been submitted for approval, it was approved without change and
signed by ihe respective members of the committee, and is entered in these
minutes under date of January 31, 1658, following hereafter. [Appendix
to Case, ii, 33-34.]

ment planned.

ally done.

7g HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674.
Pomeroon settle- efforts theretofore made to establish any settlement on
the Essequibo itself, looked around for a more prom
ising location ; and, disregarding Spanish rights, planned
a settlement on the Pomeroon and Moruca rivers.
Cornelis Goliat, an engineer, was sent out to survey
the region and lay out the new colony. Great things
were promised. " There was to be a town which should
bear the name of Nieuw Middelburg. Above this was
to be built an imposing fortress called, after the colony,
Nova Zeelandia. Below the town, on the same side of
the river, was to stand the ' House of the Height.' "*
what was actu- These proved to be mere air-castles. What actually
happened was this :
The buildings planned were begun, but never com
pleted ; probably nothing was done beyond laying some
of the foundations.! A few Portuguese Jew sugar-
planters, driven from Brazil for their religion, were
induced to settle on the Pomeroon.J The enterprise
was neglected and soon languished. In September,
1660, the Jews complained, asking "whether the
Commissioners [directors] propose to attend to the
colony, since, if otherwise, they intended to depart and
abandon it."§ In this same year, Vere was unable to
pay its stipulated share of the costs. Before the end
of 1663 the Managing Council in Zeeland had become
so embarrassed that it broke up altogether. |
* U. S. Commission Report, i, 214-215.
f Netscher, taking the account from the Ryks Archief, says that they
" at once began to fit up or build fort Nova Zeelandia, a few miles up the
river, the village of New Middelburg and the Huis ter Hooge, which es
tablishments, however, were probably never completed." [Geschiedenis
van Essequebo, etc. 8°, 's Gravenhage, 1888, p. 73.]
X Netscher (P. M.) Geschiedenis van Essequebo, etc. 8°'s Gravenhage,
1888, pp. 74-75.
§ Rodway (J.) and "Watt (T.) Annals of Guiana. Georgetown, 1888, i, 147.
| Appendix to Case, ii, 56 ; see also U. S. Commission Report, i, 215,
note 3.

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674. 79
But this attempt at a colony was not permitted to Goionj attacked
L •> l and destroyed i n
die the natural death that awaited it. The events of 1666-
1665-66, which put an end to its existence, are best
told in the words of Professor Burr :
" In the winter of 1665-66 the English from Barbados, led by
Major John Scott, after taking possession of the Essequibo,
swooped down also on the Pomeroon, and left the colony in ruins.
What was left was devoured by the military occupation of the
French, who followed the English in its possession. It was an
entire year before the invaders were here dispossessed, and the
settlers had meanwhile scattered to the four winds. But, though
thus destroyed prematurely from the earth, Nova Zeelandia still
lived on paper. Even before the colony's ruin the chart of
Goliat fell into the hands of his enterprising townsman, the
geographer Arend Koggeveeh of Middelburg, and when a little
later that map-maker brought out his fine atlas of these coasts —
the 'Burning Pen, lighting up all West India ' — Nieuw Middel
burg, with its fortress Nova Zeelandia and its Huis der Hoogte,
took a handsome place on the map, which it did not lose till
almost our own day. " *
Thus, at the hands, first of the English, f and then
* XI. S. Commission, Report, i, 216.
t Scott himself says :
"Anno 1665, ... in the month of October, the author having
been commissionated Commander-in-chief of a small fleet and a regiment
of soldiers, for the attack of the Island Tobago, and several other settle
ments in the hands of the Netherlanders in Guiana, as Moroco, Waco-
pow, Bowroome, and Dissekeeb, and having touched at Tobago, in less
than six months had the good fortune to be in possession of those coun
tries, and left them garrisoned for his majesty of Great Britain, and
sailed thence for Barbados, where meeting with the news of the eruption
of war between the two crowns of England and France, endeavoured to
persuade Francis Lord Willoughby to reduce those several small garri
sons into one stronghold, and offered that was the way to make good
our post in those parts, having to do with two potent enemies, but his
Lordship, that was his majesty's captain-general in those parts, was of
another opinion, and before he embarked on the unfortunate voyage for
the reducing of St. Christopher's, in which design he perished by a hur
ricane, the wages he had prescribed for supplies to the forementioned
garrisons proved ineffectual ; and they were lost the year following to
the Dutch after they had endured great misery in a long siege by the
French." [Appendix to Case, iii, 360-361.]
On the second page of his journal, Byam thus narrates the conquest
and loss of the Dutch colonies :

80 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674.
Colony attacked 0f the French,* did this proposed Pomeroon colony come
and destroyed in -
1666. to an end : it lasted hardly more than halt a dozen
years. The result was tersely and graphically stated by the
Zeeland Estates themselves: "Essequibo and Pome-

"In Novemr [1665] here arrived from his Exc»ce his Serj*. Majr Jn°
Scott after his victory at Tobago w* a smal Fleet & a regim* of Foote
undr the Carreer of Majr Gen" of Guiana, Cheife Commission1 and Com-
mandr in Cheife by Land & Sea in few months his great Fortune and gal
lantry prudent and Industrious Conduct made him master of all the
great province new Zealand & Desseceub settled a peace wth the Ar-
rowayes [sic] left both Collonys in a Flourishing Condition and well gar-
rison'd for the King of England New Zealand undr the Conduct of one
Captaine Boxlson [sic] and Dessecube undr the Comand of one Cap*
Kenn, both old Soldiers and sober Gent.
"About two months after his arrivall at Barbados the Indians under
standing he was not to returne withdrew all Commerce wtb the English
in the Forts. Many the Dutch French and Jews were soone upon y<= Wing
to the French Islands Martinico & St. Christophers &c. and those that
remained grew discontent . . . and onely for want of supplies . . .
after many brave defences [our men] were forced to submit themselves
many to the merciless French and in April following the whole Colony
to the Dutch." [Appendix to Case, iii, 363.]
A little further on in his narrative Byam goes into more detail as to
this disaster :
"Nor was Cap* Rendar unsuccessful at leeward, having stormed two
warehouses of the Arwacas and had other bickerings wth them wherin
he slew about 30 men and took 70 captives. But for the releife of or
men at Dissekebe he came too late, who about 3 weeks before through
want of ammunicion and iresistable hungar were forced to surrender
themselves and 12 hundred slaves w<=ti they had taken to Burgunas a
Dutch Gener" who beseiged them, But on good articles, wch those Com-
plaine hee afterwards broke, And as for or poore men at Bawrooma they
were also for want of timely supplies destroyed by the French who most
unhumanly (after they were starved out of the fort [)] delivered them
to the cruelty of the Arwacasto at the mouth of that River to be massa
cred. This was informed me by one of that fort who was absent when
it was taken, who learned it from the Indians: But since I understood
the maine fort was not taken untill the coming of the Fleet from
Zealand 1667." [Appendix to Case, iii, 363-364.]
* "During the war that followed, France employed her pirates and
filibusters against the Dutch colonies. These were authorised to attack
the Spanish possessions as well, war having been also declared with
Spain. The West India colonies of all nations were now in a most
critical state, England and France being pitted against Spain and Hol
land, with 1,200 French pirates let loose to burn and plunder." [Rodway
(J.) and Watt (T.) Annals of Guiana, Georgetown, 1888, ii, 15.]

administration.

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674. 81
roon, first taken by the English, then plundered by the Essequibo and
° ' x •> Pomeroon aban-
French," and now " by the whole world abandoned."* doned-
The Zeeland Estates took possession, but did nothing zeeland Estates
, •,• n ¦ , T- , _ _ _ take possession.
except maintain a small garrison at Kykoveral, abandon
ing the Pomeroon entirely. Two years passed, and yet
no one could be found to again undertake the manage
ment ofthe "Colony." Late in 1668 it was offered to
the three Walcheren cities, but they declined it.t
Another two years elapsed and still no taker. Finally,
in 1670, the Zeeland Chamber of the Dutch West India zeeland cham-
Company was induced to once more receive " the Fort takes the Colony"1
and the Colony of Essequibo."^
The outlook for the colony was now very gloomy. Hendrik Roi* s
When Hendrik Roi, the new governor, arrived, in 1670>
there appear to have been no private planters what
ever. | During the first year of his administration three
plantations were started.§ But Rol's energies seem to
* "Just when the last European of the Nova Zelandia colony left the
Pomeroon can not be learned. The Dutch admiral, Crynssen, on tak
ing possession in 1667, is said to have left a garrison in that river as
well as in Essequibo (Hartsinck, Beschryving van Guiana, i, 224); but
this was doubtless only until the wish of the Zeelanders could be learned
as to the resumption of the colony. We hear no more of Europeans
there." [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 218, note.]
"Essequibo and Pomeroon, first taken by the English, then plun
dered by the French," and now "by the whole world abandoned" — to
use the phrases of the Zeeland Estates themselves — passed again into the
hands of the Netherlands. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 197.]
f They [the Zeeland Estates] at last (late in 1668) offered them to the
three cities ; but these, dismayed at the expense of a fresh beginning,
would no more of them, and thought of selling the colony. [U. S. Com
mission, Report, i, 197-198.]
X U. S. Commission, Report, i, 198. *
| " There does not appear to have been any private planters in
Essequebo at the commencement of his administration [Rol's, 1670],
but with the improved prospects two or three Zeelanders came to
Essequebo and commenced clearing land. Roi proposed that estates
should be cultivated on behalf of the Company. ... On their arrival
[arrival of some negro slaves], land was cleared and the Company's
plantations were commenced, being principally laid out for cane culti
vation." [Rodway (J.) History of British Guiana. 8°, Georgetown, 1891,
i, 13, 14.]
§ IJ. S, Commission, Report, i, 199, 348.

82 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674.
Hendrik Roi's have Deen o-iven to trade rather than to agriculture.
administration. . ,
This policy was in Hne with that which had first
brought, and which still kept the Dutch in Essequibo.
His policy was, therefore, not new. It differed from
that of his predecessors merely in degree. He main
tained the Essequibo as a trading post ; but he also con
verted it into a trading center. He sought, beyond the
confines of his island home, to attract and build up
trade with the Spaniards and with remoter parts of
Guiana. Pursuant to and as a result of this policy,
trading stations came later to be established at points
more or less distant from the Essequibo itself.^
X But while the territory thus actually occupied by the colony for pur
poses of cultivation, whether in the neighborhood of Fort Kykoveral or
in the coast district, was confined within such narrow bounds, there was
another colonial activity, which laid far wider regions under tribute.
This was the colony's trade ; for this trade was mainly a trade with the
natives. As we have seen, this was at the outset and for more than a quarter
century of its existence its exclusive function. Even after plantations
had there been established by its proprietors and the colony thrown
open to private planters, it was alone this trade with the Indians which
the Company retained as its own monopoly ; and for many decades this
remained its chief source of income and the object of its most jealous
care. This it was in defense of which it built its forts, planted its out
posts, maintained its garrisons. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 203.]
The natural supply of these [dyes, oils, precious woods, balsam, etc.]
was, therefore, at best, but constant, and the increasing demand made
it necessary to seek them ever farther afield. The means employed to
this end by the colonial authorities were of two sorts, which must be
clearly distinguished. They had, first, the agents whom they called out
runners (uitloopers). These, who must have existed from the very be
ginning of the colony, scoured, by canoe or on foot, the whole country,
stirring up the Indians to bring in their wares and barter them at the
fort or themselves carrying into the wilderness the trinkets for exchange
and bringing back the Indian produce. The outrunners were regular
employes of the Company— in the later time usually half-breeds or old
negroes familiar with the Indian dialects— and seem to have been sent
on definite tasks. " All the old negroes," wrote the Essequibo governor
to the Company in 1687, " are off for their several old trading-places
among the Indians, to wit, six for annatto, two for balsam copaiba, and
two for letter-wood and provisions." Later these outrunners regularly
appear in the muster-rolls of the colony. The districts or routes of their
activity are, however, never named. Occasionally in the correspon
dence of the colony one hears of them in this region or in that, but too
vaguely to infer their exact whereabouts. [IT. S. Commission, Report,
i, 204.]

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674.

83

By 1673 Roi was trafficking in the Orinoco with the
Spaniards as well as with the Caribs of Barima.*
These efforts toward more extended commercial rela
tions with the Spaniards and Indians, and the establish
ment of a few plantations in the immediate neighborhood
of Kykoveral, constitute the only advance made by the
Colony prior to the dissolution of the old Company in
In addition their outrunners (uitloopers) they came also to have their
outliers (uitleggers). It was by this title, as we have seen, that the em
ployes first sent to the Essequibo were known ; and, in truth, the rela
tion later borne by the posts of the outliers to the central fort of the
colony was not unlike that borne for long by the colony itself to the
home land. It was somewhat more than half a century after the begin
ing of the colony when a beginning was made of this new method. The
suggestion may very possibly have come from Berbice. In 1671, when
the neighbor river of Demerara passed into the control of the Essequibo
colony, the Berbice authorities had in that river a post of 15 or 16 men,
and the commander of this force had been stationed there some fifteen
or sixteen years. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 204-205.]
* The chief external trade of the colony, and the only one of interest
to the present research was that with the Spaniards of the Orinoco.
Begun as early as 1673, it seems always to have been carried on by that
inland water route connecting the Moruca with the Barima and must
have involved more or less of intercourse with the Indians of this
region. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 210.]
But it is from that event and from the arrival of the energetic
skipper, Hendrik Roi, in 1670, as the first governor under the new
regime, that a new era of prosperity for the colony seems to date. In
his first year there were but three private plantations in Essequibo, two
of them worked by 12 or 14 slaves apiece, the tbird, lying an hour
above Fort Kykoveral (doubtless on the Mazaruni), by 28 or 30. In
1671 he won from Berbice the control of the Demerara. By 1673, if not
earlier, he was trafficking with the Caribs in the Barima, as well as with
the Arawaks, and he was also just opening a trade with the Orinoco.
[II. S. Commission, Report, i, 199.]
July 20, 1673. — There was read the private or secret letter from the
Commandeur Hendrik Roi, from Rio Essequibo under date of 16 March,
1673, wherein the following points were noticed, which it was resolved
to insert here :
Peace had been made between the Caribs in Barima and the Arawaks,
and they now had intercourse with each other, and he was going to
send a boat after carap-oil, intending in the meantime to make trial of
linseed oil.
He had sent some wares to Orinoco for the purpose of trade ; by
mistake these were carried to Trinidad, and, no opportunity being found
to trade there, they had come back home.
Since that time the people of Orinoco have requested that we go there
to trade, whereupon he has resolved to send thither Steven Tornaelje
with an old negro who knows the language well. [Appendix to Case
ii, 36.]

Hendrik Rol's
admini stration .

Extent of Colony
in 1674.

84 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1648-1674.
Extent of Colony 1674. When that Company passed away, the Colony,
with the exception of the plantations referred to, was
still confined to a small island ; its occupation was still
limited to the very banks of the Essequibo ; and its con
dition was little, if any, better than it had been in 1660.
Results of 26 To summarize the results of 26 years (1648-1674):
ears, 1674. . , .
The Dutch, m an attempt to improve their precarious
position on the Essequibo, had planned a settlement on
the Pomeroon ; had attempted it ; had been too weak
to maintain it, or even to complete the erection of its
projected buildings; had abandoned it; had withdrawn
to their little island on the Essequibo ; and, except for a
few plantations on the banks of that river in the imme
diate vicinity of the fort, found themselves, after the
lapse of more than a quarter of a century, no further
ahead than they had been when the treaty of Munster
was signed in 1648.

VII.— HISTORY OF THE ESSEQUIBO DUTCH POST.
1674—1700.
In 1674 the old Dutch West India Company was End of the old
and beginning of
dissolved. A wholly new West India Company took the new w. I. Co.
its place ;f and with this infusion of new blood hopes for
a brighter future were kindled.
The policy of trading to distant points, initiated by
Hendrik Roi in 1670, was continued by his successor
Abraham Beekman who, in 1679, sent one of his soldiers
to the Pomeroon to barter for annatto dye.J At this
time the Pomeroon was entirely deserted. § For the
purpose of facilitating this trade with the Pomeroon he
built there a little hut as a shelter for two or three
men. | As early as 1673 Hendrik Roi had, as already
stated, begun to trade with the Spaniards and Caribs of
the Orinoco,^ a trade carried on via the Moruca, the
* In 1674, the old West India Company, so long in the agonies of
death, at last expired. To take its place there had already been created
(by charter of September 21, 1674) one wholly new, with territorial
limits widely different. Instead of the entire coast of America, there
were granted to the new one on that continent only "the places of Esse
quibo and Pomeroon." Of the situation or limits of these places there
was no other definition than the phrase "situate on the continent of
America." [U. S. Commission Report, i, 199.]
f Appendix to Case, iii, 22.
X The river Pomeroon also promises some profit ; for, in order to
make trial of it, I sent thither in August last one of my soldiers to barter
for annatto dye. [Appendix to Case, ii, 37.]
§ On receiving the aforesaid ill tidings I called in to the fort the above-
mentioned outlier in Pomeroon, both to save him from being surprised,
along with the Company's goods, by these savages and to strengthen
ourselves in case of attack. Accordingly he came to the fort on the 8th
inst. with all the goods, bringing with him a barrel of annatto dye which
he had there bought up. [Appendix to Case, ii, 38.]
|| If the trade prospers, it would not be a bad idea to build there a hut
for two or three men, so that they may dwell permanently among the
Indians and occupy that river. [Appendix to Case, ii, 38.] Of this
post, which was speedily established, one hears often in the letters of the
next few years. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 219.]
IT Appendix to Case, ii, 36 ; also U. S. Commission Report, i, 260.

86

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1674-1700.

French and Su- Waini and
nnam Dutch in the
Barima, 1684.

Barima shelter,
1634.

the Barima* But Beekman, continuing
Rol's policy, found rivals in that quarter competing for
the trade.f The Dutch from Surinam and the French
were both strong competitors there ; and in view of that
fact, he determined, in 1684, to see whether he could
not gain advantage by having one of the Company's
servants take up his abode at Barima.
Accordingly, iu 1684, he put up a "a small shelter" %
therefor the use of the Pomeroon outlier when he should
from time to time visit the place.§ This action he re-

* U. S. Commission Report, i, 262.
¦f That this Carib traffic was not yet in Dutch hands is clear from
Commandeur Beekman's letter of January. 1683, which cautions the
Company that the Indians must not be repelled by too shrewd bargain
ing, since when offered trash for their wares they only meet you with
the tart answer that they can swap for plenty of such things in Barima
and elsewhere — "and there is some truth in this," he adds, "on ac
count of the traffic which the French from the islands carry on there."
[U. S. Commission Report, i, 262.] Beekman says: "This trade
must as much as possible be kept secret that strangers may not spoil
it." [Appendix to Case, ii, 38; also same, pp. 43-46, 51-52.]
X Note by Prof. Burr. As to what sort of a shelter (pleisterhuisje,
literally "little resthouse ") this probably was, we need not be in doubt.
Adriaan van Berkel, writing of these Guiana colonies only a few years be
fore (1672), gives us a vivid description of one (p. 16). He is speaking of
a trip down the Berbice. " This night for the first time I slept on land, in
the forest, with my hammock made fast to two trees. Just before I was
ready to go to rest our slaves had built for me a, pleisterhuisje — so called
by both Christians and Indians — -at the place where the hammock was to
be stretched. There are four posts, the front ones somewhat higher than
the rear ones, covered over with a roof of leaves, leaves uncommonly
large, being usually 4 or 5 feet long and some 2 feet broad. Neither sun
nor rain can here vex one, for the leaves lie so close upon each other
that not even the rays of that great luminary can penetrate. Such pleis-
terhuisjes one sees along the entire river ; and one has them built in a
moment wherever one will, for an Indian is like the turtle — everywhere
at home." And, for that matter, one meets them constantly in the rec
ords. (See, for example, the journals of the Surinam expedition of 1714,
and of Hildebrandt, the mining engineer— V. S. Commission, Report,
ii, pp. 224-228, 285-301.) Such one must have wherever one stayed
over night. It is possibly worth noting that, while pleisterhuisje means
a " little shelter," this on the Barima was only a "small pleisterhuisje " ;
yet it is quite as likely that the commandeur was only belittling the
importance of his own action. On the other hand, when proposing a
dwelling for a postholder he calls it a huysken, a hut. (See his letter
of October 20, 1679, U. S. Commission, Report, ii, p. 145.) [U. S. Com
mission Report, i, 265, note.]
§ Pomeroon begins to furnish annually much and good annatto, and

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1674-1700. 87
ported to the Company; but for his pains he received a Barima shelter
caustic reply attacking his financial honor and his good
sense; and he was ordered by the Company to stop
forthwith all trade to the Orinoco.* For years no more
is heard of this trade.
The year 1686 marks a second futile attempt by the 0^or^e^Jl Co1"
Dutch to expand the limits of their Essequibo settlement
beyond its original island home. In that year Jacob de
Jonge, a planter of Essequibo, was appointed Comman
deur of a proposed colony on the Pomeroon. f A beginning
much was brought from Barima, as appears from the enclosed list under
No. 7, from which you will see how much has been got by barter here at
the fort as well as by all the outliers. But Gabriel Biscop and other sea-
rovers from Surinam not only spoil that trade, but buy up all the letter-
wood, which is there fairly abundant and good, and also all the carap
oil and hammocks, so that this year I have got only a very few, and they
old and wretched. They traverse and scour the land even into the river
Cuyuni. In order somewhat to check this, I have had a small shelter
made in Barima : and Abraham Boudardt, who is stationed there [i. e., in
Pomeroon] as outlier in place of Daniel Galle, who is g'oing home, shall
sometimes visit that place, etc. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 263, and
Appendix to Case, ii, 45.]
* The correspondence of the Zeeland Chamber, in whose hands was
the immediate direction of the Guiana colonies, is preserved in full ; but
in their long reply to Beekman's letter there is from beginning to end
no mention of Barima. That reply is, however, a mere string of re
proaches. The poor commandeur's financial honor, his justice, his com
mercial good sense, are in turn discredited. He is accused of transcend
ing his powers. Even the Dutch of his letters is found fault with. Amid
this array of charges is one which may suggest why the matter of the
Barima is ignored. " Concerning the trade to the Orinoco," which up to
this time, as we have seen, had been constantly encouraged by the Com
pany, they now write, " We find it advisable that you stop it, and neither
trade thither yourself nor permit trade thither, directly or indirectly,
until further orders — since we are of opinion that the Company bears all
the expenses and burdens, while others help themselves to the profits."
This charge of bad faith in his trade to the Orinoco is repeated in even
more explicit terms in a later letter; and the reopening of this trade
was not again urged until Abraham Beekman had given place to a suc
cessor. [IT. S. Commission Report, i, 268; see also Appendix to Case,
ii, 48-51.] X There was read the petition of Jacob Pietersz. de Jongh, whereby
he requests payment of a sum of £42 13s. 4d. Flemish, according to the
balanced account given him by the Commandeur Abraham Beekman on
April 10 in Rio Essequibo ; and furthermore that he be allowed to settle
as a free planter on the river Pomeroon, together with other planters
who have also made a request to this effect, and that for this purpose
the rivers Essequibo and Pomeroon be thrown open, *****

8g HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1674-1700.
Destruction of wag made, but barely three years elapsed before this new
omeroon Colony
by French and col0ny was completely destroyed by the French. These,
coming from Barima under the guidance of the Caribs,
fell upon the colony and utterly dispersed it.* The
French were at this time temporarily established on
the Barima. "J" No attempt was made to re-establish this
And it was furthermore resolved to throw open hereby the rivers
of Essequibo and Pomeroon to each and everyone who shall desire to
navigate and trade thither, or to settle and dwell there. [Appendix to
Case, ii, 53.]
The Board of Ten has decided that the river of Essequibo, together
with that of Pomeroon, shall be thrown open, and that henceforth each
and everyone who shall desire to found plantations there shall be
permitted to do so, and under not unfavorable conditions, as you will see
from the missive written you by the Board of Ten aforesaid concerning
this matter, and from the commission given to Jacob Pietersz. de Jonge
as Commandeur of the river Pomeroon. [U. S. Commission Report,
ii, 181.] * Noble, Honourable, Worthy Lords,
My Lords, July 6, 1689.
This letter of mine humbly to service to make Y. N. acquainted with
what has happened since my last, as to how that we in the River Bourona
have been suddenly attacked and overpowered by 33 French and about
300 Caribs the one party by water with 10 canoes and 3 corials, and the
other party by land out of the wood (since we had no cannon and were
but six men strong), to wit, the last day of last April ; but I effected my
escape, accompanied by some red slaves. The Caribs of the French
party pursued me vigorously, so that I was compelled to hurry through
the wood to escape them with my clothes all thrown off, and came at
last with great distress into Essequibo to the fort, to give them warning of
our miserable experiences. They had on the next day, being the 1st May,
taken their departure from there, and had taken, moreover, with them
everything that was there, and -had used strong threats to the people
that they would burn everything, unless they sought me out. * * *
* * * A few days after this I left again for Bourona to inspect what
was the state of things, because not otherwise did it appear whether
they should have murdered everyone, since they had so many Caribs
with them. But I found my people all still alive, and continued my
sojourn with my people there, until I received a letter from the Com
mandeur of Essequebo telling how the French were in the River Berbice
engaged in hostilities against the other settlements; whereupon I
straightway determined with my people to hasten to Essequebo, since
we besides had no provisions to live upon. The bread that the Caribs
had left there, not cut level with the ground, was very little, so that we
in a body have departed for Essequebo, since the people of Berbice had
warned the people of Essequebo, that they firmly believed that the
French would also make attack on Essequebo. [Appendix to Case, ii,
60-61.] t But it is the French of the Caribbean islands who seem to have been,
in the seventeenth century, the especial patrons and allies of the Caribs

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1674-1700. 89
Pomeroon colony ; and in November, 1689, the Com- , PomeJ'°°n aban-
J ' ' ' doned 1689.
pany formally resolved to abandon it, removing to
Essequibo the employees, slaves and commodities, and
leaving only two men at the former site.*
Thus were the Dutch again driven back to the Esse
quibo. The year 1691 found them confined tp its
muddy banks, the whole colony containing not more
than 100 Europeans, with their slaves, t This number re-
of the Barima. Father Pellep.at, the Jesuit missionary, tells us that
they had invited the French to plant a colony there, and that in March,
1654, he was informed by Indians of that river " that they had already
built a fort in which the French could be quartered as soon as they should
arrive." And no sooner do we have reports from the Dutch colony of
Essequebo than we find in them complaints of French rivalry in this
region. It was, as will be seen, a rivalry not without results to the Dutch-
In 1684, when the French of these neighboring West India Islands raided
the Orinoco and occupied Santo Thome, the Caribs in the Barima showed
their loyalty by murdering the crew and scuttling the ship of a Dutchman
from Surinam, who had come thither for trade ; and already they threat
ened to come with the French and lay waste the Dutch colony of Esse
quebo. [U. S. Commission, Report, i, 259.]
" The French come into the Barima, and fetch them [sic] to above on
the Cayuni, and have burned there the houses of the Pariacots, and have
driven them away ; the latter collect the balsam from the trees, and this
is the reason that Daentje, the negro, has come back two weeks ago
without bringing with him a single pound of balsam (mai'aen)." [Blue
Book, 3, 60.]
This undoubtedly, according to all indications, will happen, as the
French are daily sojourning in Barima with the Caribs, often with two
or three barques, and the English from the islands may do likewise.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 59.]
* Appendix to Case, ii, 62 ; also U. S. Commission, Report, i, 207.
No attempt was ever made to re-establish it. The West India Com
pany, on receiving full tidings, only instructed (November 15, 1689) the
Essequibo commandeur to leave there the Company's flag, with three
men, in order to retain possession. The post was established and main
tained, though, as would appear, with but two men instead of three.
[U. S. Commission, Report, i, 219-230.]
The energy and perseverence of the founders of the Pomeroon colony
had been entirely wasted, and now the few planters had abandoned the
place in despair. [Rodway (J.) History of British Guiana, Georgetown,
1891, vol. i, p. 10.]
f Rodway (J.) and Watt (T.) Chronological History, etc., George
town, 1888, vol. ii, pp. 12, 86, 88.
His (Samuel Beekman's) first report, dated April 8 [1692], stated that
there were at Kyk-over-al and on the three Company's plantations, 48
Europeans, including soldiers, 58 Indian slaves, 14 coloured people, and
165 negro slaves. On the private estates there were several hundred
slaves. [Rodway (J.) History of British Guiana, Georgetown, 1891,
vol. i, p. 48.]

90 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1674-1700.
Pomeroon aban- mained the same through the remaining years of the 17th
doned, 1689. ° b J
century.* The desertion of the Pomeroon in 1689 was not
merely temporary : that river was not again occupied
during the 17th century. The light in which it was re
garded by Samuel Beekman in 1695 is well illustrated
by the fact that, on receiving intelligence in that year
that the French were in the Pomeroon, he made no effort
whatever to dislodge them; but limited himself to forti
fying Kykoveral against a possible French attack the. e.f
terior"deint°thein" Before closing this period, from 1674 to 1700, it is
proper to refer to the Dutch trade into the interior.
Mention of this is first found in 1680. J Between 1680
and 1693, this trade seems to have been with the
Indians and confined principally to "hammocks, balsam
and other Indian products." § It is to be noted, however,
that this trade was in no sense exclusive, and that it was
participated in not only by the Spaniards, but by the
French as well. |
* The entire population in 1091-98 did not exceed one hundred Euro
peans and "several hundred slaves." [Rodway (J.) and Watt (T.)
Chronological History, etc., Georgetown, 1888, vol. ii, pp. 12, 86, 88.]
f We have been kept here in continuous alarm, since at various times
we have had tidings that some French, aided by Caribs from Barima, are
staying in the mouth of the river Pomeroon, who say that they will come
here to visit us. In view of this I have at once sent order to all the
planters to send down all the male slaves, in order to strengthen the
fort, so that we may defend ourselves well in case of an attack. [Ap
pendix to Case, ii, 64.]
t The earliest mention of the river I have found in the Dutch records
is that in Commandeur Abraham Beekman's letter of June 28, 1680,
when that river, temporarily closed by an Indian war, is called "our
provision chamber." [Prof. Burr in U. S. Commission Report, i, 306;
see also Appendix to Case, ii, 40-41.]
§ It appears that not provisions alone were gathered there by the
Company's "old negroes," but hammocks, balsam and other Indian
products. [II. S. Commission Report, i, 306.]
By reason of the Accoway war in Cuyuni, of which you know, the
trade in hammocks, especially in new ones, has resulted badly, for no
one dares venture among that faithless tribe. As a result, no more than
six of the common kind could be sent ; the others were too small and not
fit for you. [Appendix to Case, ii, 41; see also same, pp. 52-53.]
|| Just as I am closing this, Daentje, the Company's old negro, comes

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1674-1700. 91
In or about 1693 the Dutch began the trade in horses Cuyuni horse
. trade.
up in Cuyuni — a trade which could only have been
carried on with the Spaniards ; * and this trade was con
tinued through the remaining years of the 17th century.
The close of the century saw the following state of Results of twen-
~, . ty-six years. Con-
attairs : dition in 1700.
All efforts of the Dutch to extend the area of their
actual occupation had been foiled. A second attempt
at establishing a colony, on the Pomeroon had ended
disastrously, owing to the weakness of the Dutch and
their inability to defend their possessions against at
tack: having thus been driven back to the Essequi
bo, the Company had formally determined to acquiesce
in its ejectment from the Pomeroon. It is true it made
a pretence of keeping two men there; but, excepting for
from the savanna up in Cuyuni, from the Pariacotten. He has been
away for fully seven months, and was detained quite three months by
the dryness of the river. Because the French scour the country up there
and buy up everything, he was able to get but little carap-oil and a few
hammocks. [Appendix to Case, ii, 58-59.]
The French in the Barima likewise come even to the upper Cuyuni to
get them, and have there burnt the houses in the Pariacotten, [and]
driven them away. These gather the copaiba from the trees, and [this]
is the reason that Daentje, the negro, came back two weeks ago without
bringing with him a single pound of copaiba, bringing only thirty ham
mocks, among them eight small new ones not fit to be used by any man,
much less worthy of your service. [Appendix to Case, ii, 52.]
Tbe copaiba and curcai are much bought up by the Spaniards. The
war which various nations there carry on with one another has been the
cause that Daentje the negro has not been able to get so far among that
nation, and, therefore, has made a fruitless journey, and could get only
a few bad hammocks for the negroes. [Appendix to Case, ii, 46 ; see
also Blue Book, 3, 62.]
*No slight advantage, moreover, has been brought the Company
through you [Samuel Beekman] by your having found out, up in the
river of Cuyuni, a trade in horses, which here cost the Company much
money for their purchase and involve it in heavy expenses for their
transportation thither. We are confident, too, that the native horses
are better used to the nature of the country. You are therefore most
urgently recommended and instructed to retain this trade for the Com
pany alone. We give you, however, permission to dispose of them to
the private planters at a reasonable profit. [Appendix to Case, ii,
63-64.]

92 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1674-1700.
Results of twen- this, its actual occupation in 1700 did not go beyond
ty-six years. Con- ; L o .
ditions in 1700. Kykoveral and a few plantations on the adjacent banks.
The Dutch trade to the Orinoco and to the regions form
ing its delta had been forbidden by the Company itself
in 1684; and had not been thereafter resumed. Trade
with the Cuyuni was being carried on; but, so far as the
Indians were concerned, it was a trade shared in by both
Spaniards and French; and as for the rest, it was a trade
with the Spaniards themselves settled in that region.
Except, therefore, the two men in the Pomeroon, and
the extension of plantations in the immediate vicinity of
Kykoveral, the lapse of another twenty-six years (1674-
1700) brought no change, and seems to have witnessed
no enlargement of Dutch possession or control. After
more than half a century the colony was little, if any,
further ahead than it had been at the time when the
Treaty of Munster was signed.

VIII.— HISTORY OF THE ESSEQUIBO DUTCH
POST. 1700-1725.
It will be convenient to group the events of the next
quarter of a century according to location and character.
First. — As to the trade ofthe Company to points west Trade to points
A west of Essequibo.
ofthe Essequibo.
As regards the Barima, there is no record of anv at- No trade to Ba-
° J rima.
tempt whatever to trade there during this period.*
The prohibition of 1684 against trading to the Orinoco
continued in force, certainly until 1717, at least so far
as private settlers were concerned, for in that year these
settlers addressed a protest to the Company against its
continuance, f
The only other connection of the Essequibo Dutch ffar<weSBaHma
with the Barima during this period seems to have been J|(nored bT w- L
a suggestion made in 1722 by the Engineer Maurain-
SaincterreJ with regard to the establishment of planta-
* But the French seem to have maintained for years their alliance
with the Barima Caribs against the Dutch, and no more is heard of the
Barima in Dutch records of the seventeenth century.
In the muster-rolls of the Company's servants in Essequibo for 1691
and 1701 no Barima post appears among the others. And when, in 1703,
he Essequibo commandeur had occasion to speak of the exclusion of
Surinam traders "here in our district," he defined the phrase by " Esse
quibo, Pomeroon, and Demerara," with no mention of the Barima. [U. S.
Commission Report, i, 270.]
The pay-rolls of the Essequibo colony, which from 1700 on give us,
year by year, full information as to the staff of every outpost, know no
post on the Barima, [Same, p. 272.]
f It is not till 1717 that I again find mention of that river in the docu
ments of that colony. Then the private settlers of the colony'addressed
to the West India Company an indignant remonstrance against the
restrictions put upon their freedom of trade, protesting that thus an
unfair advantage is given the colonists of Berbice and Surinam, who
may trade as they will, whether in Pomeroon, Moruca, Waini, Barima,
Orinoco, or Trinidad. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 272.]
In October, 1701, the Essequibo Court of Policy justified the pur
chase of horses from a Rhode Island trader by the plea that "all the
lands where we carry on our horse trade are under the King of Spain, as
we know by experience from the prohibitions we have already met in
the trade to Orinoco. [Same, p. 309 ; see also Appendix to Case, ii, 77-78.]
SIX U. S. Commission Report, i, 272-273,

94

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1700-1725.

Suggestions re- tions there, a suggestion never acted upon or even con-
garding Barima 00
ignored by W.

I.

Co.

Attempt to trade
to the Waini, 1699.

sidered by the Company.* What does appear is
that during the period referred to (1700-1725) the
French and the Dutch from Surinam and Berbice were
allowed by the Spaniards to trade in that region.f In
1711 a Surinam party passed that way and found it
entirely deserted.:):
An ineffectual attempt at trade nearer home was
made by the Essequibo Dutch late in 1699. In that
year a bark was sent to the Waini to salt fish and
to trade for victuals, but it returned six weeks later
" without having done any trading."§ Coming
* Appendix to Case, ii, p. 79.
f But as regards the balsam oil, the same has, together with the trade
in red slaves, according to the direction of the Noble Chamber of Zee-
land, been first forbidden by me to the inhabitants of this Colony on the
24th July in the past year [1712], since this trade has been permitted
to the free [inhabitants] because that it took place outside the district of
the Noble Company, and was but carried on solely on Spanish ground iD
the River Orinoco, where likewise trade was done by the inhabitants of
the Colonies of Berbice and Surinam. [Blue Book, 3, 74.]
Saint-Trond is the only one of our people who is capable and familiar
with the Indians and acquainted with their language ; also, although
from Brabant, he is of proven fidelity, and this is the reason why he was
employed. [U. S. Commission Report, ii, 229.]
No whites are allowed to enter the Orinoco except with a pass. The
thing we have in view could be accomplished only under pretext of
trading with the Indians, for which we would need the permission of
the commander of the Orinoco. He was favorably inclined towards us,
and if he had remained in command we might have expected every
thing from him ; this was why Mollinay had orders to address himself
to him. Now there is another commander, who is not willing to allow
anyone there : but possibly this may change with time, and I shall
therefore continue to exert myself elsewhere in order to attain our
object. [Appendix to Case, ii, 73-74; see also, same, p. 75.]
X The Surinam expedition sent to the Orinoco in 1711, stopped at the
mouth of the Barima, both in going and coming, and makes no mention
of a shelter there, though its journal always mentions one when found.
That site would have been a more natural one for the French, who, on
their Way from the islands to the Barima, would here first reach the
mainland, than for the Dutch of the Guiana colonies, who came through
the Moruca and reached the Barima by the Mora Passage. [U. S.
Commission Report, i, 271, note.]
§ And because our barque which we sent to Waini on November 11
last, in order to salt fish and to trade for victuals, has arrived here on
December 29 with a very bad catch and without having done any trad
ing, etc. [Appendix to Case, ii, 65.]

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1700-1725. 95
nearer home still, even as far away only as the Pome- Trade t0 Pomer-
J J oon forbidden.
roon, trade was forbidden by the Company to private
settlers of the colony at least as late as 1717.* On the
other hand the French and Spanish had so little regard FrenchandSpan-
for any supposed Dutch jurisdiction there that, in 1712, 1S mt e omeroon-
a party of them in the Pomeroon, meeting a Dutch
agent there, drove him away with impunity.f The
shelter put up on the Pomeroon for two servants in
1689, when the attempt to establish a colony on that
river was abandoned, was probably kept up as a matter
of form. It later came to be known as the Wacupo
post.;}; An attempt, however, to establish and main
tain a post in that region higher up on the Pomeroon Shelter at Pomer-
A 1. * 1.. T-P . • °°n' 1703-1705-
and nearer home came to naught ; and it a post was in
fact started there in 1703, as seems barely possible, its
existence certainly came to an end not later than 1705.§
So much for trade with the Orinoco and the coast
region generally.
As regards the interior, trade was hardly more flour- Trade to the in-
° ' J tenor.
* Appendix to Case, ii, 77-78.
f Appendix to Case, ii, 75.
X The post was established and maintained, though, as would appear,
with buttwo men instead of three. At least, according to the muster-
roll of September 6, 1691, there were there only a postholder and a sin
gle assistant. In 1700 it was on the same footing ; but in this year we
begin to hear a new name for its site : where the pay-roll for this year
makes Jan Debbaut " postholder in Pomeroon, at the Company's trade
house," the muster-roll makes the same soldier " postholder in Wacupo."
By 1704 the pay-roll, too, adopts the new title for the post, calling Jan
Debbaut "postholder in Wacupo." [U. S. Commission Report, i, 220.]
§ It would appear, however, that there was now for a year or two a
second post on the Pomeroon ; for we learn from the pa3'-rolls that on
July 14, 1703, Paulus Veefaart was made "postholder in Pomeroon,"
and both the pay-roll and the muster-roll for 1704 register him there,
with an assistant, while Jan Debbaut and his assistant are still accred
ited to Wacupo. On April 6, 1705, however, he was discharged from the
Company's service ; and, although on the muster-roll for June 18, 1705,
his assistant, Dirk Schey, still appears in the Pomeroon, it was perhaps
only to finish out the year. In the following year we find him serving
as bylier in Demerara, and the name Pomeroon does not again occur
among those of the posts. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 221.]

horse trade, 1707

96 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1700-1725.
Trade to the in- ishinc By 1701 the horse trade had begun to fall off*
terior o J ^
By 1702 it had grown more difficult.t In 1703, proba
bly with the idea of fostering this horse trade, it was
proposed to establish a " post " up in the savannas of
the Cuyuni, six weeks by water from Kykoveral. A
"postholder" was actually appointed on May 20, but
whether the post was ever established or not is very
doubtful. ;}; Certain it is that on the first of the follow
ing October, this same postholder was removed and
End of Cuyuni nothing more is heard of any post. The trade gradually
came to an end, and the year 1707 is tbe last in which
mention is to be found of it.§ The reason is not hard
to guess. Already the Dutch governor had written
home:
" I am very sorry to be obliged to inform you that, owing to the
present war, no horses are to be got above here as hitherto, inas
much as those Indians think themselves to stand under the
crowns of Spain and France ; and this trade is thereby crippled."!
Even while it lasted it was carried on in what was
confessedly Spanish territory.^"
* The trade in horses up in Cuyuni does not go as briskly as it used to ;
still the negro traders brought, on March 24th of this year, 12 fine ones,
8 head of which I have disposed of to the plantation " de Vrijheid," and
inclose the bills of exchange therefor. [Appendix to Case, ii, 65-66.]
f That truly is a great loss to the Colony, the more so since the Span
iards will no longer permit any trafficking for horses on their territory, so
that I shall be perforce compelled to make use of an English barque, or
other vessels such as those which came in this river, to go and fetch
horses, or else Y. N. will be obliged to send out the same to me from the
mother-country, because it is impossible to deliver sugar without horses.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 68-69.]
X U. S. Commission Report, i, 312-316.
§ In October, 1707, the commandeur complained that they could no
longer be got thus from above so conveniently and in such quantity as
need required. It is the last mention I have found of the importation of
horses by this route. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 316.]
|| The mention of France here along with Spain is to be explained,
doubtless, by the fact that under its Bourbon claimant Spain was now
virtually in the hands of France. The phrasing is perhaps, only the
commandeur's own, and chosen for Dutch ears.
H For long one hears no more of the upper Cuyuni, save now and

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1700-1725. 97
Second. — As to the extent of actual settlement during Extent of Settie-
° ment.
this period.
The only growth which the Essequibo colony en
joyed during the first quarter of the 18th century
was confined exclusively to the banks of the Essequibo
itself, and to those portions of the Mazaruni and Cuyuni
which lie below the first falls of these latter rivers.*
As showing the exact extent of the Colony in 1701 Essequibo divided
may be cited its division in that year into two districts for 1701.
purposes of military organization; one district compris
ing the plantations on the Mazaruni, the highest of which
was below its first falls ; and the second comprising the
plantations on the Essequibo, all on tide water, t The
two districts comprised but a dozen plantations.
In 1706 we have another definition of limits in the Extent of colony,
1706.
map of Abraham MaasJ sent to the Company by the
governor Samuel Beekman. According to this the
plantations at that date were all limited to the immecli-
then of the pursuit and capture there of an escaping slave. [U. S.
Commission Report, i, 316.]
That truly is a great loss to the Colony, the more so since the
Spaniards will no longer permit any trafficking for horses in their terri
tory. [Appendix to Case, ii, 68-69.]
The more so because all the lands where we carry on our horse-trade
are under the King of Spain. [Appendix to Case, ii, 68.]
In October, 1701, the Essequibo Court of Policy justified the purchase
of horses from a Rhode Island trader by the plea that " all the lands
where we carry on our horse trade are under the King of Spain, as we
know by experience from the prohibitions we have already met in the
trade to Orinoco." [U. S. Commission Report, i., 309.]
* The attempt in 1704 to move the plantation of Poelwijk above the
falls could not have been a success, since the map of 1706 shows it below
them. f Item, two Commissaries shall every one or two months, or at least
four times a-year, time undefined, be sent off to go and visit all planta
tions, and to give instructions to the new planters, to wit, those dwell
ings in Maseroene ; the plantations lying in the river being the first dis
trict : since they find it good to divide the Company's river into two
districts: as from the plantation Poelwijk down as far as Van Rump's
Court. The second district is the river Essequebo and stretches from
the plantation Bosbeek to the plantation New Cortrijk. [Appendix to
Case, ii, 66-67.]
X Appendix to Case, atlas, map 59.

98 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1700-1725.
Extent of colony, ate banks of the Mazaruni and Essequibo, and were all
1706. # ^
below the first falls of those rivers.
Cartabo, 1716. « jn 1716 the Commandeur got permission to build a
new government house on the mainland just opposite
the island, on the Mazaruni side ofthe point formed by
the two streams."* The hamlet of 12 or 15 houses which
grew up around it came later to be known as Cartabo. f
Colony in 1722. gy 1722, the Colony had not materially changed, and
we have the evidence of the engineer Maurain-Saincterre
that up to that time no European had established a
sugar plantation above the falls4
yeaxTnOO-0!^5 T° SUtn UP the reSllltS °f 25 ^^ fr0m l70° to 1725 :
Trade to the Orinoco, the Barima and even the Pome
roon had been forbidden to the Dutch of Essequibo and
no attempt was made to undertake it. In the Cuyuni
the horse buying station of 1703, after a possible ex
istence of a few months had been abandoned and for
gotten, the Indians there claiming to be Spanish, and
little or no thought was given to that region.
The only posts west of the Essequibo were those on
the Wacupo and the Pomeroon. The first of these, com
posed of two servants and a shanty, served to prevent
the running away of slaves; the second lasted but two
years and was then abandoned. The colony itself spread
along the banks of the Essequibo, the Mazaruni and
the Cuyuni, but did not go beyond tide-water.
*U. S. Commission, Report, i, 202.
t U. S. Commission, Report, i, 202.
X The ground is even better above in the rivers Essequibo, Mazaruni,
and Cuyuni than below ; but because they are full of rocks, falls, and
islands, and much danger is to be feared for large sugar canoes, this is
the reason why up to this time the Europeans have not been willing to
establish sugar plantations there. [Appendix to Case, ii, 79.]

IX.— HISTORY OP SPANISH SETTLEMENT BY
WAY OP ORINOCO. 1648-1725.
The history of the Dutch Colony for three-quarters introduction.
of a century has thus been sketched : it will be well to
consider the progress made by the Orinoco Spaniards
during the same period.
To properly appreciate this progress it is necessary
to distinguish between the character, purposes and
methods of the Dutch and of the Spanish respectively.
As has been before stated, the objects which first Dutch methods
" and purposes.
brought the Dutch to America, were to plunder the
Spanish settlements, and to rob the Spanish treasure on
its way across the ocean. When the treaty of Munster
put an end to this system of robbery, the Dutch rela
tions with Guiana became those of mere trade; and the
possessions of the Dutch on the Guiana coast stood out
as merely so many trading establishments. The Span
iards, on the contrary, came to America to conquer the
land, to found an empire, to .rather its treasure, to , Purposes and
L » o character of Span-
christianize and civilize its people. The history of ish colonies.
Spanish settlement on the Orinoco is therefore a history,
first, of political control over all the surrounding region,
and second, of missionary activity and settlement among
the Indians.
As to political control, it was general throughout the psP5ims'? control
r jo ° of the Orinoco
territory now in dispute. In proof of this let us look Delta Region.
first at the Orinoco delta region between the main
mouth of that liver and the Moruca. The trading of
the Surinam Dutch and of the French in and about
Barima during the closing years of the 17th century,
the continued trading of these two and of the Dutch

100 SPANISH SETTLEMENT, 1648-1725.
Spanish control from Berbice during the first quarter of the 18th cen-
of the Orinoco °
Delta Region. ^ury, like trading on the part of the Essequibo Dutch
from 1673 to 1684, the sojourn of the French at Barima
in 1689, and the ineffectual attempt of the Essequibo
Dutch for a few weeks in 1700 to trade in the Waini,
are the only known instances of the presence of for
eigners in the Orinoco delta between 1648 and 1725.
Spanish control As to the sovereignty and exclusive political control
recognized by the
Dutch. by the Spaniards in that region, it was distinctly and
repeatedly recognized by the Dutch.*
Seizure of Dutch During this period the Spaniards repeatedly seized
vessels by Spain. ox
and confiscated Dutch vessels in that region ; and the
Dutch submitted to these acts without protest.!
Spanish presence Beyond the Moruca, and between that river and the
between Moruca J
and Essequibo. Essequibo, the Spaniards constantly made their pres
ence felt; driving out Dutch agents, and attacking the
embryo colonies which the Dutch attempted to plant,
but which they finally abandoned. %
* Thus, e. g., in 1685 and in 1712 :
The Spaniards have resumed possession of Oronoque. The dispersed
and hunted-away Caribs from the Copename River are flying to leeward
near about Barima, Weyni, Amacoora, often alarming the coast, and
sometimes slaying some unlucky Arowaka Indians or Christians, as
happened to Bishop and the men from Berbice. [Blue-Book 3, p. 60.]
Concerning the 600 to 700 stoops of balsam (oil), of which I spoke in
my former despatch that I would have in readiness with this same mer
chandize, I am obliged, to my vexation, to say that this past year not a
single pound has been procured for the Noble Company, since they in
Orinoco had all at once prohibited the traffic in it to the Hollanders,
these changes having come to pass with the arrival of a new Governor
at Trinidad, who, with this object, has caused several manned vessels to
cruise in the River Orinoco, so as to confiscate and bring in as good prizes
all Dutch vessels who should wish to come thither ; that has forced me
to put a stop to the journey, since of necessity, I dared not hazard and
put in danger on suchlike a journey the Company's cargoes, slaves, ves
sels, and other goods, the which I hope Y. N. will take well ; yet some
however, have undertaken to send thither with small vessels, but at how
great risk ! But at the present moment the traffic is again free, so that
shortly I shall send thither, as before, a proper vessel, and I think that
next year I shall have about 600 stoops ready for the Noble Company.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 74.]
t Appendix to Case, ii, 74.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 74-76 ; also U, S. Commission Report, i,
239-230,

SPANISH SETTLEMENT, 1648-1725. 101
In the interior Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin, the Spaniards French and Dutch
L trade in Cuyuni.
for a tune permitted both the French* and the Dutch
to trade.
Turning now to the question of settlement and mis- Spanish settie-
. . _ _ _ ment and mission-
sionary activity, we find a growth and development ary activity.
which is in marked contrast with the weakness of the
hemmed-in Dutch post on Kykoveral.
Even as early as the Treaty of Munster we find the
Jesuits active in this region. In their " Annual Letters "
for 1652, recounting the history of this province during
the decade preceding, they write :
" In the Mission of Guayana, where scarcely any harvest
responds to labor, however distressing, Father Andreas Ignatius,
head of that mission, a man of obedience and heroic zeal, and a
professed of the four vows, fell at that glorious and most desti
tute post/'f . . ii . t i -i Missions in the
As early as 1659 missions were already established llanos in 1659.
in the llanos, that is to say in the savannas of the
upper Cuyuni.
In that same year Father Antonio de Monteverde per
suaded the provincial authorities in Santa Fe to take
religious possession of the lower Orinoco; and in conse
quence Fathers Vergara and Llauri were sent there. %
* Appendix to Case, ii, 45-46, 52, 58-59.
f U. S. Commission Report, i, 55.
X Cassani, the historian of the Jesuit province, begins the story of
Jesuit activity in the regions of the lower Orinoco with the year 1659.
He relates how in that year Father Antonio de Monteverde, a Fleming,
came from Cayenne to the Orinoco and then made his way up the river
to the mission of his order in the llanos. He persuaded the provincial
authorities in Santa F6 to take religious possession of the lower Orinoco,
and Fathers Vergara and Llauri were sent thither in 1664. Monteverde
and Mesland, " a tried man," were in the same year assigned to the mis
sion in the llanos. Llauri and Vergara found the Spaniards of Guiana in
a condition of spiritual destitution. (Cassani, " Historia de la Provincia
de la Compania de Jesus del Nuevo Reyno de Granada," 1741, pp. 81, 82,
110,114,128.) Gumilla, in his "El Orinoco Ilustrado " (p. 11), also a
Jesuit, has no earlier origin of Jesuit missions in Guiana to suggest,
[U. S. Commission Report, i, 55-56.]

102

SPANISH SETTLEMENT, 1648-1725.

Spanish missions,
1664.

Spanish missions,
1677.

Spanish missions,
1680.

Spanish missions,
1681.

By 1664 the missions had so far advanced that regis
ters of baptisms began to be regularly kept.
From this time on Dominicans, Augustinians, Jesuits
and Capuchins vied with each other in their efforts at
christianizing the natives, and in their willingness to die
for the cause.*
In 1677 the Governor General of Trinidad aud Guay
ana asked the Prefect of the Missions of Cumana if he
could send him missionaries; to which the Prefect
answered that he had eight priests only, but was ex
pecting ten more from Spain, and would gladly do as
requested, f
In 1680 ten Capuchins arrived from Spain for the
missions of Trinidad; that island and Guayana constitut
ing, at that time, a single government. X
By 1681, work had progressed so far that the Indians
had begun to form regular settlements; and there is
* They [the missions] were established in the year 1724, notwith
standing that other Missioners had undertaken the same work before.
This conclusion is derived from the contents of abook of baptisms, show
ing that from the year 1664 several other Priests at different times had
tried the pacification and reduction of these Indians, such as Father
Joseph Sanpayo, a Reverend Father of the Dominican order, and Father
Manuel de la Purification, of the Bare-footed order (descalzos) of Saint
Augustine ; the Clergymen Don Francisco de Rojas, Don Miguel de
Angulo, Don Joseph de Figueroa, and the ration canon, Don Andres Fer
nandez ; the Father Jesuit Juan de Vergara, Dionisio Mestand, Francisco
de Ellauri and Ignacio Cano, the Catalan Capuchin Father Angel de
Mataro and Father Pablo de Blanes, the Capauchins and others. The
Fathers of the Company made an assignment of said Missions, and the
act was authorized by the Governor of Trinidad, Don Tiburcio de Harpe
y Zuniga, in the year 1681, as shown by the Royal Cedule of the 7th of
February, 1686, and the 29th of April, 1687, by which His Majesty ap
proves the assignment made by the Jesuits, and sends the Catalan Capu
chin Fathers to attend the Missions of the Province of Guayana. These
two Cedules are kept in the Archives of the Community. From said
year 1687 they took charge of the Missions and commenced their work,
but the miseries and deaths, without any help in their wants, were so
discouraging, having nobody to replace those who died, mauy long inter
ruptions ofthe Apostolic ministry followed, losing atthe same time what
ever advancement had been made previously for the good of the souls
and the pacification of the natives. [Appendix to Case, ii, 344.]
t Appendix to Case, ii, 270.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 268.

SPANISH SETTLEMENT, 1648-1725. 103
record of at least two villages with their churches near Spanish missions,
1681.
Santo Thome : these were under the care of the Jesu
its of the Province of the New Kingdom of Granada*
In addition to these, the Jesuits had other missions
higher up on the Orinoco.!
In the same year, the Jesuits, finding their hands
full with their missions on the Upper Orinoco, trans
ferred to the Capuchins the missions in the vicinity
of Santo Thome.i
By 1682 the Governor General of Trinidad and Spanish missions,
J . 1682.
Guayana could state, in a formal official document,
that there were 24,000 Indians who had been subjected
to Spanish rule in Guayana and Trinidad. ^|
In that year two Capuchins arrived at Trinidad to
take part in the missionary work in Tierra Firme ; and
having made objection to Guayana as a destination,
because of their ignorance of the Spanish language,
were informed by the Governor that the Indians there
were in general familiar with Spanish; and that such
as could not understand it could be reached through
other Indians who spoke it. The friars accordingly
went to Guayana. §
In 1686 twelve Capuchins arrived from Spain for Spanish missions,
the missions of Cumand, and twelve more for Trinidad
and Guayana. ||
* Appendix to Case, ii, 269.
t Appendix to Case, ii, 269.
JThe Jesuits solemnly renounced these Missions in favour of the two
aforesaid Capuchins and others on the authority of the Governor of
Trinidad, Don Tiburcio Arpe y Zuniga, in the year 1681, and he intrusted
them to the aforesaid Capuchins of Catalonia, being commissioned by
the Royal Audiencia of Sante F_ to provide missionaries for the Prov
ince of Guayana, as appears from the Decrees which remain in the Gov
ernment Office of Trinidad, as also the Royal "Cedulas" ofthe 7th of
February, 1686, and 29th April, 1687, by which His Majesty grants the
Missions of the Provinces of Guayana to the said Catalonian Capuchins,
who took charge of them from thenceforth. [Appendix to Case, ii,
338-339.] If Appendix to Case, ii, 269-270.
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 270.
| Appendix to Case, ii, 271.

104 SPANISH SETTLEMENT, 1648-1725.
Spanish missions, By 1693, the stock raising had grown to such pro
portions, that the Essequibo Dutch were travelling six
weeks up from Kykoveral to the savannas of the
Cuyuni to buy horses.*
Spanish missions. The result of all this missionary activity was that
Grccsr&l rcsulls roads were opened through apparently impenetrable
forests ; towns and churches were founded ; plantations
laid out, and stock farms established.-^
Dutch cuyuni This trade in horses in the Cuyuni continued without
horse-trade prohib
ited by Spain, and restriction until 1702. In that year the Spaniards pro-
abandoned. hibited it ; and though it was attempted to be kept up
by the Dutch, they were compelled to abandon it alto
gether by 17074
Spanish missions. All this time missionaries continued to pour in ; and
years. as a result of the settlement in Guiana in 1686-87 of a
number of Capuchin Fathers, five thousand Indians
were baptized in fifteen years, five towns were founded
in Trinidad and three more in Guiana. §
Spanish missions, Finally in 1724 an entire reorganization of the mis
sions was effected, and the plan of specific missions,
each with a definite foundation, was initiated.1^
Suay and Caroni, In accordance with this reorganization, two missions
were formally "founded " in this year, Suay and Caroni.f
* Appendix to Case, ii, 63-64.
f Strickland (Rev. J.) Boundary question, Rome, 1896, Appendix, p. 72.
X In October, 1707, the commandeur complained that they could no
longer be got thus from above so conveniently and in such quantity as
need required. It is the last mention I have found of the importation
of horses by this route. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 316.]
§ Caulin (friar A.) Historia, etc., Madrid, 1779, p. 9 ; see also Rodway
(J.) and Watt (T.) Annals of Guiana, Georgetown, 1888. ii, 64 ; and
Documentos para la historia de la vida publica del Libertador. [Boli
var]. 4°, Caracas, 1875, vol. i, p. 421.
IT It is true that ever since the year 1724 the Indians of the Province
of Guayana began to show some perseverance in the Catholic Faith
preached to them by the Capuchin Missionaries of Catalonia, and it may
therefore be said that their true foundation dates from that time.
Although the preaching of the Gospel in that Province was not begun in
that year, it may be inferred from the old register of Baptisms that from
the year 1664 various priests at different times attempted their pacifica
tion and conversion. [Appendix to Case, ii, 338.]
| U. S. Commission, Report, iii, 215.

1724

SPANISH SETTLEMENT, 1648-1725. 105
To sum up the results of Spanish growth from 1648 Summing up and
1 L ° contrast with
to 1725: Dutch-
In the delta of the Orinoco and in the interior Cuyuni
basin there had been trading both by French and
Dutch, the latter principally from Surinam and Berbice ;
but the Spaniards had throughout maintained exclusive
political control of both regions. Over by the Moruca
and Pomeroon they had made their presence effectively
felt, and Spain claimed both of these rivers as her own.
Along the Orinoco, and over the sloping savannas of the
Cuyuni, Spanish missions had gradually spread, their
stock farms raising horses in such numbers that they not
only supplied the home needs but had a surplus for
export. The Dutch Essequibo post, on the other hand, scarcely
maintained itself at Kykoveral and on the adjacent
banks.

X.— HISTORY OP THE ESSEQUIBO COLONY.
1725-1803.
Returning to the Essequibo, the story of that colony, History of Esse-
° ^ J J quibo colony.
from 1725 until it was finally taken by the British in
1803, will now be taken up.
In 1725, as has before been seen, the Dutch possessions Dutch possessions
1 ' L in 1725.
were limited to the Island of Kykoveral, to a few plan
tations on the adjacent banks of the Essequibo, Mazaruni
and Cuyuni, and to a shanty on the Wacupo.
Prior to 1725, such limited tendency to growth as the
Essequibo colony may have had, had been up-stream
from Kykoveral, on the Essequibo, the Mazaruni and
the Cuyuni: there had, however, never been any planta
tions above the first falls of those rivers.
Subsequent to 1725 the tendency was all the other Tendency of
x J colony down-
Way. Indeed, this tendency became so marked that, stream.
little by little, the whole colony moved down nearer the
mouth of the Essequibo, abandoning Kykoveral, desert
ing former plantations, and apparently giving up all
thought of the interior except as a place for trade with
the Spaniards and Indians.
In 1739-40* the garrison and seat of government Garrison trans -
° _ ° ferred to Flag is-
Were transferred from Kykoveral to Flag island (after- land.
wards known as Fort island)t at the mouth of the Esse
quibo.:]: * Appendix to Case, ii, 89 ; also IL S. Commission Report, i, 201 ;
ii, 283. t On Flag Island, now coming to be called Fort Island, there likewise
grew up a cluster of buildings ; the fort, the public offices and ware
houses, the quarters of the garrison, the dwellings of the officers. [U. S.
Commission Report, i, 202.]
X But as these upper lands became exhausted, the more fertile lower
reaches tempted even those who were already established above ; and at

108

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.

Cartabo aban
doned.

In 1740 the dozen houses which composed the hamlet
of Cartabo were abandoned and fell to ruin.*
By 1748 the Cuyuni could be counted very remote.f
As early as 1764, Storm van 's Gravesande could
speak of "the few colonists who still live up the river,"J
meaning, as the context shows, at the old site of the
colony, about the junction of the Cuyuni and Mazaruni.§
By 1773 all demands for grants of land up the river
at the former site of the colony had ceased. |
plantations By 1777, there was, with one exception, not a sugar,
coffee, or cotton plantation above Flag island ; in fact,
no culture whatever except a few cassava grounds.^

No
above Flag Island
in 1777.

the completion of the new fort on Flag Island, near the mouth of the
river, and the transfer thither from Kykoveral (in 1739-40) of the garri
son and the seat of government, the exodus had already become general.
[U. S. Commission Report, i, 201.]
* After 1740, when the colonial government was removed to the new
fort on Flag Island, Cartabo fell to ruin. According to Hartsinck [Be
schryving van Guiana, i, p. 263], writing in 1770, when it was "now in
ruins," it had consisted of "twelve or fifteen houses." [TJ. S. Com
mission Report, i, 202.]
f We have the honor to report that in fulfillment of your salutary
intention, we have caused to be posted everywhere the announcements
of the sale, on January 8 last, of the burdensome and unprofitable indigo
plantation. But, to our sorrow, we must report that in this matter we
could in no way attain the desired end, inasmuch as, although the condi
tions were arranged very favorably, not one person was willing to bid a
single stiver thereon, presumably on account of the great distance and
the insalubrity of the river Cuyuni. We had therefore to keep it for the
Company, to whom, even for bread-grounds alone, it is worth at least
two hundred rix-dollars and more. [Appendix to Case, ii, 100.]
X "Nog boven in de riviere wonen." [U. S. Commission Report, i,
201, note.]
§ I have received a report from the few colonists who still reside in
the upper reaches of the rivers that a few weeks ago they had seen a
white man with a few Indians proceeding down the falls of the River
Cajoeny and proceeding up the River Masserouny. I reproached them
very much for not apprehending and sending the man to the fort, and
expressly charged them that if they caught sight of others they should
immediately apprehend them and send them to me, which they promised
to do. [Appendix to Case, ii, 158-159 ; also, atlas, maps 66 and 67.]
|| It is now an opportune moment for closing the Court, because there
are no longer any grants of land to be made ; no one will ask for lands
in the upper reaches of the river, and most of them are already annexed
as timber grounds for the plantations below. [Appendix to Case,
ii, 221.] *v
1 Thus one finds above this island (which is distant only one tide from

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 109
By the close of the century the original site of the „ 9riginal S1'.v\ of
-1 .. Colony a wilder-
colony had become a wilderness.* ness>
But while the movement of the colony was thus down
stream, the general movement was also toward the east
bank and around the coast toward Demerara.^
With the exception of a single transient squatter on
the Pomeroon, and an isolated short-lived plantation on
the Moruca, there were no settlements upon those rivers,
or on the Wacupo, at any time during the 18th century 4
The year 1800 found, them in practically the same 1700-1 8 00 re-
-.. , , ¦_ mained in statu
condition that the year 1700 had left them. quo.
Except for purposes of trade, for the intercepting of Pomeroon region
r r r _. o nof. u 1 1 ] ] z e d . by
runaway slaves, for fishing, for occasional wood cutting, the Dutch, except
and, from time to time, for the temporary sojourn of a
Dutchman, these rivers were in no way utilized by the
Dutch. Indeed, the Essequibo colonists, so far from
needing more land, were not sufficiently numerous to
the mouth) not one sugar, coffee or cotton plantation except only that
of the ex-Councilor, S. G. van der Heyden, situated a great tide above
this island, at the mouths of the two rivers Mazaruni and Cuyuni.
In these rivers, likewise, just as in the river of Essequibo, properly so-
called, there can be found not one plantation which furnishes any prod
ucts except a little cassava bread, and this of so slight importance as not
to deserve mention. [Appendix to Case, ii, 233.]
*U. S. Commission Report, i, 201.
\ Flag- Island hugs the east of the river, and whether it was due to this
fact or to the opening and rapid colonization of the Demerara, while the
Pomeroon remained closed, or only to the greater attractiveness of the
lands, the center of gravity speedily transferred itself to the east of the
Essequibo. Before the plantations on the west had reached the
mouth of that river, those on the east formed a solid row clear around to
the Demerara. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 201 ; see also Appendix
to Case, atlas, maps 66, 67, 68, 70.]
X After lying a score of years unpeopled, it [the Pomeroon] was
again colonized in 1686 ; but only to be laid desolate by the French in
1689. Thereafter the river was never again thrown open to settlement
until the very last years of Dutch occupation. [U. S. Commission
Report, i, 226.]
From the seventeenth century until the very end of the eighteenth
it [Moruca] had no settlers, save for a single plantation during a few
years ; but before its final loss to the Dutch its lands may have been once
more coming into occupancy. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 247; see
also U. S. Commission Report, i, 201, 222, 224, 226, 243, 244 ; also same, ii»
612-632 ; also Appendix to Case, atlas, map 69.]

HO HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Pomeroon region take up the land immediately available on the banks of
not utilized by r
the Dutch, except the Essequibo and Demerara.*
TOT* I T*__ fl _^ o re*
In 1794 there was some talk about establishing
settlements on the Pomeroon : the river and adjacent
territory were surveyed, and a map of them prepared;!
but it was not until after the close of the eighteenth cen
tury, and after the British had taken possession of the col
ony, that cultivation extended as far as the Pomeroon4
in delta region, As for the delta region beyond the Moruca, between
between Moruca .
andOrinoco.Dutch that river and the main mouth of the Orinoco, the only.
were mere traders. relations of the Dutch to it, during the eighteenth century,
were the relations of traders ; and even these relations
ceased soon after the middle of the century.§
There should possibly be excepted from this last
statement a gang of Essequibo thieves who sojourned
in Barima about 1766 ; yet their presence in that region,
for a brief period, can be of no possible importance.
They were denounced by the Dutch Governor himself ;
and shortly after were cleared out of the river entirely.]
ced'mgmary°fpre ^ nas ^een sta.e(l that, except for purposes of trade;
* . . . [I regard] the river of Pomeroon as a district bringing no
earthly profit to the Company ; and I am, moreover, convinced that, if
once we should be so fortunate as to have this river [Essequibo] and
Demerara completely settled (which cannot be expected inside of fifty
years, for a considerable number, possibly even more than 300 planta
tions, can still be laid out if some pains be taken), no one would then be
kept from settling in Pomeroon by the fact that there is no bourewey
wood left there. [Appendix to Case, ii, 120.] As to the cessation of
Dutch trade, see U. S. Commission Report, i, 210, 211.
t Appendix to Case, atlas, map 69.
X Appendix to Case, atlas, map 70. See also U. S. Commission Re
port, i, 225.
§ Down to this time (1764), indeed, there is in the records no mention
of any Dutchman's sojourning in the Barima for any purpose save that
of trade. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 283.]
| At the same time I shall write to the Governor of Orinoco concern
ing the state of affairs in Barima, which would become a den of thieves,
a gang, rag-tag and bobtail, of our colonists staying there under pre
tense of salting, trading with the Indians, felling timber, etc. They live
there like savages, burning each other's huts and putting each other in
chains, and I fear that bloodshed and murder will yet come of it. [Ap
pendix to Case, ii, 164-165.]

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. Ill
for the intercepting of runaway slaves; for fishinc.- for Summary of pre-
. ° ' ceding.
occasional wood-cutting ; and for the temporary sojourn
of some Dutchman ; the Orinoco delta, from the main or
" Great " mouth as far as the Moruca, and even the
region beyond, between the Moruca and the mouth of
the Essequibo itself, was in no way utilized by the
Dutch. In order to show how entirely this statement
is borne out by the facts it may be well to refer to this
in rather more detail.
1. As to Trade.
Trade with the Spanish colonists of the Orinoco, Jt,D"t(?h trade t0
L ' the Orinoco.
though forbidden by the laws of Spain, began in the
last quarter of the 17th century to be encouraged by the
Dutch authorities. For a brief period (1684-1690) it
was forbidden on account of distrust of their own
governor; but it was resumed after his dismissal.* At
first the conduct of this trade may have been largely in
the hands of the Dutch ; and their passage through the
rivers — the Moruca, the Waini, the Barima — which
were its route, must have resulted in considerable
traffic with the Indians of that quarter. But the
Dutch of Essequibo had serious rivals in their
neighbors of Berbice and Surinam ;t and yet
* U. S. Commission Report, i, 260-270.
f Puzzling questions are raised as to the notions of the West India
Company regarding the district lying beyond its northwestern post of
Wacupo by its attitude toward the traders of the neighboring Dutch
colonies of Berbice and Surinam, whose trade " in the district lying
under the charter " they restricted or forbade, while their trade west of
this post was tolerated, and it was even proposed to legalize it by a toll
The Surinam traders carried on, indeed, on the testimony of the Esse
quibo governors, a larger trade with the Indians west of the Moruca than
did the Company's colony itself. "What bearing, if any, this fact may
have upon the territorial claims there of the Company or of the Dutch is
a problem. Not to be overlooked in this connection is the evidence from
a later period that the passes granted by the Surinam governors for this
trade were recognized by the Essequibo postholders. To be noted, too,
is the Company's assertion, in answer to the request of the Essequibo col-

112 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803_
French trade to more serious iii the French of the islands, who froni 1685
the Orinoco. . , .
to 1700 cut off this trade altogether, and continued
thereafter to be troublesome competitors* Before the
middle of the eighteenth century the Spaniards them-
Spanish trade to selves were beginning to take this trade into their hands, f
the Essequibo. ^ thjs tjme^ ^ and pei.hapS ]ong before, these Spanish
onists to be allowed freedom of trade in the neighboring Spanish territory,
that " although Orinoco, Trinidad, etc., is under the power of the Span
iards, still it also lies within the charter of the Company, where nobody
has the right to trade except tlie Company and those to whom the Com
pany gives permission to do so— so that it all is the territory of the Com
pany, even though we have no forts there." It is, of course, the trade
provisions of the charter which are here in thought. [IT. S. Commission
Report, i, 362-363; see also same, pp. 271, 272.]
* But it is the French of the Caribbean islands who seem to have been,
in the seventeenth century, the especial patrons and allies of the Caribs
of the Barima. Father Pelleprat, the Jesuit missionary, tells us that
they had invited the French to plant a colony there, and that in March,
1654, he was informed by Indians of that river " that they had already
b»ilt a fort in which the French could be quartered as soon as they
should arrive." And no sooner did we have reports from the Dutch
colony of Essequibo than we had in them complaints of French rivalry
in this region. It was, as will be seen, a rivalry not without results to
the Dutch. In 1684, when the French of these neighboring "West India
Islands raided the Orinoco and occupied Santo Thorn,, the Caribs in the
Barima showed their loyalty by murdering the crew and scuttling the
ship of a Dutchman from Surinam, who had come thither for trade; and
already they threatened to come with the French and lay waste the
Dutch colony of Essequibo. The threat was no vain one, for in 16S9
tlie French, aided by the Caribs of the Barima, made their way in canoes
from that river through the Moruca passage and utterly destroyed the
new Dutch colony on the Pomeroon ; then, returning to the Barima,
fortified themselves in that river. In 1695, aided by the Caribs of the
Barima, they were even stationed in the mouth of the Pomeroon. [U. S.
Commission Report, i, 259-360 ; see also same, pp. 374, 275.]
t Business with the Spaniard begins to grow better as time progresses,
and we should have advanced somewhat better if the absence of goods
through the long-deferred arrival of ships had not been a very great
obstacle thereto. Some Spanish merchants- have been obliged to wait
here nine, ten, yea eleven months, to their great inconvenience. [Blue
Book, 3, p. 90.]
There should sometime be some profit gained with the Spaniards,
though the attempt is made as far as possible to pay attention thereto.
But many Spaniards, come and go out of the river without coming under
my observation. [Appendix to Case, ii, 102.]
It gave us especial pleasure to learn through a subsequent letter
from you.dated September 9, how, by the zeal you have shown, the trade
of the Spaniards in the river of Essequibo begins to develop more and

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.

113

traders were making their way into the Dutch colonv Spanish trade to
, ° J J the Essequibo.
via the Cuyuni.*
The Orinoco authorities found it easy to favor their
own people in this competition by merely enforcing
against the Dutch traders the Spanish laws and thus
making the Orinoco too hot for them.t Both to avoid
this danger and to lessen the risk of smuggling on their
own side, the Dutch West India Company and the
Essequibo government made it, from the middle of the
18th century, their settled policy to transfer this trade
to Spanish hands. $
From about 1761 on, the trade was exclusively in No Dutch trade
to Orinoco after
the hands of the Spaniards ; and from this time forward 1761.
one scarcely hears of Dutch traders to the Orinoco ;
the current was all the other way ; and the Spaniards
were induced to come to the Essequibo to sell their
products there. ^[
By 1794 the Governor- General, though himself a son
more, and we hope that all further means will be put in operation to
make it altogether flourish there. [Appendix to Case, ii, 101.]
* That furthermore they, the members of the Committee, were of
opinion, that the Company's shop there should again be started especially
if some new colonists were to be sent thither, because not only would it
in that case be extremely necessary for supplying the needs of those
colonists, but also in view of the increasing Spanish trade it was not
unlikely that a reasonable profit might be made by it ; especially so, if it
could be brought about that the Spaniards no longer, as heretofore has
usually happened, tarry with their wares and articles of trade among the
private settlers living up the river, but eome with them farther down
and as far as to the fort. [IT. S. Commission, Report, ii, 333.]
f See e. g. U. S. Commission Report, ii, 335, 336.
X I have always imagined that it was best for our inhabitants to send
few or no boats to Orinoco, and so compel the Spaniards to come here
with their merchandise ; in this way our people would not be exposed to
the least danger, and the arrangement began to work very well. [Ap
pendix to Case, ii, 120.]
If Not even a Dutch trader is again heard of in the Barima. The
West India Company, which theretofore bad always encouraged the
colonial trade to the Orinoco, issued in 1761 its instructions that so far
as possible this trade be transferred to the Spaniards and carried on, not
from Essequibo to Orinoco, but from Orinoco to Essequibo. This policy
was loyally and effectively carried out ; and within two years the current
of trade was flowing the other way. [IT. S. Commission Report, i, 289.]

114 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
No Dutch trade 0f the colony, was seemingly ignorant that this trade
to Orinoco after . , , , „
1761. had ever been m other than Spanish hands.
Former Dutch By the end of the century the former trade relations
wftnVarima^'tra8 0f the Dutch with the Barima had become a mere
dition by 1800. tradition? subsequently distorted, knowingly or ignor-
antly, to serve as a supposed justification for a claim to
territory far beyond the limits which Dutch occupation
ever reached.

2. Capture of Kunaways.
Dutch slave trade. Slaves were extensively used by the Dutch, and it
was essential to the life of the Essequibo Colony : first,
to obtain them ; and second, to prevent their escape.
The demand for Indian slaves, which had been great
and constant ever since the beginning of Dutch planta
tions in Essequibo, was much increased toward the
middle of the 18th century by the influx of planters
of other nationalities to whom the colony was now
opened. In order to obtain these slaves the Caribs were
induced to make raids into Spanish territory through the
Dutch slave country in the immediate vicinity of the Spanish Mis-
raids into Spanish 

territory.

* A very noteworthy thing is that in the rainy season the Spanish
lanehas come from Orinoco as far as Moruca by an inland way, passing
from one creek into another, and they transport in this fashion their
horned cattle and mules, and find on the way the necessary sustenance
for the cattle, both grass and water.
Those inland voyages are made through the following creeks and
rivers: from Moruca one comes into the creek Habon [Itaboe?] and
Barimani, then into the river of Waini, which, from the point where one
reaches it, is as large and deep as the river of Demerara. Two tides
away from the mouth of the river Waini, to wit, on the southwestern
side one finds a creek named Moera which one goes up a couple of
hours, when one passes into Rio Barima, about three tides from the
mouth of the sea. That river is much larger than Rio Demerara and is
reckoned twenty hours distant from the post of Moruca. From the
mouth of the Rio Barima to Rio Orinoco one counts 3 [Dutch] miles dis
tance ; between these two rivers there is again a creek named Amacura.
This report was made to us by the postholder Bartholy, who in for-

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 115
sions* The Dutch themselves assisted in these raids, Dutch slave
... ' raids into Spanish
disguising themselves for that purpose as Indians. f territory.
The trade became so all-absorbing to the Caribs that
in 1746 the Dutch Governor could say that their whole
livelihood depended on it.J In 1758, the Prefect of
the Spanish Missions wrote :
mer times has made various voyages to Orinoco. The navigation of the
Spanish lanehas being disposed of, I shall again go on with my journal.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 248; see, also, IT. S. Commission, Report, i,
311, 289.]
* After invoking the name of God, the Commandeur Laurens d'Heere,
informed the Court that, according to reports received, the Magnouw
nation were killing all whom they could lay hands on up in Essequebo,
and that they were driving away all other nations who were our friends.
His Honour maintained that it was very necessary for the protection of
the whole Colony to extirpate and annihilate these rebels if possible.
This having been taken into consideration, it was unanimously agreed
to order Jan Batiste, the Postholder at the Company's trading-place,
Wacquepo, to come up the river about the beginning of next month,
December, with as great a force of Indians, well armed with bows and
arrows and the necessary ammunition of war, as he shall be able to collect,
and that he shall be ordered by the Commandeur and Court to proceed
against the said Magnouws, and to kill or capture all he can find, on the
condition that for each head which he and his men take they shall re
ceive two large axes, and for every slave taken and brought here as
much in cash as such slaves are worth in public sale. [Blue Book, 3, 78.]
\ Sire, the harvest is great, the soil of many pagan nations well-dis
posed and fertile for the reception of the Holy Gospel, and the labourers
(though few) would produce much fruit if the enemy of souls did not
avail himself of the avarice of the Dutch, and the bloodthirsty and in
human character of the Caribs, to destroy in a day the apostolic labour of
a whole year. They come up from the sea (both these nations) to rob
and burn the villages of the Missions and carry off as many captives as
they can, and sell them at Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam, colonies of
the aforesaid Republic established (not on the Orinoco), but a good dis
tance to the east of its mouths. Besides the profit from slaves the Dutch
are moved to keep up their strong alliance with the Caribs, by the value
of the balsam of Tolu (Aceite de Maria), and of a species of bix wort found
on the Orinoco. To procure these some Dutch introduce themselves
among' the fleets of these Indians, painted according to the custom of the
said savages, by which they encourage them, and add boldness to the
lamentable destruction which they work. Added to which many Caribs
receive a great supply of arms, ammunition, glass beads and other trifles,
with the understanding that they are to be paid for within a certain time
with Indians, which they must take prisoners on the Orinoco. And
when the time has elapsed, the Dutch creditors encourage and even
oblige the Caribs to their bloody raids against the defenceless Indians of
the Orinoco. [Appendix to Case, ii, 294-295.]
X I have it from a reliable source that they have been thinking of
founding next year yet another nearer, whereat the inhabitants are much

11(3 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Dutch slave " it will not be an exaggeration to estimate the yearly sale by the
territory? PamS Caribs at more than 300 young Indians, killing the old ones, over
400, which are not salable to the Hollanders, because they run
away." *
These slave raids were not confined to the region be
tween the Essequibo and the Orinoco, but extended into
the very heart of Spanish territory, into the Caroni, the
Caura, and even north of the Orinoco, f
Measures for re- The slaves once captured, it became necessary to
tention of slaves, x J
adopt measures for their retention. From Essequibo
aggrieved, and the Carib Indians much more still, since thereby the slave
trade in that quarter, from which alone that nation derives its livelihood,
is wholly shut off. [Appendix to Case, ii, 97.]
* Appendix to Case, ii, 305.
f On these occasions Aruacas, Caribs and Dutchmen disguised come,
for they are not likely to be detected. These last-named are accustomed
to go ashore at the River Caura, and whilst the others are engaged in
fishine: for turtle, they occupy themselves in buying from the Caribs, in
that and other rivers, Indian slaves. The fishermen also engage in the
same traffic, and buy from our Indians other Indian slaves, and both the
one and the other take a large number with them on their return jour
ney. [Blue Book, 1 , p. 89.]
It is not unlikely that the Hollanders stopped their purchase of Poytos at
Cuyuni, because they do not hesitate to continue doing this illicit trade
in the neighborhood of the Missions. Your Honor knows well that Cap
tain Bonalde, within a day's journey from the Missions, arrested a Hol
lander who used to buy Poytos or Indians, who were sold to them by the
Caribs, and although he was not actually found in the Carib's house,
three Indian Poytos were rescued and several machetes and bugles were
found in his ranch and distributed among the Miamo Indians. We
know, besides, that very often the Hollanders pass by Paraba, Caura,
and the sources of the Carony. They do that every year. [Appendix
to Case, ii, 304-305.]
Tolerated now on the Maruca, they will next pass on to Barima,
which empties into the same mouth, and later on they will come to the
Aquire river, whose mouth is on the Orinoco itself, some leagues from
the ocean. By this river the neighborhood of the Palmar Missions is
reached, and by it they accomplish free communication with the other
Missions in the interior of the country, as they have already done, owing
to the indifference of Father Friar Bruno, of Barcelona, who for this rea
son was removed therefrom by his Prefect, and reduced to serve as a
companion in another Mission, and deprived of active or passive part in
the meetings. [Appendix to Case, ii, 301.]
On such occasions Aroacas, Caribs and Dutch come registered in
order not to be molested. The latter are accustomed to land on the
Caura river and other rivers to buy Indian slaves from the Caribs while
the others fish for turtle. These fishermen also buy Indian slaves from
our Caribs, and they all on the return take a large number of them.
U. S. Commission Report, vol. viii (3), p. 167.]

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 117
there were two roads by which these unfortunates ' Measures for re-
J tention of slaves.
might make their way back to liberty. One was by
the Cuyuni, the other by the inland waterway via the
Pomeroon, Moruca, Waini and Barima.* For the pur
pose of capturing these runaways, the Dutch stationed
sometimes one man, sometimes two or three, at strategic
points.f In March, 1767, Storm had earnestly suggested the
advisability of putting "two good, armed, and well-
manned coast-guards, one in the mouth and one outside
the river, to put an end to all the desertions."^
In 1726 or 1727, for example, the shanty on the Moruca shanty
Wacupo was moved to the Moruca, as a more suitable
location for this purpose.§ (In April, 1770, Centurion
*As to taking efficacious measures against the running away of
slaves to Orinoco and elsewhere, we are as much as anybody convinced
of the necessity thereof. [Appendix to Case, ii, 172.]
With much greater sorrow we have learned of the outcome of the
Mission on which the Secretary Rousselet de la Jarie was sent to Orin
oco, so little advantageous to the colony, in spite of the hope of a favor
able result which Don Hieronimo Fernandez de la Penna, Secretary to
the Governor of Guayana, had so shortly before given you ; and we with
you fully appreciate the unpleasant results which sooner or later are to
be expected therefrom, to the ruin perhaps of the whole colony, or at
least of many planters in it, if the running away of the slaves cannot in
some way be effectually stopped and prevented. [IT. S. Commission
Report, ii, 432-423.]
f Following the example of the States General, we hereby ask that
you give us, at earliest opportunity, your detailed considerations in re
gard to this point — in the same way as you have already proposed to us,
as an efficacious means against the desertion of the slaves, the manning
of an outlier, which, as in Surinam, would have to remain lying outside
to cut off their way on that side just as the postholders do on land. We
confess that this expedient seems to us very apt, and in case of necessity
it will be only a question of finding the amount required for its cost.
[IT. S. Commission, Report, ii, 424-425.]
And as regards the means of prevention to be set on foot yonder,
namely, the fitting out and manning of two outliers, to wit, one in the
mouth of the river and one outside, we refer you in this connection to
what in our aforesaid missive we said in relation to an outlier, which we
consider as here repeated. [IT. S. Commission, Report, ii, 435.]
X Appendix to Case, ii, 170.
'¦' § In October last the Commandeur informed the Court of his intention
to Proceed to the Post of Wacquepo, lying between Orinocque and this
river, at the end of the aforesaid month, and to inspect the same in com-
,H

118 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Moruca shanty. Spoke of this post on the Moruca as having been toler
ated 40 years).*
By 1754 these runaway slaves had discovered a new
route from Essequibo back to their Orinoco home. It
was by the outside sea current, which, running always
along the coast from southeast to northwest, could
carry their boats along with ease and safety.f The
Dutch accordingly, in 1757, built a new watch-house at
the mouth of the Moruca river.
It was a mere shelter, unmanned ; but by granting
land to one Beissenteufel, he was induced to settle at
this place, and to take charge of this lookout.;): His
stay was short, for only a year or two after his arrival
Moruca hut be had the misfortune to blow himself up with gun-
abandoned. A °
powder, and the watch-house then fell into decay. §
The station at the mouth of the Moruca having thus
come to an end, the older station, higher up on the
pany with the Councillor and Secretary ; knowing that the said Post
lies far out of the ordinary course of boats which come hither through
the inland waters, it was his intention to choose a fit place in the River
of Marocco to which he might transplant the house and Post, since all
vessels which come through the inland waters must pass that way.
Everything having been closely examined by the said gentlemen, they
decided that the fittest place was where the horse-dealers from Orin
ocque generally moor their boats in the River of Marocco (called in the
Indian language Accoujere), it being possible to build a house there so
close to the river side that a hand grenade can be thrown into the boats,
the river being at its narrowest there. The unfortunate state of affairs
in Europe having been taken into consideration, it was resolved to
establish the house and Post of Wacquepo upon the aforementioned site
as soon as possible, and thus have an opportunity of being kept well in
formed of the hostile boats that had any intention of coming to disturb
this river, and so enable us to place ourselves in a position to resist the
same. [Appendix to Case, ii, 80.]
* For, as it appears from Document No. 1 of the " Autos," the Dutch
are not, nor have they ever been, in possession of the rivers nor of the
creeks which flow into the sea from Essequibo to the Orinoco. Nor have
they any other settlement there than a guard in a thatch-covered house
on the east bank of the River Maruca which they established there, and
has been tolerated since about forty years, for the purpose of preventing
the desertion of their slaves. [Blue Book, 1, p. 114.]
t IT. S. Commission. Report, i, 232-333
1 IT. S. Commission Report, i, 236.
§ U. S. Commission Report, i, 236.

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 119
river, continued for some time to serve the purpose, the Monica shanty.
postholder going down from time to time to the coast
to intercept fugitives.*
In 1783, however, this higher station, too, during the Abandoned in
occupation of the Colony by the French, was entirely
abandoned ; and it was not thereafter occupied. f
About 1785, after the restoration of the colony to station of 1785.
the Dutch, a new station was put up at the mouth of
the Moruca. After the expiration of the West India
Company, in 1792, this was the only Dutch station
which continued to appear on pay or muster rolls. if
The British, during their occupation of the colony
allowed it to fall into a very dilapidated state. In 1802
it was resumed by the Dutch during their brief occupa
tion ofthe colony.§
* Yet in 1765 the Moruca postholder, who had apparently come
down to the coast in the effort to intercept certain fugitives, could re
port, " I am lying between the mouth of Moruca and Pomeroon, so that I
can see everything that passes the seacoast" — language which certainly
does not imply the presence there, at that date, of a regular lookout.
And the historian Hartsinck, writing in 1770, after mentioning the
post's erection there in 1757 at the joint cost of the Company and the
planters, declares that [Beschryving van Guiana, i, 258-9] "it has since
fallen to ruin." [U.S. Commission Report, i, 236 ; see also Blue Book,
3, 137.] t Whether or no the English maintained the post, the French, who
succeeded them in the possession of the colony, abandoned it ; for on
December 5, 1783, the Spanish officer, Inciarte, who had made so success
ful a reconnoissance here in 1779, reported the abandonment to his
superiors, urging them to take advantage of the opportunity by occupy
ing the place. This, however, so far as is known, was never done. [U. S.
Commission Report, i, 238 ; see also Appendix to Case, ii, 440.]
X After the expiration of the West India Company and the assump
tion of the colonies by the State, in 1792, the only post which continues
to appear on pay and muster rolls is that of Moruca. [IT. S. Commission
Report, i, 242.]
§ While I am finishing this letter, the Postholder of the post of Moruca
comes to report that the detachment for that post arrived there three
days ago, but that everything is in ruins and that the battery cannot
stand for six weeks more ; that an entirely new dike of some sort must
be made there and all the buildings set back ; that the few cannons found
there are lying flat on the ground ; that the gun-carriages are rotten,
and that the English have cut and slashed everything to pieces ; in a word,
that things are in a hopeless state. I have not yet received a report
from the officer who was ordered thither, and we shall have to await it ;

120 History of Essequibo, 1725-1803.
No Dutch occu- ^ to ^g interior, apart from the ineffectual attempts
pation of the inte- ' r r
rior' of the Dutch in 1754-58 and in 1766-72, (to be referred
to later), there was at no time any Dutch occupation
whatever above the lowest falls of the Cuyuni.*
fu^tiveWaves1* °f ^ course tne pursuit of runaways and their-capture
but according to these details there is not much of good to be expected,
[Appendix to Case, ii, 354.]
* Turning now, my Lords, to the matter of the River Essequebo, it is
now about two years since I myself with Mr. van der Kaey proceeded
up the river to find out whether it was not in any way possible to suc
cessfully set on foot some enterprise up above the falls, but we found
the river very dangerous, so that in some places we were obliged to be
drawn up in a corrial through the falls, with great danger to our lives,
It is absolutely impossible to navigate the river with large boats, such
as canoes, and it is equally impossible with barques, because above the
plantation Nieuw Cortrijk there is fall upon fall. With regard to the
land out there, it seems to me very good, but having inquired how high
the water rose in those parts, it was pointed out to me in different places
that it rose in the rainy season between 35 and 30 feet, so that nearly all
the land is then under water, and there are also many great hills there
which are nearly all rocky and very steep at the river side.
I have also carefully inquired, my Lords, what kind of trade might
be done there with the Indians, and have up to the present not been able
to discover any other trade but a little maraen which is brought thence,
and sometimes a few red slaves. To this end two Creoles went up the
river only last year, who, having been out for seven or eight months,
brought very little home. The only profit that this Colony derives from
the River Essequebo is that the latter is very rich in fish, and is therefore
visited annually both by the Company and by the private colonists for
the purpose of salting, to which end two boats have again been prepared
for your Lordships, which will be ready to depart in the month of
October. I see no profit for your Lordships in sending any man up the
river, because I can discover nothing of the savage nation. [Appendix
to Case, ii, 81.]
Concerning the advantages of the trade in the rivers of Masseroeny and
Cajoeny for the Honourable Company alone, this consists only in red
slaves, and the order has been renewed because the veto was one kept
up by all former Commandeurs. But most of the Indians having left
those parts that trade is now of less profit, except for the orange dye.
The plantation Poelwijk, lying up in the first-mentioned river, sometimes
buys one or two red slaves in a whole year, but they are mostly children
of about 8 or 10 years old, who are bought for about twelve or thirteen
axes and choppers, together with a few provisions. The red slaves, too,
cannot work together with a black slave, and are mostly used on the
plantations for hunting and fishing, the women looking after the cassava
for the daily consumption of the plantation. The great number of rocks
which lie in these two rivers, and which occasion the falls by reason of
the strong stream rushing over them, makes these rivers unnavigable
for large vessels, wherefore it is impossible to establish any plantations
there, although the soil is very well fitted for it. [Appendix to Case,
i, 84-85.]

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 121
extended beyond the Moruca on the coast, and beyond , D.u. ch pursuit of
" J fugitive slaves.
Kykoveral in the interior; but such captures were
always effected either without the knowledge, with
the connivance, or by the express permission of the
Spaniards.

Slave-Trading Cuyuni Stations of 1754 and 1766.
The two ineffectual attempts of the Dutch in 1754, Failure of the
Dutch to occupy
and again in 1766, to establish slave and trading stations interior.
on the Cuyuni merit more than passing notice — not be
cause of any importance on the part of the stations
themselves, but merely because they furnished to the
Spaniards signal opportunities for proving to the Dutch
how thoroughly Spain was mistress of the Cuyuni-
Mazaruni basin.
In 1750 the acting Dutch Governor in speaking of Proposal in 1750
the Spanish missions deprecated the opening of the ing post.
trade in cattle with them "unless a good post were
established" on the route.* In 1754 or 1755 such a
station was actually established at some place on the
lower Cuyuni, possibly as high up as the mouth of the
Quive-kuru creek.
Its purpose was threefold : 1st, to foster trade with Purpose of the
Indians and Spaniards ; 2d, to capture new slaves, and
* The aforesaid Persik has also informed me that the Fathers up in
Orinoco were inclined to open a trade with this colony in cattle, which
they, if able to obtain permission, could transport overland. If permis
sion be asked and the Commandeur be still absent, I shall refuse it, until
you shall be pleased to frame the necessary orders thereon, which I
hereby request. On the one hand, this would contribute very much to
the encouragement and stimulation of trade, but on the other hand it
would be a safe and open way (not to mention times of war) for the
slaves who might come to run away from this colony, unless a good post
were established thereon. On account of the consequences, I have
thought it best simply to mention this to you, that you may be pleased
to deliberate thereon in your high wisdom as you may deem most
proper, trusting that, as the Commandeur in person is with you, he will
doubtless have spoken thereof also. [IT. S. Commission, Report, ii, 335.]

122

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.

Post destroyed
by the Spaniards
in 1758.

No attempt
re-establish it.

ed

to

Purpose of the intercept runaways ; and 3d, to keep an eye upon Span
ish movements in that quarter.*
When its purposes became known to the Spaniards, in
1758, they quickly descended from the savannas, made
prisoners of the few persons whom they found, and laid
waste everything about the post.f
No attempt was made by the Dutch to re-establish
the post, and their remonstrances upon the subject
remained unheeded by the Spaniards.^
Some post requir- The importance of some post in the Cuyuni for the
prevention of smuggling and for intercepting runaway
slaves became each year more urgent.§ In 1763 the
* Appendix to Case, ii, 118-119.
f Having had the honour of writing to your Lordships but a short
time ago respecting the state of affairs in Essequibo, I should have very
little to say in this letter were I not obliged to inform your Lordships at
the earliest opportunity of an occurrence that caused me not only great
surprise but also great embarrassment. Nearly all the Caraiban Indians
living on the River Cuyuni came down the stream last week, and in
formed the Creoles of your Lordships' living just below the great fall of
that river that the Spaniards of Orinoco, according to their computation
about 100 strong, had come down the stream, and made a successful raid
upon your Lordships' Post ; that they had carried off as prisoners the
Post-holder and his assistant, and a Creole belonging to your Lordships,
together with his wife and children ; that they had laid waste the Post
and all round it, and had threatened to come down stream again and
serve the whole Colony in the same way. [Appendix to Case, ii, 135.]
X The destroyed post was not at once restored. Both the colonial
authorities and the West India Company hoped that the Spanish Govern
ment would make reparation for the act of violence. But they waited
in vain. [IT. S. Commission Report, i, 336-337.]
The extract from the map of Mr. D'Anville, enriched by you with
indication of the post in question and of many other places, and trans
mitted with your letter of March 18th, pleases us exceedingly. We shall
not fail, when opportunity offers, to make the necessary use of it in the
affair of Rio Cuyuni, of which we are by no means losing sight. [Ap
pendix to Case, ii, 146.]
Concerning the affairs of Cuyuni we shall in the near future present
a further memorial to the States-General. [Appendix to Case, ii, 147.]
Up to this time not the least answer has been received from the
Court of Madrid to the memorial about Cuyuni presented by us to the
States-General. In view of this, it is our intention to present one of
these days a further memorial upon that subject to the States-General,
with addition of what has happened since, and especially of the matter of
the colonist I. Dudonjon. This further memorial will probably now be
of more influence and effect, because of the war with England. [Ap
pendix to Case, ii, 149.]
§ The Cuyuni was now, however, too familiar a route to be left open

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 128
Dutch Governor suggested to the Company that quietly e|ome Post requir-
and "without exercising the least violence," possession
should be again taken of the post in Cuyuni.*
This suggestion was approved.f
In 1766 a new post with three, soon after reduced to Cuyu ni trading
r ' post of 1766.
two, and finally to a single man, was established on the
Cuyuni, probably at a different site from the post of
1758, but certainly not above Tokoro island.
The Dutch were, however, too weak, and the Span- , F"st Slt^ aban:
' ' ' r/ doned and post
iards too strong for this post to continue. J In 1769 it ^ed down in
with impunity. A rascally colonist went up the river and misused the
Indians under pretence of authority. Spaniards or Spanish Indians
repeatedly came all the way down to the Dutch plantations. The Caribs,
in dismay, were all withdrawing to the Essequibo. Smugglers availed
themselves of this door. Runaway slaves found the river an open road ;
they even began establishing themselves there. [U. S. Commission,
Report, i, 337.]
* "I could greatly wish that your further memorial to the States-
General might finally have the desired effect, and that an end might be
reached of that matter, for which I very much long. But could you not
find it good that meanwhile, without use of the least violence, possession
should be again taken of the post in Cuyuni ? " [U. S. Commission, Report,
i, 337-338, note 10.]
fU. S. Commission, Report, i, 338.
X As early as March, 1767, there was a rumor that the post had been
sacked by the Spaniards. This proved a false alarm ; but Spanish influ
ence over the Indians was such that they would do nothing for the post-
holder, and even passed the post in their canoes in defiance of his sum
mons to lie to for inspection. In September there was again rumor that
the post had been raided. This was again an error ; but the governor a
few weeks later declared to the militia officers of the colony that there
were no Indians left there, and that the new postholder could scarcely
maintain himself. In December the postholder, who had suffered much
there from illness, asked on this pretext to be relieved ; and in February,
1768, on the ground that the Indians would have nothing to do with a
Frenchman, he was allowed to withdraw, and was stationed elsewhere.
His place was never filled, nor were soldiers found for the post ; the two
byliers alone remained there, the elder in charge. [IT. S. Commission
Report, i, 339.]
I am anxious [writes Gravesande, March 23, 1767,] to have some tid
ings from Cajoeny, because I received a note from Director Van der
Heyde yesterday in which he informs me that the creole, Tampoko, had
been to see his son at Old Duynenburg, and had reported that he had
heard from a few Indians that a party of Indians had been sent by the
Spanish Mission to make a raid upon the Post, and had completely
sacked it, and that he was going to find out how true that was. That
Post is a terrible eyesore to the Spaniards, and there is no doubt that it
stands in the way of their attaining some important aims. As soon as I

124 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Cuyuni aban- was abandoned; and the bylier in charge moved down
donedbythe Dutch. to a place among the lower falls of the Cuyuni, at least
as far down as Tonoma rapids. At this place the
byliers led a solitary life until 1772, when the senior
died. With his death all thought of posts on the
Cuyuni was forever and definitely abandoned by the
Dutch. *
have reliable tidings I shall deliberate with the Court what is to be done
in the matter. [Appendix to Case, i, 169.]
At the same time [again wrote Gravesande, June 27, 1767,] I received
a report from the Post in Cajoeny that the Indians are being bribed and
incited to such a degree that they are unwilling to do the least thing for
the Postholder, and that even when he orders the passing boats to lie
to to see whether there are any runaways in them, they obstinately
refuse to do so, and when he threatens to shoot upon them they reply
that they have bows and arrows with which to answer. [Appendix to
Case, ii, 170-171.]
The Assistant Gerrit Van Leuwen [again writes Gravesande, February
9, 1769,] has reported to me concerning the Post in Cajoeny, that he had
heard from the fug-itive Indians that a detachment of Spaniards had
come to just above the Post, and had captured and taken away a whole
party of Indians ; that they had threatened to come again during the
next dry season and proceed as far as Masseroeny to capture a party of
Caraibans there, and that they would then sail down the Masseroeny and
again up the Cajoeny and visit the Post on their way. I immediately
sent him back again (after having provided him with gunpowder and
other things), and charged him to use the oars as much as possible, and
to find out through the medium of the Indians the time about which they
would commence their expedition and to inform me of the same, when,
in order that they may have a fitting reception, I will send a commando
to Mr. Van der Heyden upon Old Duynenburg (with whom I have al
ready spoken on the matter and arranged what measures are to be
taken), past which plantation they must go. [Blue Book, 3, 158.]
* Anxiety was now constant ; and early in May [1769] there came once
more tidings of a Spanish attack on the Post. This news was speedily cor
rected by a letter from the senior bylier, reporting not an actual but only
a threatened attack. There was added the important information that
he intended to remove the Post to an island named Toenamoeto, lying
between two falls, where it would be better and healthier, and that he
had already begun a clearing there ; and he inclosed a bill for the ex
penses of this clearing. Though both the Company and the governor
were annoyed at this high-handed action of the bylier, the step was not
reversed. Fear, remarked the governor, often leads to mistakes ; but
"he is now there, and is much better protected against surprises"—
though he adds, " this is wholly contrary to my intention, since for good
reasons I would gladly have had that post gradually farther up the
river." In June, 1770, the senior bylier, Jan van Witting, announced
that the Indians were still drawing off from the Cuyuni ; and in the same
note asked for his own discharge at New Year's, when his time would be
up. He remained there, however, through the following year and into

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 125
These ephemeral attempts at establishing posts on the These, the only
r r ° r attempts at Dutch
Ouyuni, and an unsuccessful attempt in 1741-3 to occupation of Cu-
mine for copper in the Cuyuni below Moroko creek,
located somewhere near the head of what is now
known as Suwaraima island, were the only attempts
made by the Dutch during the 18th century to actually
occupy land in the Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin above the
lowest falls of those rivers.*
the next, apparently undisturbed by the Spaniards. Then his service
was cut short by death ; in the pay-roll for 1772 his decease is chronicled
by the secretary, who adds that he could not learn the exact day of its
occurrence. The second bylier, Gerrit von Leeuwen, seems to have
served out his year and then returned to the ranks of the garrison.
Thus quietly, but forever, the post in the Cuyuni disappeared from the
records of the colony. [U. S. Commission Report, ii, 340-341.]
Yesterday evening Bont received a letter from Mr. Van der Heyde, in
which that gentleman informs him that the Indians up there have told
him that the Post in Cajoeny had been attacked by the Spaniards ; that
Jan Wittinge had been killed, and Van Leuwen carried off. Mr. Van der
Heyde at the same time states that he is doing his best every day to hire
Indians to send up the river in order to see whether this is true, but has
up to the present not been able to persuade any Indians to go. If this be
true it is insufferable, and it is too bad that a cat should allow itself to
be eaten up by a small mouse. If we only had the soldiers we would
make them pay for it well. [Appendix to Case, ii, 189.]
I shall not dwell upon this further, and shall try to obtain full infor
mation concerning it. I shall send the Postholder, G. Jansse, to Deme
rary as soon as possible. [Blue Book, 3, 166.]
* Early in 1741 this miner, one Thomas Hildebrandt, arrived ; and
until the middle of 1743 investigations were carried on vigorously under
his direction, both in the Mazaruni and in the Cuyuni. His letters, and
especially his journals, transmitted to the Company, give with prolix
minuteness the method and the place of his researches. In the Mazaruni
he went no further up than a little above the plantation Poelwijk,
scarcely to the lowest rapids. In the Cuyuni, which promised better, he
pushed his explorations much farther. The highest point reached by
him was a creek called " Moroko-Eykoeroe " (Moroko Creek), where he
opened a copper mine. The place was some two days distant from
Kykoveral, and, so nearly as can be determined from his description,
was on the right or south bank of the river, probably somewhere near
the head of what appears in modern maps as the island of Suwaraima.
To facilitate his work and "to escape the great danger of the falls,"
Hildebrandt constructed a road through the forest from the indigo plan
tation, at the head of tide-water, to the still water above the first great
series of rapids, and planned to build another stretoh yet higher up
stream. The mines, however, did not speedily pay. Hildebrandt's brutal
manners alienated superiors and subordinates, and drove the slaves to
desertion. In 1743, after an alleged attempt to run away himself, bag
and baggage, up the Cuyuni to Orinoco, he was packed off home to

126 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Results of three- To sum up the results of three-quarters of a century :
quarters of a een- L _ _
tul-y- The colony,which in 1 725 had clustered about Kykoveral,
had abandoned that site and had moved down to the very
mouth of the river, spreading little by little along the
eastern bank of that river, and finally stretching over into
the Demerara. The interior had been entirely abandoned
except for purposes of trade and slave raiding. Two
efforts at actual occupation in the Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin
had proved failures, and that region had been aban
doned to the Spaniards. The only Dutch post west of
the Essequibo was at tbe mouth of the Moruca; but,
except for that post, the Moruca, the Wacupo and the
Pomeroon were entirely deserted.*
Europe. This was the first and the last of Dutch attempts at mining in
the Cuyuni. [U. S. Commission Report, i, 317-318.]
That it is not true that the Hollanders had had, nor have now posses
sion of the Cuyuni river (called by them Cayoeny), because when they
established a Guard and Barrack, like that of Maruca, in the year seven
teen hundred and forty-seven (1747), to facilitate the inhuman traffic and
capture of Indians, whom they surreptitiously enslaved, within the domin
ions of the King our Lord, for the culture of the plantations and improve
ment of their Colony, as soon as it came to our knowledge, in the year
seventeen hundred and fifty-seven (1757), they were dislodged from there,
so that neither in the Cuyuni, Maserony, Apanony nor any other rivers
emptying into the Esquivo, have the Hollanders any possession ; nor
could it be tolerated that they should have it, because those rivers embrace
almost all the territory of the Province of Guayana in their course from
their western termini, where their headwaters originate, clown to the
eastern limit emptying into the Esquivo river. From that fancied pos
session it should result that the Hollanders would be the owners of the
extensive Province of Guayana and that we, the Spaniards, had no more
part of it than the said margin of Orinoco, which is an absurdity. [Ap
pendix to Case, ii, 372.]
* Surinam, belonging to the Dutch, borders Berbische, on our right, and
a little further up the coast is the French colony of Cayenne. With such
restless neighbors about us we shall require to be watchful and alert.
On our left we approach the river Orinoco, and what is termed the Span
ish main. [Pinckard (Dr. Geo.) Notes on the West Indies. 2nd ed. Lon
don, 1816, i, 357.]
By inspecting the map you will find that our situation upon this coast
is now rendered peculiarly interesting. The Spaniards are on our left,
to leeward ; the Dutch and French to windward on our right ;— close in
our rear are heavy and impenetrable forests, inhabited by wild and
naked tribes ; and our whole front is bounded by the open sea. [Same,
ii, 115.] Demerara, Feb. 11, 1797. A considerable time has now passed since

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.

127

Effects of Span
ish control.

Causes of Dutch
weakness.

DUTCH WEAKNESS AND SPANISH CONTROL.
But what has been said shows merely the limits of
Dutch occupation. It gives no idea of the weakness of
the colony, nor of the frequent danger it was in of total
extinction at the hands of the Spaniards, nor of the
political control which Spain exercised throughout the
region now in dispute up to the very banks of the Esse
quibo. It was a control which served to limit the growth
of the Dutch colony ; which, in great measure, shaped
its policy ; and which confined it always to the mouth of
the Essequibo and to the region east of that stream.
The weakness of the colony and its danger of extinc
tion was due mainly to three causes : 1st, to lack of
population ; 2d, to military weakness; and 3d, to fear of
the Spaniards.
1st — Population. — In 1733, after a century's exist- Population
ence, the colony numbered less than two hundred Euro
peans.* our arrival upon this coast, and, having remained so long without any
interruption, we had almost believed that the many foes upon our borders
meant to leave us in quiet possession of the colonies we had taken ; but
we have, at length, been assailed from the quarter, whence we least ex
pected it, having had a skirmish with the Spaniards to leeward, instead
of the Dutch or French, who in more imposing aspect, threatened us
from windward. Fixing upon a favorable moment when they expected
that the garrison might be sunk in repose, after the festivities of the
Queen's birthday, a party of Spaniards crossed [over from] the river
Oronoko in the night of the 19th inst. and made an attack upon our out
post at Moroko, the remotest point of the colony of. Essequibo. [Same,
ii, 165.] Pinckard, whose writings should have authority, and who came to
Guiana in 1781, in the fleet under Sir George Rodney, which took Guiana
from the Dutch, distinctly says, in his admirable letters on Guiana, that
the most northern outpost of the Dutch colonies at the time of their first
capture by the English was on the Morooca. [im Thurn (E. F.) Boundary
pamphlet of 1879, in U. S. Commission Report, ii, 716 ; see also Appen
dix to Case, iii, 152.]
* There were then in Essequibo 66 Europeans, servants of the Com
pany, and 854 slaves, distributed at the fort, Cartabo, the five Company's
plantations, and the trading posts. The private estates numbered 25 to
30, averaging three Europeans and about sixty slaves on each ; the whole
population may therefore be estimated at about three thousand, besides
the free Indians. [Rodway (J.) History of British Guiana. Georgetown,
1891, i, 73.]

ness.

12g HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Military weak- 2d— Military Weakness. — The military condition
of the Dutch is thus referred to in letters of the Esse
quibo Governor :
June 8, 1734 In a letter to the West India Company, written on
June 8, 1734, the Commandeur in Essequibo speaks of
the Spaniards as " formidable " and of the Dutch as
"very feeble." He submits the following question
for their Lordships' consideration:
"First, as the Spaniards are making themselves so formidable
by the collection of a considerable number of troops, and we
on the contrary are very feeble here, whether it is not of the
greatest necessity to send a militia reinforcement hither, since the
real design of the Spaniards is unknown to us."*
Sept. 2, 1754. Again on September 2, 1754, Gravesande, then Com
mandeur in Essequibo, wrote to the Company :
"With the small number of soldiers I cannot repel the least
aggression in those quarters. It is even impossible for me
(however necessary at this conjuncture) to detach eight or ten
men to garrison and defend as far as possible the post of
Moruca, which will, I fear, see trouble. All that I can do is,
with the aid of the Carib nation, whose flight from Barima
I daily expect, to cause all possible hindrance to the under
taking ; but then I should want ammunition and food and
have none of either, "f
Aug. 15, 1758. In 1758, August 15, Gravesande writes to the Com
pany :
" In the current year many people have died in this Colony,
aud the garrison is in a very lamentable state ; one soldier dies
after another, and, of those who fall ill, there is scarcely one
who recovers. We have, therefore, not more than fourteen
men at present who are capable of doing duty, none at all
in Fort Kijkoveral, which I have had to leave unprotected, and
one solitary man in Demerary. "J
* Appendix to Case, ii, 86.
t Appendix to Case, ii, 112-113,
X Blue Book, 3, 109.

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 129
Again in 1760, October 24, he writes to the Company : 0ct- 34> 176°-
" The Eiver Cajoeny is still unguarded, and presents an easy
road to fugitive slaves." *
In 1761, May 28, he writes to the Company : May 28, 1761.
"The two soldiers there (in Demerara) could not prevent him
from going, and I could not send more because I have only
seventeen more privates here, of whom but very few remain
when there is some patrol to be sent out, as has frequently been
the case lately." f
In 1764, December 28, after describing some details Dec. 28, 1764.
of the plans and acts of the French on the east (i. e., on
the Amazon side of the Dutch colony) and the Spaniards
on the west, he says :
" Thus, what with the French on the east and the Spaniards
on the west, we are really like a little boat between two men-of-
war. I shall not attempt to give my masters advice in a matter
which it is in no one's power to prevent or to circumvent. My
only aim in this is to respectfully submit to your Lordships what
is our humble opinion concerning this in all our Colonies situated
on the mainland, and our well-grounded fears concerning the
consequences. I, for my part, see no remedy for this matter except by popu
lating the Colony and establishing good Posts in the interior,
from which a sharp and careful lookout can be kept upon all
movements." %
In 1766, December 8, speaking of the soldiers, he Dec. 8, 1766.
says :
" Herewith I will again reiterate my request that no French or
Flemish be sent, but as many Protestants as possible. The prox
imity of the Spaniards, and especially of the Spanish Missions,
renders it impossible to place the slightest trust in Catholics." §
* Appendix to Case, ii, 143.
tBlueBook3, 116-117.
X Appendix to Case^ii, 159.
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 168,

130 history of essequibo, 1725-1803.
Feb. 18, 1768. In 1 768, February 18, he writes to the company thus :
" I was very pleased, my lords, on reporting the arrival of the
twelve men to the Director-General to hear from him that, ac
cording to your lordships' letter, they were all Protestants and
that there was not a Frenchman, Fleming, Portuguese, or Span
iard amongst them. But when I mustered them I found to my
great surprise that out of these twelve men there were only three
who were not French, these being the corporal, who comes from
Utrecht, and has served in the State troops for some years, and a
German, a native of Zweibrucken, and a French deserter. The
others are all French deserters, so that I conclude that your
lordships have been scandalously deceived by the recruiting agents,
who are infamous scoundrels." *
Sept. 15 1768. In 1768, September 15, speaking of the desertions of
the soldiers in considerable bodies, he says :
"Even if they went away before our eyes, in a manner of
speaking, what could we do ? To have them pursued would
be going ex Scilla in Cliaribdim, for the pursuers would very
probably join them, and the more so because they would be
well armed and well furnished with provisions.
" Therefore, my Lords, be pleased not to take it amiss if as
long as I have the honour to be in your Lordships' service (which
I trust will be but a short time) I send back to Europe by the
first ship all recruits who come here and turn out to be French.
Necessity compels me to do this, and I would no longer be an
swerable to God or man for the danger into which the Colony
would be brought by thi_."f
In this same letter he protests again his weakness,
and says :
" Must we, my lords, regard all this quietly and endure all these
insults and hostile acts? Must we see our posts raided and
ruined and our boats attacked upon our own coasts?"
March 15, 1769. jn 1769j Marcll 15> Speaking of the Spanish attacks,
he asks :
" May I ask once more whether all this must be borne quietly
* Appendix to Case, ii, 175. •
t Appendix to Case, ii, 178.

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO. 1725-1808.

13.

and whether your lordships' patience has not yet come to an end ?
With me it is Patientia lesa tandem furor fit.
What can I do with such a small garrison ? The burghers are
not yet ready for service — the letters to the burgher officers call
ing them together on the last day of March have been sent off —
the general meeting is at hand, and there is periculum in mora —
three clerks are continually at work writing commissions, instruc
tions, and orders, but everything is so spread about that it will
take twelve or fourteen days before everyone can be warned.
With the exception of the rebellion of Berbices this is one of
the most critical matters I have been in during my long years of
service. Had I the power and were my hands free I should not
feel embarrassed and would be quite willing to risk my grey head
in the affair."*
In 1769, May 12, he again writes:
" Accoiding to the last reports from the Postholder and from
the Caraibans, they are still all in Barima, having sent their
prisoners to Orinocque, and they threaten to come again at an
early date, and not only carry off all the Indians from Powaron,
but even to attack and plunder our plantations." \
On July 26, 1769, the company wrote to the Comman
deur that they were willing that he should secretly in"
cite the Caribs to murder the Spanish missionaries and
their flocks, but added,
" We do not as yet think it advisable to use direct retaliation,
for more than one reason, but especially on account of the weak
ness of the garrison. "J
Finally came this wail from the Governor:
"It is finished now, my lords ; neither Postholders nor Posts
are of any use now. The slaves can now proceed at their ease to
the Missions without fear of being pursued, and we shall in a
short time have entirely lost possession of the river Cajoeny." §
It is not strange that a Colony so inherently weak
* Appendix to Case, ii, 184.
f Appendix to Case, ii, 190.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 197.
| Appendix to Case, ii, 180,

March 15, 1769.

May 12, 1769.

July 26, 1769.

Relations of the
Dutch with the
Caribs.

132 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Relations of the should endeavor to strengthen itself by getting outside
Dutch with the . ° - o o
Caribs. assistance. This, and the slave trade, explain the rela
tions of the Dutch with the Carib Indians, whom they
bribed, coaxed and incited into becoming at times their
slave catchers, and at times their protectors againRt the
Spaniards. In 1748, December 2, Storm van 's Gravesande
wrote :
" The Spaniards were beginning to approach more and more
up in Cuyuni but a war having some weeks ago arisen between
the Carib nation and that of the Warrows, which is carried on
very obstinately, this will stop their ' further progress, and
possibly, if the Caribs obtain the upper hand, they will be
driven somewhat farther away, without our having in the least
degree to meddle therewith."*
The " Chief of the Spaniards " he quotes as saying
"That the whole of America belonged to the King of Spain,
and that he should do what suited himself without troubling
about us;"
And then adds :
" Seeing that all my remonstrances and letters to the Span
iards are of no avail, and that no redress is obtainable, I intend
to tell the chiefs of the Indians, when they come to me,, that
I can provide no redress for them, and that they must take
measures for their own security. Then T feel assured that in
a short time no Spaniard will be visible any more above in
Cuyuni." f
In 1754, September 2, Gravesande, writing of re
ported silver mines between the Orinoco and Moruca,
and possible aggression there, says :
" I cannot repel the least aggression in those quarters. It is
even irhpossible for me (however necessary at this conjuncture)
to detach eight or ten men to garrison and defend as far as possi
ble the post of Moruca, which will, I fear, see trouble. All that
I can do is, with the aid of the Carib nation, whose flight from
Barima I daily expect, to cause all possible hindrance to the un
dertaking." I

* Appendix to Case, ii, 101.
t Appendix to Case, ii,102.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 112-113.

HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803. 133
Again in 1754, October 12, writing of the attack of Relations of the
° . ° Dutch with the
the Caribs upon the Spanish Cuyuni missions, he says Caribs.
that this attack " has covered us on that side, so that we
have nothing to fear from that direction."*
In 1755, Gravesande, to protect himself against the
Acuway Indians, thought his only recourse might be to
fan the standing feud between them and the Caribs. f
In 1764, February 28, he wrote :
" The Caraibans, about whom mention is made above, have
come back, bringing with them a large quantity of right hands
from the rebels whom they killed, for which I paid them this
morning, it being the custom in the Colonies to pay as much for
a runaway's head or hand as for a slave." J
In 1768 he wrote :
" The expedition of the Caraibans, thank God, turned out very
successfully. * * * The negroes were attacked and seven,
together with two women, were killed, whilst three men and
four women escaped ; the Acuways are after these. §
* Appendix to Case, ii, 115.
f The nation of the Acuways, which is very strong in the interior, and
some of whose villages both in Essequebo and in Mazaruni and Dem- ,
erary are situated next to our plantations, commenced [the war] with
attacking the dwellings of some free Creoles belonging to the plantation
Oosterbeek, and massacreing those they found there. Thereupon they
: spread themselves and caused terror everywhere. Most of the planters
living in Masseroeny retired to an island with their slaves and their most
valuable goods, and none of them dared to stay at night on their plan
tations. A few days after that the aforesaid Acuways attacked the
plantation of a certain Pieter Marchal (who, according to general report,
is the chief cause of this revolt) at half-past five in the morning, killing
two of his people and wounding five, most of whom have since died.
Many of the colonists, and amongst them several Councillors, have
requested me to send out an invitation to the Caraib'an Indians to take
the field against the Acuways, but as there are many difficulties con
nected with this, I have not yet decided to do so, and am of opinion that
such measures should not be taken until absolutely necessary. Because,
if the Caraibans come (which they will certainly do at the II ust invita
tion), they will come several hundred strong, and ask for bread and other
provisions, of which we have none.
But if lam unable to succeed in so doing, and if, as I hear, .hey as
semble in large numbers and persist in their hostilities, I shall b_ com
pelled to choose the lesser of two evils and set the Caraiban nation at
work, which I cordially hope will not be neeesssary, and which step I
shall only take in the last extremity, [iih e Book, 3, 104-105.]
X Blue Book, 3, 127.
§ Blue Book, 3, 152.

J34 HISTORY OF ESSEQUIBO, 1725-1803.
Relations of the " The Caraibans were not at work very long, having killed
Caribsh W'th ^ seven men' one woman and one SirL * * * They have
brought the seven right hands to me, and I am just now occu
pied in paying them." *
The Dutch dependence upon the Caribs is excellently
depicted in a letter written by Gravesande on May 12,
1769, in which he says " the outlook is daily becoming
blacker for the colony," and adds :
" I asked the Caraiban Owl this morning whether the Caraibans
were no longer men and whether they had no hands with which
to defend themselves, whereupon he replied, ' Indeed, they
have ; but the Spaniards have guns, and we only bows and
arrows. Give us rifles, powder, and shot, and we will show you
what we are.' Even had I been inclined to do so I could not,
having no further supply of these than just sufficient for the
garrison."f
th^^ohmvOTi its Tn's dependence of the colony on its Indian allies
and the submission of the latter to the Spaniards, is
shown by the following extract from a letter of Grave
sande, January 6, 1772. He says:
" The former Postholders in Maroco were able to do something
to arrest the progress of this evil, they having at least six or seven
hundred Indians around that post, some of whom they could
always have out at sea, but the unauthorized attacks of the
Spaniards have driven these natives away, and the Spaniards even
came to the post, as your lordships know, sword in hand, to
drive away or carry off the few that still remained, and suc
ceeded only too well in doing so." %
* Blue Book, 3, 154.
t Appendix to Case, ii, 191.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 218.

Indian allies.

XI.— SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT IN
THE DISPUTED TERRITORY. 1725-1800.
With such scanty defence no wonder that the Dutch „ Dutch fear of the
J Spaniards.
were in fear of the Spaniards. No doubt they had
reason for this : a statement of Spanish strength and
activity during this period will show it.
Turning to this it will be convenient to consider :
1.— THE COAST REGION.
From the Orinoco to the Essequibo the Spaniards Spanish control of
,._,.. . . disputed territory.
claimed dominion. 1 hey also exercised exclusive con
trol there.
This control of the Orinoco itself, which can hardlv , sPa°ish control
•> of the Orinoco.
need demonstration, is evidenced by their repeated
•seizure of Dutch craft found trespassing there — both
those entering for the purposes of trade and those at
tempting to carry ou fishing at the mouth of the river.
Thus, in 1701, the Dutch Governor mentions, as a
thing well known by experience, " the prohibitions we
have already met in the trade to Orinoco.''*
In 1712 his successor in this governorship reported
that the Spaniards would not allow the Dutch to enter
the Orinoco ;t and in the following year he wrote of
the Dutch traffic there that " it took place outside the
district of the Noble Company, and was but carried on
* U. S. Commission, Report, ii, 201.
f Blue Book 3, 74.

136 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
Spanish control solelv on Spanish around in the Kiver Orinoco."* And
of the Orinoco. . r o ^ i -i • i
commenting again on this subject in 1714, he admitted
that " Orinoco, Trinidad, etc., is [sic] under the power
of the Spaniards."!
In 1717 the Dutch colonists of Essequibo begged to
be allowed to trade there, declaring that "the Orinoco
is a river which is accounted as the property of the
King or Crown of Spain, and hence that nation master
there." %
In 1719 the Spanish Commandant in the Orinoco
arrested a Dutch trader who attempted to pass up the
river ; and the Dutch authorities of Essequibo were so
sensible of the justice of Spanish complaints on this
point that they not only made stricter the passes granted
for this trade but thought of prohibiting it altogether.§
In 1727 a Dutch trader from Essequibo was seized by
the Spaniards, who told him that "they had orders
from the Governer of Trinidad to stop the trade in that
river."| In the following year the same fate befell a
Surinam Dutchman who was but fishing in the neigh
borhood of that river. ^[
Policy of the In fact, this danger came to be so well understood
Dutch to change
current of trade, as to terrify Dutch commerce, and from the middle of

* Blue Book 3, 74.
t U. S. Commission, Report, ii, 241.
1 Blue Book 3, 76.
§ TJ. S. Commission, Report, ii, 245-247.
| Blue Book 3, 80.

At the end of August last year twenty-three red slaves ran away
from the plantation belonging to Pieter la Riviere to Orinocque, and he
having sent his son there to claim them, but without any results, re
solved to go there in person, but on arriving at the usual mooring place
in that river he was attacked by a vessel flyingthe Spanish flag, and was
unfortunate enough to be killed. Those with him begged for quarter,
whereupon the Spaniards took all their merchandize, and told them
that they had orders from the Governor of Trinidad to stop the trade in
that river. [Appendix to Case, ii, 80-81.]
1 Blue Book 3, 81.
The Secretary, H. Gelskerke, having communicated to us a certain

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 137

the century it was the Dutch policy to transfer this /A11.5,0.'116
r J Dutch to change
intercolonial trade to Spanish hands. Yet the Dutch current of trade.
smugglers were still often seized there.*
During 1767 the folio wins: property was seized and Spanish seizures
° o r r j in the Orinoco.
confiscated by the Spanish : A launch and contents
from Essequibo, a boat and contents from the same, 4
mules loaded with foreign goods, several goods, 16
small barrels of brandy, an Indian boat with Dutch
goods from Essequibo, one English sloop and Spanish
schooner, 2 Spanish launches, an English boat and
French schooner and French sloop, another French
schooner. These were all tried and adjudged good
prizes at Guayana. f
letter written by Jan Batiste from the Post in Wacquepo, and opened by
him (the Secretary) in the absence of the Commandeur, in which informa
tion was given that the Spaniards of the Orinocque had with armed force
taken possession of a Suriname vessel fishing in the neighborhood of the
aforesaid river. [Appendix to Case, ii, 82.]
* See, e. gr., the list of such seizures reported by the Spanish Contador
of Guayana on Jan. 28, 1769. [Appendix to Case, ii, 366-368.]
fDon Andres de Oleaga, Official Royal Accountant of this City of
Guayana and its Province for his Majesty (whom God preserve), etc.
I certify in the best manner I can, for whatever purpose, and before
the Sefiores that may see it, how, after the arrival of Senor Don Manuel
Centurion, Captain of the Royal Corps of Artillery, and Commandant
General of this said Province, pursuant to his great energy and zeal
in the Royal service, the following confiscations and seizures were
made : On the twenty-seventh of January of the past year of seven-
seen hundred and sixty-seven, in a closed port of the Presidio of old
Guayana, a launch coming from Esquivo, Dutch Colony, with two
slaves, and t-argo of Taphia rum and merchandise, from Don Vicente
Franco. On the sixth of March of said year, at the same Presidio, var
ious goods from Bernardo Montes, who was coming from the same Colony
in a felucca. On the eleventh of April of the said year, on the land
within the said Presidio, four mules loaded with different kinds of for
eign clothing, without permit or license. On tbe twenty-second of said
month and year, above the port of this city, different articles, without
permit or license, from Lorenzo Yeguas. On June sixteenth of the said
year, at tbe Presidio aforesaid of old Guayana, sixteen kegs of brandy,
from Master Gazpar Vidal, who was introducing them clandestinely and
left them buried on an islet in the Orinoco. On September twenty-eighth
of the same year, at the port of Piacoa, below the aforesaid Presidio, a
canoe laden with Dutch goods from Esquibo, from Pedro Sanchez.
And by the Sergeant of the Company of Pioneers, Cipriano Maiorga,

138 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
Dutch prevented The Dutch effort to fish in the mouth of the Orinoco
from fl shing in
Orinoco. Was more persistent; and was the cause of repeated
arrests by the Spanish officials. In November, 1769,
the Dutch Governor reported the ruin of their fisheries ;
and before 1770 the Essequibo Dutch finally abandoned
them.*with the pirogue he commanded, one of the Orinoco corsair canoes from the
aliens engaged in the clandestine extraction of mules, horses, cattle, and
other products, through the Guarapiche and Theresen rivers, which empty
in the interior of the Golpho Triste de la Paria. An English sloop named
the Sevillana ; a Spanish schooner, the Esperanza ; two launches, also
Spanish ; an English boat with four lately-imported negroes, some animals,
and different foreign articles, besides (in the same campaign and before re
turning to this city) a French schooner named Maria Louisa, with two
newly-imported negroes ; two barrels, one of claret and the other of Taphia
rum, and ten arrobas (250 lbs.) of chinchorro thread ; and, also, on tlie
same occasion, in company with the cruiser armed at the Island of Trinidad,
a French sloop and schooner with various goods and newly-imported negroes,
of which, after deducting all expenses and the sixth part, which tbe offi
cials retained, they delivered to him the half, which amounts to seventeen
hundred and ninety-two pesos, twenty-four maravedis, which brought in
this place two-thousand and eighty-five pesos, three reals, one and two-
fourths maravedis. Which seizures were declared to be legal and belong
ing to His Majesty on March 26th, April 30th, and July 29th of last year—
1768. [Appendix to Case, ii, 366-367.]
* Appendix to Case, ii, 216.
The principal fishery, my Lords, has always been in the mouth and be
tween the islands of Orinoque, near the Warouws, to which we send salting
markott twice every year. This has never been prevented until recently, to
the inexpressible injury of the Company's plantations and Colony, because
there now being a want of that fish, and the slaves being obliged to have
their rations, salt cod has continually to be bought, which even in one
year runs pretty high, and sometimes brings me into difficulties with the
payment. Only this week I paid over 300 guilders to Captain Andrew ;
the twelve casks of meat which each plantation gets annually are of little
use, and 1,000 lbs. of fish is soon gone. [Appendix to Case, ii, 176.]
A report which I received after tlie closing of my letters compels me to
add these few lines. A Spanish privateer from Orinocque cruising along
our coast made an attempt to capture your lordships' Salter before the
River Wayni (indisputably the Company's territory) aud fired very strongly
upon him. The latter was cautious enough (not being able to escape
otherwise) to run his boat high and dry upon the bank so that he could
not be reached by the privateer who, having continued to Are upon
him for some time, and seeing that he could do nothing, finally de
parted. They are not content with most unreasonably keeping our runaway
slaves and with hindering us from carrying on the fishery in Orinocque,
which we have always been free to do, but they now wish to prevent us
from salting along our own coasts, and will in this manner end by clos
ing our river and no boats will dare to go out any more. Is this proper

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 139
In the coast region between the main mouth ofthe Assertion of
Spanish authority
Orinoco and the Essequibo the Spanish assertion of m coast region.
authority was not less clear. In 1732 the Swedes con
ceived a project of settling in the Barima. This being
reported by the colonial authorities to Spain, a royal
order enjoined prompt and thorough resistence. Care
ful investigation was made, and a force of soldiers was
gathered for the purpose of expelling the intruders.
All this was communicated by the Spanish governor to
the governor of Essequibo, who not only made no pro
test, but furnished supplies to the Spaniards; and the
Dutch West India Company, to whom the matter was
reported with a request for instructions, did not so
much as deign to reply.*
In 1755 the Spanish Prefect of the Capuchin mis- -
sions, in whose province this district lay, demanded of
the Dutch postholder of Moruca some Indians who had
for " already over ten years been dwelling under the
Post ; adding that, in case of reluctance, he would come
behaviour on the part of our neighbours and allies ? [Appendix to Case,
ii, 177-178.]
Meanwhile our fisheries are ruined, and we have lost all our runaway
slaves. [Appendix to Case ii, 213.]
The fishery in Orinocque still being closed, I am compelled to buy cod
for the plantations and for the rations of the slaves." [Appendix to Case,
i, 216.] * On his return he reported that he had put to sea by the principal
river of the Orinoco, and entered the creek called Barima, where, ac
cording to the Caribs, the Swedes were established. Having considered
this matter in my Council of the Indies, and taken the advice of my
Attorney-General, and deliberated thereupon, seeing that the informa
tion sent by the aforesaid Alcaldes, though not to be despised, is not full
enough to warrant my making any order in the matter, I have resolved
to command, and hereby do command, that soon as you receive these
despatches you do forthwith verify the facts of the matter, and, in
case any orders should be necessary, you do forthwith make such orders
as you think advisable, giving me an account of your proceedings in this
matter with all dispatch, remembering that I have also instructed the
Governors of Cardcas and Margarita by despatches sent this day. [Ap
pendix to Case, ii, 283. See also same, ii, 257-266; also Blue Book 1,
64-65; 3, 84-85, 224-226.]

ers

140 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
Assertion of W1th sufficient force to fetch them, and take them away
Spanish authority
in coast region. * in chains."*
Two years later, in 1757, there came to the Spanish
general commanding in the Orinoco tidings that the
Dutch were building a new fort on the Moruca. He at
once ordered a reconnoissance to be made. The new
fort proved to be only a watch-house at the mouth of
the river to prevent the escape of slaves, and it was not
interfered with.t But the occurrence gave occasion for
vigorous protest to the governor of Guayana against the
toleration of the Dutch in this quarter, lest, being suf
fered to stay in the Moruca, they pass on to the Barima,
and even to the Aguire4
Barima ordered in 1750 the Spanish Governor ordered the arrest of
to be cleared of x
Dutch slave trad- certain Dutch slave traders whom he learned were lurk
ing in the Barima.§
* After the despatch of my last, the Postholder of Marocco has come,
and has brought me a letter from a missionary Father written to him
from Oronoque, wherein he has requested him to deliver up and send to
him some Indians of the Chiama nation, by us called Shiamacotte, and
who have already (over ten years) been dwelling under the Post, adding
that, in case of reluctance, he would come with sufficient force to fetch
them, and take them away in chains. [Appendix to Case, ii, 119 ; see
also Blue Book, 3, 105.]
fl inform Y. H. that I have performed the duty entrusted to me to recon
noitre the waters of the Moroca channel, and the fortification you were
informed of, from which reconnoissance it results that the information is
incorrect, for on the whole of that channel and the other channels com
municating therewith there is no fortification to be found, and all there is
is the news that the Dutch of the Esquivo Colony intend to move the guard
which, under the name of post, they maintain on the Moroca channel, takiDg
it down to the mouth thereof, emptying into the ocean, which will be about
a distance of six leagues, for which purpose they have cut down trees and
made many clearings for sowing that site, and built the houses necessary
for the Aruaca Indians and the Dutch, which news I have been unable to
verify with certainty, and I have only heard it said that the purpose is to
prevent the negro slaves of the Company and residents of the said Colony
from running away so easily to these Dominions, for the said guard being at
the mouth of the Moroca, it can watch the boats that, without entering it,
may pass by the coast to take the main mouth of this river. [Apppendix to
Case, ii, 301-302.]
•JTJ. S. Commission Report, viii (3), 175.
gWhereas, on account of a report received from the Most Reverend Pre
fect of the Missions of this Province, I have become aware of the informa
tion received by him from four fugitive Poyto Indians about the tyrannic
power of the Hollanders inhabiting the neighboring Colonies of Esquivo and

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 141
As a result of this two launches and two Indian Barima ordered
to be cleared of
boats Were Captured.* Dutch slave trad
ers.
The officer in charge of the expedition also reported
that near the point between Waini mouth and Barima,
Surinam, at the mouth of the Barima creek, coming out from this river,
where five Hollanders from said colony are staying and carrying out the
inhuman and lucrative commerce they maintain with the wild Indian tribes
who trade in the Orinoco, buying from them the infidels taken in their
wars, making them prisoners and trading them for iron utensils, clothing,
and munitions of war ; and as said Hollanders are awaiting for a party of
Indians, they have sent Carib agents to purchase said Indians and bring
them to their Colony.
Such an illicit traffic in human beings is already going on. The four
Indians who escaped were included as victims and came in quest of protec
tion to the said Missions. As the service of our Lord and of His Catholic
Majesty requires the stopping of this illicit trade, and the punishment of
the Hollanders of the above-mentioned Colony, who possessed them in their
own country, (if they had any right for this kind of possession), [a better
translation would be : to keep the Dutch of the said colonies by chastise
ment within their own possessions (if so be that they can hold them law
fully)], they ought not to be allowed to communicate through the rivers
and dominions of the King. Therefore, in virtue of the powers granted
to me, I order and command that the Lieutenant of Infantry and
second officer of this place, Don Juan de Dios Gonzales de Flores,
without any delay whatever, depart on board the Royal vessel that he will
find in Port Royal with a crew of ten men and manned in the ordinary way,
armed with two light guns, and the necessary stores for twenty days. He
will take Spanish river pilots and the fugitive Indians, and go to the place
where said Hollanders are staying. He will proceed straightway, navigat
ing night and day, and as soon as he reaches the place, he will attack the
ranch, after having surrounded it. He will imprison the Hollanders, French
and Spaniards found there, at the words, " Long live the King ! " and will
employ his arms in punishing and apprehending the same persons, as well as
the Caribs that he may find in their company, carrying out this inhuman
trade. He will likewise seize every vessel he may meet, going up or down
the river, and the foreigners as well as Spaniards unprovided with the
lawful and proper papers of navigation. The masters and crews of the same
will be brought along to this place, well secured. The full cargoes as well,
without allowing the least fraud or disorder by the troops of his command.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 327-328.]
*As a consequence, said Lieutenant Don Juan de Flores has seized and
brought along with him a schooner and two launches which were anchored
under the artillery of the Caslle of San Francisco de Asis, which is the
chief port of this city. [Appendix to Case, ii, 328.]
Inventory of Seizures. — In the first place, there was a schooner with her
main and foremast, and rigging without sails.
One small anchor, with its corresponding rope.
Five barrels of salt fish.
One launch, with a mast, canvas shrouds and a round sail of coarse cloth.
Four barrels of powdered salt.
One curiara (a small Indian boat) for the service of the launch, with wash
boards. Six hatchets, ten short coarse Indian drawers, eight knives, six
bundles of beads and an old case.

142 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
Barima eleared of he had captured one vessel with ten Arawak Indians from
Dutch traders. r .
Essequibo colony on their way to fish in the Orinoco.*
In 1761 the Spaniards cleared the Barima of Suri
nam traders, f
In this same year, 1768, the Spanish marine police
cleared out, by order of the Spanish authorities, certain
Dutch plantations which, without the knowledge of the
Dutch Government of Essequibo, had just been estab
lished in the Barima. Their occupants escaped by
flight; but the property was confiscated and sold at
auction by the Spanish officials. J
Another launch, with its mast, canvas shroud and a round sail.
A small anchor with its corresponding hemp rope.
One curiara, answering as a boat. [Appendix to Case, ii, 329.]
* Lieutenant Don Juan de Dios Flores testified, that having left this
port, under orders of the Commander, to proceed to the Barima creek,
and having reached and tacked about the mouth of it, on the eleventh
instant [Sept., 1760] at about four o'clock in the afternoon, he descried
a sail towards the point of Guani, that was coming in the direction
of the mouth of the Orinoco, and he went after it and having met
her and fired a small gun, she stopped immediately, and having boarded
her he found ten Aruaca Indians who came from the Esquivo Colony to
fish in the river, three of whom ran away, throwing themselves into the
river, and on the following day he continued his journey and went
through the mouth of Barima, going up the creek for about three
leagues, when he descried a vessel that was left aground by the low
tide, at a long distance, finding no means to reach on board the
same, until it was full tide, when he could draw near. The people
and the crew on board, as they had seen and recognized his vessel,
had left theirs, carrying away their sails and cutting the best part
of the rigging. Although he tried his best to reach them, he could
not succeed. Through the Aruaca Indians who had been seized he
was informed that that schooner belonged to the Esquivo Colony,
and came there for the purpose of fishing ; that finding himself with
these two vessels without any crew, he had only four men in their
charge, two men in each one ; that he had only six men left, and being
informed that five days at least were necessary to reach the place where
the traders in Poytos were reported to be, it was natural to suppose
they had been warned of his visit by those who had left the vessel ; that
he found [it] necessary to return at once, as he did, finding that his order
was only to reach the same mouth (Barima). [Appendix to Case, ii, 330-
331.] f I am also informed on very good authority that the canoes were
taken by an armed boat, commanded by Captain D. Flores, who was
sent out expressly to catch the Surinama traders in Barima, and who
captured everything that came in his way. [Appendix to Case, ii, 121. J
X That the Commandant-General there present having received informa
tion that in the Creek called the Creek of Barima, which is close to the great

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 143
In the following year, 1769, the Spanish did more Spanish control
of coast regions.
than merely visit the neighborhood of Essequibo. It
was an eventful year along the coast. In March, the
Spaniards, with two Capuchin fathers, a detachment of
soldiers, and a large party of armed Indians, were
capturing and taking prisoners all the free Indians be
tween the Barima and Pomeroon. They next over
powered the Moruca po. t.*
In tbat same month (March) Gravesande wrote
that "they (the Spaniards) have the audacity to go to
work as if they were sovereigns of this whole coast. "f
Again he wrote :
" They have captured and taken away all our people that were
on the sea-coast. The salter of Luyxbergen has luckily escaped
mouth of the River Orinoco and falls into it, sundry Dutch families were
established, dispatched him with instructions to warn them once, twice and
thrice to quit the whole of that territory because it belonged to the said
Province, in virtue whereof the Declarant went in his vessel, with another
accompanying him, in search of the said Creek, and having arrived at the
mouth he saw several Indians of the Carib nation, and these, before the Declar
ant could reach the establishments and farms of the said foreigners, gave them
intelligence, and thereupon they took to flight without giving an opportunity
for the notification ; and they only found the deserted houses and the effects,
implements and utensils contained in the inventory, which they put on
board the two vessels and then set fire to the said houses, in order that they
should not form settlements in future, and destroyed the farms as far as
they possibly could. [Appendix to Case ii, 361; see, also, same, p. 396; also
U. S. Commission Report, viii, (3) 232; also, and especially, as to this, U. S.
Commission Report, i, 285, 286.]
* The 10th March I received two consecutive letters from Councillor M.
Buisson, which gave me information that an Indian named Adahouva, from
Pomaroon, had come to his house and related to him that the Spaniards,
with two Capuchin Fathers, a detachment of soldiers, and a large party of
armed Waykiers, were capturing and taking away as prisoners all the free
Indians between Barima and Pamaroon, and that they had actually over
powered the Company's trading place, Marocco, and that they were now there,
but that he had as yet no further knowledge of the circumstances. On the Llth
came the assistant from Marocco with a letter from the Postholder. From
his written Report, copy whereof is here annexed, your Honours will per
ceive to what pitch the insolence of our neighbors goes. [Appendix to Case,
ii, 183-184.]
f But I should as soon have expected heaven to fall, as that they, in so
high-handed a manner, openly (as if in open warfare), in breach of the right
of nations, in breach of all Treaties of Alliance with his Catholic Majesty,
should attack us from another side, and have the audacity to go to work as
if they were sovereigns of this whole coast. [Appendix to Case, ii, 183.]

144 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
Spanish control them, but his Indians, his vessels, two large canoes and three sin-
of coast region. ^ canoegj wl.icl. he had got by barter, they have taken away."*
And he adds :
" The alarm in the river is great. If they come to Pomaroon as
they have threatened they can be in three hours overland in Esse
quebo, and can ruin our lowermost plantations." f
Only a few months later, in May of the same year,
(1769) he wrote again :
'•' According to the last reports from the Postholder and from the
Caraibans, they are still all in Barima, having sent their prisoners
to Orinocque, and they threaten to come again at an early date
and not only carry off all the Indians from Powaron, but even to
attack and plunder our plantations." J
That the Spaniards did not remain idle is shown by
the following words of Gravesande, written also in the
same month :
" The depredations of the Spanish from Barima to Powaron
continuing daily, we must acknowledge that they are capable of
anything, and that we must expect all kinds of violent and pirati
cal acts from them." §
And he adds :
" The poor colonists on the west coast below Essequibo are in a
terrible state of alarm, and are on the lookout night and day." |
Dutch cut off The Dutch continued cut off from all communication
from the Orinoco. with the Orinoco.^ The Spaniards for the purpose of
once more visiting Moruca and Pomeroon fitted out
two privateers. **
Dutch excluded in fact the policy of the Spanish Governor at this
from coast. ' *- •> r
time was to keep the Dutch out entirely, even as traders,
* Appendix to Case, ii, 184.
f Appendix to Case, ii, 184.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 190.
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 191.
|| Appendix to Case, ii, 191.
H We have as yet not had the slightest tidings of this, all communications
with Orinocque being still cut off. [Appendix to Case, ii, 213.]
**I take this opportunity of informing your lordships that Pedro
Sanchez, having been in chains in Orinocque for some months, had the good
fortune to escape. He has informed me that two privateers are again fitted

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 145
fishers or settlers : and to that end, he constituted a Dutch excluded
from coast.
strong watch to patrol the coast.*
This state of things continueil, with the result that Spanish rights
° ¦ openly exercised.
the Dutch colony was " on the brink of total ruin." f
All this exercise of sovereign rights by the Spaniards
was done openly and without the slightest effort to
disguise their acts or motives. Gravesande speaks of
this himself saying, that they " go to work openly like
a proud nation." $
But the Spaniards were now to go much further. Spams plans for
occupying all east-
Stirred to action by the projects of the French for the em Guiana.
settlement of the interior of their Guiana colony, the
Spanish Government of the Indies issued instructions
for the occupation of all eastern Guiana, to the very
borders of the French and Dutch. In obedience to its instructions to in
tendant of Caracas.
orders there was drawn up in 1778, by the Intendant of
Caracas, a definite and detailed plan for this occupa
tion. An official map of Guiana, defining the Spanish
out, with a much stronger crew than the former one, and that in about five
or six weeks from now they would come to Maroca and, further, into
Pomeroon to carry off all the Indians whom they could get, and that they
would probably come as far as the mouth of this river. [Appendix to Case,
ii, 214.]
*It is related here that a new Governor has arrived in Orinocque.
Should that be true, I hope that he will not be such a Turk as his pre
decessor. With the latter there was not the least chance of getting any
thing out of Orinocque, and he even forbade the usual salting in the
mouth of the river, and set a strong watch to prevent it. [Appendix to
Case, ii, 219.]
t The very dangerous condition of the Colony, which has been and
still is [1772] on the brink of total ruin, compels me to report the same
to His Serene Highness as speedily as possible, which despatch, being
enclosed, I take the liberty of humbly requesting your lordship to
forward to him at once. [Appendix to Case, ii, 220.]
X If we ever desired to follow the example of the English and French,
the Posts of which I have spoken would be absolutely necessary and
indispensable and (be. it said) if this matter is not taken in hand, our
neighbours will quietly approach and surround us, and finally, without
exercising any violence, drive us from the country. This is already
beginning to be observed, and what can we expect from the numerous
arrivals of settlers in Cayenne and the removal of the Spanish colonies
in Guayana so much nearer to our boundaries ? The latter go to work
openly, like a proud nation, and they can therefore be better opposed,
an open enemy never being so dangerous as a secret one. [Appendix
to Case, ii, 157-158.]

146 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
instructions to in- boundaries, was put in the hands of the Governor of
tendant of Caracas. _ . „ , . _ _i i __
Guiana as a basis for action; and the latter was com
missioned to make an armed reconnoissance of the en
tire territory.
Reconnoissance of This reconnoissance in tbe summer of 1779, as early
Moruca and Pome- _ ._ -
roon by inciarte. as the fall of the rivers made a survey possible, was
carried out on behalf of the Governor by his deputy,
the young officer Inciarte, who with an escort, carefully
examined the whole coast region, not only as far as tbe
Moruca, but far into the Pomeroon ; selected a site for a
village and fort on the Moruca, which were to displace the
post ofthe Dutch, and another site for a fortified village
in the upper Pomeroon, which was to bear the name of
San Carlos de la Frontera. The Dutch Governor of
Essequibo was informed of the presence of the Spaniards
in tbe Pomeroon, and even of his intention to build a
fort there ; but he not only made no effort to arrest him,
but reported the matter to the Company without so
much as a protest ; and no protest was made by that body
to the Dutch government or through it to that of Spain.
inciarte's report Inciarte meanwhile reported his results first to the
and orders for ex- _ .. , ,..
pulsion of theDutch Spanish colonial authorities, and then m person to
from Moruca. _
the King ot Spam and to his Council of the Indies. A
royal order commissioned him to proceed at once with
the expulsion of the Dutch from the Moruca and the
erection of the projected Spanish establishments on that
river and on the Pomeroon, instructing: him in case of
Dutch complaint to reply that the "laws of Spain do
not allow such intrusions of foreigners in the Spanish
dominions." All preparations were made for the exe
cution of the project, and the granting of lands actually
begun. The troublous times brought on in Europe by
the French Revolution delayed its progress, but it was
never abandoned. With a view to its better accom
plishment Inciarte wa. himself made Governor of

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 147
Guiana, and held that post for thirteen years. Aud , Plan never aban-
J doned by Spain.
though, owing to the continuance of the revolutionary
wars, its execution was not actually pushed further, the
the project was never given up, and was receiving the
attention of the Spanish government to the very end of
its control of these South American colonies and to the
very eve of the Dutch cession of Essequibo to Great
Britain* So much for the coast.
2.— THE INTERIOR.
Turning now to the interior, it will be seen that there 0n££to. contro1
the Spaniards exercised exclusive control ; and that the
Dutch were in terror of them.
As early as 1733 the Capuchin missions pushed over miss-onsa_r-Cti_e
into the basin ofthe Cuyuni, and with their herds took
firm possession of the savannas wbich stretch to tbe
banks of that river.f These missions, let it be noted,
were no mere private attempts on behalf of Cupuchin
missionaries to christianize Guiana. They were in
every way representative of Spanish political and
military authority. Each mission was piovided with
its armament and quota of soldiers, and either the mis
sionary in charge, or some attendant functionary, was
vested with all necessary political powers. $
The shining sands of this region, too, soon attracted in the Cuyuni.
Spanish attention, and a royal order gave rise to the
mines of Cupapuy. By 1755 they knew by investiga
tion that "gold and silver are found at every step, in
the districts of all" these missions, even to the Curumo.§
*Blue-Book3, 305-314; Appendix to Case, ii, 434-441;' iii, 386-399,
414-424. t IT. S. Commission Report, i, 382.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 370, 372.
§ Blue Book 1, 84-85.

148 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
Spanish missions On December 7, 1746, Gravesande wrote :
in the Cuyuni. "I had the honor to inform you via Eio Berbice of a mission,
together with a little fort, erected by the Spaniards up in Cuyuni,
in my opinion on your territory; and I have it from a reliable
source that they have been thinking of founding next year yet
another nearer, whereat the inhabitants are much aggrieved, and
the Carib Indians much more still, since thereby the slave trade
in that quarter, from which alone that nation derives its livelihood,
is wholly shut off. They wanted, too, to surprise that mission
and level it to the ground, which I, not without trouble, have
prevented; for, since they belong under our jurisdiction and
carry on all their trade in the Dutch colonies, such a step would
by the Spaniards surely be charged to us. It is very perilous for
this Colony to have such neighbours so close by, who in time of
war could come and visit us overland; and, above all, the making
of fortifications upon our own laud is in breach of all custom. I
say upon our own land: this [assertion], however, I cannot put
forth with full certainty, because the boundaries west of this river
are unknown to me." *
Spanish control Of the Spanish raid on the Dutch station in tbe
of the Cuyuni. L
Cuyuni in the year 1758, mention has already been made.
In 1759 the Dutch Governor acknowledged that the
Spaniards were " remaining in possession of Cuyuni."f
* Appendix to Case, ii, 97.
f The despatches received from Orinoco having been translated by
Mr. Persik, I found one to be from the Commandant Don Juan Valdez,
in which he informs me that, being- forbidden to enter into any corre
spondence concerning the matter of Cajoeny, he is obliged to send back
my letter unopened ; he adds that he has brought the matter to the
notice of the King of Spain, and that he has no doubt that I, too, have
informed their High Mightinesses of the same, and that, therefore, the
case would have to be decided not by ourselves but by our respective
Sovereigns. This matter is of very great importance to the Colony,
because if the Spaniards remain in possession of Cajoeny, which is one
of the arms of this river, and in which there were coffee and indigo plan
tations belonging to your Lordships, as well as the estates of Old
Duynenburg (now allotted to private holders), there will be no safety at
all in this Colony. A way for all evil-doers, deserters and bankrupts
will be quite open and free, and the Colony will be ruined immediately
there is the least misunderstanding with Spain. Your Lordships will
therefore see that this matter is fully deserving of your attention. The
Spaniards continue to stay where they are, and to entrap and drive
away all the Caraibans living there. [Appendix to Case, ii, 132-133.]

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 14§
In 1761 the Spaniards were "down to the lowest Spanish control of
falls" of the Cuyuni "where your Lordships' indigo
plantation is situated"; and were driving all hostile
Indians out.* In 1762 they were still recognized by the
Dutch as in control down to the " lowest falls close to
the dwelling of your Lordships' creoles."f The sending
out of Spanish patrols over the region had become a
"daily" matter.^ By 1763 the Cuyuni had been entirely
cleared, not only of Dutch but of Caribs as well.§
The year 1764-5 saw the same state of affairs; the
*Everything in the upper part of the river is in a state of upset, the
people who live there bringing their best goods down the stream. This
is because a party of Spaniards and Spanish Indians in Cajoeny have
been down to the lowest fall where you Lordships' indigo plantation was
situated, driving all the Indians thence, and even, it is said, having
killed several. The Indians sent in complaint upon complaint. [Appen
dix to Case, ii, 145.]
\ They are not yet quiet, but send detachments from time to time,
which come down as far as the lowest fall, close to the dwelling of your
Lordships' Creoles, by which both the settlers and our Indians are con
tinually being alarmed, and take refuge each time down stream. [Appen
dix to Case, ii, 147.]
X From the reports received from the upper part of the river, I learn
that the Spanish Indians of the Missions continue to send out daily
patrols as far as the great fall (just below which your Lordships' Creoles
live) ; all the Caraibans have also left that river, and gone to live above
Essequibo. [Appendix to Case, ii, 149.]
§ The Indians have also informed me that the Spaniards up in Cajoeny
are engaged in building boats. Where will all this end, my Lords ? I
fear that this may lead to the entire ruin of the Colony (which God for
bid) unless rigorous measures are taken. Our forbearance in the matter
of Cajoeny makes them bolder and bolder. At the time of that occur
rence the Caraibans were full of courage and ready for all kinds of un
dertaking ; now they are all driven away from there and have retired
right up into Essequebo. [Appendix to Case, ii, 151.]
The fourth, and last, is the still abandoned Post in Cajoeny, aban
doned since the raid of the Spaniards, a Post of the very greatest im
portance, because the Spaniards, in order to get to this river, and the
slaves in order to escape to them, have a free and open road, and the
more so because the Spaniards have driven away the Caraibans who
lived there, and who could apprehend and bring back the runaways.
[Appendix to Case, ii, 154.]
It is certain, your Lordships, that this [is] not the time to think of the
re-establishment of the Post in Cajoeny. That matter will give us
plenty of work to do when, with the blessing of God, all is at rest and
in peace, because, the Spaniards having driven all the Indians out of the
river, it will be no small matter to get [all] the necessary buildings,
etc., in readiness there. [Appendix to Case, ii, 155.]

150 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1.25-1800.
Spanish control Spaniards establisliing themselves more and more
of Cuyuni. firmly.*
Caribs afraid to T3y 1 735 even the Caribs were afraid to venture into
venture there. J
the Cuyuni; and only after repeated promises from the
Dutch could they be induced to do anything for the pro
tection of the Essequibo colony, t
By 1766 the proximity of the Spaniards had rendered
even the foreign soldiers of the Essequibo colony use
less.:): * In addition to this, there is also the fact that .... this river1
is a tract of land along which the Spaniards spread themselves from
year to year, and gradually come closer by means of their missions, the
small parties sent out by them coming close to the place where the
Honourable Company's indigo plantations stood, and being certain to
try and establish themselves if they were not stopped in time. [Appendix
to Case, ii, 156-157.]
This is certain, that so long as no satisfaction is given by the Court of
Spain concerning the occurrence of the Post in Cajoeny, the Spaniards
will gradually become more insolent, and will gain ground on us from
year to year. [Appendix to Case, ii, 161.]
Thus, what with the French on the east and the Spaniards on the
west, we are really like a little boat between two men-of-war.
I shall not attempt to give my masters advice in a matter which it is
in no one's power to prevent or to circumvent. My only aim in this is
to respectfully submit to your Lordships what is our humble opinion
concerning this in all our Colonies situated on the mainland, and our
well-grounded fears concerning the consequences.
I, for my part, see no remedy for this matter except by populating
the Colony and establishing good Posts in the interior, from which a sharp
and careful look-out can be kept upon all movements. [Appendix to
Case, ii, 159.]
f We are entirely of your opinion that it is of the greatest necessity
to restore the post in Cuyuni, and in consequence we were very much
pleased to learn that you had at last succeeded in getting Indians to give
a helping hand in that work, ou condition that assurance should be given
them of protection against the Spaniards. This it was easy to promise
them. [Appendix to Case, ii, 162.]
X Herewith I will again reiterate my request that no French or
Flemish be sent, but as many Protestants as possible. The proximity of
the Spaniards, and especially of the Spanish Missions, renders it impos
sible to place the slightest trust in Catholics. [Appendix to Case, ii,
168.] 1 Note. -The reading of the Blue Book "the bend of" ia an impossible translation.
There is no such Dutch word as that the British translators have rendered "bend."
What it does mean is not so certain. It is a document of Tan ' s Gravesande, which
has been copied by a secretary and then corrected by the Governor's own hands, it
looks as if van ' b Gravesande had written "besit" ("possession") so that it should have
read "There is, moreover, the possession of this river, a tract of land," etc., but that the
secretary hai misread it "bent" (which in Storm's handwriting it looks for all the world

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.

151

By 1767 the weakness of the Dutch had reached such ,sPanish. c°ntr°i
of Cuyuni.
a point that even their Indian protectors scoffed at them
and refused to obey their orders. These Indians, fear
ing the Spaniards, refused even to halt their passing
boats at the summons of the post.*
In 1767, and again in 1768, the Spaniards raided the Hostile Indians
. driven from
river, captured a lot of hostile Indians, and so terrified Cuyuni.
the rest that they all abandoned the Cuyuni.t
By 1769 the Cuyuni had been so thoroughly cleared
that there were no Indians left to give the Dutch warning
of approaching danger.:):
The Spaniards were now completely masters of the Spanish control
of Cuyuni.
entire Cuyuni — recognized as such by the Dutch.§

like). Storm, then, in reading it over could make no sense of it, and struck out the words
"bent van" and wrote "dat" (that) above them without noticing that this left it nonsense.
* At the same time I received a report from the Post in Cajoeny that
the Indians are being bribed and incited to such a degree that they are un
willing to do the least thing for the Postholder, and that even when he
orders the passing boats to lie to to see whether there are any
runaways in them, they obstinately refuse to do so, and when he
threatens to shoot upon them they reply that they have bows and arrows
with which to answer. [Appendix to Case, ii, 170-171.]
f There is a rumor here that the Post in Cajoeny has again been
raided. I do not know whether it is true, because I have as yet had no
direct tidings from above. The old negro Abarina, who always looks
after the turtle business up in Cajoeny, and who is well acquainted
with all the roads there, went up stream yesterday to get information.
[Blue Book, 3, 147.] [The Blue Book does not tell us definitely whether
the rumor was true or not. It seems, however, that it was true.]
Matters up there are- not so bad as the Indians had reported ; the
Manoas have not been in those parts, and indeed I could hardly believe it,
because it seemed to me improbable that they would have come such a
long distance without being discovered by the Caraibans, their inveterate
enemies, and the more so since, after the raid upon Cajoeny by the
Spaniards, Essequibo swarms with Caraibans, who have all flocked there
after having asked me for permission to do so. [Blue Book, 3, 148-149.]
X But this is certain, that the road for the runaways is now quite
open and free, it being impossible for the Post in Cajoeny to stop them,
there being a number of inland paths ; nor can we be warned in any way
by Indians, there being no more of these in that river. They did begin
to settle there again when the post was re-established, but the raid made
by the Spaniards last year, when a large party of Indians were captured
and taken away, has filled the rest with terror, and they are gradually
drawing off. [Appendix to Case, ii, 182.]
§ In my previous despatches I had the honour from time to time to
inform your Honours of tbe secret doings of the Spaniards and especially

152 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.
Cuyuni free of Jn 1770 the river still remained free of both Dutch
both" Dutch and
Caribs. an(1 Caribs.*
In 1788 Antonio Lopez de la Puente was able to
descend the Cuyuni to tide water, and then seize and
bring away the principal Carib chief employed by the
Dutch, without encountering any Dutch post nor a single
Dutchman, and without resistance from the Indians, so
thoroughly bad these been cowed by the Spaniards
whose armed expeditions had constantly come down
to the same point before without trouble or opposition.f
in my second letter by the "Vrouw Anna," and in my letter by the
" Geertruida Christiana," did right circumstantially concerning the fatal
and, for the Colony, most highly-perilous news of the River Cayuni.
My opinion has always been that they would gradually acquire a foot
hold in Cayuni, and try to obtain the mastery of the river, as they now
practically have none at the end of the past year. [Appendix to Case,
ii, 183.] * This is to inform Your Excellency that I am sending down with
Gerrit Van Leeuwen a female slave with her child belonging to Diderik
Neelis, the Postholder of Maroco, and who were taken from him by the
Spaniards, and also some free Indians who were also living in Maroco, who
have run away from the priest. I understand from these same Indians
that there are more coming on behind, but that in the bush they got
separated from each other. I hope that they may come to light, and
then I do not know how they will come home, because I have no boat
and people to send them down, because the greater part of the Caraibans
have departed from Cajoeny to Masseroeny to make dwelling places
there, and some have gone to Upper Siepanamen to live there. [Blue
Book, 3, 176.]
f On the tenth day we departed from Capachi, and after passing some
rapids, not of the largest, we passed the night at the mouth of the
Creek Tupuro, having rowed ten hours' journey to the head of the
Rapid Camaria, which is two leagues long, and ends at the mouth of
the Cuyuni, a short distance, about a quarter of a league, before the
Cuyuni flows into the Masuruni, in the fork of which a Dutchman lives,
named Daniel, with four companions, very many negroes and Indian
slaves, all his.
From the mouth of this Creek Tupuro there is a road to the foot of
the rapid where the Carib Manuyari has his house, and he it is who
keeps up this road opposite Daniel's house. The tide reaches above this
rapid. From this to the fortress of Essequibo there are only two floods
on the southern part of the River Cuyuni. There is a road which comes
out at the Masurini, where there are some Dutchman with a Carib
village. "We arrived at the said mouth of the Tupuro at daybreak.
On the eleventh day I dispatched the corporal, three of the militia
men, and fifteen Caribs to apprehend the Indian Manuyari, and we,
with the others, remained to guard the canoes ; and at twelve o'clock at
night they returned with the said Manuyari, whom they found, in his

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 153
In 1792 the Spanish completed the construction of a Spanish Cummo
fortified post on the southern bank of the Cuyuni oppo
site the mouth of the Curumo* This continued to be
the main Spanish post in the Cuyuni basin uutil long
after the acquisition of Essequibo by the British. t
This post was maintained for the purpose of exer
cising exclusive political control of the basin ; and the
instructions to its commander were clear upon that point.
But apart from all this military and political control, Spanish growth.
there was, during the period under consideration (1725
-1800), a great growth of Spanish population, and
spread of mission villages, not only as far as the Curumo
itself , but far into the interior of tbe Cuyuni-Mazaruni
basin, and even beyond, into tbe Potaro region and as
far as the headwaters of the Siparuni.^
Quite apart from this, again, the " entradas," as they Entradas by the
1 ° > . missionaries.
were called (that is to say, the expeditions of the mission
aries into the unsettled lands for the purpose of convert
ing the Indians and bringing them back to reside in
towns and villages), were constant throughout the region
west of the Essequibo from the coast far into the in
terior, even beyond the Pacaramia mountains.!
The spread of these missions was really remarkable. Spread of mis-
By 1734 they had so increased, and the various orders
of friars found their fields of work so overlapping, tbat
in that year the Prefect and the Governor met at Old
Guayana, and definitely and legally apportioned the Division of mis-
territory among the different religious orders. The
plantation three leagues distant from the port, having taken the Indian
woman from Panapana, named Josefa, and ten others. [Appendix to
Case, ii, 464-465.]
* Through unofficial information, it is known that a beginning has
been made of a foundation of the new town on the site by the junction
of the Cuyuni with the river Curumo. [Appendix to Case, iii, 400.]
f U. S. Commission Report, iii, 212.
1 U. S. Commission Report, atlas, map 15.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 377.

sions.

sion territory.

154

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800.

Division of mis- agreement gave the region south of the lower Orinoco
sion territory. ^ ^ ^^^ CapuchinB..
Spanish missions, There were many missions during the 18th century
1743"1813' which were never formally "founded." Of these, of
course, no official records exist. There were others form
ally "founded" which have left no record behind them.
By 1743 we know of seven Capuchin mission-villages
in existence, beside one just being established. They
contained a population of some 2,000 souls, f A decade
later, in 1753, eight new villages had been established;
and although four missions had just been destroyed by
the Caribs and one by a raid of the English, nine
were in existence, with four more under way.J In
1755 their population was nearly 3,000.§ There were
16 missions in the year 1761, containing 4,392 domesti
cated Indians and 1,081 men capable of bearing arm.,
as well as 15,000 head of cattle. | Besides these, there
was the Spanish civil town of San Antonio de Upata.!
In this same year it was estimated that to build at
* Appendix to Case, ii, 291-294.
fAppendix to Case, iii, 369-372.
^Appendix to Case, iii, 373-375.
§Appendix to Case, iii, 426.
||The 16 Missions established at present [1761] are those of Capapui, Alta
gracia, Suay, Amaruca, Caroni, Aripuco, Aguacagua, Murucuri, San Joseph
de Leonisa, Guarimna, Carapu, Miamo, Guazapati, Palmar, Avechica, and
Piacoa, as shown in the map, in the corresponding statement of the men of
arms, families, souls, houses, and churches existing in every one of the said
16 settlements. [Appendix to Case, ii, 345.]
One thousand and eighty-one men of arms; 1,031 families ; 4,392 souls;
408 houses ; and three churches. [Appendix to Case, ii, 345.]
The same certificate shows that the cattle estate of the Community con
tains from 14,000 to 16,000 head of bovine cattle for the maintenance of the
settlements and the Missioners. The cattle has been placed on new grounds
in proportion of its increase, and to-day it is kept in the Mission of Guarima,
where the fields and mountains are most abundant in grass and water, in a
cool climate. On account of these circumstances, the multiplication of the
cattle has been incredible. [Appendix to Case, ii, 346.]
IT If the settlements in distant places, deserted and not reduced, are diffi
cult, their establishment, after the Indians are pacified, is very easy, and of
no expense to the Royal Treaiury, as it is shown to-day in the same Province
of Guayana with the new settlement of San Antonio de Upata, which com
menced in the year of 1762. [U. S. Commission Report, viii, (1) 80-81.]

SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMENT, 1725-1800. 155
Angostura a town large enough to hold the people of Spanish missions,
° & o P P 1743-1813.
Santo Thome alone would cost $300,000.
In 1766 the Capuchin villages had a population of
5,273 Indians; and by 1773 this number had risen
to 6,832 *
Meanwhile the province, as a whole, including the
missions of other orders, had grown not less strikingly.
In 1779 the province of Guayana contained 80
villages and 18,000 inhabitants.f How many of these
villages were Capuchin missions does not appear ; but
in 1788, there were 29 or 30 of these "missions"
with 14,012 persons and 180,000 cattle.^
In 1799 there were 28 missions with 15,908 persons.§
In 1813 there were 29 missions and 21,246 persons.^

It is now possible to state exactly the extent of Definition of
... Dutch and Spanish
the territories belonging to the .Netherlands and to territories in 1803.
the Kingdom of Spain respectively at the time of the
acquisition by Great Britain of the colonies of Esse
quibo, Demerara and Berbice.
The Dutch were confined, on the west, to the mouth Dutch limits of
occupation.
of the Essequibo. Their occupation up-stream did not
reach even to Kykoveral. In the Cuyuni they had made
two attempts to penetrate beyond the lowest falls, and
both attempts had proven failures. Although originally
* Appendix to Case, iii, 382, 383.
f There were also civil towns. Caulin (who lived in Guiana) says that
at his date of publication, 1779, " the settlements which the Spaniards hold
to-day in the province of Guayana are 80 villages and .8,000 inhabitants."
[Caulin, (friar A.) Historia Coro-Graphica, etc., Madrid, 1779, p. 12.]
X The stock of cattle is reckoned at about 220,000 ; 180,000 head in the
cattle farms of the Community of the Capuchin Fathers, although a very ac
curate estimate cannot be made, owing to the difficulty of counting them,
and the remaining 40,000 among the private settlers. [Blue Book 3, 319;]
see also Appendix to Case, ii, 447, for list of 29 missions.]
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 485.
IT Appendix to Case, ii, 487.

and control.

156 SPANISH CONTROL AND SETTLEMRNT, 1725-1800.
Dutch limits of permitted by the Spaniards to trade in the Cuyuni
.occupation. r J
basin, even this had been long forbidden them; and
they, as well as the Caribs upon whom they relied for
protection, had been driven out so that not one re
mained. On the coast, the little trading station at the mouth
of the Moruca was as far as they dared to venture ; and
even to that point they went only by the permission of
the Spaniards. The colony itself was utterly weak,
on the verge of ruin, and entirely cowed by the
Spaniards.
Spanish growth Spain, on the other hand, had spread until she could
count her towns and villages by the score, her inhabit
ants by the tens of thousands, and her herds of cattle
by the hundreds of thousands. The whole Orinoco
delta from the Barima to the Moruca she had clenred
of Dutch, Caribs, English, French and Swedes, policing
these regions to beyond the Pomeroon, and exercising
dominion under a claim of right from the Orinoco to
the very banks of tbe Essequibo.
Over the interior savannas her settlements had
spread to beyond the banks of the Cuyuni and Caroni.
In the fairest region of that great basin, and south of
the Cuyuni, she bad erected and was maintaining a mil
itary post ; exercising from that center exclusive polit
ical control clown to the lowest falls of the Cuyuni and
Mazaruni. Through the great forests of the Cuyuni-
Mazaruni basin, aud over the Pacaraima mountains into
tbe Potaro region and beyond, her missionaries had
penetrated and settled; and, at the moment that the
Dutch colony passed into British hands jn 1803, she
was exercising undisputed and exclusive control of
every acre of land west of the Essequibo, except where
the Dutch were actually settled upon its very banks.

XXL— DUTCH REMONSTRANCES.
Before passing to the 19th century, there is a subject
whose intimate connection with Dutch-Spanish relations
during the 18th century entitles it to special mention :
The story of Dutch remonstrances is one of Spanish Useiessness of
. Dutch remonstr-
aggression and assertion of sovereign rights in the tern- ances.
tory now in dispute, followed by repeated protests of
the Dutch, and memorials to the Spanish Court, all of
which were treated with contempt — answered only by
a continuance of these aggressions, by further acts of
political control, by further grumblings on the part of
the Dutch, by further complaints to which the Spanish
Government did not deign to reply, and by final acquies
cence by the Dutch in the inevitable.
The first recorded remonstrance of the Dutch Esse- Remonstrance of
1746.
quibo Colony was in 1746. The Dutch Com
mandeur complained to the West India Company of
the encroachments of the Spaniards in the Cuyuni
river, and of the capture by the latter of three canoes of
the Dutch colony engaged in fishing in the Orinoco.
In his letter to the Company the Dutch Commandeur
said that on the arrival of the new Spanish Governor
he would "send there to claim the boats and cargoes,"
but was " certain that such would be in vain," having
profited by a previous example.*'
What may have been the language of bis remon
strance, or of the Spanish Governor's reply, does not ap
pear. The practical result, however, is well known:
the Spanish control of both regions continued ; and the
* Blue Book, 3, p. 87.

158 DUTCH REMONSTRANCES.
Remonstrance of growth of the Spanish missions on tbe Cuyuni savannas
1746. 5 -, .
was in no way affected.*
Remonstrance of 'phe second Dutch remonstrance had reference to the
1759. Spanish attack upon the slave-trading post that Storm
van 's Gravesande attempted to establish on the Cuyuni
about 1754. The result of this attempt has already
been shown, f
When the Dutch Governor heard ofthe way in which
the Spaniards had destroyed the post, and made pris
oners of the Dutch servants there stationed, he addressed
a forcible protest to the Spanish Commandant in Guiana,}
and likewise made a report to the West India Company,§
with the result that the States General presented a for
mal remonstrance to the Court of Spain, fl Gravesande's
letter having been referred by the Spanish Commandant
to the Provisional Governor of Cumana, the latter re
plied thereto, stating that the destroyed post was on the
territory of his King, and refusing to restore the pris
oners.!' Gravesande caused a second letter to be sent to
the Spanish Commandant demanding anew the restitu
tion of the prisoners, as also compensation for the in
sult offered to the territory of his sovereigns.** That
letter was returned to him unopened; ff and the remon
strance of the States General to the Spanish Court was
never honored by a reply.
Continuation of The only answer the Spanish Commandant stave to
same acts by Spam- . j. o
ards- these remonstrances was a continuation of the very acts
which brought them forth. The Spaniards captured all
* Appendix to Case, ii, 106.
f Supra, p. 122.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 123-125.
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 125.
| Appendix to Case, ii, 133-135.
ir Appendix to Case, ii, 324.
** Appendix to Case, ii, 128-129.
ft Appendix to Case, ii, 130.

DUTCH REMONSTRANCES. 16d
the Dutch boats they found fishing in the Orinoco* and . Sovereignty exer-
J ° cisedby Spain.
the Waini ; f they crowded the Dutch in all directions
upon the land ; % they established further missions in tbe
Cuyuni ; § they drove the Caribs from tbat region ; fl
and the Dutch post-holder at Monica iu terror sought
safety in the bush.T Renewed complaints by Grave
sande were returned unopened, and his envoys driven
away unheard. **
The remonstrance of tbe States General to the Court Remonstrance
treated with c on-
of Spain was treated with the same contempt, tt tempt.
By 1769 things had reached such a serious state that Remonstrance of
1769.
the Court of Policy and Director General of the Dutch
Colony united in a memorial \\ to the West India Com
pany praying its most serious consideration of the great
danger to the colony from Cuyuni above and the sea
coast below. They called the attention of the Company
to the continual pillage of its plantations, and to the abso
lute ruin of its fisheries. Thereupon it resulted that the
States General in tbat year made another remonstrance
to the Court of Spain. §§ That court did nothing but re
fer the matter to the Council of the Indies: fl || mean
while the acts complained of continued.!"!
By 1775, though all the representations to the Spanish Remonstrance ot
Court had remained fruitless, the States General never
theless presented still another remonstrance to that
. government.*** * Appendix to Case, ii, 142, 143, 145.
t Appendix to Case, ii, 150.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 190.
§ Appendix to Case, ii, 157, 161.
|| Appendix to Case, ii, 151.
ir Appendix to Case, ii, 151.
** Appendix to Case, ii, 149, 163.
ff U. S. Commission, Report, i, 255.
XX Appendix to Case, ii, 190.
§§ Appendix to Case, ii, 193, 198, 201.
1 1 Appendix to Case, ii, 212.
inr Appendix to Case, ii, 214, 215, 223.
*** Appendix to Case, ii, 225-227.

ignored

160 DUTCH REMONSTRANCES.
Remonstrance of What this remonstrance left unsaid is quite as import-
1775. r
ant as what it said. It referred mainly to the harboring
of fugitive slaves ; and it contained not a word regarding
territory beyond the actual Dutch settlements. Its al
lusions to boundary were incidental merely ; except that,
referring to former complaints, it stated, in effect, that
Spain had paid no attention to them, and that Holland
now expected none.
The only reply was an acknowledgment of its receipt
with the remark that "these acts of violence have caused
the King much surprise, and that His Majesty has ordered
the Ministry of the Indies to make the most minute
inquiries into the fact, and to proceed to the condign
punishment of the aggressors."*
Remonstrance That is the last we ever hear of that remonstrance.
At the time of its presentation, the remonstrance of 1759,
except by further aggressions, had remained unanswered
sixteen years, and that of 1769 six; this of 1775 was
destined to share the fate of the others.
While special reference has thus been made to four
different remonstrances, it must not be inferred that
these were the only ones. Remonstrances by the Dutch
were numerous and constant. All were ineffectual; and
these four have been selected because they seem to have
been the most formal.
Spanish proceed- It is learned from Spanish sources that the Court of
ings onremon-
strancesofi759and Spain having sent to Guayana the remonstrance of 1769
for a report, the papers were duly forwarded together
with those of the former remonstrance of 1759. When
they reached the Fiscal of the Council at Madrid,he found
they were too voluminous to " consume uselessly " the
time he needed for important affairs; and so, after he
had kept them five years, he was inspired on one hot
* Blue Book 3, p. 189.

DUTCH REMONSTRANCES. 161
summer's day to refer them to a relator for examina- . Spanish proceed
ings on remon-
tion and report.* strancesof 1759 and
r _ 1769.
They remained thus pigeon-holded for eleven years,
and on May 27, 1785, the relator added his contribution.
Whereupon the Fiscal, noting these facts, wrote :
" Under this understanding it is observed by the exponent
that to-day no resolution is required or any further step taken
after the long lapse of over fifteen years, without any further
mention of the subject by the Minister of Holland, leading to the
belief that, after having been better informed, the Republic
realizes the want of justice for the claim made, and has already
desisted. "f
The Council voted that the papers " show the want
of foundation for the complaint of the vassals of
Holland," and that it would take no further action in
the matter.^:
Twenty-six years had elapsed. The Council declined Results of this
remonstrance.
even to read the papers, for the Dutch claim of title
was reported and seemed to them frivolous ; Holland
did not press it. If diplomacy could emphasize the
expulsion by adding contempt, it had done so.
* Appendix to Case, ii, 429.
f Appendix to Case, ii, 441.
X Appendix to Case, ii, 441.

Venezuela might properly rest at this point, without Purpose and ef-
° r r J r feet of Schomburgk
entering further upon the history of the present century, survey.
This boundary controversy had its rise in a survey
suggested and undertaken in 1840 by one Schomburgk,
a young German naturalist, who offered to the British
Government to locate the boundary which he alleged to
have been that claimed by the Dutch during their pos-

162 DUTCH REMONSTRANCES.
Purpose and ef- session of the colony. It was this alleged boundary of
feet of Schomburgk , . , .„ -, , . • . • i . .
survey. the Dutch, thus to be identified by him, which by order
of the British Government was to be mapped and trans
mitted to the interested governments as a statement of
the British claim. Thus did the British Government
expressly disavow any other than a Dutch title to its
Guiana possessions.
There is no pretence that any new title has been ac
quired by Great Britain since 1840; and the definition
of the present boundary must, therefore, depend upon
the extent of Dutch and Spanish rights in 1803.
This fact has very properly been recognized in the
present treaty. It is thus affirmed in Article III, which
reads as follows :
"The tribunal shall investigate and ascertain the extent of the
territories belonging to or that might lawfully be claimed by the
United Netherlands or by the Kingdom of Spain, respectively, at
the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of the Colony of
British Guiana — and shall determine the boundary line between
the Colony of British Guiana and the United States of Venezuela."
This being so, the story of the present century would
seem to be unnecessary. However, a perusal of that
story, particularly as regards the British colony, will
serve to emphasize the fact that the Essequibo settlement
was always, until very recent years, confined to the
mouth of that river; and that Great Britain's present
pretensions to territory west of that stream have not,
in fact, as they could not have in law, anything in the
history of the present century to support them,

XIII.— HISTORY OF BRITISH OCCUPATION.
1803-1850.
The British military occupation in Essequibo con- Cession of " De
merara, Essequibo
tinued from 1803 to 1814. In the latter year, on Au- and Berbice to
J ' Great Britain.
gust 13, the Dutch, by the Treaty of London, formally
ceded to Great Britain " the establishments of Demerara,
Essequibo and Berbice."*
On July 21, 1831, these three rivers were united into Union of the
. . . three.
a single colony under the name of British Guiana.f
In the meantime, Venezuela on July 5, 1811, declared Venezuelan in-
• -i -i . n • t • i dependence.
its independence from Spain. In 1819 it became merged
with New Granada, under the -name of "Republic of
Colombia." In 1830 it assumed a separate existence
under the name of " Republic of Venezuela ; " and finally,
on March 30, 1845, its independence was formally rec
ognized by Spain.;):
. His Britannic Majesty engages to restore to the Prince Sovereign of
the United Provinces of the Netherlands, within the time which shall be
specified herebelow, the colonies, factories and establishments of which
Holland was in possession at the beginning of the late war, that is to
say, on the 1st of January 1803, in the seas and continents of America,
Africa and Asia, with the exception of the Cape of Good Hope and of the
establishments of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice, which the High
Contracting Parties reserve the right to dispose of by a supplementary
convention which shall be adjusted at once in conformity with the mu
tual interests of both parties. [Appendix to Case, iii, 44.]
f Appendix to Case, iii, 315 ; also Rodway (J.) History of British
Guiana. 8°, Georgetown, 1893. ii, 284.
X "Article I. H. C. Majesty, making use of the, power vested in her
by decree of the Cortes Generales of the Kingdom, of 4th of December,
1836, renounces for herself, her heirs and successors the sovereignty,
rights and action which she has upon the American territory known
under the old name of Captaincy General of Venezuela, now Republic
of Venezuela. " Article II. In consequence of this renunciation and cession H. M.
recognizes the Republic of Venezuela as a free, sovereign and independent
nation, composed of the provinces and territories mentioned in her Con-

164 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
British and Ven- The British thus became vested with the rights of the
ezuelan titles, Dutch ; and Venezuela came to represent the title of
Spain. The year 1850 marks the date of the first important
gold discoveries. It will be convenient, therefore, to
consider by itself the period from 1803 to 1S50.
For this period the facts pertinent to the present
controversy may be grouped under two heads; 1st,
Those which evidence tbe extent of British occupation ;
2d, Those which relate to the general condition of the
Essequibo settlement.
1st.— EXTENT OF BRITISH OCCUPATION.
Under this general head, it will be further con
venient to consider ; 1st, the occupation of the coast
region ; and 2d, the occupation of the interior.
1st. As to the Coast.
Lt. Gov. Myers, On September 30, 1804, Lieutenant-Governor Myers
wrote to Earl Camden, enclosing a memorandum which
he said was the "result of information obtained from
several persons in those Colonies best entitled to give
them." This memorandum contains the following state
ment :
Extent. — The distance from the Abari Creek on the east to the
most distant military post at Morucco on the west is 123 mile..
Division. — It is intersected by the rivers Demerary, Esequibo,
and Poumaron, and by several navigable creeks and canals.
Cultivation.— 'From the Abari Creek to the Eiver Demerary the
plantations are in Cotton. In the Biver Demerary, and from it to
the east side of Esequibo River, they are in cofiee and sugar.
In the islands of the Esequibo they are in sugar.
stitution ar.d other posterior laws, to wit : Margarita, Guayana, Cumana,
Barcelona, Caracas, Carabobo, Barquisimeto, Barinas, Apure, Merida,
Trujillo, Coro and Maracaibo and any other territories or islands which
may belong to her. [Appendix to Case, iii, 48-49.]

British occupation, 1803-1850. 165
_? rom the west side of Esequibo Kiver to Cape Orange they are Lieut.-Gov. My-
Grs 1804.
in coffee, sugar, and cotton ; and from Cape Orange, alongst the
Araibish or Tiger coast, as far as there are Settlements towrirdS
the post at Morucco^ they are in cotton.*
Lieutenant-Governor Codd, in a letter to Major-Gent- Lieiii-Gov.Codd;
eral Murray, dated November 9, 1813, bears witness to
the fact that, between the Arabian Coast and the Pome--
roon, the region contained no settlers or plantations.
He says :
" I have also ordered the Post-holder Linau, at Moroco, to
come up with selected Indians, and I intend making him scour
the woods between the Arabian coast and the Pomeroon, with a
view to dislodge any runaway negroes who may have established
themselves there."f
Certain regulations of the Court of Policy of June 5, Military reguia-
1817, regarding the militia of the colony, serve to define
the actual limit of settlement at that time. These regu
lations assign two battalions to Essequibo ; and make
the following designation of territories from which
those battalions were to be drawn :
" In Essequibo, the first battalion shall consist of all the in
habitants from Borasira Creek upwards, as far as inhabited ou
the east side of the river, including the islands of Wakenaam,
Leguan, Varken or Hog Island, Troolie Island, and all other
islands in the river, except Tiger Island, and commencing on the
west side of Schonhoyen Creek, and upwards, as far as inhabited ;
the second battalion to consist of all the inhabitants from Schon
hoven, including Tiger Island, with all the west seacoast, includ
ing Pomeroon River." \
It will be noticed that on the coast the Pomeroon is
the westernmost point named ; and that up the Esse
quibo on the west side, everything is included under the
description, from " Schonhoven Creek, and upwards, as
* Blue Book, 1,156.
t Blue Book, 1, 160.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 63.

ban, 1827.

ishes, 1832.

166 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
Military reguia- far as inhabited." Schonhoven Creek is a small stream
tions of 1817. flowing int0 the very m0uth of the Essequibo, opposite
Hog Island.
Lieut.-Gov.DUr- In a despatch from Lieutenant-Governor Sir B.
D'Urban to Viscount Goderich, dated October 18, 1827,
the Lieutenant-Governor transmits "An account of the
extent and situation of the Crown lands" in the United
Colony of Demerary and Essequebo ; and, in the despatch
states that, " the country possessed by individuals is a
narrow border of the alluvial soil along the coasts and
rivers' banks."*
Division into par- Schoniburak:, in his Description of British Guiana,
published in 1840 (pp. 62-63), gives the division of
Demerara and Essequibo into eleven parishes. Of these,
only two, viz., St. John and Trinity, were on the west
side of the Essequibo ; the southernmost, St. John, ex
tending as far south only as the Supinaam Creek. These
two parishes, in the year 1832, contained only forty-
seven plantations, all of them along the Arabian coastf
Colonel St. Clair, Colonel St. Clair, having spent some months in Guiana
in the year 1834, published a work entitled A Resi
dence in the West Indies and America, with a Narrative
of the Expedition to the Island of Walcheren. In chap
ter vii. of this work he thus speaks of the Colony of
Essequibo :
"The Colony of Essequibo adjoins to Demerara, being under
the same governor, and is our most leeward possession in this
country. The creek or river called Morocco is the boundary line
between this colony and the Spanish main, which is not far from
the Pomeroon creek."J
"Whatever other value this statement may have, it is
* Blue Book, 1, 167.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 313-314 ; atlas, map 86.
X St. Clair (lit. Col. J. S.) Residence in the West Indies, etc., 2 vols.
London, 1834, chapter vii.

1834.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.

167

at least good evidence as to the limits of actual occupa
tion at the time.
- For the year 1838 we have a number of authorities :
they are ; (a) Sir Henry Light, the Governor ; (_<) Mr. J.
Hadfield, Crown Surveyor; and (c) Mr. William
Crichton, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks.
(a) Governor Light, in a despatch dated September
1, 1838, wrote :
" The Pomaroon river, at the western extremity of Essequibo,
may be taken as a limit to the country, though there is a mission
supported by the colony on the Maracca river or creek, a short
distance westward, where 500 Spanish Indians are collected in a
settlement under a Roman-catholic priest, recommended from
Trinidad for that purpose ; he is reported to be effecting good."*
Further on, speaking of the region "between the
Pomeroon and Orinoco," he says of it that it is a " coast
of 100 miles . . . unoccupied by any person or
under any authority. "f
(b) Mr. Hadfield's testimony is recorded in the shape
of a map dated August 1, 1838, % intended to show the
" Parochial divisions, as well as the present extent of
Cultivation of the Staple Productions, & the tracts of
such that have been abandoned within the last 30 Yrs"
According to this map, the settlements on the west of
the Essequibo were, at that time, limited to the Arabian
coast between Supenaam creek and the mouth of the
Pomeroon. (c) Mr. Wm. Crichton, having explored the coast
region west of the Pomeroon, made a report in which,
referring to the rivers Waini, Barima, etc., he says :
"Your reporter had communication with the Indian Captains
of the various nations inhabiting that portion of the country,
* Parliamentary Papers, 1839, Vol. 35, p. 278.
f Blue Book, 1, 285.
X Appendix to Case, atlas, map 79.

Colonel St. Clair,
1834.

Governor Light,
1838.

Hadfield, 1838.

Crichton, 1838.

168 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
Crichton, 1838. who all concurred in declaring that there were no persons except
Indians resident in either of these rivers or any of the creeks
their tributaries, and as he found no deviation in their state.
ments, he feels perfectly convinced of their truth. . . . The
district in question contains a numerous population of Indians,
viz., Warrows, Accaways, Caribesee, and Arrawaks, the former
the most numerous, and, in the humble opinion of your reporter,
it would be good policy to secure the absolute possession of it to
this colony."*
Schomburgk, 1839. According to Schomburgk (Description of British
Guiana, p. 63), there were on the west bank of the Esse
quibo, along the Arabian coast, in 1839, only forty-nine
plantations, f
Schomburgk, 1840. ^ map 0f British Guiana by Schomburgk, published
in Parliamentary Papers, 1840, Vol. 34, shows the ex
tent of cultivation on the west side of the Essequibo in
Local Guide, 1840. that year4 For that year there is also the "Local
Guide " of British Guiana, published at Demerara.
From that book (p. ii) the following statements are
taken :
"The inhabited part of the coast extends from the mouth of
the Pomeroon in 7£° K". Latitude, 59° W. Longitude, to the
mouth of the Corentyn, in 6° 1ST. Latitude, 57° W. Longitude, a
distance, following the indentations of the coast, of about 200
miles. The large islands in the mouth of the Essequibo are cul
tivated to a greater or less extent, particularly the two fine and
fertile islands, Leguan and Wakenaam, each about fourteen miles
long and three wide. The banks of the Essequibo are inhabited
only by a few scattered wood cutters."
Bri.rsheoccupation There is no evidence of any extension of British set
tlements or occupation along the coast between this last
date and the year 1850.
\   , 
* Blue Book, 1,186.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 315.
X Appendix to Case, atlas, map 82.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
2d. — As to the Interior.

169

During the period under consideration, British occu- British occupation
... _ . in the interior.
pation in the interior was limited to a single post at
the junction of the Essequibo, Cuyuni and Mazaruni.
At no time was there a pretence of anything beyond
this. Above the falls of these three rivers the interior
was practically unknown to the British.
Mr. Rodway, speaking apparently of the time of the Rodway, 1796.
earliest British conquest in 1796, says that for the three
rivers, Essequibo, Mazaruni and Cuyuni, there was only
one post which was " always near the junction of the
three rivers."
He states that it was not, " however, quite settled ; at
one time, the site of the present Penal Settlement was
chosen ; then it was at Ampa, and at another time at
Bartica ; " and he adds that, " all of these places are near
the junction of the three rivers."
In explanation of the fact that only one post was kept
up in the interior, Mr. Rodway adds that " neither the
King's nor Colony Chest could afford to keep up
more than one," and, therefore, "that single post must
be in a convenient place." *
Further light is thrown upon the location of this post Knoliman, 1808
by a report of H. W. Knoliman, styled Protector of Im
dians in the Essequibo, made in 1808. Speaking of the
postholder (evidently of this same Essequibo post), he
»
says: " The Postholder, Wahl, wishes to change the Post and bring
the same to a certain hill, from whence he can oversee the three
mouths of the rivers Essequibo, Cajoeny, and Massaroeny, and
from whence he can communicate by signals with his Assistant
at Bartica."f
* Appendix to Case, iii, 357.
f Same, p. 357.

170 Knoeiman, 1808.

Schomburgk,
1835.

bBitish occupation, 1803-1850.
This removal was allowed by the Court of Policy on
April 29, 1808 *
In a letter of September 25, 1835, existing at the
Government office at Demerara, and published by Mr.
Rodway, Schomburgk speaks of this post as the post " at
Cuyuni." In a letter of October 1, 1835, he calls it "post
Essequibo." He also calls it the " post on the Cuyuni."
Later Schomburgk writes that on his return in 1836 he
found that the post had been removed to Ampa. Ampa
is a village on the right or eastern bank of the Essequibo,
below the Cuyuni.
Hilhouse, 1830-31. In 1830 Mr. William Hilhouse made his first explora
tion of the Mazaruni. The following year he continued
his work of exploration. His account throws light upon
the location of the former extreme Dutch establishment
in this quarter, shown also by Schomburgk on his map
and erroneously called " a post " by Hilhouse. He says:
"We halted the first night, to increase our stock of bread, at
Caria island, about three hours above the post. * * * * *
Caria was once a Dutch post ; and several plantations were formerly
on the adjacent banks of the river, but the only traces of them
now left are a few cocoa trees on the east shore. Above Caria, on
a small island, is a Caribisce settlement of one family, which is
the only one of that nation now left on the Massaroony. Here
begin the rapids, the fourth of which, Warimambo, is the most
remarkable in this day's progress." f
Referring to his movements in the last week of Sep
tember, 1835, Schomburgk writes that, having gone up
the Essequibo to the confluence,
"We here left the main stream and sailed five miles up the
Cuyuni to the post or station of the postholder, which stands in a
beautiful situation on a mass of granite full 50 feet above the
water, commanding a view of the three rivers— the Essequibo, the
Cuyuni and Mazeruni, over which it is his duty to watch." J
* Appendix to Case, iii, 358.
t Royal Geogr. Soc. Journ., London, 1834, vol. 4, pp. 27-28.
X Royal Geogr. Soc. Journ., London, 1836, vol. 6, p. 225.

Schomburgk
1835.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850. 171
In Colonel St. Clair's work, above cited, speaking of 18^4olonel st- Clair'
Berbice, he writes as follows regarding the interior of
the country in 1834 :
"As I have before stated, the northerly boundary of this
colony is the sea. The southerly, as in the rest of our settle
ments in G-uiana, is undetermined, which, however, at this period
is immaterial, as the Europeans in this country seem to be afraid '
of leaving the seashore, apparently anxious not to expose them
selves to the fury of the native Indians, or to the vengeance of their
black slaves, and therefore keeping within sight of their ship
ping."* Codazzi's Atlas, published in 1840, contains a codazzi, 1840.
special map of the region in dispute,f and gives the site
of the former Dutch fort as on the Cuyuni and at the
mouth of the Tupuru, a short distance above the conflu
ence of the Cuyuni and Mazaruni. It gives nothing,
either Dutch or British, beyond that point.
Schomburgk's official report of August, 1841, con- Schomburgk,
tains the following statement, clearly indicating that, at
that time, there was no occupation above the lowest falls
of the Cuyuni :
" But the difficulties which the Cuyuni presents to naviga
tion, and those tremendous falls which impede the river in the
first day's ascent, will, I fear, prove a great obstacle to making
the fertility of its banks available to the colony." J
The present penal settlement at the junction of the Ordinance of
...... » ^ t April 9,1842.
three rivers was established m pursuance of an Ordi
nance passed April 9, 1842. The wording of this Or
dinance is confirmatory of what has already been stated
with regard to the location of the prior "Cuyuni" or
"Essequibo" post. It is as follows :
"Whereas it has been deemed expedient to erect and establish
* St. Clair (T. S.) Residence in the West Indies and America, etc.,
London, 1834, vol. — , chap. 10.
f Appendix to Case, atlas, map 80.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 119-120.

172 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
iDrdina-n-c-e -o_ a penal settlement at the old Post, near the junction of the Massa-
. April 9, 1842. r
roony River with the River Essequibo, etc."*
Local Guide, The "Local Guide" for 1843, after speaking of the
few scattered woodcutters inhabiting the banks of the
Essequibo, continues as follows :
"Above the rapids, which occur about 50 miles from its (Esse-
quibo's) mouth, there are no inhabitants except Indians. The
same is the case with the two great tributaries of the Essequibo,
the Cayuni and the Mazaruni, which come from the west and the
southwest. These rivers unite about eight miles from the Esse
quibo, and their united stream joins that river about forty miles
from its mouth. A short distance above their junction these
rivers become impeded by rapids, above which they are fre
quented only by a few wandering Indians. At their point of
union with the Essequibo, called Bartica, is an Indian Missionary
settlement ; and three or four miles up their united stream, on
the left bank, is the Colonial Penal Settlement, where the Colo
nial convicts, sentenced to hard labor, are employed in working
a fine quarry of granite. "f
No extension of There is no evidence of any extension of British set-
tion. tiement or occupation into the interior between this last
date and the year 1850.
The above evidence, gathered from the statements of
British officials and British documents, makes it clear
that, at least as late as 1850, tbat is to say, less than 50
years ago, British occupation of the Essequibo, so far as
its western bank was concerned, differed from Dutch
occupation ofthe same river in 1648 only because of a
few plantations along the Arabian or Arabisi coast.
Actual settlement along the coast did not extend as far
west as the Pomeroon ; and, in the interior, except for a
penal settlement, and a mission at or near the former site
of fort Kykoveral, there was no settlement or occupation
whatever.

* Local Guide of British Guiana, Demerara, 1843, p. 27.
t Local Guide of British Guiana, Demerara, 1843, p. ii.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850. 173
2d — CONDITION OF ESSEQUIBO COLONY.
A glance at the general condition of the colony itself Precarious con-
. dition of colony.
during th6 first half of this century will disclose the
fact that, like its predecessor of two hundred years be-
fore, it was generally on tbe brink of ruin ; and that its
continued existence, at least west of the Essequibo, was
at times very doubtful.
A brief reference will be made to but a few of the
facts upon which this statement is based.
To begin with, during the opening years of the Spanish attacks
, j.iq-1 _. ij t__i i on Arabian coast.
century, the bpaniards seem to have had as little regard
for British rights west of the Essequibo, as they had
formerly had for Dutch rights in the same region. The
planters of the Arabian coast — the only planters west
of the Essequibo — suffered constant attacks from the
Spaniards; and in November, 1807, petitioned the Court
of Policy for protection.*
But it was not from the Spaniards alone that the Abolition of
planters suffered damage. This same year of 1807 saw trade, C_807. S
the abolition of the African slave trade, the first of
those steps which in 1838 resulted in the total abolition
of slavery from the Colony, f
However much applause the abolition of this inhuman It was a b]ow t
trade may merit, it certainly came as a severe blow to the Colony-
the struggling planters whose dependence upon their
slaves was complete. The blow itself came at a most
inopportune moment. It came when the colony was
already in a moribund condition.
* Appendix to Case, iii, 324.
t Slave catching by the Caribs had ceased by this time. This ance
powerful tribe had gradually dwindled in numbers, and a little later had
become so reduced that Schomburgk, in 1840, wrote that there remained
but few in British Guiana. He adds: "The Caribs inhabit the lower
Mazaruni and Cuyuni ; about 100 are located at the Corentyn, 80 at the
Rupununi, 30 at the Guidaru, and their whole number (once the lords of the
soil) does not at present surpass 300." [Schomburgk (R. H.), Description of
Britigh Guiana, London, 1840, p. 50 ; see also Appendix to Case, iii, 325.]

174 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
Condition of col- For some years before, the seat of government had
ony, 1806. ^^ -^.^ jmp0rtance, even the residence of the Com
mandeur rapidly going to ruin. "At the meeting of
the Court of January 28th, 1806, it was reported that
the house of the Commandeur was uninhabitable." *
With the colony in the condition which this single
fact sufficiently attests, the check to the slave trade
threatened the very existence of the colony.
Alarming con- Year by year matters grew worse. On November 30,
1811, a meeting of the sugar planters was held to con
sider the alarming state of affairs, and the ruin that
stared them in the face.f
End of Essequibo The colony itself had gradually shrunk ; its import-
ony. ance becoming so impaired that the year 1812 witnessed
its end as a separate entity. On April 1 of that . year
it ceased to exist as a distinct colony, and became
merged with Demerara. Its archives were removed to
Georgetown : its Commandeur and other officials lost
their positions ; and the old colony passed away. J
A few years later the coast plantations began to
be abandoned or given up to the grazing of cattle. §
Compulsory man- So things continued, between life and death, until
umission in 1831. 1831, when a second blow was struck at the slave trade.
Compulsory manumission was then provided for;| and
two years later, on August 24, 1833, the Emancipation
Act was passed: this provided that after 1840 all slaves
should be free.*j[
Emancipation The effect of this final emancipation was almost the
act, Aug. 24, 1833.  * 
* Appendix to Case, iii, 324.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 324-325.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 325.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 325.
| Rodway (J.) History of British Guiana, Georgetown, 1893, vol. ii, p. 281.
1 Rodway (J.) Historyof British Guiana, Georgetown, 1893, vol. iii, p. 11..

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850. 175
ruin of the colony. Speaking of the condition of affairs Effect of emanci-
* *¦ o pation.
in 1842 and 1843, Rodway says :
" Now b3gau a general cry of "'ruin.' There had been plenty
o£ croakers all along and they were quite ready with their ' I told
you so' when things began to look black and lowering. In April
[1842] the Guiana Times showed up the state of affairs from the
pessimists' point of view. Pin. Enfield in Berbice, worth in 1829,
£29,000, had been lately sold at Execution for £2,000 and Port
Morant for $35,000 when it had been valued before the appen-
ticeship at as many pounds. Industry had stopped work —
Schoon-Ord formerly worth over £36,000 could be had for £20,000
— Rome and Houston now made only 600 instead of 700 hogs
heads — Vroio Anna was insolvent — and Nonpar iel had been
bought the year before for £30,000 and the owner now wanted to
sell it at a sacrifice. Such were the facts, but nothing was said
about the compensation money for the slaves which must be
taken into account in all these comparisons. A plantation with
two hundred slaves was worth between thirty and forty thou
sands more than one without any, and here we see the great
difference explained. It is undoubtedly true that emancipation
meant a serious reduction of the estimated capital and, as a
natural consequence, of all the advantages of its possession.
Only about a third of the value of the slaves was received, so that
every owner was mulcted in the amount of the other two-thirds,
leaving him in so much the worse position as a borrower. Prom
all that can be gleaned, the human property on an estate was al
ways of more importance than the acreage in cultivation, and
was therefore its prop and mainstay in all financial difficulties.
The few coffee plantations deteriorated in value to even a
greater extent than those of sugar. In October 1843 two estates
in No. 1 Canal, Vreed-en- Vriendschap and Jacoba Gonsiantia
were offered for sale, but nothing beyond two hundred dollars
was bid for them. The price of coffee was very low at this time
and that, with the scarcity of labour, led to an almost general
abandonment of this cultivation as well as that of cotton." *
An official dispatch of June 18, 1849, from Lieutenant- conditions in 1849.
* Appendix to Case, iii, 326-327, being pp. 64-65 of vol. iii of Rodway's
History of British Guiana.

176 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
.Conditions in 1849. Governor Walker to Earl Grey describes the conditions
existing in that year. It is as follows :
" It is most melancholy to learn, that while the difficulties of
the planters have continued since tlie abolition of slavery to be
come more and more severe, until now their ruin appears to be
almost complete, and the depreciation of property once of such
great value, has reached a point which has involved in the deep
est distress great numbers of persons both in this country and
the colony ; at the same time the negroes, instead of having made
a great advance in civilization as might have been hoped during
the fifteen years which have elapsed since their emancipation,
have on the contrary, retrograded rather than improved, and that
they are now as a body less amenable than they were when that
great change took place, to the restraints of religion and of law,
less docile and tractable, and almost as ignorant and as much
subject as ever to the degrading superstition which their fore
fathers brought with them from Africa."*
Commission of 1850 In January, 1850, a Commission was appointed to
inquire into the state and prospects of the colony.
Rodway thus speaks of its report :
" This report is most exhaustive, proving beyond doubt that
the colony in general was virtually ruined. The Commissioners
stated that they had examined the principal estate proprietors
and attornies, as well as the leading merchants, and observed
with deep concern the alarming picture of ruin and distress in
which all classes with startling unanimity concurred in represent
ing the then state of the once flourishing colony. Whole districts
were fast relapsing into bush, aud occasionally patches of provi
sions around huts of villagers were all that remained of what had
formerly been most prosperous estates. In many places the road
communication was difficult aud would soon become utterly im
practicable. " Eeviewing the whole coast line and commencing with Deme
rara, they said that the former estates in the Abary district, once
blooming with fields of cotton, were nothing but a series of pesti
lent swamps, breeders of malignant fevers. From Mahaicony to
Mahaica tlie only estate in cultivation was Pin. Farm; the others
* Appendix to Case, iii, 327.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850. 177
were either given over to a few cattle, or abandoned, except a few Commission of
patches of reef-land in provisions. On the upper west bank of the
Mahaica creek the roads and bridges were in such a bad condition
that the few remaining estates were entirely cut off except in the
dry season.*
" If Demerara were bad, Essequebo was worse. Unless a speedy
supply of labour was obtained to cultivate the deserted fields of
this once flourishing district, there was reason to fear it would
relapse into utter abandonment. Leguan, for many years termed
the garden of the colony, once contained twenty-three sugar and
three coffee and plantain estates ; these had been reduced to eight
in sugar and but three of these were in full cultivation. From
the termination of the Apprenticeship want of labour was severely
felt. As soon as the people were at liberty, they left the island
and went to Demerara to be near town. Then commenced the
establishment of villages on the land itself, which quickly ab
sorbed a number of the working people, for whom hunting and
fishing had greater attractions than field work. Mr. MacKenzie,
of Pin. Amsterdam, told them that it was no overdrawn description
when he asserted that the cultivation was then limited to a third
of the former number of estates, and these were but struggling
desperately to avoid the doom which seemed inevitable. Forest
trees were rapidly taking over the once smiling canefields, and the
few remaining were scarcely discernible amid a savage bush.
" Wakenaam was not in quite such a deplorable condition.
None of the estates were actually abandoned, but many were only
nominally in cultivation, and the previous year's crop was less by
six million pounds than that of 1829. In this island and Leguan
over two thousand people lived in villages, for whom the aban
doned cane-pieces afforded excellent hunting grounds and the
surrounding waters good fishing. On Hog Island the cultivation
had dwindled from 858 acres to 308, and the crop of sugar" from
nine himdred to two hundred hogsheads. It was kept up then
by means of coolies whose service would soon expire, and unless
a fresh supply could be obtained the cultivation would probably
be abandoned. On Tiger Island the area had been reduced from
856 to 328 acres, and instead of a working population of 561 the
number had been reduced to 125 Creoles and 189 immigrants, the
latter carrying on most of the cultivation.
* Appendix to Case, iii, 328,

178 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1803-1850.
Commission of " Between the Supenaam and Iteribisce Creeks the coast was in
1850. _tc_ a mogt deplorab]e condition. Of seven fine sugar estates, four
nominally survived with greatly diminished cultivation. Three
villages in this district contained nearly seven hundred Creoles,
a fourth of whom worked at times on the estates, but the re
mainder ' sit down, and hunt and steal both from the planters and
each other. Unable to obtain labour, the proprietors seem to be
keeping up a hopeless struggle against approaching ruin, and un
less immigration recommenced their estates would have to be
abandoned.' Between Iteribisce Creek and Capoey Creek three
coffee and ten sugar plantations formerly existed ; these had been
reduced to eight in sugar and the produce to less than half. In
1829 the population was 2,764 ; it was then only 954. The vil
lagers, however, numbered over 4,000, but so little work was per
formed by them that they could hardly be considered as a part of
the labour supply. The Arabian coast, so long the boast of the
colony, had become a mournful picture of departed prosperity.
Here were formerly some of the finest estates in the colony and a
large body of resident proprietors who freely expended their in
comes on the spot. From Capoey Creek to Better Success there
had been twenty-three plantations ; three of these were virtually
abandoned and the remainder in a languishing condition. The
sugar crop here was also less than half, caused by the same want
of labour. The district swarmed with villages, but no depend
ence could be placed on the people, and the estates were mostly
worked by coolies. As the end of their engagements was approach
ing they were leaving to claim back passages, and the Creoles were
also leaving. From Devonshire Castle to the Pomeroon, where
formerly there had been seven estates worth £176,000, the coun
try was almost desolate." *
Such was the condition and extent of the British
colony on the Essequibo River at the middle of the
present century, only forty-seven years prior to the
signing of the present treaty of arbitration.
* Appendix to Case, iii, 329-330,

XIV.— HISTORY OF BRITISH OCCUPATION.
1850-1896.
In view of the fifty year rule [Art. IV, Rule (a)] Fifty year clause
adopted by the present treaty, the expansion of British
occupation subsequent to 1847 can have no effect upon
the determination of the boundary line. Rule (c), how
ever, is as follows :
" (c) In determining the boundary-line, if territory of one
Party be found by the Tribunal to have been at the date of this
Treaty in the occupation of the subjects or citizens of the other
Party, such effect shall be given to such occupation as reason,
justice, the principles of international law, and the equities of the
case shall, in the opinion of the Tribunal, require."
In order that the tribunal may be able to apply this
rule, it becomes necessary to place it in possession of
the facts connected with the recent occupation of a part
of the disputed territory, by Great Britain. The begin- Beginning of
. British occupationf
ning of that occupation dates, on the coast, only from 1880 and 1884.
1884 (twelve years prior to the signing of the treaty),
and, in the interior, only from 1880, or later, (not more
than sixteen years prior to the present treaty).
Prior to those dates, British settlement Was still what Recent settle
ments made in face
it had been in 1850. Since those dates, all persons who of warnings.
have ventured into the disputed territory have gone
there in the face of distinct warnings from both govern
ments. They have, with open eyes, assumed all the
risks involved ; and, so far as the Venezuelan Govern
ment is concerned, it does not consider that they are
entitled to any consideration.
The history of recent British occupation is so inti- Gold industry.
mately connected with the history of the gold industry,

1857

lg0 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
Gold industry, that it will be best understood if a brief review of this
be first given.
Caratal discov- In 1850 the rich gold fields of the Caratal were dis-
ered, 1850. covered on the banks of the Yuruari, Avhere the Vene
zuelans already had extensive settlements*
This was at once advertised in Georgetown, but tbe
location of the mines was so far away that no attempt
was made to visit them until the following year.f
In 1851 four tradesmen from Demarara went to the
mines by way of the Orinoco, and returned later by the
same route. $
Excitement of In 1857 fresh reports of the Yuruari mines reached
British Guiana ; and a newspaper of Georgetown pub
lished a statement to the effect that the diggings
"appeared to be in British territory." § Immediately
the public mind was fired. Proposals were made to build
a road so tbat direct communication might be had with
the mines. The Home Government at the same time
was urged to bring about a settlement of the boundary
question.f In August, 1857, the Gazette stated that many parties
were anxious to try their fortunes at the diggings but
were prudently waiting until a direct route could be
opened.^" Soon after a party started by way of the
Moruca and the Waini, going thence across to the Cuyuni
and on to the Yuruari.**
Others followed, but the route was always by the
coast rivers, or else by sea to the Orinoco. ft
Finally, in August (1859) a party made its way to
* Appendix to Case, iii, 333.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 333.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 334.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 334.
|| Appendix to Case, iii, 335.
IF Appendix to Case, iii, 335.
** Appendix to Case, iii, 335.
\\ Appendix to Case, iii, 335.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896. 181
the mines by way of Cuyuni, but the return trip was Excitement ot
wisely made by way of the Orinoco. *
After this the Venezuelan authorities prohibited ,. Venezuela for-
1 bad commumca-
further communication through the interior, with the *io? through in-
° tenor.
result that no further expeditions were undertaken by
that route. f
Partly as a result of this prohibition, and partly
because of the hardships which had to be endured by
those who were bold enough to venture so far from
home, the gold fever subsided, and for some years the
Venezuelans continued in undisputed and exclusive
possession of the Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin.J
Referring to this gold excitement, im Thurn says of im Thurn's state
s' & ' J ment.
it: "Certain English expeditions were, indeed, sent to Tupuquen,
but their sole result was a tardy acknowledgment from the
English that the mines of that place were not in British terri tory."§
In 1863 the dormant gold fever again showed signs First British at-
tempt to occupy
of its presence. | land in Cuyuni
This brings us to tbe first attempt on the part of the
British to actually occupy land in the Cuyuni basin.
Their predecessors, the Dutch, had been expelled from
there by the Spaniards in 1772 : since that time only a
few explorers had penetrated beyond the lowest falls of
the Cuyuni and Mazaruni rivers.
In 1863 a number of gentlemen applied to Governor
Hincks for a right to occupy a tract of land on' the
Cuyuni. The answer of the Governor was that he was
precluded from granting them a license, and that he
could only regard them as a community of British ad-
* Appendix to Case, iii, 337.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 338.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 338.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 151. ,
| Appendix to Case, iii, 339.

basin, 1863.

182 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
First British at- venturers acting on their own responsibility and at
tempt to occupy .
land in Cuyuni their OWn peril.
Notwithstanding this rebuff, these "British advent
urers " were bold enough to take the matter into their
own hands, and to go into the Cuyuni, twenty miles be
yond the Penal Settlement.t
Money was spent without any adequate return ; and
the company finding itself embarrassed sent a represen
tative to London to sell its property.^
Warning by When this became known, the British Government
Great Britain . . , _ T .._>/>„ .
against settling in caused a notice to be published, January 30, 1867, de-
disputed territory, , .
1867. clanng that it could not undertake to afford protection
to British subjects encroaching upon the territory in
dispute, " but must only recognize them as a community
of British adventurers acting on their own responsi
bility, and at their own peril and cost." §
Attempt at min- The result of this was the failure of the Companv, and
ing abandoned. # "
the abandonment of its property. |
Speaking of this ineffectual effort of the British to
mine in the Cuyuni, Mr. im Thurn says :
"In or about 1863 certain gold mines on the Cuyuni Eiver, at a
distance of about two days' journey from its mouth, were worked
by an English company formed in Georgetown. No serious at
tempts to wash for gold were made higher up the Cuyuni by any
English subjects. These English mines are very far from those
of Tupuquen, which are at a distance, roughly speaking, of, at the
very least, twenty or thirty days' journey from the mouth of the
Cuyuni. Tupuquen undoubtedly lies very far on the Venezuelan
side of the boundary as claimed by the English and as laid down
by Sir Eobert Schomburgk. Had we, therefore, claimed the
mines at that place, it would have been most unwise and unwar
rantable. But we made no such claim, and Marmol's attempt to
* Appendix to Case, iii, 339.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 339.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 340.
| Appendix to Case, iii, 340.
| Appendix to Case, iii, 340.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896. 183
quote such a claim as an act of aggression on our part must be . Attempt at min-
based on a mistake. But he makes the statement in such apparent
good faith as to suggest the idea that possibly not only his state
ment but the action of the Venezuelan Government was founded
on a mistake which has never yet been rectified [not ratified, as
erroneously printed]. It is just possible that the Venezuelan
Government, hearing some rumor that the English were working
gold on the Cuyuni, hastily adopted the conclusion that this was
in the neighboui'hood of Tupuquen and within their territory.
However this may have been, they appealed to the British Govern
ment to stop the alleged invasion of their territory, and the British
Government, having given notice to the gold mining company
that they must work only as adventurers and not claim British
protection, the works were abandoned." *
This occurred in 1867.
After the failure of the British Mining Company in No more heard of
1867, nothing more was heard of gold mining in the untnTsso! UyUm
disputed territory until about the year 1880. It then
began to be rumored that some Frenchmen from Cay
enne had discovered gold in the Puruni river, a branch
of the Mazaruni. This led to other explorations in the
same direction and gold mining at last obtained a start
in the Cuyuni-Mazaruni basin, f
The search for gold gradually extended to the coast Gold in the coast
region. In 1887 it was discovered in the Barima: a
new impetus was thereby given to the gold industry ;
and a new rush into the disputed territory took place.
This brought forth a new warning from the British New warning by
. Great Britain in
Government in June, 1887, whereby all persons, were 1887.
cautioned that, in going into the disputed territory, they
were doing so at their own risk. J
* Appendix to Case, iii, 151.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 323.
tThe following is from the Royal Gazette, Georgetown, of Wednesday, June
8, 1887: "A meeting of the Court of Policy was held yesterday, at which there
were present : His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor (Chas. Bruce, Esq.,
C. M. G.); the Honourables P. J. Villiers, C. M. G. (Acting Government
Secretary); A. Kingdon (Acting Attorney-General); G. Melville (Acting
Auditor-General); A. H. Alexander (Immigration Agent-General) of the

184 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
New warning by The warning deterred some : others ventured in, thus
Great Britain in a
188V- deliberately assuming the risks involved.

official section ; Honorables F. Mulligan, W. Craigen, C. L. Bascour, B. H.
Jones and J. J. Dare, of the elective section. The Court was constituted at
11.35 A. M., and sat with closed doors until 11.45, when the public were
admitted. " The Gold Industry and the Boundary Question.
" Threatened Collapse of the Gold Industry.
"His Excellency said : Hon. Gentlemen of the Court of Policy,— Before
we proceed to the Order of the Day, I am anxious to make a statement with
reference to the question of the boundary between this Colony and the
Republic of Venezuela. Among the applications which have been received
for mining licenses and concessions under the Mining Regulations passed
under Ordinance 16 of 1880, 16 of 1886, and 4 of 1887, there are many
which apply to lands which are within the territory in dispute between Her
Majesty's Government and the Venezuela Republic. 1 have received
instructions of the Secretary of State to caution expressly all persons inter
ested in such licenses, or concessions, or otherwise acquiring an interest in
the disputed territory, that all licenses, concessions or grants, applying to
any portion of such disputed territory will be issued and must be accepted,
subject to the possibility that, in the event of a settlement of the present
disputed line, ihe land to which such licenses, concessions or grants applies
may become a part of the Venezuelan territory ; in which case, no claim to
compensation from the Colony, or from Her Majesty's Government can be
recognized ; but Her Majesty's Government would, of course, do whatever
may be right and practicable to secure from the Government of Venezuela a
recognition and confirmation of licenses, etc., now issued. In making this
statement I am aware that I shall disappoint the sanguine expectation of
those who may have hoped that the proclamation of November 6, 1886,
represented the final settlement of the boundary question. All, however,
who have followed the course of public opinion in England must have seen
that the question is not yet settled. The interpretation which I place on the
instructions 1 have received is, that Her Majesty's Government desire to
have their hands free to come to an early and permanent settlement of this
long dispute. I am confident, and I ask you to share my confidence, that
such a settlement will be based on the justice of our claims and the preser
vation of the integrity of this province.
" Mr. Mulligan was sure that what His Excellency had just stated and
the despatch he had just quoted, would cause considerable annoyance out
side, especially among those who had placed a great amount of capital in
the gold venture on the faith of the proclamation which was recently pub
lished. It would have been very much better, and would not have reflected
as much on the Imperial Government, had they taken no action whatever,
but to allow matters to stand as they had been for many years disputed.
People would then have known what they were about and would have been
fully cognizant of all the risks they ran in venturing on the disputed terri
tory, but after the appearance of the proclamation so recently issued, it was
but natural that British subjects, assured of protection as such, should
invest money in speculations such as had taken place. Very considerable
amount of capital had been so invested, and it seemed now rather late in the
day to be told that they were squatters and adventurers, and were simply
working on their own lines. He expressed his sincere regret that this had
taken place, but could not say that he was surprised, for when the proclanr

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896. 185
In 1888, the result of the gold discoveries in Barima m??™ltsstinf pgrobd
was as yet problematical; and it was not until 1889 lematicai in 1888.
ation was brought up in November, 1886, he said in this Court he thought
it would do more harm than good, and that people would be induced by it
to go digging gold in the disputed district with the result which he veiy
much feared His Excellency's words foreshadowed.
"However, it was entirely in keeping with the miserable backward policy
of the Imperial Government, and which they exhibited all over the world.
Stanley's letter, for instance, recently addressed to a Geographical Society,
on the condition of British influence at Zanzibar, and other parts of Africa,
showed that the same backward policy of which we had here an example
was being exhibited there. He thought it was cruel, and more than cruel,
to reduce to such straits British subjects who had invested capital in this
gold venture; — in fact, he knew there were some who had put their all in
the venture. Those people were now told that in case of a settlement of
this boundary question and a decision that the disputed territory on which
they were now digging, belonged to Venezuela, they would have nothing to
hope and nothing to claim from this colony or the Imperial Government.
He hoped the elective members of the Court of Policy would at any rale
protest against the action and draw the attention of the Imperial Govern
ment to the proclamation, and to the words then spoken by the Attorney-
General in this Court when it was decided to issue that proclamation.
' ' Mr. Jones thoroughly indorsed all that had fallen from the senior elective
member of the Court with reference to the despatch just quoted by His
Excellency. The announcement which had been made would create an
immense amount of heart-burning amongst those who had capital invested
in what was considered to be an undertaking secured to them by proclama
tion from home. When the despatch of last November was received the
feeling outside was that the British Government had taken up a position
which they intended to stand by, but it seemed now that they had drifted
back from their former opinion, and would no longer give any support to
the operations which had been undertaken by private parties in the disputed
territory. His own feeling regarding the boundary question had for
many years past been that the only right solution of the boundary question
would be by the appointment of a Royal Commission to meet a Com
mission from Venezuela, and that the commissioners should go over the
whole grounds of the subject, and visit the whole of the boundary was as
done recently with reference to Afghanistan. The boundary dispute here
might not be such an important point as that of Afghanistan was to British
rule in India, but it was certainly of great importance to us in this colony to
have it settled, and it was of as great importance to the Government here to
have that done as it was to the Government of India to have the boundary
of Afghanistan settled. If such commission were appointed, he felt sure
that there would not be those heart-burnings and feelings of distrust which
the present and past policy of the British Government had created in the
minds of the colonists, who looked on and saw the sort of game being played
by British rule, or he might say, misrule.
" His Excellency said : I shall lose no time in conveying to the Secretary
of Stale the vital importance to this Colony of an early settlement of this
question (Mr. Mulligan: Hear, hear), and the rising importance of the
gold industry. And I shall, of course, avail myself of the opportunity to
represent to the Secretary of State what has been expressed in this Court,
and what, I have no doubt, represent the general feelings of the community."

186 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
First important (only seven years before the present treaty) that it as-
gold discoveries \ J J
were in 1889. sumed any considerable proportions.*
The foregoing account of the gold discoveries and of
the gold industry in the disputed territory will suffice
to show how recent both are : it will also throw light
on the cause and present character of British occupa-
Cause and re- tion. As to the interior, this occupation is fully explained
cent date of British
occupation. by the gold discoveries : except tor these the Cuyuni-
Mazaruni basin would probably be to-day as free
from British as it had been free from both Dutch
and British for more than a century before. As to
the coast, the gold discoveries furnish but half the ex
planation. The other half will appear later in the
diplomatic history of the question. Suffice it here to say
that, prior to the discovery of gold, and as early as 1884,
British occupa- Mr. McTurk, a British official, acting under British
tion of Barima . .'
Point. authority, took forcible possession ot the mouth of the
Orinoco; and that, in 1885, the region along the coast,
as far west as Barima point and the Amacura river, was
organized into a separate " district '' under the jurisdic
tion of a Special Commissioner, f
It has been stated that, except for the gold discoveries
in tbe Mazaruni in 1880, except for the gold discoveries
along the coast subsequent to that date, and except for
the formal taking of possession of the mouth of the
[See also Rodway (J.) History of British Guiana, Georgetown, 1894, iii,
225.] *"The change, great as it is, has been effected in the last three or four
years, being in part due to the discovery by small cultivators of the ex
traordinary richness of the soil, but has occurred, I might almost say,
chiefly within the year 1889, being due to the discovery of a rich and
easily accessible gold area in the Barima.
" Writing in December, 1888, I could only describe the chance of the
discovery of gold in the district as problematical. Only two or three
months later gold had been discovered in considerable quantity, and
within a year a very large part of the gold industry of the colony had
been directed to these parts." [im Thurn (E. F.) Report ; published in
1890.] f British Guiana and its Resources, London, 1895, pp. 76-77.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896. 187
Orinoco in 1884 by Mr. McTurk, the British never had .. Brit>sli. occ.uPa-
^ 7 tion of Barima
settlements of any kind, nor occupation of any nature, Point-
above the lowest falls of the Essequibo, Cuyuni and
Mazaruni in the interior, nor beyond the plantations
along the Arabian coast on the seaboard.
As witnesses to this, the following writers may be
cited : 1. AS TO THE COAST.
The story of this region is best told by Mr. im Thurn story of the coast
in a paper read before the Royal Geographical Society Thurn.
in London on July 4, 1892, and published in the " Pro
ceedings" of that Society for October, 1892, Vol. 14, pp.
665-687. The following extracts are taken from the
article referred to :
" During my nine years' work I have been actively engaged, first,
in ascertaining the nature of the country, and then in transform
ing this from its state of desolate and unbroken swamp, smothered
in densest tropical vegetation, and inhabited but by a few red men,
into an integral part of the colony." (p. 665.)
" Though through fear of privateers, these at first went up the
rivers, yet as soon as tliis fear was removed they cast longing eyes
on the splendidly rich submerged land of the seacoast, and, with
an experience and skill gained in their Low-Country homes, dam
med back the sea along the southern coasts of the colonies, and
reclaimed for cultivation a narrow strip of alluvial soil, extending
along the sea and river edge, but hardly anywhere more than
three or four miles in width. But their work ended northwest at
the Pomerun river. The whole interior of the country, and
even the seacoast north of the Pomerun— that is, the northwestern
part of the colony — they left as Nature made it. Since the begin
ning of this century, when the country passed from the hands of
the Dutch to those of the English, the latter have rather reduced
than extended the area of cultivation ; and though they have
fairly maintained the quality, the land beyond the narrow belt of
cultivation has remained as Nature made it and the Dutch left it.
(p. 668.) ***********

1§8 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
Story of the coast " Though the settlements in the Pomerun were, as has been
Thfrm11 by im said, among the earliest, if not indeed the earliest, in what is now
British Guiana, and though they have never been at any time com
pletely abandoned, yet at no time have they attained the privilege
of independent government, as was the case with the settlements
on the Essequibo, Demerara, and Berbice Rivers. During the early
part of this century there were flourishing settlements and sub
stantial houses for some distance along the right bank, and also at
intervals higher up, on both banks of the Pomerun ; but of these
hardly any record exists. About 1840, at the time of the visit of
the brothers Schomburgk, the houses and the cultivation, though
still partly existing, were already in decay, and for some time after
that date the river remained practically abandoned to Redmen and
to squatters. About twenty years ago there was a revival of
agricultural industry by the settlement in those parts of a*few
Portuguese, and the development in this direction has since then
been continuous. The Government of the colony was represented
there up to 1872, by an official with somewhat vague powers,
handed down from Dutch times, called a Post-holder. With
the revival of industry by the Portuguese, this official was
modernized into a magistrate. It was to this post that I was
appointed in 1882. My jurisdiction extended nominally to the
Orinoco ; but hardly anyone capable of giving an intelligent ac
count of the country had been beyond the Pomerun, or the small
creek, the Moruka — a branch of the Pomerun — on which two
missions, one Protestant, the other Roman Catholic, had been es
tablished about 1840.
" My station on the Pomerun then was the outpost in a north
westerly direction of the civilized part of the colony, and it im
mediately became my desire to explore the unknown part of the
district under my charge, (pp. 669-670.)
******;&****
"Even from the Redmen and the black squatters on the
Pomerun I found it very difficult to get any information as to
the great region beyond ; but at last, in January, 1883, though
unsuccessful in getting a guide, I started to see for myself what
lay within my district beyond the known parts, (p. 670.)
***********
" On the other hand, the higher part of the new district is
(1892) being fast overrun by very successful gold diggers. But

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896. 189
these agricultural and mining enterprises date, the former, only Story of the coast
r c _r i o u bv i m
some half dozen years, the latter only some three years back." Thurn.
(p. 685.)
The same official, in his report for 1889, says:
"Remembering the desolate, uninhabited, unused, indeed un
known, condition of this latter sub-district when I first visited it
in February, 1883, and now seeing its present condition at the
close of the year 1889, I find it hard to realize that these are but
two aspects of the same place. Then, as I passed down the
Barima River, through about 120 miles of its lower course, I saw
no house or sign of habitation, no human being, until we came
to the sand bank at the sea, on which two or three men from the
neighboring Amakooroo River were temporarily camped, for the
purpose of fishing. In the Amakooroo itself, on the English
side, there was not a house to be seen, though there were two or
three cultivated plots, the owners of which reside on the opposite
shore. In the sub-district the entire number of settlements, if
we restrict the term only to such cultivated plots as had sufficient
drainage, and on which the farmers lived, amounted therefore to
but four. Moreover, at that time no travellers moved on the
rivers, if we except the half dozen of settlers, and two or three
hucksters trading with Indians."*
Mr. im Thurn is confirmed in these statements by a im Thum sup
ported by others.
number of other writers.
Mr. C. Barrington Brown, the government geologist, Brown, 1875.
describing his geological survey, wrote in 1875:
¦' The civilized and cultivated portion of the colony lies only
along a narrow strip of sea-coast. * * * rphis portion,
between the rear of the sugar estates and the confines of the col
ony, is known as the " Interior;" and, with the exception of a few
settlements on the banks of the lower Berbice, Demerara and
Essequibo rivers, it remains to-day in the same state as in the time
of Raleigh."f
In his Handbook, published in 1893, Mr. Rodway says Rodway, 1893.
that :
" The settled portioD of the colony extends along the sea-
* British Guiana. Administrative Reports for the year 1889, fol.
Georgetown, Demerara, 1890, p. 17.
f Brown (C. Barrington). Canoe and Camp Life, etc., 8°, London, 1876,
p.l.

190

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.

Rodway, 1893. coast from the west bank of the river Essequebo to the east bank
of the Corentyne."*

Witnesses as to
interior.

im Thurn, 1879.

im Thurn, 1892.

Rodway, 1889.

2. AS TO THE INTERIOR.
Our witnesses as to these regions are again Mr. im
Thurn, Mr. Brown and Mr. Rodway, and in addition to
these Sir Clements R. Markham, President of the Royal.
Geographical Society.
The following is the description which, in 1879, Mr.
im Thurn gave of the territory in dispute :
" The territory in dispute commences on the western bank of
the Essequebo River and extends to an undefined distance toward
the Orinoco. Along and near the banks of the Essequebo, at
least during the lower part of its course, is a fairly dense popula
tion of British subjects, and along and near the banks of the
Orinoco is a fairly thick population of Venezuelans. But the
intermediate space is inhabited only by some scattered Indians,
and is visited only at long intervals by a few travelers, traders,
adventurers or explorers."f
In 1892, in a passage already quoted in full, he says
that "the whole interior of the country .... they
(the Dutch) left as Nature made it." J
Mr. Rodway, writing in Timehri in 1889, said:
Up to the time of Robert Schomburgk's explorations, the in
terior of this country was almost unknown. The great lake of
Parima was still retained on most of the maps of South America,
but the best geographers had already expressed doubts as to the
existence of any. very large body of water in Guiana. Hillhouse
had made some journeys up the Massaruni aud also partial ex
plorations of the country between the Essequebo and the Orinoco,
but the upper districts of our great rivers were less known than
they had been a century before, when the Dutch postholders
must have had a good knowledge of the country. Humboldt's
researches had left Guiana unexplored ; he says, "With respect
* Rodway (J.). Hand-Book of British Guiana, 13°, Georgetown, Br.
Guiana, 1893, p. 16.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 150.
X Royal Geog. Soc. Proc, London, 1892, Oct., xiv, 668.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.

191

to the continuation of the system of the mountains of Parime, Rodway, 1889.
southeast of the meridian of the Essequebo, the materials
are entirely wanting for tracing it with precision. The whole in
terior of Dutch, French and Portuguese Guiana is a terra incog
nita, and the astronomical geography of those countries has
scarcely made any progress during the space of thirty years.*
The same author in his HandBooh for the Chicago Rodway, 1892.
Exhibition, 1892, said :
" The Forest Region. — Commencing at the sand-reefs, the flat
ness of the coast region gives place to an undulating country,
which gradually rises to hills and then mountains. The greater
portion of this vast territory is covered with primeval forest — a
portion of that wilderness of vegetation which extends with only
a few breaks over a great portion of South America. A few de
scendants of old settlers or their slaves live on the banks of the
Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice rivers, and here and there a
woodcutter or gold seeker ; these comprise, with the remnants
of scattered tribes of Indians, the inhabitants cf this region.
Sometimes not a single human being can be found within a hun
dred miles, even the Indians having gone away for some unex
plained reasons." f
Mr. Brown's testimony regarding this interior has al- Brown, 1875.
ready been quoted : he states that the " Interior . . .
remains to-day (1875) in the same state as in the time
of Raleigh." %
Sir Clements R. Markham, in a review published in Markham, 1876.
April, 1876, says:
"Both the colonies of British Guiana and Natal have recently
published maps of the territories subject to their sway. . . .
"From a note placed under the title we learn that the bound
aries laid down upon the map are those adopted by Sir Robert
Schomburgk. . . .
"At present there are no settlements on the territories in dis-

* Timehri, being Jour, of Roy. Agl. & Com'l. Soc, Demerara,
June, iii, 1.
f Rodway (J.) Hand-Book of British Guiana. Georgetown, Br.
Guiana, 1892, p. 11.
X See p. 189 of this volume.

192 Markham, 1876.

No British occu
pation until a dozen
years ago.

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
pute, or at most, unimportant ones, and an amicable settlement
of these boundary questions could easily be arrived at."*
From what has been above set forth, it must be ap
parent that, according to the evidence of British officials
and British writers especially qualified to speak on the
subject, the entire territory west of the Essequibo, ex
cepting only a few plantations along tbe Arabian coast
at the mouth of that river, had never been occupied by
the British until within a dozen years past; and that the
present occupation has been effected in the face of re
peated warnings from both the Venezuelan and the
British governments. A brief examination of the pub-
Census of British lished census of the British colony may tend to empha-
Colony. size the first of these statements. Such an examination
will also serve to show that a statement made by Lord
Lord Salisbury's Salisbury, first in 1880, and aajain in 1895, was based
statement. JJ °
upon erroneous information. The statement referred to
was that, to admit Venezuela's claims to the territory
in dispute,
" would involve the surrender of a province now inhabitated by
40,000 British subjects, and which has been in the uninterrupted
possession of Holland and Great Britain successively for two
centuries."! The first census of the colony of which there is any
record is that of 18314
At that time the entire Essequibo colony on both
sides of the river numbered 25,079 persons, of whom all
but 1,526 were slaves ; the whites numbering only 614.§
In 1851 the total population had fallen to 24,925, and
of these only 14,398 were on the west side of the Esse
quibo along the Arabian coast; of these again only 1,106
* Royal Geog. Soc. Journal, London, 1876, April, p. 103.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 218.
X Appendix to Case iii, 819.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 320.

Census of 1831.

Census of 1851

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896. 193
were Europeans. * There were no settlers west of the Census of 1851.
Pomeroon, and only a few scattered woodcutters above
Hog Island in the Essequibo river.
The last census of the colony, that for the year 1891, Census of 1891.
gives the following :
Total population of Essequibo- county  53,254
Of this total there were only 388 Europeans other than
Portuguese, the balance being mainly East Indians,
of which there were ...    22,502
And Blacks, of which there were   19,926
- The population on the Upper Pomeroon was  952
" Lower " "  1,673
" " Moruca was   1,349
" " Northwest District   942
Above first rapids of the Essequibo, including Potaro and
the upper Essequibo gold fields  3,908
On the Mazaruni     312
On the Cuyuni     ._ 144
It does not appear how many of those credited to Population in
. . Cuyuni-Mazaruni
Mazaruni and Cuyuni were above the lowest falls of Dasin-
those streams; but, assuming that they were all settled
there, the figures given show, that a line drawn from the
mouth of the Moruca to the lowest falls of the Mazaruni
and Cuyuni, and thence south along the Essequibo,
would leave to the west only the following :
Northwest District (between Moruca and Orinoco)  942
Cuyuni    144
Mazaruni     312
Total    .  1,398
None of these were in these regions in 1880 when None there in
° 1880.
Lord Salisbury first wrote of the " 40,000 British sub
jects " inhabiting a province which had been " in the
uninterrupted possession of Holland and Great Britain
respectively for two centuries."
* Appendix to Case, iii, 169.

194 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
Population in 1895. There may have been a few more there in 1895 when
this assertion was repeated; but it will be apparent,
from the official census of the colony, that such popula
tion as was to be found there in 1895, or such as exists
there to-clay, is in any event small, and that it consisted
and consists of persons who, after repeated warnings
from both the British and Venezuelan Governments,
have gone into that region during the last dozen years.
Character of pres- In order that the Tribunal may be further able to
ent British "settle- . . .
ment." judge of the equities to which present occupants may be
entitled under the treaty, it is advisable that it be in
formed as to the character of the present British " settle
ment" in the disputed territory.
In this connection Mr. im Thurn may once more be
quoted. Speaking of the class of people in the Barima
region, he says :
" Agriculture in the district, probably because of the superior
attractions of the gold industry, still makes very slow progress."
" Lastly, as concerns the gold industry, I think it right to put
on record my sense of the growing necessity for better protection
of the rights of persons and property at the gold fields. There
is gathered together a large and varying body of men, the greater
part of them taken from the most lawless and undisciplined
classes of the colony ; and there is not among them, nor within
many days' journey of them, one single representative of the
law."* The following extract is taken from the annual report
of E. P. Wood, Commissioner of the Department of
Mines, dated July 23, 1895.
" So far the scratching that has been is nothing. It proves
nothing. There is not a shaft or a ' borehole ' down to two hun
dred feet in the Country, so that actually speculators have not
much to guide them. The reason for this is that there is no
* British Guiana. Report of the Government agent of the North
Western District of British Guiana for 1894-5, fol. Georgetown, Deme
rara, 1896, p. 1,

BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896. 195
mining population here, everything has to be taught.' .... Character of pres-
The alluvial mining is rich, and although the work is not sys- ment''"8'1 "SeUle"
tematic, yet I consider that any party of five men, if they choose
to be careful, can make good wages all the year round by working
for themselves. . . . One of tlie greatest drawbacks has been
the necessity of coming down [to the settlements] to pass gold
[through the Government Royalty Office] and obtain provisions."
" Speaking generally, I think the industry is in about the same
state as this time last year. But I think with the advent of Eng
lish capital, management and workmen, that a better state of
things will have commenced by this time next year, only com
menced, though, as in my opinion it will take another five years
before the Gold Eields of British Guiana will make any appreci
able difference to the world's gold output. Without skilled labor
from the outside nothing will ever be done. The natives in time
will do, but they have to be taught, and without having capable
men to direct and superintend their work, very little improve
ment can be expected." *
The following is from Notes on British Guiana and
its Gold Industry, dated January 8, 1895, prepared by
Mr. H. I. Perkins, Government Surveyor:
" There was no extensive mining done until 1884, which is
the first year for which any record of Colonial gold has been
obtained." "The high rate of wages offered (64 cents per day with food
and sleeping accommodations) induced the laboring population,
chiefly black, to leave their homes in the Villages on the Coast
to engage themselves to work in the bush for three or four
months at a time."
" The really good men are very few and the majority are habit
ual malingerers." f
In the same publication (p. 11), Mr. Perkins thus de
scribes the gold diggers' "habitations :"
"The architecture of a bush-house is neither elaborate nor ex
pensive ; the corner posts and cross beams are usually of round
* British Guiana. Administration Reports for 1894-5, fol. Georgetown,
Demerara, 1896, p. 505.
t Perkins (H. I.), Notes on British Guiana and its Gold Industry, fol.
Georgetown, 1895, p. 7,

196 BRITISH OCCUPATION, 1850-1896.
Character of pres- wood barked, and the rafters of round poles, also barked; on
ment."tlSh ^ 6 these is placed the roof, made of peculiar tough paper imported
from the United States and called 'Neponsett/ or else palm
leaves, which make a much cooler covering, are used ; but, as
leaves are not always to be obtained, paper is substituted."
In an anonymous work, of which the author is said to
be Robert Tennant, published in London in 1895, and
entitled British Guiana and its Resources, the author
say: " There are, it is estimated, upwards of 200 placers now in
actual work, the returns from which vary from a few oz. to 1,000
oz. gold per month, or an average of about 50 oz. each ; the
aggregate capital invested in these workings does not, it is stated,
amount to more than the value of a year's production." *
Mr. Rodway in 1892 wrote:
" In the upper Demerara [which is not within the disputed
territory] quartz-mining is being commenced, but elsewhere only
placer-washing is at present (1892) carried on." f
Mr. Perkins in 1894 wrote:
" During the year 1891 about 20,000 laborers were registered
for the several districts, these serving on an average for about
three months each, so that there were always four or five thou
sand diggerr in the bush. "J
It seems unnecessary to comment upon these facts :
they speak for themselves.
* Appendix to Case, iii, 356.
t Handbook of British Guiana, Georgetown, 1893, p. 52.
X Perkins (H. I.) Notes on British Guiana, and its Gold Industry
fol., Georgetown, January 8, 1895, p. 11;

XV.— REGARDING SPANISH AND VENEZUELAN
OCCUPATION DURING THE
19TH CENTURY.
The extent and character of British occupation dur- Reasons for hav-
. ing set forth ex-
ing the present century has been thus set forth because, tent of British oc-
. p, cupation.
according to the view of the question taken by the
United States of Venezuela, the territorial rights of
Great Britain can, in no case, exceed the limits which
that occupation had reached fifty years ago.
This statement is not intended as an admission that
Great Britain has a right to any territory west of the Esse
quibo, even though she may have been in unchallenged
possession of it fifty years ago — a fact which Venezuela
denies — it is merely intended to make clear from the
start, that the limits of the Essequibo colony have de
pended upon the question of actual possession ; and that
all territory not lawfully occupied by the Dutch, or by
their successors the British, belonged to Spain and be
longs now to Venezuela, as a matter of course, and
quite independently of whether, during the 18th and
19th centuries, such territory was or was not occupied
by, or whether it was or was not under the exclusive
political control of Spain or Venezuela.
It may further be added, that the proof already, Proof of Spain's
. . control strengh-
though unnecessarily, adduced, showing the exclusive tens Venezuela's
title.
political control by Spain during the 18th century of
the coast region and of the entire Cuyuni-Mazaruni
basin, gives added strength, under the rules adopted by
the present treaty, to Venezuela's title to the entire
region ; and that that title having been once proven, it is
unnecessary, in the absence of any evidence of British
title to the same territory, and until such evidence shall

198

SPANISH-VENEZUELAN OCCUPATION, 19TH CENTURY.

Unnecessary to De forthcoming, to present proof of continued possession
prove continued ' „ .
possession by 0r control by Venezuela of that region. As a matter
of fact, Spain, first, and then Venezuela, did continue
in exclusive possession and control of the disputed ter
ritory until 1850, when under an agreement (hereafter
to be more fully explained) with Great Britain,
Venezuela withdrew for a time.
Burden of proof jp01. the present, however, for the reasons above set
on Great British. L
forth, Venezuela considers that she is not called upon
to support this allegation by proof. The burden is
upon Great Britain to establish how far encroachments
upon territory, originally Spanish, can, under the stipula
tion of the Treaty of Munster and under the rules
adopted by the present treaty, confer title upon herself.
In the meantime, and until such proof shall be forth
coming, Venezuela considers it unnecessary to set forth
at length tbe history of Spanish and Venezuelan occu
pation and control during the present century.
While relying upon the correctness of the principle
thus stated, Venezuela considers that there are two
facts, whose importance and significance must excuse
their present mention.
Pilot station at The first of these is that, according to the testimony
Barima, 1802. of Major MeCreagh, an English officer, the Spaniards,
already as early as 1802, were maintaining a regular
pilot station at the Barima mouth of the Orinoco.f
This station has continued to be maintained from
or before that time to the present day ; and its exist
ence has been repeatedly recognized by the British
Government. J
* As a matter of fact the Appendices hereto do contain proof of this fact,
hut the documents which attest it have, in the main, been submitted with
a view rather to show the restricted limits of British occupation than the
extent or exclusiveness of Spanish and Venezuelan settlement and control.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 57.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 189-193.

SPANISH-VENEZUELAN OCCUPATION, 19TII CENTURY. 199
The second fact is that, in the year 1836, the British Barima under
' J ' Venezuela juris-
Consul at Angostura and the British Minister at Caracas diction in 1836-
both bore testimony to the fact, that Barima point was,
at that time, under Venezuela's exclusive jurisdiction.
The latter, on behalf of his government, went so far as
to make a formal request of Venezuela to erect a light
house at Barima point.*
*Appendix to Case, iii, 189-190, 209.

XVI.— DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
The diplomatic history between Great Britain and Schomburgk's ap-
-¦¦- i i ¦ i pointment as Corn-
Venezuela, relative to the boundary question, began in missioned
1841, and was occasioned by the appointment of
Mr. Schomburgk* as Commissioner to mark out the
boundary. By instruction of November 28, 1840, Sir Bobert
Ker Porter, the British Minister at Caracas, received in
structions from his government "to inform the Ven ezue-
* Robert Hermann Schomburgk was born in Freiburg, Saxony, June
5, 1804, and died in Berlin, Germany, March 11, 1865. Between 1825 and
1830 he was in the United States, first at Boston and later at Richmond,
Va., where he was in the tobacco business. Failing in this, he wentto the
West Indies in 1830, where he surveyed the island Anegada. His report
and published observations on the cultivated plants of the West Indies
brought him to the notice of the Royal Geographical Society, which, on
November 19, 1834, engaged him to explore in Guiana. He reached
Georgetown for the first time on August 5, 1835. His work in Guiana is
comprised in the nine years between this date and May 20, 1844, when he
took his final departure. On May 31, 1844, the instruments with which
his boundary survey was made were presented by the governor to the
"new Astronomical and Meteorological Society" of British Guiana.
In all six trips, or expeditions, for surveying and making collections,
were made by Schomburgk, the first three under the auspices of the Royal
Geographical Society, the last three under the auspices of the govern
ment. First Expedition— September 21, 1835, to March 18, 1836.
Second Expedition— September 2, 1836, to March 30, 1837.
This was followed by a severe attack of yellow fever.
Third Expedition— September 12, 1837, to June 17, 1839.
In October, 1839, he went to England. Early in 1840, he published his
little book entitled " Description of British Guiana." OnMay25, 1840, he
received one of the gold medals of the Royal Geographical Society.
The King of Prussia decorated him with the Order of the Red Eagle.
His engagement as Commissary for surveying the boundaries of British
Guiana was read in the Court of Policy in Georgetown, October 29, 1840.
Fourth Expedition— April 19, 1841, to July 27, 1841.
Fifth Expedition — December, 1841, to January, 1843.
Sixth Expedition— February 14, 1843, to October 13, 1843.
On May 20, 1844, he left British Guiana and remained for some time
at Barbados and wrote a history of that island, which was published in
1847. In 1848 he was made British Consul at St. Domingo. In 1857 he
was sent to Siam as Her Majesty's Consul-General. In declining health,
he returned to England in 1864, and retired on a pension. He died in
Berlin, March 11, 1865.

202 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Schomburgk's ap- jan Minister of Foreign Affairs that Her Maiesty has
pointment as Com
missioner, issued a Commission to Mr. R. H. Schomburgk, author
izing him to survey and mark out the boundary between
British Guiana and Venezuela." *
Venezuela, in This information was conveyed to the Venezuelan
1841, proposed
treaty to define Government on January 13, 1841;+ and on the 28th
boundary. J
of the same month the Venezuelan Minister of Foreign
Affairs replied by proposing a treaty for the purpose of
defining the boundary in question. J The Minister also
suggested that the appointment of Commissioners to
mark out the boundary be deferred until after such a
treaty had been concluded. §
Answer of Brit- The answer of the British Minister, on the 30th of
ish Government. tlie same month, was tbat Mr. Schomburgk had already
been commissioned by his government, and that he
was probably already at work on the ground, fl He
stated, however, that he would lay the matter before
bis government.^
Surveyanderec- ln the meantime, and without any further notice,
tion ofpostsby J
Schomburgk. jyrr Schomburgk actually begau the survey, and erected
posts at various points to mark the line by him laid
out. He made his first report on June 22, 1841;**. and
followed it by a second report in August of the same
year.+f
isifX^haf been 0n August 17, 1841, the Venezuelan Minister of For
eign Affairs, Mr. Aranda, wrote to Mr. O'Leary, the Brit
ish representative at Caracas, asking information with
* Appendix to Case, iii, 193.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 193.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 194.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 194.
| Appendix to Case, iii, 194.
11 Appendix to Case, iii, 194.
** Appendix to Case, iii, 77.
ft Appendix to Case, iii, 97.

hoisted in the Am
acura.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 203
regard to a report received bv him to the effect that a Brit- Report that Brit-
J ish flag had been
ish flag had been hoisted at the mouth of the Amacura.* hoisted in the Am-
acura.
Mr. O'Leary, under date of August 21, 1841, denied protest by Vene-
any knowledge of the occurrence. + The Venezuelan
Government thereupon appointed Commissioners to pro
ceed to British Guiana "for the purpose of investigat
ing the origin and design wherewith the British flag and
other marks as of possession were planted at Barima
and Amacura * * * * and also to make suitable
reclamations and protests." %
On October 5, 1841, Senor Fortique, the Venezuelan
Minister in London, addressed a note to the Earl of
Aberdeen, asking for an explanation of Schomburgk's
conduct and urging, at the same time, " the necessity
of proceeding to the negotiation of a treaty of bound
aries as a preliminary step to the operation of demarca
tion." §
The instructions sent at this time to Senior Fortique instructions
_ . .to Senor Fortique
by his Government, relative to the proposed uegotia- regarding negotia-
tions.
tions, were in part as follows :
"Although Venezuela's rights in Guayana extended to the banks
of the Essequibo, as you should show, this Government being
anxious to remove all obstacles to a speedy adjustment, is not
disposed to insist upon its rights to that extent, it being manifest
that England will not agree to surrender her establishments on
the Pumaron and Moroco rivers. You may, therefore, direct the
course of your negotiations accordingly, making gradual con
cessions until an agreement can be had on the following line of
boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, viz. : The
Moroco from its mouth to its headwaters in the Imataca moun
tains ; thence southward along the highest ridge of these moun
tains to Tupuro creek ; thence along the waters of said creek to
the Ouyuni river ; thenco along the northern side of the Cuyuni .

* Appendix to Case, iii, 195-196..
f Appendix to Case, iii, 195.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 196.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 197.

204 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Instructions to to its confluence with the Essequibo; and thence southward
Senor Fortique re- aw the left bank of the Essequibo to its confluence with the
g E r Q I D g H6££Otl8r- o
tions. Kupuruni as a terminus." *
Lord Aberdeen's To Senor Fortique's note of October 5, the Earl of
statement regard-
ing Schomburgk's Aberdeen replied on October 21, 1841, stating, with
proceedings. reference to Mr. Schomburgk s proceedings, that the
demarcation so made was merely a preliminary measure
open to future discussion between the Governments of
Great Britain and Venezuela, and that Mr. Schomburgk
had left behind him no "guard-house, sentry box or
other building bearing the British flag."+
Governor Light's In line with these declarations of Lord Aberdeen,
statement on same
subject. Governor Light, on October 20, 1841, wrote to Senor
Aranda and stated that,
" Mr. Schomburgk's mission was one purely of survey, with
instructions from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord
Palmerston, to ' erect landmarks on the ground in order to mark
out by permanent erections the line of boundary so claimed by
Great Britain ; it would then rest with each of the three Govern
ments, namely, Brazil, Venezuela, and the Netherlands, to make
any objections which they might have to bring forward against
these boundaries, and to state the reasons upon which such ob
jections might be founded, and Her Britannic Majesty's Govern
ment would then give such answers thereto as might appear
proper and just.' "\
Governor Light added :
" I trust this explanation will be satisfactory to your Excellency ;
neither the Government of Venezuela nor of Great Britain having
hitherto occupied the Barima, and that point marking the
boundary claimed by the British Government, it will be prudent
not to attempt an occupation which would complicate negotia
tion, and might lead to unpleasant discussion." §
Protest by Vene- The Venezuelan Commissioners to British Guiana
zuela.  * U. S. Commission, Report, vii, 6.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 198-199.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 197-198.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 198.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 205
failed in their mission, so far as negotiations for a Protest by Ven-
ezuela.
boundary treaty were concerned, but they recorded their
protest against the encroachments of the British ; and,
in a letter to Governor Light dated October 26, 1841,
they set forth the relations of Venezuela to the Orinoco
delta in the following words :
"And to this plain and extended right to this territory must Relations of Ven-
l jj j _¦_ i j _ _ i_- i -i. ezuela to Orinoco
be added the necessary exclusive and constant use which Vene- ^eita-
zuela has always particularly enjoyed of the great mouth of the
Orinoco called ' Boca de Navio,' including the two Bivers
Amacura and Barima, which empty themselves into the said
great mouth.
All nations with whom we trade will bear witness to the ancient
establishment and daily service of .our 'pilot boats' between
the Island Pagayos, in tbe River Orinoco, and Barima Point,
which is the main point of entrance and exit by the great mouth
of the Orinoco ; which is for Venezuela, by right and necessity,
what the mouths of the Thames and the Seine are to their
respective nations.
And besides the pilotage service, Venezuela has exercised its
right of police and prevention of smuggling over all the southern
bank of 'La Boca de Navios,' and at both sides, and at both
mouths, of its two tributaries, the Barima and Amacura. Nor
can Venezuela ever deprive herself of this use and right
without considering it an offence, which she can never fear from
her great and just friend Great Britain."*
On October 23, 1841, in answer to inquiries by Schomburgk's
official report of
Governor Light, of British Guiana, Mr. Schomburgk Oct. 33, 1841.
made a special report setting forth the grounds
upon which he based the British claim to Barima
and Amacura.f This was an official report in
tended for the eyes of the public. On the same
date he wrote to Governor Light a confidential
letter, pointing out the importance to Great Britain
* Appendix to Case, iii, 199-200.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 121-135,

206 DIPLOMATIC CORKESPONDENCF.
Schomburgk's 0f the possession of Point Barima as a point command-
confidential \eUcr of ,_/-•»• -.>• * t _!.¦ i _/
Oct. 23, 1841. ing the entrance to the Orinoco River.* In this letter
he dwelt at length upon the fact that the occupation of
Barima meant the commercial and the military control
of the entire Orinoco region.
Venezuela's dc- rpjie Government of Venezuela, becoming better
mand for removal
of Schomburgk apprised as to the acts of Mr. Schomburgk, made a
posts. J- -
renewed and stronger protest against such acts, and
demanded tbe removal of the posts which had been
erected. This was in a note from Senor Fortique to
the Earl of Aberdeen, dated November 18, 1841. In
that note Sefior Fortique made the following statement :
" The Undersigned has subsequently been directed to assure
Her Majesty's Government that Commissioner Schomburgk,
overstepping, no doubt, the terms of his authorization, has at
a point of the mouth of the Orinoco fixed several posts with Her
Majesty's initials— has hoisted the British flag in that locality,
solemnly attended by an armed force— and has proceeded to
other acts of dominion and empire."f
Venezuela again Tu a separate note of the same date Sefior Fortique
urges a boundary L
treaty. again urged upon the British Government the desir
ability of a treaty, and his readiness to negotiate it. J
Schomburgk's On November 30, 1841, Mr. Schomburgk sub-
memorial of Nov.
30, 1841. mitted a further letter, a memorial, and two maps to
Governor Light. §
Venezuela again ISTot receiving any reply to his notes of November
demands removal of ° J *- •>
Schomburgk posts. 18) excepting a mere formal acknowledgment of
their receipt, Senor Fortique again addressed himself
to Lord Aberdeen on December 8, 1841. In his
note of that date he again, and in stronger terms,
requested the immediate removal of the posts erected
* Appendix to Case, iii, 125-127,
t Appendix to Case, iii, 200.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 203.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 127-128.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 207
by Schomburgk, and once more expressed his readiness Venezuela again
demands removal
to negotiate a boundary treaty.* ° f Schomburgk
J) OS US.
In answer to this Lord Aberdeen replied, on Decern- Lorcl Aberdeen's
x answer.
ber 11, 1841, stating that the erection of the posts
was merely a preliminary measure, that they were not
intended "as indications of dominion and empire on the
part of Great Britain," and " that the British authorities
have not occupied Point Barima.1' +
The Venezuelan Government, however, determined to Venezuela r e -
peats her demand.
remove every semblance of British authority within
Venezuelan territory; and in a note of January 10,
1842, repeated its demand for the removal of the posts.J
In reply to this Lord Aberdeen, on January 31, Removal ordered
1 J ' J ' by Great Britain.
1842, wrote stating that the British Government would
order the removal of the posts. §
The matter of the posts having been thus disposed
of, on May 23, 1843, Senor Fortique once more urged
upon Lord Aberdeen the necessity of determining by
treaty the boundary between the two countries.! Nego- Negotiations for
boundary treaty.
tiations were finally begun on January 31, 1844, when
Senor Fortique submitted in writing the claims of Ven
ezuela to all territory west of the Essequibo.** Lord
Aberdeen answered the note last referred to in detail,
entering into a discussion of Venezuela's claims as set
forth by Senor Fortique, and presenting the claims of
Great Britain. ff
The views of the two governments were so far apart,
however, that it at once became evident tbat nothing
could be arrived at, if there were not mutual concessions.
In proposing a compromise line which should give to q^^co1 mouth °f
* Appendix to Case, iii, 202-204.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 204-205.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 205-207.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 207-208.
|| Appendix to Case, iii, 208.
** Blue Book 3, 248-251.
ft Blue Book 3, 251-254.

208 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
importance of Venezuela the control of the Orinoco mouth, Lord Aber-
Orinoco mouth. deen in the following words recognized the importance
to Venezuela of the command of that river :
"Believing, then, that the undivided possession ofthe Orinoco
is the object most important for the interests of Venezuela, Her
Majesty's Government are prepared to cede to the Eepublic a
portion of the coast amply sufficient to insure Venezuela against
the mouth of this her principal river being at the command of
any foreign Power. With this view, and regarding it as a most
valuable concession to Venezuela, Her Majesty's Government are
willing to waive their claim to the Amacura as the western bound
ary of the British territory, and to consider the mouth of the
Moroco Biver as the limit of Her Majesty's possessions on the
sea-coast. They will, moreover, consent that the inland boundary shall
be marked by a line drawn directly from the mouth of the Moroco
to the junction of the Biver Barama with the Biver Waini, thence
up the Eiver Barama to the Annama, and up the Annama to the
point at which that stream approaches nearest to the Acarabisi,
and thence down the Acarabisi to its confluence with the Ouyuni,
from which point it will follow the bank of the Cuyuni upwards
until it reaches the high lands in the neighbourhood of Mount
Eoraima which divide the waters flowing into the Essequibo from
those which flow into the Eio Branco.
All the territory lying between a line such as is here described,
on the one side, and the Eiver Amacura and the chain of hills
from which the Amacura rises, on the other, Great Britain is
willing to cede to Venezuela, upon the condition that the Vene
zuelan Government enter into an engagement that no portion of
it shall be alienated at any time to a foreign Power, and that the
Indian tribes now residing within it shall be protected against all
injury and oppression." *
proposa^re^'d Tlie line ProPosed by Lord Aberdeen was not accept-
by Venezuela. alble to Venezuela, and the conditions attached in its
acceptance were so at variance with the rights and dig
nity of that country that, for the time being, negotia
tions were suspended.
In 1850 there was a rumor that Great Britain had
* Appendix to Case, iii, 310-211.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 209
taken possession of Barima Point on the coast, and of Rumor regarding
"Fuerto Viejo" on the Cuyuni. The excitement in ' ""''"
Venezuela consequent upon this was so great that it
was deemed prudent on the part of Great Britain to
deny the truth of the report,* and at the same time to
make a formal declaration that it had "no intention of "Agreement of
1850."
occupying or encroaching upon the disputed territory."!
While making this declaration to Venezuela, the Brit
ish Minister requested Venezuela to make a similar
formal declaration to Great Britain. J This was done
under date of December 20, 1850.§ This arrange
ment is what has come to be known as " The Agree
ment of 1850."
Negotiations for a boundary treaty were again taken Negotiations re-
° . - J_ sumedinl876.
up in 1876 by Senor Calcano, then Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Venezuela, and by the Earl of Derby. These
were continued in London by Senor de Rojas, who, on
February 13, 1877, wrote Lord Derby urging a settle
ment of the question, and suggesting that a mixed com
mission be appointed to survey the territory in dispute. |
After waiting for more than two years without re
ceiving any other reply than a mere formal acknowl
edgment of the receipt of his note and a promise of its
consideration, Senor de Rojas, on May 19, 1879, once
more addressed the British Government in a note of
that date to the Marquess of Salisbury.^"
On January 10, 1880, Lord Salisbury answered Great Britain's
J _ extreme claim
Senor de Rojas' note, and stated Great Britain's extreme stated.
claim, expressing at the same time the willingness of
Her Majesty's Government to adopt a compromise line,
* Appendix to Case, iii, 211, 212.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 212.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 212.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 213-214.
| Appendix to Case, iii, 214-215.
11 Appendix to Case, iii, 215-217.

210 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Great Britain's and requesting Senor de Rojas to submit a proposition
extreme claim . . , . . «
stated. with that end in view.
In answer to this, Senor Fortique, on April 12,
1880, wrote to Lord Salisbury, stating that Venezuela
was disposed to make concessions from what she re
garded as her strict right, and to agree to a compromise
line. He then requested to know whether the British
Government would be disposed to conduct negotiations
for that purpose on the basis of the line proposed by
Lord Aberdeen in 1844.f Senor de Rojas receiving no
answer to this note (beyond the formal acknowledgment
of its receipt), on September 27, 1880, addressed him
self to Earl Granville requesting a reply. On February
Lord Granville's 12, 1881, Lord Granville wrote to Senor de Rojas
refusal to negoti- . _ .
ate on basis of stating that, Her Majesty s Government are unable to
Lord Aberdeen's
Line. accept the mouth of the Moroco as the boundary on the
coast " ; that it would consider a line commencing at a
more northerly point on the coast, and would be glad to
be favored with a general communication of the views
of the Venezuelan Government, J
Senor de Rojas' Senor de Rojas answered this note on February 21,
proposal. 1881. He referred to the fact that Lord Aberdeen had
himself proposed the Amacura mouth as a point of de
parture on the coast ; but, in order to meet the views of
Lord Granville, he proposed a line beginning one mile
north of the mouth of the Amacura, and suggested that,
if this were not satisfactory to the British Government,
his own government was disposed to submit the matter
to arbitration. §
Proposai!ranviIle's This Proposition was, on September 15, 1881, met
by a counter-proposition on the part of Lord Granville,
* Appendix to Case, iii, 217-218.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 218-219.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 219-220.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 220-222

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 211
a proposition which gave the starting point on the Lord Granville's
coast at a point distant " twenty-nine miles of longitude
due east from the right bank of the river Barima,"
and which, in the following language, recognized the
importance to Venezuela of the Orinoco mouth :
" This boundary will surrender to Venezuela what has been
called the Dardanelles of the Orinoco. It will give to Venezuela
the entire command of the mouth of that river, and it yields
about one-half of the disputed territory, while it secures to
British Guiana a well-defined natural boundary along almost its
whole course, except for about the first 50 miles inland from the
sea, where it is necessary to lay down an arbitrary boundary in
order to secure to Venezuela the undisturbed possession of the
mouths of the Orinoco ; but even here advantage has been taken
of well-defined natural landmarks. The Barima, connected as
before mentioned by its tributaries with the center of the country
of Essequibo, is also connected with the Waini by a channel
through which the tide flows and ebbs."*
The proposition of Earl Granville was referred, by Lord Granville's
n -it.. -1-tt t /-* -i proposals rejected
Senor de Rojas, to the Venezuelan Government, and by Venezuela.
after careful consideration was rejected, for the reason,
among others, that the Constitution forbade the aliena
tion of territory belonging to the Republic.
In his note of November 15, 1883, to Colonel Mans- Dr. Seijas urges
arbitration.
field, Dr. Seijas, the Venezuelan Minister of Foreign
Affairs, reaffirmed the right of Venezuela to all terri
tory west of the Essequibo, and again proposed to sub
mit the question to arbitration.f
To this proposition the British Government answered Great Britain's
on March 29, 1884, refusing to submit the question to
arbitration.^ On April 2, 1884, Dr. Seijas again
urged arbitration upon the British Minister at Caracas,
and asked him in default thereof, to make a suggestion as
* Appendix to Case, iii, 156.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 223-224.
X U. S. Commission, Report, vii, 71.

g12 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Great Britain's to an " acceptable course for attaining the solution of
refusal. this difficulty." *
At various times the proposition to arbitrate was re
peated by Venezuela, and as often refused on the part
of Great Britain.
Toward the latter part of 1884 General Guzman
Blanco, having been appointed Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary to represent Venezuela in
London, arrived in that city. The special purpose of
his mission was to bring about a settlement of the
boundary question.
There were at that time pending between the two
countries two other questions, viz., the differential duties
upon imports from British Colonies into Venezuela, and
certain claims of British creditors against the Republic.
New negotiations General Guzman Blanco, in a memorandum commu-
begun by Gen. Guz- _
man Bianco. nicated to Sir Julian Pauncefote on December 13,
1884, proposed that these questions be settled simultane
ously, t Negotiations were conducted on this basis, and
on April 6, 1885, a Project of Treaty was submitted
by General Guzman Blanco to Earl Granville. This
Project contained a general clause agreeing to submit
" any difference which cannot be adjusted by the usual
means ot friendly negotiation" to the arbitration of a
third power.J
Draft Treaty Negotiations proceeding satisfactorily, on June 8,
submitted by Lord ° jo j i
Granville. " 1885, General Guzman Blanco submitted to Earl Gran
ville a formal Draft Treaty in which was retained the
arbitration clause above referred to.§
On June 18 Lord Granville sent to General Guzman
Blanco copies of the proposed treaty in print, and asked
his approval of certain conditions proposed by the
* Appendix to Case, iii, 224-226.
i Appendix to Case, iii, 226-227.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 227, 228.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 229.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 213
British Government* These were in the main accept- Dftf* T!,eaty ac-
r ceptable to Vene-
able to Venezuela, but, before the treaty could be con- |u^ £ut jj^^
eluded, Earl Granville was succeeded by the Marquess of Salisbury.
Salisbury, who, under date of July 27, 1885, wrote
to General Guzman Blanco objecting to certain words
which had been the subject of discussion between Earl
Granville and General Guzman Blanco, and then added :
" Her Majesty's Government are unable to concur in the assent
given by their predecessors in office to the general arbitration Ar
ticle proposed by Venezuela, and they are unable to agree to the
inclusion in it of matter other than those arising out of the inter
pretation or alleged violation of this particular Treaty." f
General Guzman Blanco's reply to Lord Salisbury, Protest by Vene-
ZU.6_.__.
dated August 5, 1885, was in the nature of a protest
against the refusal of the British Government to respect
the engagements of the previous government which had
already given formal assent to the arbitration article. £
After some ineffectual attempts on the part of General
Guzman Blanco to continue negotiations they were
suspended. British interests requiring that the boundary question Lord Rosebery's
. . instructions to de-
should no longer remain in suspense, on June 7, 1886, fine the boundary.
the Earl of Rosebery instructed Mr. F. R. St. John, the
British Minister at Caracas, to inform the Venezuelan
Government that the British Government intended "to
proceed at once to define the boundary of the British
possessions in Guiana," and that the line which they in
tended to trace would run as follows :
" The initial point to be fixed at a spot on the sea shore 29 miles
of longitude due east from the right bank of the Eiver Barima,
and to be carried thence south over the mountain or hill called on
Schomburgk's original map the Yarikita Hill, to the 8th parallel
* Appendix to Case, iii, 229-230.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 231.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 231-232.

214 DIPLOMATIC .ORRESPONDENCE.
Lord Rosebery's of north latitude ; thence west along the same parallel of latitude
rTnlTheboundar^6" until it cuts the boundary line proposed by Schomburgk, and
laid down on the map before mentioned ; thence to follow such
boundary along its course to the Accarabisi, following the Accara
bisi to its junction with the Cuyuni ; thence along the left bank
of the Eiver Cuyuni to its source, and from thence in a south
easterly direction to the line as proposed by Schomburgk to the
Essequibo and Corentyne." *
Lord Rosebery added :
You will add that instructions have been sent to the Governor
of British Guiana authorizing him to grant licenses forthwith
for gold-mining within the territory, which will be at once
marked as British territory, and without requiring him to with
hold the issue of such licenses until the completion of the line of
demarcation." f
Negotiations once After the sending of these instructions, the presence
more renewed. °
of General Guzman Blanco presented an opportunity
to once more enter into negotiations ; and after some pre
liminary correspondence, Lord Rosebery, on July 20,
1886, submitted to General Guzman Blanco the follow
ing basis of negotiation :
Lord Rosebery's " Boundaries.— -It is proposed that the two Governments
should agree to consider the territory lying between the boundary-
lines respectively proposed in the 8th paragraph of Senor Eojas'
note of the 21st February, 1881, and in Lord Granville's note of
the 15th September, 1881, as the territory in dispute between
the two countries, and that a boundary-line should be traced
within the limits of this territory, either by an Arbitrator or by
a Joint Commission, on the basis of an equal division of this ter
ritory, due regard being paid to natural boundaries. Her
Majesty's Government attach special importance to the possession
by British Guiana of the mouth of the Eiver Waini, and they
desire, therefore, to stipulate that the line should start from the
sea-coast westwards of that point, due compensation being found
in some other portion of the disputed territory for this departure
from the basis of an equal division. The question of the cession
* Appendix to Case, iii, 160.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 160.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 215

to Venezuela of the Island of Patos will be considered in connec- Lord Rosebery's
tion with the boundary negotiations. The
entirely free to commerce and navigation.*

T.TOT. OS__ 1
tion with the boundary negotiations. The Eiver Orinoco to be

General Guzman Blanco made no immediate reply to -_Gen- Guzman
x ¦' Blanco s answer.
this proposition, but on July 28, 1886, addressed a
strong note to the Earl of Rosebery, rehearsing the diplo
matic history of the preceding forty years, reminding
Lord Rosebery especially of the agreement of 1850
whereby both countries had declared that they would
not occupy nor encroach upon the disputed territory,
calling attention to recent flagrant violations of this
agreement by British officials, and demanding repara
tion therefor and the re-establishment of the status quo
ante.-f On the following day, July 29, 1886, General Guz.
man Blanco addressed a second note to Lord Rosebery,
in answer to the latter's note of July 20. In this
second note General Guzman Blanco declined the propo
sition of the British Government to draw a conventional
boundary somewhere between the line proposed by
Senor de Rojas on February 21, 1881, aud that pro
posed by Lord Granville on September 15, 1881. He
reiterated the statement, made so many times by him
and by his predecessor, that the Venezuelan Constitu
tion forbade the alienation of territory; and he once
more spoke of arbitration as the only way out of the
difficulty. $
General Guzman Blanco's departure for Venezuela Negotiations in
terrupted.
interrupted negotiations.
Meanwhile, on October 21, 1886, the British Gov
ernment caused the following notice to be published in
the London Gazette :
* Appendix to Case, iii, 54.
f Appendix to Case, iii, 234-246.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 247-252.

216 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Notice published Colonial Office, Downing Street, October 21, 1886.
by Great Britain.
THE COLONY OF BEITISH GUIANA.
Whereas the boundary-line between Her Majesty's Colony
of British Guiana and the Eepublic of Venezuela is in dispute be
tween Her Majesty's Government and the Government of Vene
zuela :
And whereas it has come to the knowledge of Her Majesty's
Government that grants of land within the territory claimed by
Her Majesty's Government as p^rt of the said Colony have been
made, or purport to have been made, by or in the name of the
Government of Venezuela.
Notice is hereby given, that no title to land, or to any right in,
or over, or affecting any land within the territory claimed by
Her Majesty's Government as forming part of the Colony of
British Guiana, purporting to be derived from or through the
Government of Venezuela or any officer or person authorized by
that Government, will be admitted or recognized by Her Majesty
or by the Government of British Guiana; aud that any person
taking possession of, or exercising any right over, any such land
under colour of any such title, or pretended title, will be liable to
be treated as a trespasser under the laws of the said Colony.
A map showing the boundary between British Guiana and
Venezuela, claimed by Her Majesty's Government, can be seen in
the Library of the Colonial Office, Downing Street, or at the Of
fice of the Government Secretary, Georgetown, British Guiana.*
Rural Constable On March 1, 1885, more than a year prior to General
Commissioned for j x
the Amacura in Guzman Blanco's departure from London, the British
1885 ; and post L
erected in 188.. Minister commissioned a Rural Constable for the Ama
cura River.f In August, 1886, a British Post was
erected on tbat river.f
Venezuela's pro- These facts coming to the knowledge of the Venezue
lan Government, and that government despairing of any
settlement of the boundary question with Great Britain,
proceeded to erect a light-house at Point Barima, and
sent Commissioners to the Amacura, the Barima, the
* Appendix to Case, iii, 161.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 253.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 163.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 217
Waini, and to Georgetown, to protest against the en- te^enezuelas pr0"
croachments of Great Britain, and to warn British set
tlers that they were on Venezuelan soil.*
Upon its return to Caracas, the Commission reported
to the Venezuelan Government that two British Com
missioners were on the right bank of the Amacura,
acting there as Rural Constables under the authority
of the British Government, f Thereupon, on January
26, 1887, the Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs
addressed a note to Mr. F. R. St. John, the British
Minister at Caracas, informing him of the above facts,
protesting against such acts, demanding the immediate
evacuation of the territory between the Orinoco and
Pomaroon Rivers, and stating that, in case of either
no reply or of a refusal, diplomatic relations would
be broken off. J
After some further fruitless interchange of notes dip- Diplomatic re-
. . lations suspended.
lomattc relations were, on February 20, 1887, suspended
by Venezuela. §
In 1890, the Venezuelan Government received an Negotiations for
-.•a-. /~ni -i,~i • t renewal of diplo-
lntunation from Sir Andrew Clarke and Captain Low- matie relations.
ther that Great Britain was disposed " to evacuate the
invaded territory, and to submit the case to the arbitra
tion of a friendly Power, provided Venezuela would
declare diplomatic relations to be re-established between
the two countries." In consequence of this, on January
10, 1890, Senor Urbaneja, Venezuelan Minister atrParis,
addressed a note to the Marquess of Salisbury, stating
that Venezuela was desirous of renewing diplomatic re
lations, and had empowered him to negotiate and sign a
treaty for that purpose. J In the reply of the British
* Appendix to Case, iii, pp. 162-163, 183-185, 252, 253.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 255.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 255-260.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 272.
| Appendix to Case, iii, 273-274.

218 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Negotiations for Foreign Office the following condition was laid down :
renewal of diplo- °
matie relations. Ag regard_ the irontier between Venezuela and the Col
ony of British Guiana, Her Majesty's Government could not ac
cept as satisfactory any arrangement which did not admit the
British title to the territory comprised within the line laid down
by Sir B. Schomburgk in 1841. They would be ready to refer to
arbitration the claim of Great Britain to certain territories to the
west of that line.*
Sefior Urbane- Senor Urbaneja, in reply (February 13, 1890), re-
ja's proposal. .
ferred to the statement which had been made to his
government by Sir Andrew Clarke and Captain Lowther,
and stated that, it had been upon the faith of those
representations that Venezuela had " thought fit to ap
point a Confidential Agent to conclude a Preliminary
Agreement for the re-establishment of diplomatic re
lations with the Government of Her BritannicMajesty."f
SeSor Urbaneja then proceeded to discuss the condi
tions laid down by Lord Salisbury, and concluded by
proposing " an arbitration wbich shall include all the
territory from the Essequibo, and tbe evacuation of the
invaded territory from the Pomeroon onward in the
direction of the Orinoco." J
repbf* BrLtain's Replying to this note, on March 19, 1890, Sir T. H.
Sanderson repeated that " Her Majesty's Government
. . . cannot admit any question as to their title to terri
tory within the line surveyed by Sir R. Schomburgk in
1841." §
sufpeefd0ed!ati°ns This attempt on the part of Venezuela to re-establish
diplomatic relations thus proved abortive.
In June of 1890, Senor Pulido, appointed Plenipo
tentiary ad hoc of Venezuela, arrived in London, and
through him Venezuela again made an effort to bring
* Appendix to Case, iii, 274.
t Appendix to Case, iii, 276.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 275.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 278.

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 219
about a re-establishment of diplomatic relations. On Renewed efforts
r by Venezuela.
the 24th of that month Senor Pulido submitted to the
Foreign Office a memorandwtn in answer to the last
communication of the Foreign office to Senor Urbaneja.
In this memorandum Senor Pulido proposed a prelim
inary joint survey of the region in dispute, and its sub
sequent submission to arbitration in case of disagree
ment as to a proper boundary line.* Great Britain, on
July 27, 1890, rejected this proposal.
In May of 1893, a third attempt at re-establisbing Another effort to
... ° re-establish Diplo-
diplomatic relations with Great Britain was made by matie relations.
Venezuela. In that month Senor Michelena arrived in
London, having been appointed " Confidential Agent "
of Venezuela.
On May 26, 1893, he submitted to the Earl of Rose
bery a pro-memoria of the bases for the re-establishment
of diplomatic relations. The pro-memoria submitted
contemplated the appointment of delegates to conclude
a frontier treaty, and a submission of doubtful points
to arbitration.^:
On July 3, 1893, the advances of Venezuela were Great Britain's
once more rejected by Great Britain,§ and Senor
Michelena left London without anything having been
accomplished. In tbe meantime, and as early as 1886, the Govern- interest of the
ment of the United States of America had manifested
its interest in the question, by offering its good, offices
in the matter to the British Government. These were
declined at the time, and also on various subsequent oc-
cations when they were renewed in different forms.
Finally, however, in the month of February, 1896, the
* Appendix to Case, iii, 279-281.
fAppendix to Case, iii, 285-286.
X Appendix to Case, iii, 286-287.
§ Appendix to Case, iii, 287-288.

220 DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
Successful nego- negotiations which resulted in the present treaty were
tiations initiated ° _ _
^_th® F_?.ited initiated. In those negotiations the United States, with
States in 1896. ° '
the consent of the two interested governments, took an
active part.
The objections of the British Government to submit
to arbitration the entire territory in dispute had been
stated by Lord Salisbury in his instructions to Sir
Julian Pauncefote, dated November 26, 1895, to be
that British settlements had gradually spread over the
country and that Her Majesty's Government could not,
in justice to the inhabitants, offer to surrender such
settlements to foreign rule.
The question of British settlements having thus
been recognized, from the first, as the sole stumbling
block, the discussion in the subsequent negotiations was
directed to that point.
ar.SLtetyot The Treat7 of Washington of February 2, 1897, is
the result.

XVII.— CONCLUSION.
The United States of Venezuela, upon the evidence fa^troposititns of
herewith submitted, and upon that referred to, claim
that the following propositions of fact have been fully
established :
1. Spain was the first nation to discover South
America, to explore it, and to take formal possession
of it.
2. Spain was the first nation to discover and explore
Guiana. 3. Spain was the first nation to establish settlements
on the Orinoco and Essequibo rivers, and in the eastern
parts of Guiana ; and the first and only nation to take
formal possession of, and to occupy, Guiana as a whole.
4. For more than a century after discovering Guiana,
Spain maintained exclusive possession of the entire
region between the Orinoco and the Amazon; held it;
and exercised exclusive political control over it : she
expelled and excluded other nations from it ; and
otherwise asserted her sovereignty over it.
5. Apart from this general control of Guiana as a
whole, Spain, from early in the 16th century, and "before
any other nation had attempted to gain a foothold
therein, exercised a special and exclusive control over
the Orinoco and Essequibo rivers, and over all the
territory adjacent thereto; and, as late at least as 1615,
was maintaining a colony on the Essequibo river.
6. The Dutch were subjects of the King of Spain,
and in 1581 revolted against him.

222 CONCLUSION.

fact.

Propositions of 7 The earliest relations of the Dutch, with Guiana in
general, and with the Essequibo in particular, were
limited to trade and to hostile operations against the
Spaniards. They began to trade to the Essequibo not
earlier than 1625 ; and not long after, during the tem
porary absence of the Spaniards, established a trading
post in that river, at or near the site previously fortified
by the Spaniards — a site still, at that time, belonging
to Spain.
8. At the date of the Treaty of Munster, January 30,
1648, the holdings and possessions of the Dutch in the
Essequibo were limited to the island subsequently
known as Kykoveral.
9. At that date the Dutch did not hold and were not
in possession of any part of the territory now in dis
pute. 10. The Cuyuni-Mazaruni Basin, being the region
bounded on the north by the Imataca mountains ; on the
east by the Blue mountains, by the lowest falls of the
Cuyuni and Mazaruni rivers, and by the Ayangcanna
mountains ; on the south by the Ayangcanna and Paca
raima mountains ; and on the west by the divide separat
ing the waters of the Caroni and Orinoco rivers from the
waters of the Cuyuni and Mazaruni rivers, is a geograph
ical and political unit, the material occupation of a part
of which, by the nation first discovering and exploring
it, is in law attributive and constructive possession of
the whole.
11. This Cuyuni-Mazaruni Basin is a tract of land
geographically separate from and independent of the
Essequibo river; and no part of said basin was held,
possessed or controlled by the Dutch at the date of the
Treaty of Munster.

CONCLUSION. 223
12. By the Treaty of Munster the Dutch engaged to faJtropositions of
neither sail to nor trade in any places held and possessed
by the King of Spain.
13. By the same treaty the Dutch engaged to respect
the sovereignty of Spain over all lordships, towns,
castles, fortresses, commerce and countries at that time
held or possessed by Spain, and to do nothing which
might be an infraction of the treaty.
14. Twice during the latter part of the 17th century,
the Dutch, in violation of the Treaty of Munster,
attempted to plant settlements west of the Essequibo
river, on the banks of the Pomeroon. These attempts
were ineffectual, the proposed settlements being in
each case attacked, and the Dutch driven therefrom.
The first of said settlements lasted less than eight years;
and the second less than three years.
15. Except for these attempts at settlement by the
Dutch on the Pomeroon, Spain, during tbe whole of
the 17th century exercised exclusive political control
of the entire territory west of the Essequibo river.
16. Twice during the 18th century the Dutch, in
violation of the Treaty of Munster, attempted to es
tablish slave and trading posts on the Cuyuni river.
These attempts were ineffectual : one of these posts
was attacked and destroyed by the Spaniards : the
second was abandoned by the Dutch, because of fear of
the Spaniards.
17. During the whole of the 18th century Spain ex
ercised exclusive political control of the Cuyuni-Maza
runi Basin, down to the lowest falls of the Cuyuni and
Mazaruni rivers.
18. During a part of the 18th century the Dutch,
with the permission of Spain, and together with other

224 CONCLUSION.
Propositions of nations, traded to the main mouth of the Orinoco river,
fact. . '
and to other parts of the Orinoco delta.
19. At various times during the 18th century, the
Dutch, in violation of the Treaty of Munster, attempted
to establish, and in some cases for brief periods main
tained, slave trading stations near the mouths of the
Pomeroon and Moruca rivers.
20. Except for these attempts to establish stations
near the mouths of the Pomeroon and Moruca rivers,
Spain, during the whole of the 18th century exercised
exclusive political control of the coast region between
the Moruca and the mouth of the Essequibo. During
the entire century she exercised exclusive political con
trol of the Orinoco river, of its entire delta, and of all
the coast region between the main mouth of the Orinoco
and the Moruca.
21. The entire coast region from Barima point south
east as far as the divide separating the waters of the
Moruca from the waters of the "Waini, is an integral
part of the Orinoco delta.
22. The region bounded on the north and northeast
by the Gulf of Paria and the Atlantic Ocean ; on the
east by the Atlantic Ocean, and by the divide separating
the waters of the Moruca from the waters of the Waini;
on the south by the Imataca mountains ; and extending
thence westward, is a geographical and political unit,
the material occupation of a part of which, by the
nation first discovering and exploring it, is in law
__ attributive and constructive possession of the whole
23. From tlie date of her original settlement of the
Orinoco in the 16th century, until her title to the
region in dispute became vested in Venezuela, Spain
had material occupation of a large part of the Orinoco

CONCLUSION. 225
region last above described ; and held, possessed and Propositions of
exercised exclusive political control over the whole of it.
24. At no time, either before or after the date ofthe
Treaty of Munster, did the Dutch, for a period of fifty
consecutive years, exercise exclusive political control
or lawfully occupy any part of the territory lying
between the Essequibo and Orinoco rivers.
25. Except as hereinbefore stated, Spain, during the
entire period of Dutch occupation of the Essequibo, con
tinuously exercised exclusive political control of every
part of the territory lying between the Essequibo and
Orinoco rivers.
26. By the Treaty of London of August 13, 1814,
the Netherlands ceded to Great Britain the Settlements
of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice.
27. Venezuela revolted from Spain April 19, 1810.
On March 30, 1845, Spain recognized Venezuela's inde
pendence and formally renounced in her favor all the
sovereignty, rights and claims previously her own in
the territory formerly known as the Captaincy-General
of Venezuela. Said territory comprised the region now
in dispute.
28. During a portion of the present century, in viola
tion of the Treaty of Munster, Great Britain has occu
pied a strip of land along the coast between the Esse
quibo and the Pomeroon rivers, known as the Arabian
or Arabisi Coast : Venezuela has repeatedly protested
against such occupation, and has, in every way possible,
short of war, asserted her rights to the territory so
occupied. 29. Except for said occupation of said Arabian Coast,

226 CONCLUSION.
Propositions of Great Britain has at no time, for a consecutive period of
fact. ' _ x
50 years, held any part of the territory now in dispute
or exercised control of any kind thereover.
30. From the time of the acquisition by Great Britain
of the colony now known as British Guiana, until Spain's
title to the territory in dispute became vested in Venez
uela, Spain, except for said occupation of said Arabian
Coast by Great Britain, continuously held, possessed and
exercised exclusive political control of the entire region
between the Orinoco and Essequibo rivers.
31. From the date when Spain's title to the territory
in dispute became vested in Venezuela, until the
year 1850, Venezuela, except for said occupation of said
Arabian Coast by Great Britain, continuously held,
possessed and exercised exclusive political control of
the entire region between the Orinoco and Essequibo
rivers. 32. In the year 1850 Venezuela and Great Britain
agreed that, pending the settlement of the boundary
question, neither would occupy or encroach upon the
territory then in dispute.
33. Thereafter, and subsequent to the year 1880, Great
Britain, in violation ofthe said agreement of 1850, and
of the Treaty of Munster, forcibly entered upon and
took possession of the territory lying between the Esse
quibo river and the line first published in 1886, since
claimed by Great Britain to be the Schomburgk Line.
Said territory included not only the entire region which
was in dispute in 1850, but also territory belonging
to Venezuela, the title to which had never been ques
tioned prior to 1886.
34. Venezuela has repeatedly protested against such

CONCLUSION. 227
occupation ; and has in every way possible, short of f Propositions of
war, asserted her rights to the territory so occupied.
35. The occupation, by British subjects or by persons
under British protection, of the territory above described,
dates from subsequent to 1880 in the Cuyuni- Mazaruni
Basin, and from subsequent to 1884 in the Orinoco
Delta Region. It was undertaken after due warning
from the Venezuelan Government that titles thus sought
to be acquired would not be recognized, and after due
notice from the British Government that persons so
entering into said territory must do so at their own
peril. To the foregoing propositions of fact, Venezuela will Propositions of
claim that the following propositions of law are ap
plicable :
1 . Discovery gives the discovering nation, if not an ab
solute, at least an inchoate title, sufficient to protect it
during a reasonable time pending the actual reduction
of the territory to possession.
2. Discovery, when accompanied by public claim of
sovereignty, and followed by reduction to possession,
confers a complete title.
3. The material occupation of a part of a tract of
land in the name of the whole, by tbe nation which
first discovered and explored said tract, is construc
tively an occupation of tbe whole.
4. When a nation, claiming title to a whole tract by
material occupation of a part, reaches out and actually
controls adjacent territory inhabited only by savages,
and excludes all other nations therefrom, it thereby
exercises physical acts of sovereignty over it, and is iu
actual political occupation of it,

228 CONCLUSION.

law

Propositions of 5. A nation having made a settlement on unoccupied
land has a right to exclude other nations therefrom.
6. All nations must refrain from disturbing a nation
which has settled a country that was vacant at the time
of settlement; and an entry by any other nation or
people upon territory so previously settled is an act of
trespass. 7. A state continues to possess everything it has
subjected to its power with a view to its use; and it is
not the exercise of usage but the faculty of usage that
is the necessary element of possession.
8. Non-user is not abandonment : neither will aban
donment be presumed against nations. Before it can
be accepted as a fact an actual desertion must be proven
with an intention to renounce title.
9. When land is vacant one may enter upon part in
name of the whole; but he who comes after enters ad
versely, and his possession extends in law only so far as
it does in fact. When the original possessor is thus
disseized, though his possession of the whole was only
by occupation of a part, yet the first is deemed to be
disseized only to the extent of the land physically oc
cupied by the second.
10. Ownership of the mouth of a river does not, of
itself, give title to tbe watershed.
11. A nation owning the watershed and the fir_o
banks of a river, by virtue of such ownership, owns and
possesses the delta islands and shores below, though
uninhabited or uninhabitable. They are not " vacant "
lands. 12. If a natural barrier exist between the coast region

CONCLUSION. 229
and the interior, that barrier will be the boundary be- Propositions of
tween the two.
13. A nation is bound to faithfully observe its treaty
engagements ; and no acts committed by it in violation
of such engagements can be made the basis of title,
especially as against the nation with whom such treaty
was concluded.
14. Rule (a) under Article IV of the present treaty is :
" Adverse holding or prescription during a period of fifty years
shall make a good title. The Arbitrators may deem exclusive
political control of a district, as well as actual settlement thereof,
sufficient to constitute adverse holding or to make title by pre
scription." Venezuela has accepted this rule, but she sub
mits and will claim that time is but one of many ele
ments essential to create title by prescription. Pre
scription to be effective against nations, as against indi
viduals, must be bona-fide, public, notorious, adverse, ex
clusive, peaceful, continuous, uncontested, and main
tained under a claim of right. Rule (a) fixes 50 years
as the period of prescription, but leaves its other ele
ments unimpaired.
In conclusion, Venezuela invokes the judgment of Judgment invoked.
this high Tribunal to the following effect :
1. Spain's discovery of America gave her the right to
reduce to possession the countries discovered ; and pend
ing the exercise of that right, during a reasonable period,
no other nation had a right, without the consent of
Spain, to acquire such countries.
2. Spain having discovered Guiana, and having, within
a reasonable time thereafter, under a claim of sover
eignty, and earlier than any other nation or people,
occupied said province as a whole by the establishment

230 CONCLUSION.
judgment invoked. 0f colonies and settlements on the Orinoco and Esse
quibo rivers and in other parts of Guiana, thereby re
duced it as a whole to possession, and became vested
with a complete title thereto.
3. Spain having, for more than a century after her dis
covery of Guiana, had exclusive possession thereof as a
whole; and having, from early in the 16th century,
and before any other nation had attempted to gain a
foothold in Guiana, exercised a special and exclusive
control over the Orinoco and Essequibo rivers and over
the territory adjacent thereto ; and having, until at
least as late as 1625, excluded all other nations and
peoples from said rivers and adjacent territory; exercised
thereby physical acts of sovereignty thereover, and was
in actual and exclusive political occupation and control
thereof in 1625.
4. The region between the Orinoco and Essequibo
rivers, and all the territory appurtenant to those rivers,
having been in the continuous occupation and under the
continuous exclusive political control of Spain from early
in the 16th century until at least as late as 1625; and
the Dutch having, between the date last mentioned
and January 30, 1648, established a trading post on the
Essequibo; and the possessions of the Dutch in the
said Essequibo river on January 30, 1648, having been
limited to the said trading post located upon the island
of Kykoveral; Spain was, on said January 30, 1648, in
possession and exclusive political control of all territory
lying west of the Essequibo river, between that river
and the Orinoco.
5. Neither the early relations of the Dutch with
Guiana prior to 1648, nor the establishment by them,
prior to said date, of a trading post in the Essequibo

CONCLUSION. 231
river, gave them a right to the soil, nor sovereignty Judgment invoked
over the territory occupied.
6. The Dutch not having come as occupants of terra
nullius, but as mere trespassers on territory belonging
to Spain, no valid title to the land occupied by them
in the Essequibo river vested in them until, by the
Treaty of Munster, Spain released and confirmed to
them the possession of such land.
7. The Dutch having come to the Essequibo as disseiz
ors, and the Treaty of Munster having released and con
firmed to them only such places as they then actually
held and possessed, the territory thus released and con
firmed was limited to such land only as was in fact
then physically occupied by them.
8. The places actually occupied by the Dutch in the
river Essequibo at the date of the Treaty of Munster
having been limited to the island subsequently known
as Kykoveral, the Treaty of Munster released and con
firmed to them the title to that island only and the
right of free ingress thereto and egress therefrom by
way of the Essequibo river itself.
9. The region bounded on the north by the Imataca
mountains ; on the east by the Blue mountains, by the
lowest falls of the Cuyuni and Mazaruni rivers, and by
the Ayangcanna mountains; on the south by the
Ayangcanna and Pacaraima mountains ; and on the
west by the divide separating the waters of the Caroni
and Orinoco rivers from the waters of the Cuyuni and
Mazaruni rivers, being a geographical and political unit ;
and a part of said region having, during the latter part
of the 16th century, during all of the 17th and 18th cen
turies, and during the 19th century up to the time
when Venezuela became vested therewith, been physi-

232 CONCLUSION.
judgment invoked. Ga\[j occupied by Spain ; and no other nation having,
during said period, occupied or had exclusive political
control of any portion thereof in a manner, or for a
time sufficient to furnish the basis for a prescriptive
title thereto, Spain thereby had, during the whole of
said period, attributive and constructive possession of
all and of every part of said region.
10. The region described in the paragraph last preced
ing, known as the Cuyuni-Mazaruni Basin, being a geo
graphical and political unit ; and a part of said region
having, during the 19th century, from the time when
Spain's title thereto became vested in Venezuela, been
physically occupied by Venezuela ; and no other nation
having, during said period, occupied or had exclusive
political control of any portion thereof in a manner or
for a time sufficient to furnish the basis for a prescrip
tive title thereto, Venezuela has thereby had, during the
whole of said period, attributive and constructive pos
session of all and of every part of said region.
11. Said Cuyuni-Mazaruni Basin being a tract of land
geographically separate from and independent of the
Essequibo river; and no part of said basin having
been in the possession, occupation or control of the
Dutch at the date of the Treaty of Munster, that treaty
conferred upon the Dutch no right or title whatsoever
thereto. 12. The efforts of the Dutch twice during the latter
part of the 17th century to establish settlements on
or near the Pomeroon, having been ineffectual as well
as in violation of the Treaty of Munster, cannot be made
the basis of title to that recion.
13. The efforts of the Dutch twice during the 18th een-

CONCLUSION. 233
tury to establish slave and trading posts on the Cuyuni Judgment in-
river, having been ineffectual as well as in viola
tion of the Treaty of Munster, cannot be made the basis
of title to that region.
14. Spain having expelled and excluded the Dutch
from the Cuyuni-Mazaruni Basin during the 18th cen
tury, and having during the whole of said century exer
cised exclusive political control over said basin, her
original title thereto was thereby further strengthened
and confirmed.
15. Spain having, during the whole of the 18th cen
tury, exercised exclusive political control of the Orinoco
river, of its entire delta, and of all the coast region be
tween the main mouth of the Orinoco and the mouth of
the Essequibo, her original title thereto was thereby
further strengthened and confirmed.
16. Spain, from the date of her original settlement
of the Orinoco in the 16th century until her title to the
region in dispute became vested in Venezuela, having
held and possessed the entire interior Orinoco region,
possessed also the mouth of tbe Orinoco.
17. The region bounded on the north and northeast by
the Gulf of Paria and the Atlantic Ocean; on the east
by the Atlantic Ocean, and by the divide separating the
waters of the Moruca from the waters of the Waini;
on the south by the Imataca mountains ; and extending
thence westward, being a geographical and political
unit; and a part of said region having, during the 16th,
17th and 18th centuries and during the 19th century
up to the time when Venezuela became vested there
with, been physically occupied by Spain ; and no other
nation having, during said period, occupied or had ex
clusive political control of any portion thereof ; Spain

234 CONCLUSION.
Judgment in- thereby had, during the whole of said period, attribu-
voked. J °
tive and constructive possession of all and of every part
of said region.
18. The region described in the paragraph last preced
ing being a geographical and political unit ; aud a part
of said region having, during the 19th century from
the time when Spain's title thereto became vested in
Venezuela been physically occupied by Venezuela ; and
no other nation having, during said period, occupied or
had exclusive political control of any portion thereof in
a manner or for a period sufficient to furnish the basis
for a prescriptive title thereto ; Venezuela has thereby
had during the whole of said period attributive and
constructive possession of all and of every part of
saicl region.
19. Spain having, during the entire period of Dutch
occupation of the Essequibo, exercised exclusive political
control of the entire region lying between the Orinoco
and the Essequibo rivers, except that at various times
during the latter part of the 17th century the Dutch
ineffectually attempted to establish and maintain colonies
on the Pomeroon river, and except that at various times
during the 18th century the Dutch ineffectually at
tempted to establish and maintain slave trading posts
in tbe Cuyuni river and near the mouths of the Moruca
and Pomeroon rivers ; and said attempts by the Dutch
having been unlawful and in violation of the Treaty of
Munster ; the original title of Spain to the entire region
was thereby further strengthened and confirmed.
20. At the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of
the colony now known as British Guiana, the territories
belonging to or that might lawfully be claimed by the

CONCLUSION. 235
United Netherlands were all located east of the Esse- Judgment in
voked.
quibo river.
21. At the time of the acquisition by Great Britain of
the colony now known as British Guiana, the territories
belonging to or that might lawfully be claimed by the
Kingdom of Spain comprised the entire territory between
the Orinoco and Essequibo rivers.
22. Spain having, from the time of the acquisition
by Great Britain of the colony now known as British
Guiana until Spain's title to the region in dispute be
came vested in Venezuela, continued to exercise exclusive
political control of the entire region between the Ori
noco and Essequibo rivers, except only of the strip of
land known as the Arabian Coast, lying between the
mouth of the Essequibo river and the mouth of the
Pomeroon river; and the occupation of said strip
of land by Great Britain during a portion of the
present century having been unlawful and in violation
of the Treaty of Munster ; and Venezuela having con
tinued thereafter until 1850 to exercise exclusive poli
tical control of the same territory, except only of said
Arabian Coast, the original title to the entire region,
formerly vested in Spain and now vested in Ven
ezuela, has thereby been further strengthened and
confirmed. 23. The present occupation by Great Britain of a por
tion of the territory now in dispute, being in violation of
the Treaty of Munster and of the agreement of 1850,
and having been effected subsequent to the year 1 880, in
the interior, and subsequent to 1884, on the coast, cannot
be made the basis of title to that region.
24. The boundary line between the United States of
Venezuela and the Colony of British Guiana, begins at

236 CONCLUSION.
judgment in- the mouth of the Essequibo river; runs thence south-
voked. .
ward along the mid channel of said river to its junction
with the Cuyuni and Mazaruni rivers ; thence around
the island of Kykoveral, leaving said island to the east;
thence along the mid channel of said Essequibo river to
the boundary line separating the territory of the United
States of Venezuela from the territory of the United
States of Brazil.
25. The present occupation by British subjects and
persons under British protection having been effected
subsequent to 1880 in the interior, and subsequent to
1884 on the coast, and having been undertaken after due
warning from the Venezuelan Government that titles
thus sought to be acquired would not be recognized by
it, and after notice from the British Government that
persons so entering into said territory must do so at
their own peril, said subjects and persons may be re
garded by Venezuela as mere trespassers, and Venezuela
is under no obligation to recognize any British titles
which such subjects or persons may have acquired to
lands situate within said territory. J. M. de ROJAS,
Agent of Venezuela.
Washington, D. O, March 16, 1898.

VENEZUELA-BRITISH GUIANA BOUNDARY ARBITRATION

THE CASE

OF THE

UNITED STATES OF VENEZUELA

BEFORE THE

TRIBUNAL OF ARBITRATION
To Convene at Paris

UNDER THE

Provisions of the Treaty between the United States of Venezuela and
Her Britannic Majesty Signed at Washington February 2, 1897

VOLUME 2
APPBNDIX
PARTS 1 AND 2.

NEW YORK
Thh Evening Post Job Printing House, 156 Fulton Street
i8?8

TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME 2
APPENDIX, PARTS 1 AND 2

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part i.

DOCUMENTS FROM DUTCH SOUROBS,

Date.

1581, JunelO-July 22-.
1597, Mar. 24-Dec. 15. .
1597, Dec. 28 
1598, Nov. 16 
1599, Feb. 3 

1599, Nov. 3-Nov. 9. .
1599, Nov. 20 

1602, July 10 
1604, Jan. 12-Feb. 3.
[1603] 

1603, Feb. 25.
1621, Jan. 25.

Source.

1621, June 9 
1626 
1626, Nov. 26, Dec. 12
1628, Apr. 13 
1632, Apr. 8 
1632-1633 
1637, Apr. 16-Aug. 20.
1637 

1637 
1635-1637....

1640-1645 ...
1648, Aug. 10.

1656, Oct. 12.
1657 
1657, June 9.

No.

Holland Estates.
States General.
Holland Estates.
States-General .
A. Cabeliau, supercargo.
States- General.
Zeeland Estates.
States- General.
Admiralty of Amsteldam.
[W. Usselinx ?] to the States
General.
States-General.Cornelius J. Vianen to Prince
of Orange.
States-General .
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
West India Company (Zee
land Chamber).
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
States-General .
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
J. Ousiel, late advocate of
Tobago, to West India
Company.
J. Ousiel, late advocate of
Tobago to West India
Company.
States-General.

West India Company (Zee
land Chamber).
States-General.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
West India Company (Zee
land Chamber.
Zeeland Estates.

Subject.

9
10 11 12
13 14 15 16
17 18 1920 21 2223 24 25 26

Action regarding proposed ex
pedition to the West Indies.
Action regarding expedition to
Guiana or elsewhere.
Action regarding an expedition
to Guiana.
Action regarding an expedition
to Guiana.
Journal of the earliest Dutch
exploration of the Guiana
Coast.
Action regarding expeditions to
Guiana or elsewhere.
Action regarding an expedition
to America.
Action regarding an expedition
to the Orinoco.
Memorial urging the eolonizatio_
of Guiana.
Action as to the colonization of
Guiana.
Memorial as to how and where
the Spaniards may best be at
tacked.
Proclamation prohibiting trade
with the West Indies.
Commission for captains of col
onies.
Action regarding colonies in
Guiana.
Mode of occupying the Amazon,
etc.
Action regarding Essequibo.
Regulations for the West India
Company.
Action regarding Essequibo.
Report of the Spanish capture
of Tobago. m
Account of the Spanish coasts
from Trinidad to Havana.
Regulation as to what coasts
vessels of the United Prov
inces may sail to.
Action regarding Essequibo.
New regulations as to what
coasts vessels of the United
Provinces may sail to.
Conditions for Guiana Colonists.
Liberties offered to patroons of
Guiana colonies.
Action on a proposition as to
Guiana colonies.

2830 33

II

TABLE OF CONTENTS. -Part 1.*— Documents from Dutch Sources.

Date.

1657, Dec. 24.

1657-1658 . . .
1660, Nov. 5.

1664, July 3. .
1670-1673
1675, Feb. 22.

1675, Nov. 30.

1678, Dec. 30.

1679, Oct. 20.

1680, Feb. 24.

1680, Apr. 16.
1680, June 22.
1680, June 28.
1681, May 22. .

1681

1681, Sept. 29.
1682, Mar. 2 . .
1682, June 18 .

1682, July 18.

1683, Jan. 8.

1683, Feb. 27 . . .

1683, Dec. 25

Source.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
Walcheren cities : Committee
governing Nova Zeelandia
West India Company to
States General .

J. Doensen and others.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

No.

Subject.

2930
31
32
33
34
35
36
?,738
39
40

27 Contract with the Walcheren
cities for their control of colo
nization in Guiana.
28 Action regarding the colony.
639* Dutch as former vassals of Spain,
the first discoveries of Ameri
ca, have priority over Eng
land.
Petition for registry of property
in Essequibo.
Action regarding Essequibo.

As to trade with Orinoco.

As to trade with Orinoco.

As to trade with Orinoco.

Establishment of a post on the
Pomeroon. Danger from the
Caribs. Trade with Orinoco.
A.s to trade with Orinoco.

As to trade with Orinoco.
As to trade with Oriuoco.
Trade witb Orinoco. Trade in
Cuyuni and Mazaruni. Carib-
Accoway war.
As to trade with Orinoco.

Carib - Accoway war. Trade
with Orinoco. Fishery in Ori
noco.
A.s to trade with Orinoco.

As to trade with Orinoco.
As to trade with Orinoco.

Trade with Orinoco. The Cuy
uni closed by the Carib-Acco-
way war.
Trade with the Indians. French
trade in Barima. Trade with
Orinoco.
Trying to check the Carib-Acco- 44
way war in Cuyuni so as to
get the wild-hog hunting there
again.
Trade with Orinoco. An em- 44
ployee stationed in Barima for
trade with the Indians. Trade
by others, there and in Pom
eroon, prohibited. Urges tak
ing the Barima into posses
sion, as has provisionally been
done by him.

9

33
34
*367 35
35
36
36
37
37
39
3940
40
4141
42
4243
43
43

?The Nos. and pages marked with an asterisk are to be found in Volume 3 (Fart 8-Miscellaneous).

TABLE OF CONTENTS— Part l.—Do cuments from Dutch Sources.

Ill

Date.

1684, Mar. 31

Source.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

1684, Aug. 18.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

1684, Aug. 24.
1685, Jan. 15.
1685, Feb. 11.
1685, May 1 . . .

1685, Oct. 17
1686, Jan. 3-
1686, May . .
1686, June 7
1689, Jan. 7.
1689, July 6.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mander, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

West India Company (the
Ten).
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).

Commandeur, Pomeroon, to
West India Company.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Pomeroon, to
West India Company.

No

48

Subject.

50 5152 53 5455 56575859

Profits from Pomeroon and Ba
rima. Surinam traders spoil
trade in Barima. To check
this a shelter built there, to be
occasionally visited by the
Pomeroon postholder. Again
urges the taking of that river
into possession. Trade with
Orinoco. Hinderance of trade
by the Indian war. The va
nilla trade in Pomeroon and
Barima.
The French in possession of the
Orinoco. Their assistance by
Caribs from the Coppenam,
driven out thence by the
Dutch and taking refuge in
the Barima. Murder by these
of a Surinam captain and
crew in Barima. Threats
against Essequibo. Has re
solved on a new redoubt on
Stamper's Island. Interrup
tion of the trade with Orinoco.
A scolding letter dealing with
many topics, but ignoring the
suggestion as to the Barima.
More information needed as to
the proposed fort on Stamp
er's Island. Trade with the
Orinoco to be stopped.
Approves stoppage of the Ori
noco trade. French trade in
the Barima, and even in the
upper Cuyuni. Effect on
trade there.
Reiterated prohibition of trade
with Orinoco.
Spaniards again in possession of
the Orinoco. Continued flight
of the hostile Coppenham
Caribs to Barima, Waini, and
Amacura.
Opening of the Essequibo and
the Pomeroon.
Regarding the creation of a new
colony on the Pomeroon. In
vestigation and report as to
the old colony there.
General report on the new col
ony. Supplies asked for.
Postholders in Bourona, re
called by order of Commander
Beekman to the fort.
Trade in the upper Cuyuni. In
cursions of tbe French there.
Need of better means of defence.
French daily in Barima. Dan
ger of the Pomeroon colony.
French and Caribs attack the
Dutch on the Pomeroon the
latter retire to Essequibo on
hearing of the French hostili
ties on the Berbice. Instruc
tions from the Company asked
for.

IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

Date.

1689, Oct, 12.

1689, Nov. 15.

1690, May 18.

1691, Sept. 6.

1693, Oct. 23.

1694, Mar. 26

1695, June 24.

Source.

Commandeur, Essequibo,
West India Company.

to

1697, Apr. 1 ,
1700, Jan. 2..
1701, May 14.
1701, July 5. .
1701, July 17
1701, Oct. 24.
1702, Sept. 28
1703, May 10.
1703. June 14.
1703, July 27 ,
1704 
1704, Aug. 12.
1706, July 30 .
1707, Oct. 14..

West India Company (the
Ten).

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Court of Policy, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Court of Policy, Essequibo.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

No.

Subject.

60 The French building a fort at
Barima. They trade there
and make threats against Es
sequibo. Condition of latter's
defenses.
61 All the Company's property to
be brought from Pomeroon.
Three men with a flag to be
left there to maintain posses
sion.
62 Reply as to French fort-build
ing in Barima. Advice for
defense of Essequibo.
63 Muster roll of the Company's
servants.
64 Commendation of his discovery,
up the Cuyuni, of a source
for the supply of horses. This
trade to be a monopoly of the
Company.
65 New plantation in Cuyuni,
above the fort.
('.(. The French, with Caribs from
Barima, staying in the mouth
of the Pomeroon and threat
ening Essequibo. Plans for
defense. Need of settlers and
of slaves.

As to trade in horses up the
Cuyuni.
Fishery and trade in Waini 
Condition of trade in horses up
in Cuyuni.
Regulations and warnings in
case of attack.
Muster roll of the Company's
servants.
Action as to buying horses
from a New England ship,
trade with the Spanish col
onies being cut off.
Report as to difficulty of get
ting horses. Use of English
barque suggested.
Ill humor of Governor of Suri
nam because his traders were
not permitted to trade in Es
sequibo, Pomeroon and Dem
erara.
Trade in horses checked by war.
Muster roll of the" Company's
servants.
Pay roll of the Company's ser
vants.
Will prevent Surinam trade.
Regarding trade in horses up
the Cuyuin.
Horses not easily to be got from
above.

63
62
63
63
63

64

6565
6566
67
67

70717171
72

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

Date.

1708, Jan. 23.

1708, May 2.

1711, Apr. 9-June 15
1712, Mar. 31 
1712, July 31 
1713, Jan. 2 
1713, Apr. 19 
1713,May31 
1714, May 14 

1717, May 24 
1722, Mar. 19 
1728, Apr. 1 
1726, Mar. 4 
1726, Dec. 2 
1727, Mar. 1 
1727, Sept. 26 
1728, May 12 
1729, Apr. 26 
1781, Mar. 14. ...
1731, July 4 
1731, July 14 
1733, Dec. 5 

Source.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Colonial Government, Suri
nam.
Society of Surinam.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Postholder, Wacupo, to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo. to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.

Free settlers, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Engineer, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Court of Policy, Essequibo .

Court of Policy, Essequibo .

Court of Policy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Court of Policy, Essequibo .

Secretary, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Court of Policy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Court of Policy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

No.

81

90 91
92
939495969798
99
100
101
102

Subject.

Proposal to erect fort on Stamp -
per's Island, or Vlaggen
Island, or Paepen Island, but
Fort Rijkoveral not to be
stripped of its defenders, to
man them.
Regarding proposed toll in Mo
ruca.
Journal of a secret expedition
to the Orinoco.
Action regarding a delimitation
of the frontier with Spain.
Trade in Balsam stopped.
Attack by French, Spaniards,
and Indians.
Complaint of colonists as to pro
hibition of trade with Spanish
territory .
Spanish obstruction of the co
paiba trade. This trade and
that in red slaves forbidden
to colonists. Berbice and
Surinam trade in the Orinoco.
Prohibition of trade in red
slaves, copaiba, etc., to be in
sisted on. Neighboring
Spanish territory not outside
the Company's charter.
Petition for the removal of the
restriction on trade.
Description of soil in the Cuy
uni, Mazaruni, and Essequi
bo, above the falls.
Regarding trade with Orinoco.
Instructions for agents sent to
the Orinoco, as to trading in
the Aguire.
Proposed removal of the post-
house at Wacupo to another
site.
Stoppage of trade in the Ori
noco, by the Spaniards.
Report on a journey up the Es
sequibo.
Seizure of a Surinam fishing-
vessel by Spaniards in the
Orinoco.* Instructions to de
fend Wacupo, if attacked.
As to the recovery of slaves who
escaped to Orinoco and Trini
dad.
As to trade with the English
and with Orinoco. As to de
serters to Orinoco. As to trade
in Mazaruni and Cuyuni .
Further reasons for buying from
the English and not in Ori
noco.
Reasons for prohibiting trade in
the Mazaruni and the Cuyuni.
As to need of horses. To be pro
cured from Spaniards.

VI

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part \.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

1734, June 8 .

1734, Nov. 4.

1735, Jan. 20.

1735, June 1 .

1737, Jan. 12

1739, Nov. 23.
1741, Mar. 9 . .

1741, Apr. 24-30
1741, June 3 

1741, June 4 
1742, Jan. 10-13.

1744, Apr. 1...
1744, Aug. 24.

1746, Jan. 3....
1746, Mar. 19. .
t746, July 20..

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

103

1738, Aug. 9 
1739, Feb. 26 
1739, May 20 
1739, Sept. 15....

Commandeur, Essequibo, to 104
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee- 105
land Chamber) to Com
mander, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to 106
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo. to 107
West India Company.

Court of Policy, Essequibo, 108
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee- 109
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur. Essequibo.
Commandeur and Secretary,
Essequibo, to West India 110
Company.
Commandeur and Secretary, 111
Essequibo, to West India
Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to 112
West India Company.
T. Hildebrandt, Mining En- 113
gineer, to West India Com
pany.
T. Hildebrandt, Mining En 114
gineer.
T. Hildebrandt, Mining En- 115
gineer, to West India Com
pany.
Court of Policy, Essequibo. 116
T. Hildebrandt, Mining En- 117
gineer.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to 118
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee- 119
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur Essebuibo.
Court of Policy, Essequibo. 120
Commandeur, Essequibo, to 121
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to 122
West India Company.

As to trade with Orinoco Ar
rival of troops there ostensibly
to prevent a Swedish colony
on the Barima. Correspond
ence with the Spanish gov
ernor. Desertion of agent
sent to Orinoco. Apprehen
sions as to Swedish colony
and request for reinforcement.
Advice asked as to sale of
arms to Spaniards, and as to
reclaiming of agent. A. Buis
son's monopoly of the Orinoco
trade.
As to renewal of trade with Ori
noco.
Prohibition of export of arms
to Orinoco.
As to trade with Orinoco.
The post Wacupo and Moruca
losing, by reason of the Suri
nam slave trade, its trade with
the Indians; yet still important
for maintenance of frontier.
Arrest of deserters in the Waini.
Encouraging the search for
mines in Cuyuni, but asking
for further details and for
specimens of ore.
Reporting as to prospect for
mines and inclosing specimens
from Mazaruni and Cuyuni.
Delay as to mines due to rainy
season.
Hortsman's exploring expedition
up the Essequibo .
Beginning of mining operations
in Essequibo.
Journal of mining expedition up
the Cuyuni.
Report of mining operations.

Purchase of horses in Aguire.
Journal of mining operations in
Cuyuni.
Capture of runaways in Barima.
Carib request for a postholder
there.
As to export of sirup and rum
to Orinoco. As to the pro
posed postholder in Barima.
Grant of stubble land in Cartabo
to Juan Pedro Bolle.
Why a post has not yet been es
tablished in Barima.
Spanish missions up in Cuyuni.
Frontier unknown there.
Identification of that river.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

VII

Date.

1746, Dec. 7.

1747, Mar. 23.
1747, Aug. 7.
1747, Sept. 6. .

1747, Sept. 9.

1748, Feb. 6..
1748, Feb. 11.
1748, May 30.
1748, Dec. 2. .

Source.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Ghamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
West India Company (the
Ten).

West India Company (the
Ten) to Commandeur, Es
sequibo.

Court of Policy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Essequibo.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

No.

1749, Mar. 27
1749, Apr. 10.
1749, June 10
1749, July 20
1749, Sept. 8.
1750, .June 33

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
A. van Rosen, colonist in
Essequibo, to Mgr. Tessin,
Prime Minister of Sweden.
Commandeur, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee
land Chamber).

123 124125 126
127 128 129130131

Subject.

132

133

134

135

136

137

Spanish missions up in Cuyuni.
Questions arising therefrom.
Laments his ignorance of the
boundary.
Invading Indians return to Ori
noco. Spanish expedition to
the source of Cuyuni and Maz
aruni. Request for informa
tion as to boundaries.
As to Spanish forts in Cuyuni.
Action of the Ten to be
awaited.
Action as to Spanish aggressions
in Essequibo. A map asked
for. All the Chambers to
search their records for light
as to the boundaries. The
Spaniards meanwhile to be
dislodged if possible.
Informing him that all the
Chambers are to search their
records as to the boundaries.
He is meanwhile to dislodge
the Spaniards, if possible.
Dnsaleableness of the indigo
plantation in Cuyuni.
Will obey the Ten as to the
Spanish forts. Hopeful out
look as to the fishing matter.
Forwards a map of the colony
made by himself.
Encouraging trade of Spaniards
in the Essequibo .
The Spaniards in Cuyuni.
Wishes information as to
boundary. According to old
people and Indians, the juris
diction extends to the Barima,
where once a post existed.
Further information as to
Spaniards in Cuyuni. The
Indians shall be encouraged
to defend themselves.
Relations with the Spaniards .
As to French assumption of au
thority in Tobago, and on the
Continent from Amazon to
to Orinoco.
Claim of P. de Blaker as to
depth of his lands. Objec
tions.
Urging occupation of the Ba
rima and the Waini.
Trade with Orinoco. Opinion
of jurists as to his seizure of
the ship stranded at Pechy.
Report submitted by the Esse
quibo Commandeur in person
and action thereon. The
question of boundary. Span
ish map.

VIII TABLF OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

1750, Sept. 8.

1751, June 10.
1752, Apr. 10.

1752, Aug. 4 .
1753, July 23

1754, Jan. 7.

1754, Apr. 1 . .
1754, Aug. 19.

1754, Sept. 2.

1754, Sept. 11
1754, Oct. 11.
1754, Oct. 12.
1754, Oct. 27.
1754, Nov. 26
1754-1755. . . .
1755, Jan. 6. .
1755, May 22.
1755, May 31.
1755, Sept. 9.
1756, July 7. .

1757, Feb. 15

Acting Commandeur, Esse
quibo, to West India
Company.
Acting Commandeur, Esse
quibo, to West India
Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Court of Policy, Essequibo.

Court of Policy, Essequibo .
A Dutchman in Orinoco to
Director-General, Esse
quibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Secretary, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Court of Policy, Essequibo.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
C. Finett and A. von Roosen,
in Demerara to King of
Prussia.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

139 140
141 142 143 144 145
146

147 148149 150 151152153 154155 156
159

Subject.

160

As to Spanish missions in Cuy
uni. Alleged desire of the
Fathers to open a trade in
cattle.
Spanish seizure of two Esse
quibo traders in Orinoco.
As to trade with Orinoco .

Recommends that trade in arms
with Caribs be prohibited.
As to trade with Orinoco.

Proposal to locate post in Mo
ruca, to prevent desertion of
slaves.
Resolved not to erect new post
at Moruca at present.
Warning him of projected
Spanish invasion.
As to Spanish troops in Ori
noco. Fear of a Spanish at
tack. Asks information as to
frontier. Swedish emissaries
to examine Barima. New
Spanish mission in Cuyuni.
Tidings of Spanish invasion.
Precautions taken.
Effects of panic over threatened
Spanish invasion.
Measures taken to repel threat
ened Spanish invasion.
News from the Orinoco, as to
Spanish movements.
Promise of Indians to guard the
Cuyuni against Spaniards.
Action on petition of captains
militia as to establishing a
post on the Moruca.
As to the limits of the Essequibo
colony.
Urging occupation of the Bari
ma and Waini.
Spanish progress in the Cuyuni.
As to demand by missionary in
Orinoco on postholder in Mo
ruca, for Indians, with threats
of force.
War with Accoways in Maza
runi and Upper Essequibo.
Alarming report of the Arinda
by-lier as to approach of Spa%
iards. Confirmation of this
by report of a colonist in
Mazaruni. Proposed expedi
tion to seize the aggressors.
Accoways quiet. Orinoco, com
plaints of misconduct of
Dutch traders in Barima.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

IX

Date.

1757, June 27
1757, Nov. 29
1758, Mar. 6.

1758, Sept. 9. .
1758, Sept. 30.

1758, Dec. 8. .
1759, Jan. 24.

[1759?] 
1759, May 29.
1759, May 31.
1759, July . . .

1759, July 20.

1759, July 31 . .
1759, Aug. 26...
1759, Aug. 27...
1759, Sept. 1. . .

1759, Dec. 3

Source.

No.

1759, Dec. 12
1760. May 2..
1760, Sept. 1,

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to Postholder, Cuyuni.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to Commandant, Guayana.

Military Commandant, Esse
quibo, to Spanish Com
mandant, Orinoco.
Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).
Director-General, Esseouibo,
to West India Company.
States-General.
Netherlands Ambassador,
Madrid, to Spanish Secre
tary of State.
Netherlands Ambassador,
Madrid, to States-General.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.

157
164 161 163 162 165
166 167 168
169 170 171172 173 174
175 176

Subject.

177178 179

Reasons for opposing Court of
Policy which voted to open
up the Pomeroon.
Instructions as to the conduct of
the post. (Taken from a Span
ish translation of the original
Dutch.)
I. Courthial captured by the
Spaniards in the Orinoco. A
Spanish ship expected to lie
in the mouth of the Orinoco,
to stop Dutch trade, etc.
As to raid by the Spaniards upon
the post in upper Cuyuni.
Protesting against the assault
committed by the secret expe
dition on the Dutch posts in
Cuyuni.
Complaint of Spanish assault < n
the Cuyuni post.
As to answer of Spanish Gov
ernor. Importance of Cuyuni
to the colony.
As to assault by the Spaniards
on the upper Cuyuni post.
Commandant's letter returned
unopened from Orinoco.
As to surprihal of CuyuDi post.
Asking grounds of claim to
that river.
Action regarding Spanish attack
on Cuyuni post.
Danger of allowing the Span
iards to remain in the upper
Cuyuui.
Remonstrance to court of Spain
against attack on Cuyuni post.
Statement of Dutch rights in
Cuyuni, etc. Complaint as to
the attack on Cuyuni post.
He has laid the matter before the
court of Spain.
Dutch claim to the Cuyuni.
Location of the Cuyuni post.
Its importance to the colony.
As to D'Anville's map.
As to Cuyuni post. Remon
strance sent to Spain. Asking
a chart showing location of
post and of other points on
Cuyuni. Approving the Di
rector-General's action Ask
ing grounds of his claim to the
Barima as Boundary.
Return of envoy from the Ori
noco, bringing Spanish reply.
As to the boundaries of Esse
quibo and D'Anville's map.
Reprisals suggested. Trade
with Orinoco.
D'Anville's map not received.
Reprisals not to be resorted
to.

X

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part \.-~boeuments from Duteh Sources.

Date.

1760, Sept. 8.
1760, Oct. 24.
1761, Mar. 16
1761, Mar. 18

1761, May 28.

Source.

1761, Aug. 5.
1761, Aug. 12
1761, Aug. 28
1761, Nov. 9.
1762, Jan. 9..
1762, Jan. 11 .
1762, Feb. 9. . ,
1762, Mar. 18.
1762, Apr. 3. . .
1762, May 17. .
1762, Aug. 23.
1762, Aug. 25.
1762, Aug. 28.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Secretary, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
lo West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Court of Policy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Secretary, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

180
181 182 158
183
184
185
186187
188 189
190
191 192
193194 195
196

Measures taken to prevent de- 141
sertions of slaves, through
Cuyuni.
Cuyuni not occupied since the 142
attack. Spaniards beginning
to put their horns out again.
As to seizure of fishing boats 143
east of Barima.
Has been constrained against his 120
will to forbid Spaniards to
come to Essequibo to trade.
Trade at a standstill in conse
quence.
Importance of a happy issue to 143
the Cuyuni affairs. Indian
messengers continually sent
up river by Spaniards to see
if Dutch are re-establishing
the post.
As to seizure of boats between 144
Barima and Waini.
Disposition made by Spaniards 144
of boats and crews seized. As
to boundaries of Company's
territory.
Indians driven below lower falls 145
of Cuyuni by Spaniards.
Complaint to Spanish Com
mandant returned unopened
and referred to Madrid.
D'Anville map received. 146

Trade with Orinoco . 146
A new memorial on the Cuyuni 147
affair to be presented to the
States-General.
As to the accuracy of D'Anville's 147
map. Spanish aggressions in
Cuyuni. Importance of Cu
yuni to the Company, and to
Spaniards.
Trade with Orinoco not so val- 148
uable as represented.
Hopes the States-General will 148
obtain justice for the attack
on Cuyuni. Reasons for not
claiming captured canoes.
Spanish Indians continue to send 149
out patrols on the Cuyuni, to
the great fall.
No answer from Spain to the 149
remonstrance. A new memo
rial to be presented.
As to seizure of a canoe by the 150
Spaniards near Waini. No
canoes allowed to go to Ori
noco, this year.
Capture of canoe in Waini made 150
by well armed (small)
schooner. News of intended
attack by Spaniards on Mo
ruca. Garrison weak and
guns neerled.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

XI

Date.

1762, Aug. 29.

1762, Nov, 6.

1763, Feb. 22.

1763, Mar. 10 .
1763, July 7. . ,

1763, July 12. .
1763, Sept. 27.

1763, Oct. 18..
1764, June 18.
1764, Aug. . . .

[1764?] 
1764, Aug. 18.

1764, Dec. 28

1764 
1765, Feb. 3

1765, Aug. 13

Source.

No.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Commandeur, Demerara, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Secretary, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

197 198199 200 201202 203 204

Subject.

West India Company (Zee 205
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo, 206
to West India Company.

1765, Aug. 13.

Director- General, Essequibo
Director-General, Essequibo,
to Governor, Surinam.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Register, Essequibo and
Demerara.
Director-General. Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

207208

209 210211 212 213

Spaniards building boats in
Cuyuni. He fears for the
colony, the Caribs losing^cour-
age and retiring into Esse
quibo.
Post at Moruca still unoccupied,
through fear of theSpaniards,
on part of postholder. Caribs
ready to aid Dutch against
the Spaniards.
Urges the reoccupation of the
Cuyuni post. Communication
with the Spaniards difficult,
owing to their refusal to le-
ceive letters.
As to mapping the coast to the
Barima.
Reinforcements for the colony.
A part to be used later for the
Cuyuni.
Uncertainty of Spanish treat
ment a reason for not sending
out boats to Orinoco, salting.
Condition of slaves.
As to the positions and advan
tages of the posts at Moruca,
Maijcuni, Amida, and Cuy
uni (the latter now abandoned
owing to the Spanish attack).
Re-establishment of the post
in Cuyuni must be postponed
till slaves can be obtained.
As to trade with Orinoco.

As to trade with Orinoco. Visit
from two Spaniards with
passports.
Memorandum as to the Com
pany's trading posts, etc.
As to Surinam traders in the
Essequibo. Suggestion as to
omission from passes of the
name of Barima to avoid
Spanish complaints. His own
practice.
Spies in Cuyuni and Mazaruni.
Indians unwilling to aid in re
establishing post. Movements
of French at Cayenne. As to
the re-establishment of the
Cuyuni post.
Title page giving boundaries.
Advantages of having friendly
relations with the Caribs and
Accoways. Their complaints
of ill-treatment by settlers.
Report on the colony. Span
ish aggressions in Pomeroon.
They propose to establish new
missions in Cuyuni and Maz
aruni.
Fate of the Company's creole
captured with the Cuyuni
post.

151

151

152

153153

153

154

155

155

155

156158

158

159 160

160

161

XII

TABLE OF CONTENTS. — Part .1 — Documents from Dutch Sources.

Date.

1765, Sept. 19.

1765, Oct. 3 .
1765, Nov. 26
1765, Dec. 2. .
1765, Dec. 13
1765, Dec. 27.
1766, Jan. 18.
1766, Apr. 6..
1766, May 30.
1766, June 19.

Source.

1766, Sept. 8..
1766, Sept. 25.
1766, Oct. 1, .
1766, Dec. 3. .
1766, Dec. 8. . .
1767, Mar. 9. . .
1767, Mar. 20..
1767, Mar. 23 .
1767, Mar. 27 .
1767, June 27 .

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.

J. F. Dorst, Postholder, Mo
ruca, to Director-General,
Essequibo.
West India Company (Zee-
land Shareholders).
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber), to Director-
General, Essequibo-
Director General, Essequibo.
to West India Company.
Director General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director
General, Essequibo.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director General, Essequibo
to West India Company.
Director General, Essequibo,
and Demerara to West India
Company.
Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company. '

214

215
216
217
218219
220
221222
223

224
225
226 227
228
229
230
231
232233

As to people seen going down
the Cuyuni and up the Maza
runi. Approving restoration
of Cuyuni post. Old slaves
to be placed there.
Report on expedition to Waini,
Barima and Orinoco. Rea
sons for not going in person.
Memorial in behalf of their
claim to Essequibo and Dema
rara.
As to policy toward movements
of the Spaniards.
Panic in Moruca.
Review of dealings withOrinoco.
Creoles planning to desert to
Spanish missions.
Desire of Spaniards to establish
new missions near the Cuyuni.
Urges that only Protestant
soldiers be sent him in the
future.
As to ruffians in Barima.
Prohibition of sojourn in Bari
ma. Difficulty of getting faith
ful postholders.
As to alleged Spanish expedi
tions down Cuyuni and up
Mazaruni, and as to Spanish
purpose of establishing mis
sions in and beyond Cuyuni.
The Cuyuni post must be at
once reestablished.
As to creole stationed at first fall
in Cuyuni to watch move
ments of Spaniards.
As to arrests made in Barima.
Question as to jurisdiction.
Postholder of Cuyuni to pro
ceed up river, shortly in order
to build dwellings and lay out
bread gardens.
Postholder at Cuyuni sick and
unable to get about to his
work.
Condition of affairs at various
posts. Complaint as to Span
ish intrigues.
Urging haste with the Cuyuni
post. Regretting failure of
the mission to Orinoco about
runaways.
As to jurisdiction of the court.
Its territorial extent.
Report that party of Spanish
Indians had sacked the Cu
yuni post.
Suggestions for iri ection of
colony.
Cuyuni post already in order but
without soldiers.

§
a3

162
162
162
163
163
163
164
164
165
165
166166
167
167
167
168
169169 170
170

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

XIII

Date.

1767, June 27
1767, July 28.
1767, Aug. 24

1767, Sept. 21
1767, [Nov?],
1767, Dec. 9..
1767, Dec. 17.
1767, Dec. 28
1768, Feb. 9. .
1768, Feb. 18
1768, Apr. 9 .
1768, June 1 .
1768, June 6 .

1768, Sept. 15.

1768, Nov. 9.

1768, Nov. 28.
1769, Feb. 21. ,
1769, Feb. 21.

Source.

Director-General, Essequibo
to West India Company.

West India Company (Am
sterdam Chamber),
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.

West India Company (Zee
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director- General, Essequibo,
to militia officers, Esse
quibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Commandeur, Demerara, to
West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Commandeur, Demerara, to
West Tndia Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-Gene r.l, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
1769, Mar. 3  . . Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

No.

234235
236 237 238
239 240241
242 243244 245
246247248
249250
251
252

Subject.

Indians at Cuyuni, bribed by
Spaniards, refuse to aid the
postholder. Protestant sol
diers asked for.
In reply to memorial of the Zee-
land shareholders.
As to the Spaniards in Mazaruni
and Cuyuni. As to runaway
slaves — appeal to Spain. As
to checking Indian hostility
to Spanish missions. As to
Cuyuni post.
As to strengthening Cuyuni and
Moruca posts against the
Spaniards.
Difficulty of closing the roads
toward Orinoco.
Difficulty of keeping a good
postholder in Cuyuni.
Prep arations for sending the
Caribs against the rebels from
Berbice.
As to strengthening Cuyuni and
Moruca posts.
Soldiers arrived are French and
Catholics and hence good re
cruits for the enemy, at Ori
noco.
Similar objections to French and
Catholic soldiers arrived.
As to treatment of deserters.
Competent postholder in Cu
yuni wished for.
General report on affairs.
Defeat of Caribs above Berbice
by Accoways. Caribs iu Es-
s e q u i b o and Mazaruni ex-
pected to join them in a
general war.
Further Spanish aggressions in
Orinoco. Retaliation sug
gested Will hereafter send
back all French soldiers sent
out.
French soldiers sent out, imme
diately desert to enemy. Gov
ernor of Orinoco at moulh of
river, to remain there two
months.
As to loss of fishery in the Ori
noco. As todesertion of
slaves. Soldiers for the posts.
Two new Spanish missions in
Cuyuni, render the posts
there useless to stop runaways.
Orinoco fishery lost. The Caribs,
the Indian aristocracy, are
very warlike and fierce.
Scouts sent up the Cuyuni.
Post in Cuyuni unable to stop
runaways. Dynenburg situ
ated at "corner" of Cuyuni.

XIV

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

Date.

1769, Mar. 10
1769, Mar. 10
1769, Mar. 15

1769, Apr. 4
1769, Apr. 4
1769 
1769, May 1.
1769, May 1 .
1769, May 5.
1769, May 7.
1769, May . .
1769, May 12

1769, June-July.
i
1769, July 7 . . . .
1769, July 10 . . .
1769, July 24 . . .
1769, July 26 . . .

1769, July 81 .
1769;, August

Source.

Commandeur, Demerara, to
West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to Com man deur, Dem
erara.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Inclosure (Postholder, Mo
ruca, to Director-General,
Essequibo, Mar. 7, 1769).
Director- General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo .

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
M. Buisson, Councilor in
Essequibo, to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Acting Postholder in Cuy
uni to Director-General,
Essequibo^
Commandant, Fort Zeelan
dia, to Director General,
Essequibo.
Court of Policy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo
and Demerara, to West In
dia Company.

West India Company (Zee- 266
land Chamber).
Prince of Orange. Stadhou
der, to West India Com
pany (Zeeland Chamber).
West India Company (Am
sterdam Chamber).

No.

253
254 255

256
257258259
260261262263264
265

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Com
mandeur, Demerara.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
Geneial, Essequibo.

Director General, Essequibo,
to West Iudia Company. '

States- General .

267
268
269
270
271
272

Subject.

Friendship of the Indians neces
sary and should be cultivated.
Spaniards have captured Moru
ca, and are carrying off the In
dians.
Spaniards have openly assumed
sovereignty of Cuyuni, Bari
ma, Pomeroon and the coast.
Danger to Essequibo. In
structions asked.
Report. Invasions by Spanish
Fathers in Waini and Moruca,
with soldiers. Orders asked
for.
Alarm caused by Spanish ag
gressions. Trade with Orinoco.
About Jan La Riviere in Barima.
Provisional instructions to offi
cers of the respective burgher
troops in Essequibo.
As to armed boats in the mouth
of the Orinoco.
Danger from Spaniards in Pom
eroon. Caribs abandoning
Barima.
Transfer of Cuyuni post to Toe
namoeto. .
Cuyuni post attacked by Span
iards. Cannot get Indians to
go up to investigate.
Urges the necessity of speedy
redress for the Sp'anish invas
ion.
Black outlook in consequence
of the depredations of the
Spaniards ( ' ' pirates "). Re
prisals necessary at Cuyuni.
Lack of weapons.
Action regarding the remon
strance to Spain about the
aggressions in Essequibo.
As to Spanish aggressions in
Essequibo.
The matter of the Spanish ag-
fressions to be laid before the
tates-General.
As to Spanish expedition against
Moruca and hindrance of fish
ing in Orinoco
As to Spanish aggression in
Moruca, Waini, Cuyuni. Re
monstrance addressed to
Spain. Approval of Director-
General's action, with further
instructions.
Runaways to Orinoco. Span
iards claim territory as far as
the bank of the Oene.
Remonstrance to Court of Spain
against Spanish aggressions in
Essequibo. Further action
thereon.

182 183
183
185
186
187
187
188188
189 189
190
190
192194195195
196
197
198

TABLE OF CONTENTS, —Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

XV

Date.

1769. Aug. 7

1769, Aug. 21
1769, Sept. 7.
1769, Oct. 23.
1769, Nov. 30

1769, Dec. 3..
1769, Dec. 21
1770, Mar. 25

1770, July 30
1770, Aug. 18
1771, Jan....
1771, Mar. 11
1771, Aug. 27

1772, Jan. 6.

1772, Jan. 6..
1772, July 14.

Source.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to States-
General.
Netherlands' Ambassador,
Madrid, to States-General.

West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General and Court of Pol
icy, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

M. Buisson, Councilor, Es
sequibo, to Director-Gen
eral, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) to Director-
General, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Court of Policy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

No.

273 274275276 277

278279280 281282283 284285 286 287288

Subject.

Letter of States General read.
Action of States-General as to
Spanish aggressions in Esse
quibo. They desire further
information thereon, and as
to the defensive condition of
the colony.
Reply as to defenses of Esse
quibo colony.
Result of his remonstrance
touching the Spanish proceed
ings in Essequibo, to the Court
of Spain.
Announcing progress of remon
strance at Spanish Court.

Spaniards cruise along the coast
and prevent the planters from
getting salted provisions. Car
ibs have raided the Spanish
missions. The later Spanish
aggressions were encouraged
by neglect to punish first one.
Scarcety of provisions.
Tidings of Spanish designs on
the Pomeroon and as far as
the bank of Oene.
Spanish aggressions. As to pay
account of Cuyuni postholder.
Demerara unwilling to share ex
pense of defense of the colony.
Exposed position of colony.
The establishment of mis
sions in Cuyuni a serious
matter, but no danger yet.
Orinoco fishery closed and he is
compelled to buy cod. Hopes
for better things under new
Spanish Governor.
Planter going to Moruca under
Dutch permit arrested and
kept prisoner at Orinoco.
Orinoco a source of loss to col
ony. English and French get
their slaves returned.
Policy toward Orinoco Gov
ernor.
The war between England and
Spain will probably make
mules cheap as it will renew
trade with Orinoco.
English methods of reclaiming
slaves better than Dutch.
Postholders at Moruca power
less to stop runaways, owing
to presence of Spaniards. Mat
ters likely to become worse.
Conditions on which land was
granted in Moruca near Ori
noco. Difficult to sell it now.
Only one bid made.
Hopes new Governor of Orinoco
will permit fishing, etc.

XVI

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources,

Date.

1772, July 27.

1772, Aug. 29.
1773, Nov. 18.

1773, Dec. 22.
1773, Dec. 23.

1774, Jan. 31..
1774, Apr. 21..
1774, Sept. 30.
1775, Jan. 2...

1773-1775...1775, Mar. 2.

1775, Mar. 16..
1775, Mar. 16.
1775, July 10 . .
1775, Oct. 11...
1775, Oct. 22...
1776, Feb.-Mar.
1776, May 15....

1776, Feb.-May
1777, June 6...

Source.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Nether lands Ambassador,
Spain, to States-General.
Fiscal, Essequibo, to West
India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Director-General and Court
of Policy, Essequibo, to
West India Company.
Court of Policy, Demerara,
to West India Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.

Burgher Officers, Essequibo,
to Director-General and
Councillors, Essequibo, in
Ordinary Court.
J. C. V. Henneman, En
gineer, to West India Com
pany.
States-General.

West India Company, Di
rectors, to Commandeur,
Demerara.
West India Company (Am
sterdam Chamber) to Di
rector-General, Essequibo.
Court of Polcy, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
Postholder, Moruca, to Di
rector-General, Essequibo
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber).

West India Company (the

West India Company to
Commandeur and Court
of Policy, Demerara.
Secretary, Essequibo, to
West India Company.

289 Surveys and grants in the direc
tion of Pomeroon stopped.
Moruca located wrongly
on D'Anville's map.
290 As to dangerous condition of the
colony.
291 Will make complaints as to the
running away of slaves to the
Spanish possessions.
292 As to laying out new sugar
plantations.
293 Court of Policy may be abol
ished as there are no more
grants of land to be made.
294 Spaniards have made numerous
presents of ring collars to In
dian chiefs (called Owls).
295 As to extent and direction of
boundaries of old concessions
iu Essequibo.
296 Spaniards attack Moruca and
drive off the Indians. Colony
liable to be ruined by deser
tion of slaves.
297 Memorial praying that measures
may be taken to prevent the
continued desertions of slaves
to Orinoco.
298 Report of survey of Essequibo
and Demerara.
299 Represent ations to Court of
Spain as to aggressions in Es
sequibo and as to detention of
runaway slaves.
300 Fresh Spanish aggressions in
Moruca and complaints there
on to States-General.
301 As to aggressions of the Span
iards.
302 Better results from the remon
strances to the Court of Spain
would be desirable.
303 Spaniards carry off all the In
dians, and go two hours' jour
ney below the post.
304 Forwards postholder's letter giv
ing news of the fresh attack
on Moruca.
305 As to claims and aggres.ions of
Spaniards. Correspondence
thereon with Amsterdam
Chamber. Appeal to States-
General.
306 Action on petition of the militia
officers in Essequibo as to
Spanish aggressions and de
tention of runaway slaves.
307 As to runaway slaves.

219
220
220
221
221
221
222
223
223
224
225
227
227

228

229

231

232

308 Desertion of all lands in the
rivers above Flag Island.

232

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

XVIt

Date.

1778, Apr. 24. . .

1778, Aug. 81.

1778, Oct. 12.
1779, Sept. . .

1779, Sept. 23...
1781, Mar. -May.
1781, Apr. 13....

1781 
1781, May 6.

1784, Sept. 30.
1785, June 10.
1785, July 15.

1786, Aug. 10
1789, June 9..

1790, July 27.
1783-1791....

1791 
1792, June 9.

1793, Jan. 4. . .
1794, Aug. 19.

Source.

West India Company (the
Ten).
C. Boter, Administrator of
Plantations, to West In
dia Company.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
A. Sirant-Destouches, Colo
nist in Essequibo, to Di
rector-General and Court
of Policy, Essequibo.
Director-General, Essequibo,
to West India Company.
J. C. Severyn, Military Com
mandant, Essequibo.
Court of Policy, Essequibo.

Public Register, Georgetown.
A. de Pereda, Governor of
Spanish Guayana, to Di
rector-General, Essequibo.
West India Company (the
Ten).
Planters of Essequibo and
Demerara to States-Gen
eral.
/States-General.

No.

Court of Policy, Essequibo.
Court of Policy, Essequibo
and Demerara.
W. A. S. van Grovestins and
W. C. Boey, to Prince of
Orange, Stadhouder.
West India Company (the
Ten) to Commandeur and
Court of Policy, Demerara.

L. Chollet, Colonist in Esse
quibo, to West India Com
pany.
A. Backer, Demerara, to
Spanish Governor -Gen
eral.

Council of the
West Indies.

Colonies,

Governor-General, Essequibo
and Demerara, to Council
of the Colonies, West In
dies. Inclosure.

Subject.

309310 311 312 313314 315316 317 318 319 320

321 322 323

324 325465+ 326
327

Recapitulating instructions of
1773 as to a map of Essequibo
and Demerara.
Orinoco fishery deprecated as
conducive to the running
away of slaves.
Deprecating military post at
mouth of Moruca.
Urging fortification of the west
coast.

A party of Spaniards on the
Pomeroon.
Extracts from his journal.
Action on demands of British
commander in charge of Esse
quibo.
Register of plantations in Esse
quibo.
Reply to protest regarding seiz
ure of boats in Essequibo.
Suggestions for the prevention of
slave desertion. Action there
on.
Memorial of grievances. De
scription of extent of colony.
Ambassador at Madrid reports
lhat Spanish Government
avoids, under various pretexts,
negotiations for the return of
runaway slaves.
Alleged designs of Spaniards.
Plans for prevention of slave de
sertion.
Report on the condition of Esse
quibo and Demerara.
Extract from copy of minutes
of company sent to Comman
deur, etc. Demerara, as to re
covery of negroes, Sept. 30,
1784.
Petition for lands in Pomeroon,
including map.
As to recovery of slaves fled
from Essequibo and Deme
rara, and the agreement at
Aranjulza for extradition.
Private instructions for the Gov
ernor-General of Essequibo
and Demerara.
Reporting his survey of Pome
roon with recommendations.

233234 234 235 236236237 238238240 240 241

1. Journal of his visit
Pomeroon and Moruca.

to

242
242 243

244 244482f245 246247

t This No. was inadvertently published among the Spanish Documents, Part 2,

XV1TI  -TABLE" 6F CONTENTS.— Part 1.— Documents from Dutch Sources.

— Date-

Source.

No. 328 329
330331
332

4

p1

1794 Dec 10 

Council of ; the Colonies,
West Indie's.
G. A. W. Ruysh, Deputy to
the Congress of Amiens.
Anonymous .
Governor-General, Essequibo
and Demerara.
Governor-General, Essequibo
and Demerara, to Council
of the American Colonies
of Batavian Republic.

Action as to opening the Pome
roon.
Report to the Netherlands plen
ipotentiary on the West Indian
colonies.
Memorial regarding Essequibo
and Demerara. Extent and
defenses.
Distribution of troops. Posts. .
Condition of the Moruca post. . .

251

1802, Jan. 10 
T1802'l 

252
252

1802, Dec. 7 
1802 Dec 17 

253254

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 2*
DOCUMENTS KROIVI SPANISH SOURCES.
Date.
Source.
No.
333
334335
336
337338
339
340.
341 342
Subject.
HO
P.-
1595 Nov. 2 
Phelipe de ; Santiago, Cap
tain,
Don Roque ! des . Montes,
Royal Treasurer of Cu
mana, to Iting of Spain.
The King and Council of
Spain.
Council of Portugal to King
of Spain.
Duke of Lerma to President
of the Council of the In
dies.
King of Spain.
Governor of Trinidad and
Santo Thome to King of
Spain.
King of Spain to ; Governors
of Puerto Rico and Cu
mana.
Council of War of the Indies
to King of Spain.
Report on the navigation of the
Orinoco and the best sites on
its banks.
Trinidad settled. Importance
of settling on the south bank
of the Orinoco at once.
Memorandum as to the state of
affairs in Trinidad and Gui
ana.
Report of the region between
Amazon and Santa Margarita,
and projected Dutch colony
therein accompanying map
thereof.
Reports (by inclosing letter
from Holland) that Usselinx
is about to establish Dutch
colonies in Wiapoco, Caena,
Surinam and Essequibo.
Order appointing Diego Palome-
quede Acuna Governor of
Trinidad and Guayana, and
ordering him to try to dis
lodge the enemy.
Account of the destruction of
Santo Thome by Sir Walter
Raleigh and an appeal for
help, 1618. .
Orders them to send help to
Santo Thome.
Report of : establishment of
Dutch colony between Trini
dad and the Amazon.
List of those fwho left Catalonia
for the Missions of Island of
Trinidad.
257
258
260
262263
264
265267
268268
159. Apr. 18 
161.-1614 
1615 
1615, Feb. 2 
1
161 _, Dec. 12 
[1621?] (1618) 
1
1618, Sept. 18 
1676, Mar. 19 
i
168Q 
*The Nos. and pages marked with an asterisk are to be found in Volume 3 (Part 8-Misceilaneous).
TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 2.*— Documents from Spanish Sources. XIX

Date.

Source.

No.
343 344 640* 641* 346347 348
349350351642* 352353 354355643*644* 356
645*646*

Subject.

m 0

1682, Sept. 9 

Deed of Jesuits to Capu
chins of Catalonia.
' ' Cedula " of King of Spain.
Prefect of Missions, Trinidad
and Guayana, to King of
Spain .
Viceroy, New Granada, to
Secretary of State, Spain .
Governor of Cumana to
King of Spain.
Council of the Indies to the
King of Spain.
King of Spain to Governor
of Cumana.
King of Spain to Governor
of Cumana.
Governor of Cumanfi to King
of Spain.
Marquis de Torrenueva .
Governor Cumana, to King
of Spain.
Various Records.
Jose Gusuilla, S. J., mission
ary, to King of Spain, in
Council of the Indies.
Correspondence of Jose de
Iturriaga.
Translation of Dutch Docu
ment by Juan Andres de la
Rivera, made Sept. 20,
1758.
King of Spain to Governor,
Cumana.
Governor, Cumana, to Mar
quis de la Ensenada.
Jose de Iturriaga, Rear-Ad-
miral, to Don Eugenio de
Albarado.
Don Eugenio de Albarado.
Don Eugenio de Albarado.

Conveyance of the Missions of
Guayana.
Approving agreement between
Jesuits and Capuchins.
As to founding missions in Ori
noco. Place unhealthy. Four
founded . One discontinued.
Castle of Guayana founded at
mouth of Orinoco on main
land. Mission work in Ori
noco, hindered by attacks of
Caribs.
Suggesting that a settlement be
made at Angostura by mis
sionaries.
As to attempt of the Swedes to
settle in Barima.
Orders him to report as to the
rumored Swedish settlement
at Barima.
Orders him to prevent the
Swedes from settling at Ba
rima.
Asking help to prevent the
Swedes and others from set
tling at Barima,
Memorial on the position of the
Dutch.
As to villages and missions of
Guayana, etc.
Account of a visit to the Province
by Governor G. Espinosa de
los Monterosin, with descrip
tion of the Province as to ex
tent and condition and the lo
cations of missions.
Reports that Caribs, encouraged
by Dutch, commit depreda
tions on the Orinoco missions.
Importance of defending the
same.
Description of the lower Orinoco,
Acquira, and Barima, and
Dutch post on Barima. Lo
cation and trade of the Caribs.
Inventory of stock, etc., at Cu
yuni post.
Order that missions of Guayana
be protected from assaults of
Caribs.
As to villages and missions of
Guayana. Progress made
since 1843.
Orders as to secret mission in
Guayana with replies. Loca
tion of Miamo.
Methods used by fathers to
draw natives to the missions.
Capuchin missions of Guayana,
1755.

1686, Feb. 7 
1694, June 20 
1723 May 5 

269 271367*

1724, Jan. 8 
1733 

368* 280 282
282 283284
285369*

1734 Mar. 13 

1734, Dec. 16 

1737, Aug. 13 

1737-1743 

1743 

1743. 

[1745, Dec. 9 ?] 
1747 

286 294296297372*

1747 

1753, Mar. 30 
1754, June 1 

1755, Apr. 20 
1755, Apr. 20 

299377*

[1755] 

378*

* The Nos. and pages marked with an asterisk" are to be found in Volume 3 (Pwt 8— Miscellaneous).

XX

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 2.*— Documents from Spanish Sources.

Date.

1755, Apr. 20
1756 
1757, Dec. 15.

1758, Mar. 30.
1758, June 9.
1758, July 27.
1758, July 27. .

1758.

1758, Oct. 30.
1758, Oct. 30.
1758, Oct. 30.
1758, Oct. 31.
1758, Oct. 31.
1758, Oct. 31.
1758, Nov. 2.
1758, Nov. 2.
1758, Nov. 3 .

1758, Nov. 3.

1758, Nov. 9.

1758, Nov. 10.

1758, Dec. 12.

Source.

No

675*

357

358

Don Eugenio de Albarado.

Precis for the Spanish Sec
retary of State of Docu
ments.
Jose de Iturriaga to Ricardo
Wal. Inclosure.

Commandant, Guayana, to 359
Chief Spanish Boundary
Commissioner.
Prefect of Missions to Com- 360
mandant in Guayana.
Commandant, Guayana. 361
Commandant. Guayana, to 3',;';
S. Bonaldi and L. Lopez
de la Puente.
Commandant, Guayana. ;i'

Commandant, Guayana. 365

Commandant, Guayana. 366

Officers, Guayana. 367

Santiago Bonalde, witness. 368
Luis Lopez de la Puente, 369
witness.
Juan Jose Fragas, Military 364
man, Guayana.
Segundo de la Cruz, Military 370
man, Guayana.
Pedro Arocha, Military man 371
Guayana.
Johan Baptist Brum, soldier 372
captured at Cuyuni slave
trading station.
Stephen Hiz, Dutch slave 373
trader, captured in Cu
yuni.
Provisional Governor, Cu- 374
manfi, to Director-General,
Essequibo.

Provisional Governor, Cu- 375
mana, to Director-General,
Essequibo.
Fr. J. de Therriaga to Pre
fect of Missions.

376

Subject.

Capuchin missions of Guayana, 126*
1755. As to destruction of
Suay by English, 1741. As
to small-pox, plague, etc.
As to ^he Boundary Commis- 300
sion. Differences between
Iturriaga and Albarado.
Reports that Dutch are con- 301
structing a new fort on the
Moruca near Orinoco.
Juan Valdes to Iturriaga, Dec. 301
2, 1757, same subject.
Description of Dutch post on 302
Moruca. Villages of Aruaca
Indians.
Attacks of the Caribs on Guayca 303
Indian station. Dutch slave
trade on the Cuyuni river.
Order for arrest of Dutch slave 308
trader in the Cuyuni.
Instructions for their guidanee 310
in arresting Dutch slave trader
in Cuyuni.
Appointment of two witnesses 309
to report on the arrest of the
Dutch slave trader in Cuyuni.
Order that Dutch slave trader 313
arrested in Cuyuni be sent
with their papers to Governor.
Order to take testimony as to 313
arrest of Dutch slave trader in
Cuyuni.
Certificate of summons on Bon- 314
aide and Lopez de la Puente,
witnesses.
Deposition as to arrest of Dutch 314
slave trader in Cuyuni.
Deposition as to arrest of Dutch 317
slave trader in Cuyuni.
Deposition as to arrest of Dutch 312
slave trader in Cuyuni.
Deposition as to arrest of Dutch 318
slave trader in Cuyuni.
Deposition as to arrest of Dutch 319
slave trader in Cuyuni.
Deposition as to himself, his oc- 320
cupation, and the objects of
the station or post.
Deposition as to himself, his oc
cupation, and the manage
ment and condition of the
post.
As to demand for restoration of 324
Dutch slave trader and family
captured in Cuyuni. He ap
proves of their arrest as they
were in Spanish territory.
Same effect. He refuses to re- 324
store the Dutch slave trader
and family arrested in Cuyuni
As to Mission of Murucuri. Car- 325
ibs withdrawing from Cuyuni.
Dutch there not formidable.

' The Nos and page, marked with an asterisk are to be found in Volume 3 (Part 8-Miscellaneous).

TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 8.— Documents from Spanish Sources. XXI

Date.

1758, Dec. 28.
1760, Sept. 7.
1760, Sept. 27
1760, Sept. 27
1760, Sept. 29
1760, Sept. 29
1760, Sept. 29
1760, Sept. 29
1760, Sept. 30
1760, Sept. 30
1760, Sept. 30
1760, Oct. 1 . .
1760, Oct. 1..

1761, Feb. 26 .
1761, April 24.

1761, Dec. 18.

1762.

Source.

Counsellor, CumanS.

Commandant, Guayana, to
to Don J. de Dios Gon
zales de Flores, Lieutenant
of Infantry.
Commandant, Guayana, and
Lorenzo Coronado, officer.

Commandant, Guayana, and
Lorenzo Coronado, officer.
Don J. de Dios Flores, Lieu
tenant of Infantry.
Pedro de Salas, Soldier.

Jose de Sosa, Soldier.

Antonio Ravelo. Soldier.

Commandant, Guayana, and
Lorenzo Coronado, Officer.
Yana, Aruaca Indian half-
breed, captured in Barima.

Simaracuri, Aruaca Indian,
captured in Barima.
Commandant, Guayana, and
Lorenzo Coronado, Officer.

Commandant, Guayana, and
Lorenzo Coronado, Officer.
Prefect of Missions, Guay
ana.
Governor and Captain-Gen
eral of Spanish Provinces,
Accountant, and Treas
urer.

Governor of Cumana to King
of Spain.

Don F. Ant. Moreno Escan
don to King of Spain.

No.

377 378379380382 383
384385386
381 387388
389 390 591

.92

393

Subject.

Report and opinion on the de
mand for the restoration of
Dutch slave trader and family
arrested in Cuyuni.
Order to arrest Dutch, French,
Spanish and Carib slave trad
ers at mouth of Barima.

Report of the seizure of a
schooner and two launches
(on Sept. 11, 1760) at mouth
of Barima.
Inventory of schooner and
launches seized in Barima
(Sept. 11, 1760).
Deposition as to the seizure of
schooner and two launches in
Barima (Sept. 11, 1760).
Deposition as to seizure of
schooner and two launches in
Barima (Sept. 11, 1760).
Deposition as to seizure of
schooner and two launches in
Barima (Sept. 11, 1760).
Deposition as to seizure of
schooner and two launches in
Barima (Sept. 11, 1760)
Summons for the mustee,Yana.
Deposition as to the schooner
and two launches seized (Sept.
11, 1760) in Barima and the
doings of the Dutch at that
place.
Deposition as to Barima and
the doings of the Dutch there.
Order as to record of seizure of
schooner and two launches in
Barima (Sept. 11, 1760) and
as to disposition of Yana and
the perishable cargo.
Verification of inventory of
schooner and launches seized
in Barima (Sept. 11, 1760).
Account of Capuchin missions.
Order declaring the schooner
and two launches seized in
Barima (Sept. 11, 1760) to be
lawful prizes and that they be
sold at auction; and as to dis
position made of parties ar
rested.
Notes on Essequibo, and Guay
ana, and on the Capuchin and
Jesuit missions in Guayana,
made to accompany map sent
to King of Spain.
Notes relating to map of the
Viceroyalty of Santa Fe,
drawn by Juan Aparicio.

XXII TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 2.*— Documents from Spanish Sources.

Date.

Source.

1763, Dec. 15.

1769, Sept. 3.
1769, Sept. 7.

Governor of Cumana to King
of Spain.

1765, June 20
1768 
1769 
1769, Jan. 28.
1769, Feb. 28
1769, July 6.

1769, July 6.

Prefect of Missions to Pro
vincial (of the Capuchins).
Commandant, Guayana. ..

to Council of the In-

No

394

1769, Sept. 23.
1769, Oct. 25. .
1770 
1770, Mar. 24. .
1770, Mar. 24. .

dies.
Royal Accountant, Guayana
Capuchin Fathers, Guayana
Prefect of Missions, Guay
ana, to King of Spain.

Prefect of Missions, Guay
ana, to King of Spain.

Secretary of State to Secre- 648*
tary of State for the
Indies.

Secretary of State for the
Indies to Secretary ol
State.

Fr. Don J. de Arciaga,
Knight of Malta, to Com
mandant, Guayana.
Council of State to King of
Spain.
Tribunal of Commandant,
Guayana.
Commandant, Guayana.

Ex-Prefect of Missions, Gu
ayana.

Subject.

*The Nos. and

Report. — Advises .'against- re- 348
moval of city Guayana. De
velopment of Guayana,
Cumana, Orinoco. Safety for
travellers. Population and
resources^ of, various cities.
As to missions and education
of Indians.
395 As to the'state' of the missions 357
in Guayana.
.^9g Seizures from Dutch at Barima 358
(1768). Sales, etc. Testi
mony of witnesses. Forfeiture
of proceeds .
397 Report as to cities and missions 364
in Guayana.
398 Record of seizures from Dutch 366
and others in Orinoco (1767- j
1769) by Spanish officials.
399 Certificate of having gone into [368
Moruca.
400 Exculpates himself for having 368
sent missionaries under his
charge to take Indians from
Point Barima and Waini and
Moruca. Reference to Dutch
postholder.
647* As to arrest of negro slave buyer 379*
from Essequibo at Cavallapi
by the missionaries. Trinkets
and manacles captured. The
Caribs who had been making
boats and arrows to accom
pany him, are disappointed.
Forwards complaint of Nether- 381*
lauds minister as to proceed
ings against Dutch colony of
Essequibo.
649* Requires information as to com 381*
plaint. The Dutch claim to }
fishery in Orinoco and alliance J
with Caribs, something new.
An extension of their boun
daries.
401 Refers, by order of King of 370
Spain, the complaint of Neth
erlands minister to Comman
dant in Guayana, for report.
402 Indorsement on file of papers re- 370
lating to complaint of Nether
lands' minister.
! Judicial proceedings instituted 371
as to the complaints of the
Netherlands' minister.
404 Order that complaints by Neth- 371
erlands' minister be judici
ally investigated.
405 Deposition as to complaints of 372
Netherlands' minister. Dutch
only "tolerated" noith of
the Essequibo. Dislodged in
Cuyuni as soon as Spaniards
heard of post (1757). Cuyuni
is nearly all Guayana. The
Essequibo the boundary of
Guayana.

pages marked with an a_Sri__" are to be found in Volume 3 (Part .-Miscellaneous)

TABLE OF CONTENTS.-Part 2*-Documents from Spanish Sources. XXIII

Date.

1770, Mar. 24.
1770, Mar. 26.
1770, Mar. 26.
1770, Mar. 26 .
1770, Mar. 28 .
1770, Mar. 29 .
1770, Mar. 29 .
1770, Mar. 30 .
1770, Apr. 2 . .
1770, Apr. 4 . .

1770, Apr. 5 . .
1770, Sept. 12.
1771, Apr. 20 .
1771, July 29. .

Source.

Thome de San Pedro, Ca
puchin monk, Guayana.
Jose Antonio de Zervera, Ca
puchin monk, Guayana.
Feilx de Tarraga, Capuchin
monk, Guayana.
Felix Ferreras, Lieutenant of
Infantry, Guayana.
Santiago Bonalde, Citizen,
City of Guayana.

Commandant, Guayana.
Officers, Guayana 

1771, Aug. 8.
1772, June 20
1766-1773. . . .
1773, Nov. 11
1773, Nov. 11
1774, July 6 . ,

Tome Franquiz, Guayana. . . 413
414

No

406
407 408
409
410
411412

Augustina de Arocha, Inhab
itant of Guayana.
Commandant, Guayana 

Commandant, Guayana, to
Fr. Don J. de Arriaga,
Secretary of State.
Fr. B. de Barcelona, Prefect
of Missions, Guayana.
Commandant, Guayana, to
Council of the Indies.
Commandant, Guayana, to
Secretary of State.

115
416
417
418
419

F. de Santo, Procurator of 420
Cap. Missions in Court of
Spain to Provincial of Cat
alan Capuchins.
Fr. F. de Villanueva to Fr. 421
J. de Pingarda, America.
Commandant-General, Ori- 650-
noco [Guayana ?]

Commandant, Guayana, to
Secretary of State.
Commandant, Guayana, to
Secretary of State.

Contaduria-General

423
424
426

Subject.

Deposition as to complaints of 375
Netherlands' minister. Dutch
operations in Cuyuni, etc.
Deposition as to complaints of 378
Netherlands' minister. Dutch
operations in Cuyuni, etc.
Deposition as to complaints of 382
Netherlands' minister. Dutch
operations in Cuyuni, etc.
Deposition as to complaint of 385
Netherlands minister. Dutch
operations in Cuyuni, etc.
Deposition as to complaints of
Netherlands minister. Dutch
operations in Moruca, Cu
yuni, etc.
Summons for C. Maiorga, captain 392
of Spanish launch, to testify.
Return of summons for witness, 392
C. Maiorga, captain of Span
ish launch.
Deposition as to complaints of 392
Netherlands minister.
Deposition as to complaints of 393
Netherlands minister.
Order concluding the investiga- 394
tion of complaints of Nether
lands minister.
Report as to complaints of the 394
Netherlands minister. Rec
ommendations as to policy.
Memorandum as to condition of 398
Capuchin missions in Gua
yana, 1770.
Report as to Province of Gua- 402
yana, in answer to second
command of King of Spain.
Complaining of the conduct of 404
Capuchin missionaries who
are inciting the Indians to re
bellion, and who own nearly
all the wealth of the province
and trade to detriment of
State.
As to the interference of the 408
Commandant of Guayana
with the missions.

Indian attacks on two mission
aries on the Parima.
Compositian of Province of Gua
yana and increase since Jan. 1,
1767.
Increase of settlements and pop
ulation. General prosperity.
Report as to boundaries of Guay
ana. (The Amazon on the
South.) Description of Ori
noco. As to missions. Iturri-
aga withdraws.
Report as to complaints by
Commandant, Guayana, and
by Capuchins.

408
382*410
410
413

* The Nos. and pages marked with an asterisk are to be found in Volume 3 (Part 8— Miscellaneous).

XXIV TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 2.*— Documents from Spanish Source's.

Date.

Source.

No
425
427 428
429430651*
431 432
433434 652*
422
435 653*436
437 438
345
654*

Subject.

o<
PL,

1774 
1769-1774 

Secretariat of Contaduria-
General.
Council [of the Indies ?]
Fiscal, Spain.
Prefect of Missions .
Council of the Indies.
Viceroy, Santa Fe, to Don
Jose de Galvez. Inclosure
F. Iturriate to Command
ant Guayana, Feb. 21,
1777.
Brigadier Don A. Crame and
the Acting Commandant,
Guayana.
Secretary of State 1o the
Council of the Indies.
Don J. Felipe de Inciarte to
Governor -General, Vene
zuela.
King of Spain.
King of Spain, (another
translation).
Ex-Prefect of Missions to
Prefect of Missions, Gua
yana.
Don J. Felipe de Inciarte to
Governor -General, Vene
zuela.
Don Felipe cle Inciarte, Of
ficer in Charge of Lower
Orinoco.
Attorney to Council of the
Indies.
Council of the Indies.
M. Beltran, Commander
Revenue Boat, Orinoco.
Council of the Indies to King
of Spain .
[Council of the Indies?] to
Intendant of Caracas.

Note on report of Contaduria as
to missions in Guayana, and
government thereof.
Minutes of proceedings as to
complaints by Netherlands
minister regarding rights of
domain on the borders of Es
sequibo.
Report as to complaints by
Netherlands minister.
Table of distances, etc., be
tween missions and villages.
Report as to condition govern
ment of missions.
As to French company and
difficulty of protecting frontier
owing to its extent. Inclosure
ordering determination of
locality of arrests by Portu
gese. French must be frus
trated.
Plan for defense of the province
of Guayana.
Letter transmitting papers re
lating to complaints of the
Netherlands minister.
Report as to surveyal and popu
lating eastern lower Orinoco.
Royal order directing the sur
veyal, populating and fortify
ing of eastern lower Orinoco.
Royal order directing the sur
veyal, populating and fortify
ing of eastern lower Orinoco.
As to missions of Sura and the
colony of Essequibo.
Report as to lands in Orinoco
placed under his charge and
as to frontiers of Essequibo.
Report on French company and
French settlements with ac
companying papers.
Report on proceedings as to
complaint of Netherlands'
minister, submitted to him
for examination.
Action as to complaint of Neth
erlands' Minister.
Extracts from diary, as to Mo
ruca, Barima, Mura, and other
creeks, and Dutch fisheries.
Memorandum as to King of
Spain's territorial extent and
rights in Guayana.
As to advancing to Essequibo
to check Dutch. Settlements
should begin at lower Guay
ana. Fort near Essequibo too
far removed, expensive and
weak.

413414

1774 Oct 1 

439

1776 Mar 9 

430

1776, Feb.-Apr 
1777, Feb. 28 

431383*

1777 Mar 15 

432
433
434439
385*409440
386*441

1779 Sept 22 

1779, Nov. 27 

1780, Oct. 1 

1780, Oct. 1 
1782, Oct. 29 

1783, Dec. 5 

1778-1884 

1785, May 25 

1785, June-July 
[1786?] 

142142

1786, Dec. 9 

372 396*

* The Nos. and pages marked with an asterisk are to be found in Volume 3 (Part 8-Miscellaneous).

tfABLE OF CONTENTS.-Part 2.*— Documents from Spanish Sources. XXV

Date.

Source.

1787, Apr. 30.

1787, July 6.
1787, Dec. 9.

1788, Jan. 23.

1788, Feb. 16.
1788, Apr. 13.

Prefect of Missions to Gov
ernor, Guayana.
Fr. T. de Mataro to Govern
or, Guayana.
Fr. M. de Cervera to Fr.
Jayun (de Puygcerda).
Don Fermin de Saninenea,
Madrid, to Don Antonio
Valdez.

Governor, Guayana, to Pre
fect of Missions.
A. Lopez de la Puente to
Governor, Guayana

1788, May 20  | Prefect of Missions to Gov
ernor, Guayana.
1788, May 31  Prefect of Missions to Gov
ernor. Guayana.
1788, July 10  Governor. Guayana, to 

444

439

140

655*

No.

Subject.

1788,
1788,

1788..
1789,

20.

Aug. Aug. [24?].

Aug. 31.
Jan. 30. .

1788-1789.

1789, Apr. 2 . .
1789, Sept. 22.

1790, June 4. .
1790, Aug. 29.
1790, Aug. 29.
1790, Aug. 29.
1790, Sept. 29.
1790, Oct. 7...

Prefect of Missions to Gov
ernor, Guayana.
Governor, Guayana, to Cap
tain-General, Caracas.
Fr. Hermenegildo de Vich to
Fr. Jose Cervera.
Prefect and Council of Mis
sions, Guayana.
Antonio Lopez de la Puente,
Guayana.

Fiscal to Captain-General,
Caracas.
Governor, Guayana, to Sec
retary of State.

Governor, Guayana, to Sec
retary of State.
Governor, Guayana, to Min
isters of Royal Treasury,
Guayana.
Governor, Guayana, to Pre
fect of Missions.

Captain-General, Caracas, to
Prefect of Missions.
Captain-General Caracas, to
Secretary of State .
Fiscal, to Captain-General,
Caracas .

Certificate of election of officers
of the Capuchin missions.
As to the founding of Tume
remo.
As to mission of Cura and ex
cursion to Cuyuni.
As to English designs on Esse
quibo, Demerara and Berbice.
Frustrated by French. De
signs not propitious for Guay
ana. River Essequibo, the
boundary line, will furnish
entrance which will give ac
cess to all parts of Guayana
by successive advances.
442 As to founding the village of
Tumeremo.
443 Report as to his survey and ex
ploration of tbe Cuyuni river
and its neighborhood, 1788.
445 List of Catalonian Capuchin
missions existing in 1788.
448 As to sites to be selected for
missions.
656* As to foundation of new town
at junction of Cuyuni and Cu
rumo.
446 Certificate as to founding of
Tumeremo.
447 Tumeremo founded. Needs of
the village and mission.
Hopes it will be permanent.
441 List of Catalonian Capuchin
missions in Guayana.
449 Order as to establishment of
new missions in the plains of
Cura.
450 Journal of his journey from
Santo Thome down the Cu
yuni and back (Nov. 7, 1788-
Feb. 5, 1789).
451 Report as to the founding of
Tumeremo.
452 Asks for troops and urges the
founding of a town at the
junction of Cuyuni and Cu
rumo.
453 As to the post at the junction of
Cuyuni and Curumo.
454 As to post at junction of Cu
yuni and Curumo.
455 As to settlement at junction of
Cuyuni and Curumo. The
herd of cattle promised by
missionaries asked for.
456 As to the post at junction of
Cuyuni and Curumo .
657* As to trade of the Indians with
Essequibo, and the protec
tion of missions.
457 Second report as to the found
ing |ofTumeremo. 

454

445

446

399*

147
448

455

459 400*

457 157

447 461

464

467 169

471 472

473

473401*

474

*The Nos. on Pages marked with an asterisk are to be found in Volume 3 (Part 8— Miscellaneous).

XXVI TABLE OF CONTENTS.— Part 2.*— Documents fro m Spanish Sources.

Date.

Source.

No.

Subject.

w
o <
Oh

1790, Oct. 25 

Intendant, Cardcas, to Don
Pedro Lorena.
Governor, Guayana, to Don
Pedro Lorena.
Official of King of Spain to
Captain-General, Caracas.
Pedro Tomas Bourmon, Upa
ta, to Governor, Guayana.
Governor, Guayana, to Ser-
g e a n t-Commandant, Cu
yuni.
Governor, Guayana, to Pre
fect of Missions.
Governor, Guayana, to Don
Pedro de Lorena.
 , Caracas, to Superin
tendent-General sub-Dele
gate of Royal Treasury,
 . Caracas, to  .
Intendent-General of Army,
Carahas, to  .
Prefect and Secretary of
Missions, Guayana.
Prefect of Missions, Gua
yana.
 , Inciarte, Caracas.
Jose Felipe de Inciarte,
Guayana.
Citizens, Guayana, to Super
ior Council, Guayana.
Captain of the Militia, An
gostura.
Don Manuel Ferran, Angos
tura.
Regency of Spain to Gov
ernor, Guayana.
Official Records.

459458460
466
461
462463
464
467468469470
471472670*671*
672* 673*473

As to post at junction of Cu
yuni and Curumo.
Confidential letter as to fugi
tives from Surinam, Berbice,
Demerara, and Essequibo.
Approvol of plan for building
town at junction of Cuyuni
and Curumo.
No supplies in Cuyuni. As to
furnishing same. As to In
dian palisade at mouth of
Mazaruni.
Orders as to management and
account of assistance for
warded.
Advising that measures be taken
to defend Cuyuni, etc.
As to trouble with the Indians
in Cuyuni.
Advises that Europeans or Cre
oles be persuaded to settle in
Indian towns.
As to establishment of Spanish
towns at junction of Cuyuni
and Curumo.
As to establishment of Cura at
junction of Cuyuni and Cu
rumo.
List of Capuchin missions in
Guayana.
List of Catalonian Capuchin
missions in Guayana.
Spanish troopa in Guayana and
where stationed.
Spanish troops in Guayana and
where stationed.
Praying that Inciarte may be
compelled to publish his com
mission as to settlement of
Guayana and that new settle
ments may be opened up be
tween Caura and Caroni, and
at Piacoa .
Deposition as to settling of
Eastern Guayana.
Deposition as to settling of
Eastern Guayana.
As to report of Commissioner
regarding settlement of East
ern Guayana with action of
government of Spain thereon.
List of missions in Guayana.

476

1790, Nov. 8 

475

1791, July 9 

477

1792, Jan. 29 

483

1792, Feb. 17 

478

1792, Feb. 22 
1792, Mar. 1 

480 480
481
483
483484
485 485
486414*416*
418* 121*187

1792, Apr. 11 
1796, Oct. 8 

1796, Oct. 14 

1797, June 6 
1799 

1800, Oct. 14 
1809, Mar. 1 

1810, Oct. 22 

1810, Oct. 26 
1810, Oct. 26 
1812-1813 
1813 

* The Nos. and pages marked with an asterisk are to be found in Volume 3 (Part 8-Miscellaneous).

APPEN DIX
PART i
DOCUMENTS FROM DUTCH SOURCES
[TRANSLATIONS]

No. 1.
Extracts from the proceedings of the provincial Estates of Holland, 1581.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 3-8.]
[June 10, 1581.]
•-- * * * * # *
Whereas the Estates are informed that an experienced person from
England, who has made five voyages to the Indies, has proposed and offered
to the aforesaid Estates to undertake again a voyage to the Indies afore
said in the name of the cities of Holland, on condition that the cities of
Holland provide to this end three or four serviceable war-ships, and place
onboard certain experienced persons, it being understood that he promises
that the persons aforesaid upon returning shall be landed here in Holland,
and that the cities of Holland shall receive such profits as the Estates shall
be able to agree upon with the Englishman aforesaid, and that, moreover,
the aforesaid Englishman shall give bond here in Holland for the aforesaid
ships: Therefore the Estates have appointed a committee of one deputy of
Amsterdam, one of Eotterdam, one of Enkhuizen, together with the Advo
cate, who shall fully confer with the aforesaid Englishman upon every
detail, make a written draft of the conditions, and report the whole to the
Estates.

[June 14, 1581.]
*******
The Estates of Holland, having heard the further report of their com
mittee as to their proceedings and the conference which they have held
with Captain Butz, * the Englishman, concerning the voyage which might
be undertaken to the islands situated near the lands of Peru, to which the
aforesaid Englishman had already made five voyages, and that in order to
undertake this voyage with good security and with the greatest benefit to
tbe State four war-ships should be employed and fitted out therefor, to
wit, two ships of three hundred tons and more up to four hundred tons,
each ship to be manned with one hundred and fifty men, and, moreover,
two yachts, each yacht manned with eighty men, each ship to be provided
with provisions for ten months, except meat, of which provision for three
months would be enough, besides the ammunition required, the cost of
which, besides the ships themselves, would amount to about forty thou-
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — The name which appears here alternately as " Butz " and " Batz " was pos
sibly the English " Butts." Nothing else has been learned of the man. Berg van Dussen Muilkerk sug
gests that he may be a certain Thomas Butts, of whom we know, through Hakluyt, that as a boy he was
in the expedition to Newfoundland in 1636 — a son of Sir William Butts, the royal physician.

No. 1.
sand pounds of forty groats provided that the war-ships here at Amster
dam and the great ship of about four hundred tons lying at Hoorn were
employed therefor, in addition to which the crews shall be paid one
month's wages to equip themselves for going to sea, on condition that upon
their return the amount shall be deducted from their profits: Therefore
the Estates, considering the importance of this matter, and that through
the cutting off of navigation to Spain and Portugal it has become necessary
that other trade routes be opened up, made known, and put to use, in order
to keep the sailors employed at their trade; considering, also, that thereby
great profits might come to these States, and that, moreover, certain pub
lic-spirited persons will at their own risk furnish the provisions required
for the aforesaid war-ships; and, as for the profits which might result,
that one-third thereof is to go to the ships, one-third toward the provisions
and ammunition, and one-third to the commanders and crews, provided
that they serve under the orders of the Stadhouder, and trusty persons be
put in command, whereto, among others, Admiral Duvenvoorde offers his
services, and whereto the aforesaid Englishman will also place himself at
disposal with ships equipped at his own expense: Therefore the Estates,
each in its own session, have taken a minute thereof, to make known their
answer in the first meeting of the Estates at The Hague, and each by
itself will take into consideration the declaration of the Englishman afore
said, that in no case, or with the aforesaid ships, shall prizes be permitted
to be taken from the enemy at sea, yet that on certain islands known to
him, and which he shall be at liberty to visit, such quantities of sugar,
hides, and other things may be obtained and laden, that therewith, above
the expenses, good profits may be made.
******* [July 1, 1581.]
****** *
Eegarding the point on the agenda concerning the voyage to the islands
of India, which was to be undertaken by Captain Batz, the Englishman:
The deputies of the nobility, and of Dordrecht, Haarlem, Delft, Gouda,
and Gorinchem gave verdict that in furtherance of this voyage, and to
the end that this voyage and travel to the aforesaid islands may become
known in Holland also, and made use of, too, to the profit of the State, in
case the navigation to Spain and Portugal remain closed, two or three well-
appointed ships shall follow the aforesaid Englishman, provided he furnish
sufficient bond that he will bring back the ships or their value, and that on
returning he shall land with these ships here in Holland, in order that the
State at large may also enjoy some of the profits thereof. The deputies of
Leyden refused it, both in view of the great straits and lack of money, and
of the fact that the warships may be needed. Those of Amsterdam sub
mit that this should be done, not at the expense of the State, but of the
merchants in private, in order to avoid all blame, these merchants to be

No. 1.
granted freedom of convoy. Those of Gouda submit that the money
should be raised by issuing bonds. Those of Rotterdam also grant the
ships on the same condition, only that the adventurers raise the money
and pledge for it the proceeds of the prizes, one-third part of the profits to
remain as the share of the State. Those of Schiedam, Brielle, Alkmaar,
and Enkhuizen, do not find it advisable and refuse it altogether, since they
do not care to trust their ships to a foreigner. Those of Schoonhoven
agree with the majority of votes ; those of Heusden with the six great
cities. The Englishman has desired to provide himself with a passport
from His Excellency, in order, with the aid of certain private individuals,
to fit out the aforesaid ships and to further his aforesaid voyage, it being
understood that these ships upon their return shall land here in Holland
and nowhere else, and also that some experienced persons shall make the
aforesaid voyage with him from Holland, in order to obtain knowledge of
the aforesaid islands and make it public.
******* [July 22, 1581.]
*******
As regards the proposed voyage of Captain Batz to the lands of Peru
and the islands lying thereabout, the Estates of Holland, after the repre
sentatives of each city had reported upon the matter in their meetings,
have resolved and make known that, in view of the great burdens of the
land for the carrying on of the war, they find it impossible to make this
state bear the expenses required for fitting out the ships which are needed
for this purpose. However, inasmuch as they would be glad to see the
aforesaid voyage promoted, the Estates, particularly in consideration of
the commission and appointment granted him to this end by his Highness
the Prince, will look on with approval if any private individuals in the
cities of Holland unite themselves in aid of the project, and the aforesaid
Estates will lend their countenance thereto. *

1 Note by Prof. Burr. — Of this project nothing more is heard in Dutch records; and it is the concur
rent opinion of the Dutch scholars who in modern times have made careful research in this field (Berg
van Dussen Muilkerk, De Jonge, Netscher) that it was probably never carried out. These passages have
been here printed and at full length, not because they have really a bearing on the present controversy,
but because they are the sole documentary basis of the statements so widely afloat as to relations of the
Dutch with Guiana at this period. On these, and on these alone, rest ultimately Mr. Schomburgk's asser
tions that " so early as 1580 the Dutch attempted to form small settlements on the banks of the Orinoco
and Pomeroon," and that " the States-General privileged in 1581 certain individuals to trade to their set
tlements." (Blue Book " Venezuela, No. 5," pp. 22, 25.) From these, and from these only, have grown
the legend of a Zeeland expedition of 1580 (Schomburgk, Description of British Guiana, p. 81) and that
ofthe Dutch stations of that date on the Pomeroon and the Abary which are so circumstantially described
by Mr. Rodway (History of British Guiana, i, p. 3). It is true that these are probably only misunder
standings of a confused passage of Hartsinck, the Dutch historian of Guiana (Beschrijving van Guiana, i,
p. 206), and that Hartsinck himself has here jumbled oddly other authorities and later events ; but the
only documents which by him or by any otber have been adduced in proof of Dutch settlement or trade
in Guiana prior to 1597 (save trade with the Spaniards on the Orinoco) are those printed in full above.

No. 2.
Extracts from the proceedings ofthe States General, 1597.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 9-11.]
[March 24, 1597.]
*******
At the request of Hans van de Veken, merchant at Rotterdam, there
was granted to the ship's captain Jacob Henrisz., of Amsterdam, a com
mission, to go with his ship named den Booden Leeuw, of about eighty
double-tons, and a little yacht whose captain is  , manned with Ger
mans1 and [men of] other nations, to the coasts of Guinea,2 Peru, and West
India, and there to trade and bargain with the savages. Containing also
Requests to all Princes and Potentates that they let these ships and their
crews pass freely and in peace thither and return again to these provinces.
******* [September 3, 1597.]
* * * * * * *
Regarding the petition of Gerrit Bicker for himself and in the name of
his Company, all merchants dwelling in Amsterdam, who have it in mind
to equip two ships, so as to send them to a certain coast and haven of
America Peruana, being a place where never any from these Lands3 have
been, and which is also not held by the Spaniards or the Portuguese,
and therefore ask freedom from the payment of License and Convoy both
going and returning, and this for two full voyages, if so be that God Al
mighty should be pleased to bless their first voyage as they hope, and this
out of regard to the great sums they will lay out on this voyage, and the
risk therein lying, it was Resolved, That the States General of the United
Netherland Provinces [grant them the desired freedom of convoy for the
two voyages'] to a certain coast and haven of America Peruana, provided
that they shall lade in the aforesaid ships no forbidden goods, and that
they shall further be bound, on their return, to bring satisfactory evidence
that never anybody from these lands has traded to the aforesaid haven,
and make true Report in the meeting of the States General of their ex
periences, with specification of the places where they have been and have
carried on their trade.
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — It is quite possible that this should rather be translated " Dutchmen ;" the
Netherlanders called themselves also " Duytsche." But it is not so easy to see why, if Dutchmen, they
should be mentioned here at all.
2 Note by Prof. Burr. — Of course, Guinea in Africa, not Guiana ; trade to Guinea had been in vogue
since 1593. (De Jonge, i, p. 87.) The trade-route to Brazil passed not far from that coast, and it be
came usual for Dutch ships to touch there for trade on the way to America.
8 Note by Prof. Burr.— i. .., the United Provinces.

5
No. 2.
It is the understanding, that like freedom shall be granted to others
who shall likewise desire to go to other unknown havens.
This the deputies of Zeeland declared themselves uninstructed to grant.
* * * * * * *
[December 15, 1597.]
* * * * * * *
Regarding the Petition of skipper Jan Cornelisz. Leyn, citizen at Enk-
huizen, both for himself and also in the name and on behalf of the rest
of his Company, having it in mind with two ships, the one named the
great and the other the little Sphera Mundi, to sail to the Land of Guiana,
situate in the Kingdom of Peru, [and] to this end asking to be granted
freedom from convoys, both going and returning, for the six first voyages,
it was Resolved [to grant the desired freedom, but only for the two voyages]
which they have it in mind to make with their two ships to the unknown
and unnavigated havens of America, to wit, to the Land of Guiana, situate
in the Kingdom of Peru, herein specified, provided that they shall lade in
the aforesaid ships no forbidden goods, and that they shall further be bound,
on their return, to bring satisfactory evidence that never anybody from
these lands has traded to the aforesaid havens, and to make true Report in
the meeting of the States General of their experiences, with specification of
the places where they have been and have carried on their trade.

No. 3.
Extract from the proceedings of the provincial Estates of Holland, 1597.
Reprinted from IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 11-12.]
[December 23, 1597.]
*******
Regarding the request of skipper Jan Cornelisz. Leyen, citizen of
Enkhuizen, both for himself and in the name and on behalf of his Com
pany, that in furtherance of their projected voyage to Guiana in the King
dom of Peru, they be granted assistance by the loan of eight bronze guns,
to wit, four of a weight of thirteen or fourteen hundred, and the other four
of about two thousand pounds apiece, with all ammunition belonging
thereto, for tbe defence of the ships, on like conditions as have been gra
ciously granted to other laudable sea-voyages, it was Resolved as hereinafter
follows: The Estates of Holland and Westfriesland, having considered the petition
and request made in this matter, have resolved that, in furtherance of navi
gation, the merchants petitioners, for their projected voyage, to be made
with two ships to the land of Guiana, situate in the realm of Peru, shall be

6No. 3.
assisted by the credit of the State for two pieces of ordinance, to be borrowed
by the petitioners from the cities, each not to exceed twTo thousand pounds
in weight. Done at The Hague, etc.

No. 4.
Extract from the proceedings of the States General, 1598.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 12-13.]
[ November 16, 1598. ]
****** *
Regarding the petition of Jonas Witssen and Hans Simons and De
Jonge, merchants at Amsterdam, making ready a certain ship of a hun
dred and thirty double-tons named den Morian, in order with merchandise
of all sorts to sail to the Coasts of America in the Kingdom of Guiana and
other Islands thereabout, in which quarter ships from these lands have
never been, there is granted to the said petitioners like freedom from convoy
for two voyages, going and returning, to the aforesaid coasts and islands,
as has been granted to others, and with the same restrictions, provided
that it be to such havens as have not before been sailed to from the United
Provinces.

No. 5.
Report to the States G eneral of the earliest Dutch voyage to the coast of
Guiana (December 3, 1597-October 28, 1598); written by A. Cabeliau,
clerk ofthe expedition, and submitted by him February 3, 1599.1
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 13-22.]
In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, amen, and in the year thereof
fifteen hundred and ninety-seven, on the third of December, in the morn
ing, we set sail from Briel with two ships, the one named den Zeeridder,
of about eighty double-tons, whose skipper is Jacob Cornelisz., alias Oom,
the other named den Jonas, of about sixty double-tons, whose skipper is
Marten Willemsz., of Schiedam, and so we ran out to sea together and
sailed in company until the seventh of the same month, and from that
time our ship was separated from the other, being about 44 degrees off the
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— That there is every reason to believe this actually the earliest Dutch voyage
to the Guiana coast is elsewhere pointed out. (See report on the evidence of Dntch archives as to Euro
pean occupation and claim in western Guiana, in vol. i of the report of the Commission.) That it was
believed so by the expedition itself is clear from this document. That it wa3 meant as such by its pro
jectors and recognized as such by the States General appears from pp. 9, 10, Vol. 2 of the Report of the
U. S. Commission.

No. 5.
channel, aud did not see each other again (during the whole voyage), al
though it had been agreed to wait for each other, if we separated, at' the
island of Palma, one of the Canary Islands.
On the seventh of the same month the island of Palma came in sight
and we lay to there. Not having sighted Marten Willemsz., on the same
day we arrived off the city of Palma and lay there to procure wines for
ourselves until the twenty-fifth of January, in the year 1598, and inas
much as Marten Willemsz. aforesaid did not come, we, the aforesaid, set
sail and laid our course for the island of Teneriffe.
There we arrived on the 16th and lay off there with our ship, in order
to speak several ships which were drifting under the lee of the land, to ask
whether they had seen or heard of Marten Willemsz. ; but, learning noth
ing of him, we laid our course on the seventeenth between the island of
the Great Canary and Teneriffe to the islands of Cape Verde and so to Cape
North. On the ninth of February we caught sight of the land at about
five degrees north of the equator, where we cast anchor on the same day
and lowered our ship's boat and with it sailed around the islands, seeking
whether there was no convenient spot where we could beach our yacht, or
sloop, but found it ill-suited and very craggy, so that we were obliged to
take the yacht on board the ship and there repair and caulk it as was need
ful, not without great danger.
On the fifteenth we sighted a boat, named by the Indians canoe, which
had come from the mainland, a distance of about two miles, from the river
Caurora, wherein were six men, one woman, and a little child of the Carib
or Yao tribe, and they were entirely naked. It was long before they ven
tured to come on board, but at last they emboldened themselves by means
of drums and in other ways and came on board and called out to us " An-
glees,"1 and we answered "Si, Si,"2 and so they came over [the rail] and
we led them into the cabin and made it clear to them that we were from
Holland, and said, " Hollandees," and treated them very well, so far as we
were able, so that they next day went off gayly, and after this evinced
much friendship for us. On the seventeenth there came to our ship from
the mainland, out of the aforesaid river, three more canoes, in which were
men, women, and children to the number of about sixty persons, and this
aforesaid tribe, together with the Hebaio and Arawak tribes, continued to
come on board with their wares and provisions as long as we lay at the
¦ aforesaid islands and also during the time that we lay in the river Cayane,3
next following.
On the twenty-seventh of March we set sail for the river Cayani, and
that with great opposition on the part of the skipper, although he was
assured by us and by an Englishman named Captain John Meysinge, of
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — English.
2 Note by Prof. Burr. — Tes, yes.
8 Note by Prof. Burr. — Cayenne.

No. 5.
London, and also knew himself that he could enter the aforesaid river with
out danger; and through persuasion from us and his sailors we entered the
before-mentioned river on the thirty-first by God's help, without any hin
drance, and anchored by the aforesaid English Captain.
On the following day we sent our yacht up stream to the river Cauwo
and there we found the tribe Yao dwelling, and thence with their own
consent we brought these Indians here present, one named Arymowacca,
aged about forty years, so far as we can understand, and the other Cayari-
wara, aged about twenty years, together with a yachtful of wood
having a substance and color like Brazil wood, besides tobacco and other
drugs (unknown to me). And on the eighth of April the yacht came to
the ship and we traded on this river Cayani and lay there until the twenty-
seventh of June.
On the sixteenth of April the aforesaid Englishman set sail.
On the twenty-ninth of the same month two ships from Amsterdam
joined us, through our help, whereof the skippers were Dierck Jansz.
Roomscbkerck and Wouter Syvertsz., and sailed off again on the tenth of
May to the island of Margarita.
On the third of June two ships from Amsterdam joined us, named the
Great and Little Sphera Mundi, the skippers whereof were Jan Cornelisz.
van Leyen and Adriaen Reynder tssoen before mentioned. And we joined
forces with them in order to visit together the entire coast as far as the
river called Orinoco by the Indians, Raliana by the English, and Rio El
Dorado by the Spaniards. And all that might fall to us upon the aforesaid
coast was to be shared, three eighths for our company and five eighths for
the company of Jan van Leyen aforesaid. And we visited the following
rivers: Wyapoco,1 Curassawini, Cunanamae, Juraco, Mavary, Amano,
Marawini, Carapi, Surinamo, Saramo, Coupanama, Waycara, Curetini,
Orinoco. In the river Orinoco, Rio Barima and Amacura,3 and in these
we bartered and traded. The rivers between the Amazon and Wiapoco
are as follows: Aroway, Arafioco, Maycary, Cassipoura, Arrocava. ' These
rivers we neither visited nor traded in, because wTe could not get there, on
account of the regular current which always flows westerly along the coast.
The rivers between the Wiapoco and the Caurora are as follows: Wanary,
Apperwacca, Cawo, Wya, Cayany, Macuria. These in particular we our
selves visited and traded in, except the rivers Wanary and Apperwacca. 3
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — The names of the rivers of Guiana are not hard to recognize under these
ancient spellings ; only those of western Guiana are here translated by modern equivalents. They are
here mentioned in order from east to west, but with two notable gaps ; from the Wiapoco (or Oyapoc, as
it is now oftener called) there is a skip to a stream west of the Caurora (Kourou), where Cabeliau's party
first came to land, and from the Corentyn a more serious jump to the Orinoco. The reason for these
omissions is presently evident.
8 Note by Prof. Burr.— It is hard not to believe that the manuscript has hero " Amacou. a," which
by transcriber or printer could easily be misread " Amaconza.
8 Note by Prof. Burr. — For a contemporary map of this region from the Cawo to the Macuria, un
doubtedly emanating from this expedition, see the atlas of the U. S. Commission, map 67.

9
No. 5.
Between Mamiamanory and Synamary are two little streams named
Owapary and Paurama, upon which no tribe dwells. The river, or the
mouth, of the Surinam is forked. The Cammawini lies to the east and
the Surinam to the west, and they empty into the sea together. Between
the rivers Corentyn and Orinoco are these rivers: Berbice, Abary, Mahai
cony, Mahaica, Demerara, Essequibo, Pomeroon, Moruca, Waini. These
we have not visited or traded in, either singly or in company, since our
time was far spent and there was not much to be found there, as the
Indians informed us, and, moreover, our provisions were very low; so we
did no more than to coast along the land, in order to have some idea of it, as
far as the river Orinoco, which we entered on the twenty-seventh of July
and anchored by each other, about two miles from the mouth of said river.
On the twenty-eighth we prepared to visit the river Orinoco with the
ship of Jan van Leyen, of about 36 double- tons burden, our yacht of about
9 double-tons, and the yacht, or row-boat, of Adriaen Reynderssen, our whole
force being about fifty persons.
On the twenty-ninth, the aforesaid boats and people sailed up the river
together, against the strong current which always runs there at this time
of year. And we traveled, with the direction of these Indians here present,
not more than about forty [Dutch] miles in the space of twenty days,
up to the place or settlement where the Spaniards are, which is named St.
Thome, whereof Don Fernando de Berreo is Governor and also Marquis of
Guiana, the river Orinoco, and all the coasts being still unconquered as far
as the river Maranon, or Amazon. * Their strength consists of about sixty
horsemen and one hundred musketeers, who daily seek to conquer the
gold-land Guiana, but do not yet succeed either by means of the expedi
tions made thither up to this time nor by any means of friendship, because
the tribe called Caribs violently opposes them every day with their
weapons. These are bows, and they shoot with them poisoned arrows,
which are so deadly that if anyone is hit therewith so that blood flows, he
must perforce die within twenty-four hours, unless a remedy be instantly
applied, and all his flesh would drop from his bones. Therefore the Span
iards greatly fear that tribe and their arrows. Moreover they [the tribe]
stand firm in battle and will not yield, and up to now they have always
been victorious; and the Spaniards, seeing that they can gain nothing there,
have begun, about six days' journey to the south of the river Orinoco, at
the mountains of Guiana, to make a road through the rocks and hills about
1,600 stadia long and wide enough for five horses to march abreast, and by
these means they hope to conquer it.
From St. Thome the yacht of our ship and the sloop of Adriaen Reyn-
dertsen, with Jan van Leyen's two herring-scows, sailed up to the river
Caroni, which has a terrible and mighty cataract, and falls down out of

1 Note by Prof, Burr.-Possihly to be translated : " Marquis of Guiana, of the river Orinoco, and of
all the coasts yet unconquered, as far as the Amazon."

10 No. 5.
the mountains and makes such a noise that it can be heard about four
[Dutch] miles away. In this neighborhood we sought (following our de
scription made by Sir Walter Raleigh) certain gold mines, but found none,
whether it be from our oversight or because there were none there we
know not which, but we did our best in it all, nevertheless, as it seemed
to us We are the more confident of this because the Governor, Don Fer
nando gave us his miner to help us investigate, who took us to all the
places where, in his opinion, Sir Walter Raleigh had been and whence his
minerals were taken. And in all the places that we have seen we
could find no proofs that gold was underneath, but understand from our
Indians that there is a place about six [Dutch] miles up stream where there
are said to be certain mines; but the water had overflowed there to such a
degree that it was impossible for us to visit it. The Spaniards also said
that there was much gold up stream, but they dared not go thither on
account of the war with the aforesaid Caribs. To sum up briefly, there is
up that river in the kingdom of Guiana certainly much gold, as we were
told by the Indians from there as well as by our Indians here present, and
the Spaniards themselves say so; but for people busied with trade it is not
feasible to expect any good therefrom unless to that end considerable expe
ditions were equipped to attack the Spaniards. This is the only means of
learning the whereabouts of any gold mines from the Indians; for whoso
ever are enemies, and bear enmity to the Spaniards, are friends with the
Indians, and they hope steadily that they shall be delivered from the Span
iards by the Dutch and the English, as they told us. When a captain of
tbe Indians, taken prisoner by the Spaniards, was going to be hanged, he
said that he had spoken with the spirit Wattopa and she had prophesied
deliverance through us and through the English. I could wish to help in
this, in case it could be brought about and succeed to the profit and advan
tage of the country. * Having traded in this river to no great extent with
the Indians, as also with the Spaniards, we departed from the town of St.
Thome, by common consent, for the ships, and came on board on the thir
tieth of August, with express promises from the Spaniards that they would
come to trade with us at Trinidad.
On the first of September we sailed together to the island of Trinidad,
and on the seventh we arrived off the west coast of Trinidad and there
anchored. This is a rich and beautiful island, adorned within with many
sorts of merchandise and wares useful for many things, and we traded off
to the Spaniards all our remaining merchandise and wares, except a few
which we brought back, since we could not trade among the Indians with
such articles.2
On the twenty-first of the said month Jan van Leyden and Adriaen
Reynderssen left us and sailed for the island of Margarita. _
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — I. e. of the Netherlands.
a Note by Prof. Burr.— For a map of the coast of Trinadad and the neighboring mainland, emanating
doubtless from this expedition, see the atlas of the U. S. Commission, map 68.

11
No. 5.
On the thirteenth of October we set sail for these provinces and
took our course, on account of lack of provisions, through the Pragonis
and Aeso1 between the islands of St. Lucia and Grenada, and on the six
teenth of the same month spoke there the galley of Sir Walter Raleigh, of
London, of about twenty -five tons burden or twelve and a half double-tons,
and coming from the coast of Barbary. On the same day sailed on between
the aforesaid islands and on the twenty-second of the same month again
between the islands of Dominica and Poorebano, and so laid our course to
the islands of the Azores, and on the twenty-first of November came
in sight of the island of Fayal and sailed by it, and in the evening sighted
an English pinnace, and on the twenty-second spoke it near the island of
Graciosa, and thence laid our course for the Channel and on the eleventh
of December ran into Plymouth in England on account of contrary winds,
and lay there until the twenty-fifth of the same month and set sail for
these provinces with divers ships, and on the twenty-eighth arrived at
Middelburg in Zeeland.
So that, in this voyage, we have discovered, found, and navigated more
than twenty-four rivers, many islands in the rivers, and divers other har
bors, which have hitherto neither been known in these provinces nor sailed
to therefrom. Aye, more, in no chart and by no geographer down to this
time has our route been described or pointed out. All of which, I, the
undersigned, as supercargo of this voyage, declare to be true, being ready
(if need be) to explain the same to Your High Mightinesses more fully either
by word of mouth or in writing. In witness of the truth I have signed
this on the third of February, in the year 1599.
Your obedient servant, A. Cabeliau.

No. 6.
Extracts from the proceedings ofthe States General, 1599.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 22-23.]
[November 3, 1599.]2
*******
Regarding the Petition of Steven de La Faille, Jan Dirixsz. and Andries
van Bancken, citizens and inhabitants of the city of Amsterdam, who have
1 Note hy Prof. Burr.— What may be meant by these names it is hard to guess. It is possibly some
distortion of the name of the Dragon's Mouth, the strait between Trinidad and the mainland at its west.
a Note by Prof. Burr.— Earlier in this year (on April 20, 1599), " Jehan van de Veken, merchant at
Rotterdam," and "Jan Hess, merchant at Middelburg," were granted a " commission in the usual form "
to send a ship to the West Indies " to carry on there their traffic and trade " (" om haerluyder Negotie^ ende
Handel aldaer le dryven ") ; but there is nothing to connect this with Guiana. Interesting, however, is the
unusual provision attached, " that they are to take on board in the Canary islands some. Portuguese or
Spaniards, in order to be able to accomplish their voyage effectively and with greater safety " ( " dat
syluyden in de Eylanden van Canarien zullen mogen opnemen eenige Portugiesen ofte Spaignaerden, om haere
reyse oeqaamelyck ende met meerder zeherheyt te mogen volbrengen ").

12

No. 6. , • u . ¦
fitted out two ships, the one named den Palmboom, on which as captain
and clerk is to sail Francois Henrixsz. Schilder of Amsterdam, and the other
called den Luypart, whereon as captain and clerk will sail Claes Claesz^
Reck of Parop, in order therewith to sail to certain strange lands and
havens which have heretofore not been sailed to or frequented by any from
these lands, and who ask passport therefor and furthermore freedom from
convoy for five voyages, it was ordered that the petitioners must first de
clare to what places they have planned their voyage.1
* * * * * *
[November 9, 1599.]
*******
Regarding the Petition of Jan van Penen and Gerrit Diricxsz. de Vries
cum suis, merchants and citizens of the city of Haarlem, who are making
ready a certain ship named den Dolffphyn, of about fifty double-tons, m
order therewith to make a voyage along the coasts of Guiana in America,
there to seek the rivers of Wiapoco and Orinoco, and there to find again
a certain mineral lately brought hither into this country from there as a
specimen by one Jacob Adriaensz., mate at Haarlem, there was granted the
petitioners freedom from convoy dues on the commodities which they in
two journeys thither shall wish to carry out of the country, and [on those
which] they shall wish to bring back into it, under the usual stipulations
and conditions whereon like freedom has been granted to others.

No. 7.
Extract from the proceedings of the provincial Estates of Zeeland, 1599.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 23-24.]
[November 20, 1599.]
*******
In the matter of the request of the Burgomaster of Middelburg, Adriaen
ten Haeft, setting forth how that in the preceding year, 1598, at heavy
cost to himself, he caused to be investigated on the continent of America
many different rivers and islands,— and how that in this voyage were dis
covered various coasts and lands where one could do notable damage to the
King of Spain,— and how that he is well minded to send out again two
ships, in order, in the country's behalf, to discover certain places, a thing
which cannot be done so effectively with seafaring folk alone. Where
fore, and in view of the fact that in Holland for the encouragement of ex-
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — The passage is of interest mainly as making it unlikely that, under the policy
of the States General, any early voyage to Guiana made with its approval has escaped notice because its
destination was a secret.

13
No. 7.
ceptional enterprises of this sort great favor is shown to the promoters of
such voyages, such as the providing them with cannon, powder and sol
diers, he doth petition that there be granted to his ships from sixteen to
twenty experienced soldiers, among them a good Commandant, and doth
engage that he will himself provide their rations. Whereupon the repre
sentative of the nobility gave verdict that commerce ought here to receive
the same favor as in Holland, and that therefore it ought to be learned
through the deputies there [i. e., to the States General] what is done in
Holland in this behalf, in order to be able to do the same here; the depu
ties of Middelburg, however, grant soldiers to the number of 16; those of
Ziericzee likewise, to the number of 12, on half wages, subject to the ap
proval of their constituents; those of Goes, Tholen, Flushing and Vere
promise that they will send in at once their report to their town-councils on
this point and that the councils will find out what is done in Holland in
such cases. ****** *

No. 8.
Action as to a certain Freedom of Convoy, provisionally granted by the States
General, 1602, and awarded by the Admiralty of Amsterdam, 1604.1
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 25-26.]
1. From the Proceedings of the States General, 160%.
[July 10, 1602.]
*******
Regarding the Petition of Jehan van Peenen 2 and Gerrit Diricxz. de
Vries, it was ordered that it be placed in the hands of the deputed Coun
cilors of the Admiralty in Amsterdam, by them to be examined, and, in
case it shall appear that the petitioners have accomplished their voyage,
in accordance with their foregoing declaration, on the basis of which free
dom of convoy is granted them, that then they shall accord to them the
said freedom; refusing the second portion of their request, whereby they
ask continuation of the foregoing conceded freedom.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— These passages are of interest to the present question chiefly because they
have been misunderstood. Hartsinck (Beschrijving van Guiana, i, p. 207), misreading Van Peenen as
Fan Peeren suspected a kinship between this merchant and the Zeeland colonizer Abraham van Pere, who
in 1627 founded the colony of Berbice ; and on this he bases his assertion of early trade relations between
Zeeland and Guiana. He is followed by many later writers. It will be seen, by a comparison of this
passage with that printed on p. 12, above, that Van Peenen and De Vries were not Zeelanders, but mer
chants of Harlem, and that what they were after was probably not trade, but the precious metals.
8 Note by Prof. Burr.— So the name is clearly spelt, not only in the original minutes, but in the con
temporary copy, in the side-notes of the page, and in the contemporary index to the volume. The alleged
Zeeland merchant " Jan van Pere " is, it is to be feared, a myth.

14 No. 8.
2. From the Proceedings of the Admiralty of Amsterdam, 160^
[January 12, 1604.J

Paridon van Hoorn, as surety for the convoy-dues of the merchandise
which was laden in the ship of Ryck Hendrixsz. in the year 1602 for the
West Indies, is holden to pay the said convoy-dues within a week or to
prove [his right to] the freedom claimed.

[January 13, 1604.]
* * * * * * *
To Jan van Penen and Gerrit Diricxsz. den Vries cum sociis, and Paridon
van Hoorn, their surety, there was granted the space of one week to pro
duce their proof that they have made their voyage to Guiana according to
their Grant, in conformity with the instructions of the States General
dated July 10, 1602. On penalty, in case of failure to do this, of immediate
payment of the convoy dues.

[February 3, 1604.]

Jan van Peenen and Gerrit Diricxsz. de Vries cum sociis, in pursuance
of the minutes of the 13th January last, being once more heard in detail
as to the claimed freedom of convoy to Guiana, it was finally, upon the
declaration now made on their word of honor that their ship, in con
formity with the instructions given, would have sailed higher up the river
of Orinoco, had this not been prevented by the multitude of the Spaniards
whom they found there, resolved tbat under these circumstances they be
accorded the freedom from convoy-dues of the goods carried out and
brought in by the said voyage, in conformity with the grant of the States
General, and that the convoy-master accordingly cancel the surety.

1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This volume is one of those happily rescued from the fire which some years
ago destroyed the Dutch Ministry of Marine. Its edges, however, were badly scorched, and it is neces
sary to supply conjecturally the final words of many lines. They are those inclosed in brackets, and must
not be accepted without question.

15
No. 9.
Extracts from memorial to the Dutch States-General on the colonization of
Guiana [1603].1
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 27-29, 32, 36.]
Memorial to the States General of these United Provinces in regard to the
colonizing of the coasts of Guiana in America.
I doubt not but the States General are well aware how rich, beautiful,
fertile, populous, delightful, and precious a land, situate in America, and
called the province of Guiana, has recently been discovered by some of this
country's merchantmen.
There are there not only many fine harbors, conveniently deep and nav
igable rivers, abundant pastures fit for all kinds of stock, but moreover a
very fertile soil, well adapted to the raising of wheat, wine, oil, sugar,
ginger, cotton, pepper, cubeb, pastel, indigo, and various other products,
such as are commonly grown in other parts of the East and West Indies in
the same latitude and climate.
* * *****
And as for the hope and expectation of finding a rich gold and silver
mine, it is well grounded on fact and experience, for a mine has already
been found, the vein of which is gold and the surrounding ore silver.
* * * * * * *
However, no one knows how rich that mine may prove to be until
skilled and trained miners are employed, for which the time has not yet
come. Neither should further explorations be made uutil the land is col
onized and strengthened with good strong towns and forts, for, if other
wise, its richness might incline and induce neighboring nations, whether
friend or foe, to anticipate us in this undertaking, while we here were as
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This is that memorial mentioned by de Jonge (in a footnote to p. 259 ofthe
first volume of his De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag), but since his day sought in vain. The doc
ument, consisting of seven closely written folio pages, is docketed on the back "Remonstrantie aen de E.
mo. Heeren Staten Generael op stuck van depopulatie van Guiana in America gelegen," but bears neither there
nor elsewhere any mention of date or authorship. Its date, however, seems put beyond doubt by the reso
lution of the States-General on February 25, 1603 declining to act for the present on the requested coloni
zation of Guiana. This is the only resolution of the sort, as the present is the only known petition. De
Jonge had already from the contents of the document ascribed it to this period ; and the handwriting is
clearly of about this date. There is no reason to believe it the autograph of its author. From its style and
its ideas (and from its South Netherland orthography as well, were that not probably due to the copyist)
it may with much confidence be ascribed to Willem Usselinx, the well known originator of the Dutch
West India Company — being very probably that discourse on the colonization of the Indies of which he
himself makes mention in his Vertoogh of t608. (Further grounds for this ascription are set forth in the
paper on the evidence of Dutch archives, in vol. i of the report of the U. S. Commission). The document
is not in Usselinx's handwriting, as appears by comparison with his abundant autograph papers in the
Rijksarchief; and Mr. Hingman, the Commies-Chartermeester, who was able after long search to bring it
to light, finding it (doubtless where De Jonge had left it) detached from its fellows, thinks it less likely
to be the draft actually submitted to the States-General than a copy preserved among the papers of the
Estates of Holland.

16No. 9.
yet busily deliberating and planning how and by what means this enter
prise and scheme might be most safely and conveniently be taken up and
carried on to the desired end.
For the manifold experience of many years has shown that on the
aforesaid coasts of America no riches can be drawn from the mines, and
no profit earned from the fertility of the soil, unless the land be first
colonized. This, the merchants and first discoverers think, is no affair to be taken
up or gone into all by themselves and at their own expense. Not that
they shrink from the outlay such colonization demands, for they assume
that in view of tbe good prospect of making profits this could readily be
brought together by a body of merchants and other wealthy men; but they
deem that this project righ tly belongs to the supreme authorities or the
sovereign prince, or at least that it should be taken in band and carried
out with their aid, favor, and protection.
This being so, it stands with you to decide and declare whether you
might be inclined to enter upon and take in hand this project of coloniza
tion, either alone and at the public expense, or with the aid of a few
wealthy men and private merchants.

I say nothing here of the profits that this Government would in course
of time, when the aforesaid American province is once colonized, draw
from the mines, yearly taxes, or tributes, and other sources.

It needs only that you take up this colonization effectively and with
out longer postponement or delay, appointing to that end an India cham
ber or other committee, which shall proceed to devise such terms and con
ditions as you shall desire to grant and establish for the settlers, and also,
if necessary, to find the means wherewith to meet the expenses of this
colonization, etc.

No. 10.
Extract from proceedings oi the States General, February 25, 1603.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 36.]
* * * * * *
As to the requested colonization of Guiana, it was declared that the
States General can not for the present take action on the matter.

17
No. 11.
Extracts from memorial of Cornelis Janssen Vianen to the Prince of Orange,
January 25, 1621, as to where and how the Spaniards may best be at
tacked.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 37.]
Having, off and on for more than twenty-five years, as set forth in an
earlier memorial to Your Princely Highness, sailed the seas to various
places, namely, to Guinea, to the West Indies, and lastly with Com
mandeur Spilbergen through the strait of Magellan along the coast of
Chili and Peru and around the world, I think I have during that time ob
served the right way of attacking the Spaniards where they are weakest
and feeblest, as follows:
* * * * * * *
Sixthly, regarding the opinion sometimes advanced, that notable profits
might be obtained through diverse products and fruits which might be
found or raised on the mainland of America, between Brazil on the east
and the river Orinoco on the west, in and about the river Amazon.
I answer, that several of our Netherlanders have as yet attained little
by the aforesaid means, although up to now they engage there in peaceful
trade; and if an attempt were made with superior force to gain the land
there and by such cultivation introduce products of Brazil and the West
Indies, the Spaniards w-ould beyond doubt seek forcibly to prevent this,
the more so as thereby their navigation to Brazil and the West Indies
would be impeded. It therefore is my opinion that, in view of the immi
nent danger of war, little can be achieved there.

No. 12.

Extract from the Proclamation prohibiting Trade with the West Indies, June
9, 1621.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 54-65.]
The States- General of the United Netherlands to all who shall hear these
presents read, Greeting:
Whereas we, after mature deliberation in Council, for the well-being of
these provinces and the welfare of the inhabitants of the same, have caused
to be established here in these Netherlands a Company to cany on trade
and commerce with the West Indies, Africa, and other places hereafter set
forth, and have granted to the same many liberties, privileges, and rights,
together with assurances of our particular aid and favour, as is more
fully dwelt upon in the Letters of Charter given by us:
We, therefore, for the better furtherance of the same, have prohibited
and forbidden, as we now hereby prohibit and forbid, any natives or in-

18
No. 12.
habitants of this country, as well as any natives or inhabitants of any other
kingdom or country to visit, traffic, or carry on directly or indirectly, ex
cept in the name and on behalf of this United Company, any trade what
soever for a period of twenty-four years, beginning the 1st July next, with
the coasts and countries of Africa, from the Tropic of Cancer to the Cape
of Good Hope, and with the countries of America, beginning with the
south end of Terra Nova, l through the Straits of Magellan, Le Maire, or
other straits and channels lying thereabouts, to the Straits of Anjan, either
in the North Sea or the South Sea. and with any islands on either side or
lying in between, together also wTith Australian and southern countries ex
tending and lying between both meridians, and reaching from the Cape of
Good Hope in the east to the east end of New Guinea inclusive, in the
west. Desiring and ordering that all other natives and inhabitants who shall
act in a contrary manner, or who shall be found to have so done, shall for
feit their vessels and merchandize, which shall immediately be seized and
held at the disposal of the aforesaid Company.

No. 13.
Extract from the West India Company's commission for captains [1626].
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 40.]
* * * -:<- * * *
Whereas, by virtue of the charter granted this Company by the High
Mighty the States General of the United Netherlands, we have resolved to
send some ships to the West Indies, there to further settlement in unin
habited regions, and among other things to build a fort, in order to be se
cure against the attacks and invasions of the Spaniards and other nations
our enemies, and as, in order to do this with greater certainty, we have
need of an able, faithful, and experienced person to be in command thereof
as captain.

No. 14.
Extracts from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
1626-7.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 42, 44.]
[November 2*5, 1626. J
* * * * * *
The committee on wares is authorized to make up a suitable cargo to
the Amazon for the yacht Arnemuyden.
Resolved, To send with the aforesaid yacht Arnemuyden 20 ripening
youths, in order to land them in the Amazon, the Wiapoco, or the
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— I. .., Newfoundland.

19
No. 14.
Essequibo— wherever tbe folk of our Chamber may be found-for the
purpose of being employed there. And each of them shall be granted 2, 3,
or 4 guilders a month, according to their capacities.

[December 12, 1626.]

*

Johannes Beverlander is taken into the service of the Company for
three years, to lie in the river of Essequibo along with Jan Adriaansz. van
der Goes; and that for twenty-one guilders a month. * * *

No. 15.
Extract from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
April 13, 1628.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 55.]
* * * * * * *
Jan van Woerden, of Flushing, is engaged for 20 guilders a month to
lie in the Amazon for the space of three years, on condition that he shall
hunt up three others beside himself to lie there together.1

No. 16.
Extract from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
April 8, 1632.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 65.]
*******
On the report of Messrs. de Moor and Eltsdyck, after speaking with Van
der Goes, it was resolved not to abandon the colony at Essequibo. 2

No. 17.
Extract from regulations of the States General for the West India Company,
May 14, 1632, and July 17, 1633.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 55-56.]
* * * * * * *
Firstly, no such ships {i. e., from any part of the United Provinces,
other than the Company's) may sail to the coast of Africa, or the New
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — The passage is of interest only as illustrating the methods of the Company in
their occupation of these rivers.
8 Note by Prof. Burr. — It appears from the memorial of the Zeeland Estates in 1750 and from that of
the Zeeland Chamber in 1.51 (Nederlandsche Jaerboeken, 1750, p. 1194 ; 1751, p. 1090) that the Nineteen
(whose records, now lost, were accessible to the authors ofthese memorials) had by a majority voted the
abandonment of the Company's Guiana colonies, including that in Essequibo; and that the Zeeland Cham
ber, whose deputies had opposed this action in the meeting of the Nineteen, assumed to itself by the above
resolution of April 8, 1632, the responsibility of maintaining that colony.

20 No. 17.
Netherlands, or elsewhere where the Company may trade, on any pre
tence: but they may sail to the coast of Brazil; likewise into the West
Indies, to wit, [from] the River Orinoco westwards along the coast of Car
tagena, Portobello, Honduras, Campeche, the Gulf of Mexico, and the coast
of Florida, together with all the islands situated within these limits, in
order there to carry on all manner of warfare by sea and by land against
the King of Spain, his subjects and allies.

No. 18.
Extract from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
1637.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 71-72.]
[April 16, 1637.]
* * ->:- * * * *
The Committee on Commerce and Finance was instructed to inspect
and determine whether the trade to Essequibo is profitable to the Company
or not, in order at an early day to make report, so as to know whether the
wares for which they ask shall be ordered made or not.
*******
[May 14, 1637.]
*******
Confrater van Pere was authorized to turn over to Mr. Segers two kegs
of sirup, or sap of sugar-cane, arrived from Essequibo from Jan Van der
Goes, in order that he may try to reduce it to sugar.
* * * * * * *
[August 17, 1637.]
* * * * * * *
Inasmuch as Jan van der Goes had written from Essequibo that he,
with all the folk who were there with him, was minded to come home by
the first ship, it was some time ago resolved to send thither in the place of
the said Van der Goes, by the ship de Jager, Cornelis Pietersz. Hose;
and on account of the great demoralization of the folk and their wish to
come home, it is resolved that they shall be allowed to come home, and the
colony provided anew with five-and-twenty other respectable persons,
from whom the Company may receive more service and more edifyingly
withal. And Confraters Lonissen and Van Pere are by a majority vote
made a committee to engage the aforesaid persons, being requested to look
for the discreetest persons, so far as shall be possible.

21
No. 18. [August 20, 1637.]

The persons who have been engaged for Essequibo, being mostly from
the people who came [with] Van der Goes and who have not much to live
on, it is resolved that they shall for this once, and without its becoming a
precedent, receive a shilling a day for costs.

No. 19.
Extract from letter from Jacques Ousiel to West India Company, 1637.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 74-75.]

Firstly, the writer says that the Governor of Trinidad, aided by those
of Margarita and Guayana and guided by an Irish deserter, formerly a
lieutenant in our service, on the first of December of last year, in the dark
ness of night, attacked a certain small fort or stockaded house in Tobago
(an island under your jurisdiction), capturing it without resistance, and
taking prisoner 5 or 6 men who were in it. With these and with all his
men he marched on the next day to the great fort, which is likewise a
stockade, built only as a defense against the Caribs. This he closely be
sieged, and after those of the fort had fired some shots upon the enemy,
the men at last resolved to parley with him, being pursuaded and induced
thereto by the aforesaid Irishman, whom they thought to be not a deserter
but a prisoner, and who had been instructed by the Governor. It was
finally agreed upon, and the Governor granted it under solemn oath, that
the officers with their arms and baggage, and the others without these but
with the clothes they had on, each and every one, regardless of nationality,
rank, or condition, should be sent by the Governor to Saint Christopher,
or any other place where they should wish to go, as free men and at the
expense of the King. Thereupon the Governor brought all these colonists
of Tobago together to the Bocas de Drago, and not having means of con
veying them to Saint Christopher, he judged best to send them, in all 45
men and 20 boys, to Margarita and let them take ship therefor any destin
ation they should choose, and meanwhile he kept with him the present
writer, the agent, and Cornelis de Moor, son of Mr. Jan de Moor, together
with 16 other boys, until as he said, he should have a better opportunity
for embarking them.

22 No. 20.
Extracts from letter from Jacques Ousiel to West India Company, 1637.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 84-95.]
*******
One mile inland there is a very good opportunity for obtaining a supply
of bananas from the old plantations of the Caribs who were driven from
the aforesaid island by the Spaniards, and still are wont to come there
every year with their canoes to lay in provisions.
The Governor of Trinidad told the writer that the King had often
intended building a fort at the mouth of the aforesaid harbor.
From the aforesaid harbor to the habitation of the Spaniards, called San
Jose de Orofia, the distance is S. by W. 7 miles, over very high mountains,
which are not to be crossed without unspeakable difficulty.
As one sails from the Bocas de Drago along the west coast S. by E.
through the Golfo Dulce, there lies 5 miles from there a large bay named
Puerto de Espafia, where the ships that come to trade there drop anchor.
*******
About half a mile to the north of the aforesaid river there also is a
road by land to the aforesaid town, running due east three miles among
trees; this road the Spaniards take when on foot or on horses (which are
only 8 in number there) they wish to go to the aforesaid bay. This road
can be recognized from the sea by some posts of two ruined houses which
stand in the sea north from there.
The aforesaid town of San Jose lies on a small hill at the foot of the
high mountains; at their south side, and on the north and east sides of
the town, flows the aforesaid river, about half a foot deep, where the
inhabitants of the town get their water.
The town is open, consisting of 30 houses and 40 to 50 men, sometimes
more and sometimes less, inasmuch as some who come there, either sent
there by the Dutch or otherwise, are against their will held there by
the Governors, and get away again in canoes when they can, as happened
as many as three different times within the six months that the writer
lay there.
The houses are made of earth stamped solid, which they call tapias, and
roofed with thatch or other combustible material.
Almost in the centre of the town stands the church in which the Span
iards keep a watch of 5 or 6 men, day and night except from Sunday till
Monday; the reveille is sometimes beaten and again not, and one cannot
rely upon the drum beat, for it is quite frequently employed for any
trifling reason.
To the S. E. and also E. of the town there is for some 7 miles only plain
and even country, also for some 4 miles S. and N. down to the afore
said bay.

23
No. 20.
Nothing grows here except tobacco, which is raised only once a year,
to the amount of about 100,000 pounds (without the inhabitants having any
returns from it, on account of the dampness of the country). They plant it
in December and January, gather it about May, and have it all twisted by
the middle of that month, as toward the end of the same month or early in
June they expect a ship from Spain to take it off their hands, about which
time those of Orinoco also bring their tobacco there to the amount of some
50,000 pounds. *******
About one mile east and one mile west of the aforesaid town there are
several plantations, where the negroes, together with the Indians and the
Dutch boys from Tobago, plant provisions and tobacco for the Spaniards.
The name of the eastern place is Tacaribe, and of the western Aracao.
* ******
The negroes and Indian slaves may number about 300 in all, namely 100
negroes and 200 Indians, and there is nothing they would rather see than
to be delivered from the Spaniards.
*******
Among the Nipujos there is a certain Indian named Hierreyma, who
eleven years ago, when a slave or encomendado among the Spaniards, ran
away from them and has more than once joined in expeditions against
them; and because he has killed two Spaniards in some encounters, he is
the most famous and powerful among those people and considered as their
chief by the others.
*******
These Indians are for the most part Christians, speaking good Spanish
almost all of them, and are free men. The King in writing to them uses
this form of address: " A nuestros leales vasallos los cavalleros Indios de
Paria." The Sefiores Cavalleros go altogether naked, like other Indians.
Among them dwells a certain Indian called Don Juan, who surely is the
principal person; he, in return for knives, furnishes the canoes with pilots
to go to Margarita.
*******
The town is situated about two miles from there, inhabited by Spaniards,
few in number but rich in money and pearls as well as in slaves. The
other occupants of the island are mostly Indians and negroes with their
women and children, probably numbering in all as many as 3,000. On
this island 100 Spanish soldiers are also kept.
Two miles S. by W. from the aforesaid bay lies a prominent point,
called Punta de Mosquitos on account of the multitude of mosquitoes found
there. The place near by is called La Kancheria; here lie the boats that go
pearlfishing. Here it is very shallow and full of stones. Some few
Spaniards live there, who keep watch there with the negroes of the boats.
The boats sometimes go from there, 10 or 12 of them together, 3 or 4

24 No. 20.
miles to the S. E. into the sea, as the writer saw on June 22, 1637,
manned with 8 or 10 negroes and 2 negro women, who bake the maize
bread for the negroes. A Spaniard is in command ; he is the pilot, and is
called mayordomo by his master. They stay out from 6 to 8 weeks, each
boat bringing home on an average 8 to 10 marks of pearls, and sometimes
more. * * * * * * *
Nine miles from the aforesaid Pueblo de Mar, on the mainland, lies
Punta Araya, in front of which, on the south side, a royal fort is con
structed, the lower part, from the sea up, of gray granite, and the land
side provided with deep ditches. On the fort lie 50 guns of bronze; it
has 12 gunners and provision of water for 4 years, which they lay up in
large tanks of several hundred barrels. Here lies a garrison, said to be of
500 men.
The canoes and boats that come from the east and want to go to Cumana
must heave to there, and the corporal of the guard comes to inquire whence
the boat comes, what is her cargo, and what persons are in her.
Three miles away, opposite the fort, on the other side of the gulf, lies
the town of Cumana, distant about 2 musket shots from shore on the slope
of an arid mountain, having good houses more than 80 in number. By the
side of this town there runs into the sea a fresh river, off which the ships
come to anchor.
Between the town and the shore stand numbers of trees, so that the
town can not be seen from the strand, and the land here along the sea
coast is entirely arid and barren. Nothing is produced here but pearls and
tobacco. These Spaniards trade their wares against pearls, to be turned
into money in Cartagena and Havana, not to be taken over to Spain, be
cause they are of less value there.
* * * * * * *
Caracas is a sea-village of about 40 houses on the shore of a bay, some
built very high of brick (which is made there). Here two new castles have
been made of gray granite; the easternmost is a half-moon with 6 pieces,
and the westernmost, distant from it fully a musket-shot, is square and
provided with 8 pieces of ordnance, situated quite low on the shore close to
the sea, commanding the entire bay, and both manned with 100 Spaniards.
In spite of the aforesaid forts it ought to be possible to get away with the
ships that lie at anchor there.
In these castles watch is kept in the following manner: The sentinel of
the westernmost fort, approximately every half hour, strikes on a bell, to
which the sentinel of the other fort at once answers with a like stroke on a
bell; for the first quarter-watch he strikes one stroke, for the second
quarter he strikes each time or half hour two strokes, and for the third
quarter three strokes.
The town of Caracas, called Santiago de Leon, lies on the other side of
the mountain range, which is very high here, five miles from the aforesaid

25
No. 20.
sea- village, an entire and very difficult day's journey on foot; the inhabit
ants come on mules to the sea- village to trade. It is a rich town in money
and inhabitants. The chief trade here consists in cocoa, skins and salsa-
parilla. When it has rained much, one finds in the mountains many small
grains of gold. Here is the seat of the Governor and the bishop of Vene
zuela, who usually reside in the court-town Coro.
Cartagena is a rather large and well-built town, well protected with new
walls and fortifications of gray stone. Fresh water must here be brought
from outside on mule-carts.
To sail into Cartagena, one must first pass to starboard, in the mouth of
the harbor, a small, old fort, in which there are 3 or 4 guns, with which
they can easily shoot across the mouth of the harbor; on the opposite side
lies another, and larger, old fort, now entirely deserted and grown over
with verdure, and in place of this, half a mile farther inland, a royal fort
has been built, with four points, fortified below with half-moons that shoot
at water-level, and lying in the water on all sides except for one very nar
row land road, and having more than 44 guns. Opposite this fort, on the
other side of the water, lies another similar one, and a little farther up iu
the direction of the town still another, all built of gray granite, and as one
goes on, two more small forts, each with six iron guns, and all likewise
surrounded by the water; after this, there follows on the same side the
suburb where stand the Franciscan monastery and some fine houses, all
this on the starboard, likewise fortified with walls. From here one can go
into the town across a large bridge, though one can come to the town by
water without having to pass through the aforesaid suburb. At the towm
lie three galleys and three or four small war- vessels; 500 Spaniards are
garrisoned here for the defense of the aforesaid forts. To the south
east, fully a mile from the town, lies a high mountain, called by the Span
iards Nuestra Sefiora de la Popa, where is built the monastery of the
barefooted Augustinians, which from afar looks like a castle, but in reality
is not. Havana, as one comes in, has two castles. The one on the port side,
called El Morro, lies high up the mountain ; the one farther inward is
square, with four little turrets on each comer. On the land side it has
deep ditches, from where to the harbor lower and lower lie many tiers of
guns, so that in the mouth of the river or harbor six tiers are counted, the
lowest tier lying at water-level and consisting of 17 guns that are called
by the Spaniards "los doce apostolos," and they correspond to the plat
form lying on the opposite side. It is said, and seems quite plausible, that
on the aforesaid fort there are indeed more than 100 bronze guns. Oppo
site the aforesaid fort is a level strand, where a platform is built, with 27
bronze guns, from where, in the direction of the town, an entrenchment
or straight line has been drawn as far as the old fort, fully two musket-
shots long, altogether of gray stone, which is • got from the mountains
opposite, on which entrenchment lie at least 60 guns. The old fort is

26 No. 20.
built almost in cross shape ; it is very small in circumference, protected
roundabout with deep ditches, and on the water side with halfmoons,
having a few guns.
* ******
Behind the old fort lies the town, which is open and fully as large as
Cartagena, but not so well built; through it runs a small stream of fresh
water, which provides the whole town with water.
When there is any suspicion of the enemy the harbor is closed with an
iron chain from El Morro to the platform; as many ships as are seen at
sea by those of El Morro, so many strokes they sound upon a bell, and
they also signal to the town with so many white flags, whereupon those
of the platform answer, and give the same signal to the old fort and like
wise to the town.
Watch is kept here in the same way as in Caracas, with this under
standing, that those of El Morro begin, then those of the platform, and
then those of the old fort.
The Spaniards call Havana the key to all India, because it would not
be easy for the galleons to sail to Spain without provisioning there.

-:¦:-

No. 21.

Extract from Order and Regulations of the States-G-eneral, by which the
Inhabitants of the United Provinces shall be permitted to take away Wood,
Tobacco and other Merchandise from a certain part of the Boundaries of
the Charter of said Company, January 6, 1635, and October 16, 1637.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 56.]
*******
First, the vessels of the aforesaid inhabitants shall be permitted to sail
to the West Indies: to wit, the River Oronocque, westwards along the
coast of Carthagena, Portobello, Honduras, Campeche, the Gulf of Mexico,
and the coast of Florida, together with the islands lying within those
boundaries; but they shall on no account be permitted to sail to the coast
of Africa or New Netherlands, or to any other place where the said Com
pany carries on trade.
*******

No. 22.
Extracts from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
1640-1645.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 99, 102, 104.]
[December 20, 1640.]
*******
The Committee on the affair of Jan van der Goes, having examined the
instructions given on behalf of the Chamber together with the journals and

27
No. 22.
other papers relating thereto, reports that it can find no satisfactory reason
why the aforesaid [instructions] were not strictly followed by the said Jan
van der Goes, and especially why he erected no fort at the place prescribed
in his instructions, since by the testimony of the journals and of persons
who have come from there the enemy offered our people no hindrance there;
points which proved of so very evil consequence, the more so as the Com
pany was brought into great and excessive expense, that the Committee
therefore deems the payment of the wages earned might with justice be
withheld and refused.

[May 5, 1644.]
There were read the following letters: One to Adriaen Jansz., Com
mandeur, and Adriaen van de Woestyne, Clerk, at Fort Kykoveral in
Essequibo, dated May 5.1

[May 29, 1645.]
As for the river of Essequibo, the Committee's opinion is that now for
some time it bas been traded to with small profit to the Company, for the
reason that private colonists are permitted to trade there as well as the
Company, so that the goods coming from there can not fetch their proper
price, by reason of undue competition. On this point they are of opinion
that, at the expiration of the charter, either the trade there ought to be
held exclusively for the Company, or else it were better that the aforesaid
place should, subject to the proper fees, be thrown open to free trade.
*******

No. 23.

Extract from Resolutions of the States-General of the United Netherlands,
Monday, August 10, 1648.
[Reprinted from Blue Book No. 3, p. 57.]
*******
Firstly, we hereby declare that we annul and quash all former Orders
and Regulations according to which all ships in the respective provinces,
either armed or unarmed, have been permitted to sail for private trade in
timber, salt, tobacco, cotton, or other wares and products there obtainable
i Note by Prof. Burr.-The letter itself is not given-only this address. It is not impossible that
" Adriaen Jansz." is but an error for Jan Adriaensz. van der Goes.

28 No. 23.
to a certain area within the Charter of the West India Company, at what
ever period, in what manner the said Regulations might have been issued,
promulgated or drawn up; and we now decree, order, and ordain anew
that the vessels of the aforesaid inhabitants shall henceforth be permitted
to sail in tbe West Indies, to wit, from the River Oronocque westwards
along the coasts of Paria, Cumana, Venezuela, Carthagena, Portobello,
Honduras, Campeche, the Gulf of Mexico, and the coasts of Florida, as
well as between and around all the islands situated in those parts, including
even Curagoa, Buenayre, and Aruba, without permission to go east along
the Wild Coast, much less to the Amazon or the Maransan [sic], or further
north than Cape Florida, and equally without permission to come on any
account whatever, or in any manner to the Virginias, New Netherlands,
Nova Francia, and other places situated thereabouts, or to sail to or along
the coasts of Africa, Brazil, or anywhere else where the Company has
trade, under the penalty that whoever shall be found to do or to have done
contrary to this shall confiscate both ship and cargo, which also it shall be
allowable to seize and to hold as confiscated property at the disposal of the
Company without any action at law, and in case such ships or cargoes
shall have been sold or have put into other countries or ports, the captains,
owners, or underwriters shall be sued for the value of the said ships and
cargoes according to Article I of the Charter.

No. 24.
Extract from conditions for colonists, provisionally adopted by the West India
Company (Zeeland Chamber), October 12, 1656.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 113-116.]
Copy.
Draft of notification. To all who shall see this or hear it read, be it
known:
Whereas the directors of the Zeeland Chamber of the West India Com
pany, for many years, by all conceivable means and ways, both by its, the
Chamber's, own means and by contracting with private persons, have
tried, not only to increase its trade and commerce from here to the coasts
and islands situate under the charter, but also and especially have made it
their aim to further the colonization and agriculture of the aforesaid
lands, and yet without such success, results, and fruits as they could have
hoped. Therefore, inasmuch as they have found by careful observation and
long experience, that not only the islands lying in their district, but also

29
No. 24.
the mainland coasts, and especially the Wild Coast, extending from the
river Amazon to * * * degrees northward, are of such situation and
soil that one can there cultivate, plant, raise, and gather everything which
it has been possible to cultivate and gather in the famous regions of Brazil,
yet that there are needed, for the greater increase of population and agri
culture, not only persons of reasonable means, skill and experience, but
also all others of lesser condition and ability; they are disposed to offer,
and do hereby offer, with the knowledge and approval of the States Gen
eral of the United Netherlands and of the General Chartered West India
Company, in order thereby to encourage each and every one, these follow
ing conditons:
Firstly, under the sovereignty of the States General and the authority
of the Chartered West India Company, every one shall be at liberty to go
from this country, in his own, in hired, or in the Company's ships, to the
aforesaid Wild Coast, in order to choose there and take into possession
such stretches of land as they shall have need of for their purpose and cul
tivation, to administer, populate, till and plant it, on condition that they
provide themselves with proper shoulder and sidearms with their appur
tenances. Secondly, when by God's help the population on the aforesaid Wild
Coast shall have grown to two hundred families or more, the colonists
themselves shall, provisionally and with the approval of the Zeeland
Chamber, elect three, five or seven councillors from their own number,
of the most honest, able and wealthy, born in the seven United Provinces
or having lived for ten years under this Government, who shall administer
justice according to the law of the province of Zeeland, and shall decide all
matters touching their condition and circumstances there, to which end
the Zeeland Chamber will provide them with the proper commission from
the States General and with authorization and instruction from the Gen
eral Company, to which they shall be required to take the oath.
Thirdly, every colonist shall possess in fee simple the land and strand
upon whose possessions he has entered, and retaining the free right to
catch game, fish, or birds, without paying any tax, tithe, or other poll-
taxes for the space of five years, beginning with the year of making their
choice and taking possession; but at the end of the five years the colonists
shall be dealt with in all fairness; in any case not more exorbitantly than
the inhabitants of the other islands, paying yearly for poll-tax 100 pounds
of tobacco— other commodities, such as sugar, indigo, cotton, and other
products, being reckoned an equivalent according to their value— unless at
the time it should be deemed better to pay the tax of the tithes. In case,
however, they leave the lands of which they have taken possession, these
shall after two years again revert to the company.
Fourthly, if anyone of the colonists, through himself, his family, or his
servant, discovers any minerals, crystals, stones, marble, of whatever sort,

30No. 24.
he shall be at liberty to take possession thereof, possess them, and use
them for his profit, for the time of five years; and after the five years the
possessor shall be required only to pay tithe to the company.
Fifthly, the colonists shall be at liberty to carry on trade, and to trans
port their products and wares in their own or in the company's ships
(being required only to consign them to the place whence they sailed), free
of all dues, as well for merchandise and agricultural implements which
they desire to transport thither, as for products which they desire to ex
port from there, only paying tonnage as other Caribbean traders navigat
ing under the rules.
Sixthly, the aforesaid colonists shall also be at liberty to go to the coast
of Africa and fetch as many negroes as they shall have need of or may de
sire to offer for sale, being subject like others to the regulations made
therefor or to be made.
Seventhly, the colonists, when any ships of the Company sails from
here to the aforesaid coast, or when they find on the islands a ship of the
Company destined thither, shall have free passage in that ship (only hav
ing to provide themselves with their own food and sustenance), together
with their agricultural implements, so far as the ship shall be able con
veniently to store these.
Eighthly, in order that everything proceed writh complete knowledge,
all prospective planters going from here thither, whether in their own ship
or, where there is opportunity, in a ship of the Company, shall be required
to seek passports from the Zeeland Chamber; or if they journey thither
from the islands, they shall upon arriving there give their names to the
Commandeur of Essequibo, or his deputy, in order thus to have them
registered with the Chamber here.

No. 25.
Liberties and Exemptions offered by the West India Company (Zeeland
Chamber) to Patroons of Colonies in Guiana [1657]1.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 120-123.]
1.
The aforesaid patroons shall be allowed with their ship or ships,
whether their own or freighted by them, to transport and betake them
selves, or those commissioned by them, to the aforesaid province of Guiana
and there * * * * * * *
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — The document is undated ; but its place in the volume and its palpable con
nection with document No. 33 (U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 117-120), as well as the transfer
before 1668 of the charge of this coast to the Walcheren cities, put its date beyond question.

31
No. 25.
establish a colony, on condition that they shall sail forth from the province
of Zeeland and shall be required to return there.
2.
They shall be required to take out for the captain or captains at each
sailing of the ship or ships, whether their own or hired, the proper and
usual commission, giving the name, size, armament and crew thereof.
3.
The aforesaid patroons shall take care that all private persons who are
their colonists register their names with the Chamber and promise to live
up to the general articled-letter of the company in so far as these concern
them; for this purpose they shall be mustered by the Company before the
sailing of the ship. 4.
The aforesaid patroons are conceded and granted permission to choose,
and occupy, as also to retain in possession, such district of land as their
subordinate colonists shall in any wise be able to cultivate, the extent and
size of the aforesaid lands to be reckoned by the number of persons,
namely, for sixty persons two [Dutch | miles along the coast or one side of
a navigable river or one [Dutch] mile along both sides of a river, and as
far inland as the circumstances of the occupants shall permit, but for one
hundred persons four [Dutch] miles and so on accordingly; all this for the
raising of all sorts of products and plants, also of cattle, — with the excep
tion of the annatto dye (which the Company reserves exclusively for itself),
which no one shall be allowed to trade in, gather, or transport, on penalty
of his life and confiscation of all his goods; on condition, that they shall
be required to begin the aforesaid raising and cultivation within a year,
and to bring the aforesaid number of persons within the time of four con
secutive years, on penalty of losing the acquired liberties incase of evident
neglect. 5.
The aforesaid persons shall enjoy freedom from all sorts of dues for all
the aforesaid products and plants for the time of ten years; but for wood,
or any other thing which can be had there without cultivation and is
reckoned as merchandise, they shall pay as other persons do, to which
end they are required to make known the arrival of any ship or ships, and
to unload only in the Company's warehouses at the place whence they
sailed out, on penalty of confiscation of the cargo; and after the expira
tion of the aforesaid ten years they shall pay as other inhabitants who in
the limits of the charter carry on trade under the regulations and the sub
sequent resolutions. 6.
But, regarding the merchandise aud goods which they wish to take
along from here, they shall likewise announce these and bring them into

32No. 25.
the Company's warehouse and pay as others, it being understood that
nothing shall be paid for provisions and necessaries intended and needed
for the colony. 7.
The instructions concerning trade and other matters which are given at
the departure of a ship must always be communicated to the Company,
and the Company shall have the right to place an agent on board the afore
said ship whom the skipper is required to receive at his table in the cabin
without extra charge, but the wages shall be paid at the expense of the
Company. 8.
In addition to the wood and salt permits, the Company shall grant let
ters of reprisal, in order that by virtue thereof they be at liberty to attack
and capture the ships of the Portuguese, on condition that the prizes shall
be placed at disposal according to the tenor of the aforesaid letters of re
prisal, and against such dues as paid by other commissioned ships.
9.
Any one of the colonists who through himself or his family or servants
comes to discover any crystals, stones, marble, of whatsoever nature these
be, shall be at liberty to take possession thereof and possess them and use
them for his benefit for five years, and after the aforesaid years the posses
sor shall only be required to pay the tithes to the Company, but for ores of
gold or silver they shall pay for each return cargo one lawful fifth part.
10.
The aforesaid patroons shall send and maintain in the aforesaid colony
an able person as Commandeur, who must take out the usual commission
from the Company and also receive from it proper instructions to administer
criminal and civil law in the name of the States General and the aforesaid
Company, after the system, both in criminal and civil law, which is cus
tomary in the province of Zeeland, and particularly concerning the law of
inheritance; but the Company reserves for itself the supreme authority in
the [appointment] of a Governor General and Councilors when it sees fit.
11.
And, in order that religion be maintained in the aforesaid colony, they
shall be required to provide it at the earliest date with an able person for a
scripture-reader, so as to come together on the Sabbath day to sing, to read
the lesson, and to offer the prayers; but, when the colony has increased to
one hundred families, the aforesaid patroons promise to send thither a ca
pable preacher, to whom they alone shall extend the call, but the approval
remains reserved to the Company, as also the interpretation of any ob
scurities.

33
No. 26.
Extract from proceedings ofthe provincial Estates of Zeeland, 1657.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 124.]
[Saturday, June 9, 1657.]
* * * * * -X. x-
There appeared before the meeting Messrs. van der Heyde and Moor-
thamer, deputies of the West India Company, having its Chamber here
in Zeeland. They made known orally, and thereafter submitted in writ
ing, the intention which they have of establishing, under approval of the
Estates of Zeeland, a colony and new settlement on the Wild Coast of
Essequibo and places thereabout, extending from one degree to ten degrees
north of the Equator, between the rivers Orinoco and Amazon, wherein
there has been granted them the exclusive privilege of navigation and
trade, in pursuance of the agreement with the Chartered West India Com
pany. And they request that the Estates of Zeeland, as patrons and
founders of the colonies to be established there, be pleased to accept the
direction thereof, according to one or the other of the plans which have
been drawn up and submitted. Which matter having been deliberated
upon, it was resolved that the documents submitted shall be sent to the
members, as points of the agenda for the next meeting, in order that then
such action be taken thereupon as shall be judged expedient and necessary
in the interest of the State and for the furtherance of commerce. And in
the mean time the Council, the deputies from the three cities of Walcheren
being present, shall fully examine this matter, and transmit to the mem
bers the papers with their conclusion subjoined.

No. 27.

Extracts from provisional contract between the West India Company (Zee-
land Chamber) and the Walcheren Cities, 1657.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 125.]
[December 24, 1657.]
*******
The West India Company shall approve and so far as in it lies make ef
fective this agreement, basis, and ordinance whereby the aforesaid cities,
together with a committee from the aforesaid directors, are to establish
and plant colonies on the continental Wild Coast between the first and the
tenth degrees, and that in conformity with the liberties and exemptions
granted or to be granted by the Board of Nineteen.
To the aforesaid cities, as founders and colonizers of the aforesaid Coast,
the States-General shall concede and grant high, middle, and low jurisdic-

34No. 27.
tion, in order the better to maintain the necessary authority over their
subordinates.

*

The sovereignty and supremacy, with all that thereto belongs, remain
ing nevertheless to the States-General, and to the Company, in so far as
the latter is by the charter entitled thereto.

No. 28.

Extracts from proceeding's of the Committee governing for the three Wal
cheren cities the colony of Nova Zeelandia, 1657-1658.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 12.-128.]
[Monday, December 24, 1657.]
* * *****
The provisional contract between the cities of Middelburg, Flushing
and Vere, and the Directors, having been submitted for approval, it was
approved without change and signed by the respective members of the
committee, and is entered in these minutes under date of January 21,
1658, following hereafter.
There was read a letter from Cornelis Goliat, offering his services for an
honorable office on the continental Wild Coast; whereupon, after full delib
eration, and in consideration of his being well versed in the art of fortifica
tion, of war, and of surveying, and also in ciphering and bookkeeping, it
was resolved that he shall be employed as commissary in charge of the
stores at the aforesaid place; also as commander of the 25 soldiers to be
sent; moreover as engineer, to appoition the lands, make the maps, and
erect certain strong places or forts for the protection of the colony; and
that he shall be assigned a salary of 60 florins per mouth; notification
whereof was sent to him, and by him agreed to.
[August 19, 1658.]
*******
There was read a letter from Aerts Adriaensen and Cornelis Goliat,
dated at Nova Zeelaudia on June 18, 1658, which is now provisionally laid
aside till the next meeting, to be treated together with the other docu
ments. There was read a short description by Cornelis Goliat of the rivers
Demerara, Essequibo, Pomeroon, and Moruca, situated on the coast of
Guiana, otherwise called the Wild Coast, and now Nova Zeelandia, which
it was resolved to have copied and transmitted to each member of the
Committee. *******

35
No. 29.
Extract from petition of Jan I) oenseu and others for registry of their prop
erty in Essequibo, July 3, 1664.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol, 2, pp. 132-133.]
Jan Doensen, skipper, of the ship Zeelandia, respectfully makes known
that, in virtue of and in accordance with the liberties and exemptions of
fered and granted to all the world, he with several qualified associates has
chosen and taken into possession a district of land and region in the river
Essequibo at Brouwershoek, where he has placed as agent one Huibrecht
Vinou, a Frenchman, provided with several negroes and other agricultural
necessaries for the furtherance of a regular sugar-mill there and also of
the plantation needed thereto— and being desirous to go on therewith and
with God's help to carry everything into operation, after the intention and
to the advantage of the company, to which end the aforesaid liberties and
exemptions were granted, which cannot be brought about without still fur
ther very great expense for animals, copper utensils, and other things needed
thereto— and it being only just that for their zeal, labor, trouble and great
expense, they for all time should peacefully enjoy an absolute aud free
ownership for themselves and their descendants, always, however, under
the protection and the regulations of the company — and inasmuch as there
in that country they have or can find no opportunity for having the owner
ship of tbeir aforesaid plantation recorded and registered; therefore, he,
the petitioner, requests that he and his associates as owners be thus en
tered here at home in the books and made known as such, at least pro
visionally until further registration yonder shall have been ordered.

No. 30.
Extract from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
1670-1673.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 138-140.]
[May 28, 1670.]
****** *
Hendrick Eol appeared before the Chamber and informed it that he is
ready to depart for Essequibo at the order of the Chamber, adding to this
that the business in Essequibo and Demerara can be attended to by him at
the same time, since they lie only 3 [Dutch] miles apart.

* *

36
No. 30. [July 20, 1673.]
*******
There was read the private or secret letter from the Commandeur
Hendrik Eol, from Eio Essequibo under date of 16 March, 1673, wherein
the following points were noticed, which it was resolved to insert here:
*******
Peace had been made between the Caribs in Barima and the Arawaks,
and they now had intercourse with each other, and he was going to send a
boat after carap-oil, intending in the mean time to make trial of the lin
seed oil.
He had sent some wares to Orinoco for the purpose of trade; by
mistake these were carried to Trinidad, and, no opportunity being found
to trade there, they had come back home.
Since that time the people of Orinoco have requested that we go there
to trade, whereupon he has resolved to send thither Steven Tornaelje with
an old negro who knows the language well.

No. 31.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Hen
drik Roi, Commandeur in Essequibo, February 22, 1675.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 141.]
*******
In regard to the trade in Orinoco, for which you are doing all you can,
it would be good if we could get it. Yet, as to the lure of the Spaniards,
who invite you to bring there some material of war for the King and
under that pretext to get the trade, it must be considered whether this
might not perhaps at some time be harmful to us— putting in their hands
a knife to cut our own throats. Therefore we recommend you to give
good heed thereto. * * *

No. 32.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Hen
drik Roi, Commandeur in Essequibo, November 30, 1675.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 142-143.]
* ***** *
Furthermore we have been glad to learn that a certain Spanish noble
man having come over with our Snaauw from Surinam to be transported
to Eio Orinoco, you had caused him to be carried over in a canoe manned
by Indians, giving him for companion and guide Jacobus Asseliers, with a

37
No. 32.
view thus to get an opportunity to obtain trade there; but that the latter,
arriving there at the Spaniards' landing, had found a great crowd, as the
Governor of Trinidad was present there, and was forbidden to set foot on
land before he had received an order from the said Governor, who, in fine,
shortly after ordered him to depart from there within 24 hours, leaving
him free, however, to go among the Indians wherever he pleased; further,
the said Governor, having gone from there, had through the captain left
in command, and the contador and others besides, rendered thanks to you
for the kindness shown to the said nobleman, but [adding] that he did not
yet dare to trade freely because no letters had yet come from Spain,
though such were every day expected, together with a new Governor, and
that he trusted that when these had come we probably should obtain [per
mission to] trade; and that they had bought the small stock of wares
which you sent along, he inviting Asseliers to come again, yet not to
their own landing, but to an Indian one, and make known his arrival to
them, promising that they would then come to buy from him the afore
said goods. We have no doubt that accordingly you have caused a second
trial journey to be made with satisfactory result, of which we hope to
learn by your next; and that it will serve as a firm foundation of flour
ishing relations and trade with them, to the advantage and profit of the
Company and those interested in it, as also to the praise and renown of
your vigilance and prudent management.

No. 33.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Abraham
Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, December 30, 1678.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 144.]
*******
And, inasmuch as we have received reliable information that on the
Orinoco a good trade could be established with the Spaniards, we shall by
next letter expect a list or petition, of the goods and merchandise required
therefor.

No. 34.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, October 20, 1679.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 144-147.]
*******
The river Pomeroon also promises some profit ; for, in order to make
trial of it, I sent thither in August last one of my soldiers to barter for
annatto dye. But there lately came tidings of the approach of a strong

38
No. 34.
fleet of Caribs from the Corentyn with intent to visit this river and Pome
roon, having perhaps a secret understanding with the Caribs here to make
a common attack upon us. (This danger, thank Providence, we have
escaped ; for I now learn from Berbice that they long ago passed this river
on their way back from Barima, and, seizing in Berbice an Indian boat,
have gone back to their homes again.) On receiving the aforesaid ill
tidings I called in to the fort the above-mentioned outlier1 in Pomeroon,
both to save him from being surprised, along with the Company's goods,
by these savages and to strengthen ourselves in case of attack. Accord
ingly he came to the fort on the 8th inst. with all the goods, bringing with
him a barrel of annatto dye which he had there bought up. The scare
being now over, I shall send him back there within four or five weeks (the
dye season not fairly beginning there before that date); and, if the trade
prospers, it would not be a bad idea to build there a hut for two or three
men, so that they may dwell permanently among the Indians and occupy
that river. Thus these [Indians] would be stimulated to furnish a deal of
annatto— for the place is too far off for them to bring it here to the fort.
In that event, you ought to send me more men from the fatherland.
*******
As regards the trade in Orinoco, it would succeed satisfactorily if only I
were properly supplied with wares. I have twice now sent thither a
Christian— one of my soldiers — with axes, cutlasses, knives, beads, etc.,
and with good result, except the last time, when almost all the wares were
brought back because of their unsuitableness; moreover, the Silver Fleet
from Peru had not yet arrived. The old Governor there had, on account
of his evil ways, been carried to Spain a prisoner, and a new one put in his
place. The latter has promised, and assured me in writing, that the forty-
six dollars 2 for axes, etc., due me from his predecessor, by whom they were
taken on credit, shall certainly come to me; for before the second trip
thither he had already been carried to Trinidad, so that this new Governor
has virtually pledged himself for those moneys. These two voyages have
brought the company more than two hundred dollars. The date set me
some time ago for the third trip by the said Governor has long passed; but
for lack of wares it had to be given up. This trade must as much as pos
sible be kept secret, that strangers may not spoil it. The Spanish
brandy is very acceptable there, also the fine linen and the scarlet cloth;
for the other things there is no demand. Great profits may be reaped
there, if the business be well managed— above all, we must stand well with
the Spaniards, for else they will not buy. We must note well, too, the date
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— As is clear from the extract, the Pomeroon uitlegger was only an outlier, not
yet a postholder. To avoid implying more than is warranted, it has seemed wise to translate thus always
uitlegger by outlier uutil, from the beginning of the 18th century on, it is certain that the outlier was
always a postholder.
8 Note by Prof. Burr.— Thus it seems wisest to translate the Spanish " piece-of-eight," the lineal
ancestor of the American dollar.

39
No. 34.
of the arrival of the Silver Fleet. This is now at hand; but, for lack of
everything, it cannot be taken advantage of. By your next ship I shall
send you a detailed report with a further description of tbe good opening
there, along with an itemized statement of my trade and an account of
sales. In conclusion I again earnestly recommend you to send, as early as
possible, the necessary goods, w^ares, merchandise, materials of war for
Christians, the provisions and [things?] for the slaves, as specified in my
previous letter, so that trade and our mouths may not come to a standstill:
I hope they are already on the way. It would not be amiss to send 300 to
400 medium-quality axes, 100 to 200 dozen riveted knives, and several lbs.
sky-blue beads more than is mentioned in the list sent you, [all] greatly
needed and the best wares and most acceptable to the Spaniards — 1 m[edium]
axe for 1 dollar, 1 lot of beads for 3 dollars, 1 dozen riveted knives for 2
dollars, etc., and everything accordingly.

No. 35.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Abra
ham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, February 24, 1680.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 147.]
*******
And, as for the prospective trade on the river Orinoco, we eagerly look
forward to the result, and, in case something profitable can be done there,
shall provide you with everything according to the list you shall send us.
However, we shall first await the account in profit and loss of the trade
now going on there.

No. 36.

Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, April 16, 1680.
[Reprinted from IJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 147-148.]
*******
Trading to Orinoco must, to give least umbrage, be carried on by canoe.
On the 14th of November of last year, I for the third time sent there a
soldier with a canoe manned by Indians [and ] with a considerable stock of
goods. He was well received by the new Governor and allowed to carry on
the aforesaid clandestine trade and favored to this extent, although at that
time the silver had already been taken to Trinidad on account of my long
delay for lack of the necessary stock. However, with about two hundred
dollars, consisting of shilling pieces Lhe] safely arrived here at the fort on

40

No. 36. . . , t, -
the 28th of December following, with an elaborate missive from the Gov
ernor aforesaid, full of expressions of his wish to enter into relations of
cordial confidence and correspondence with me, fixing the time-to wit m
October next-for the return of the same soldier. Al that time he will be
back from Peru, whither he was four months ago deputed in person by the
Governor of Trinidad for the execution of certain orders. But, to my sor
row I have not been able to recover the 26 dollars which the old Governor
who was carried off as a prisoner, as mentioned in my former letter, still
owes; I am told to look to Trinidad, the place of his detention.

NO. 37.

Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, June 22, 168G.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 148-149.]
*******
As to the trade here with Orinoco, we also trust there is a prospect of
our accomplishing more in course of time, in case proper care be taken to
provide us annually with proper wares, consisting of axes and cutlasses,
which alone are taken there. We can even assure you that we have already
seen some signs of good success, and shall in consequence not fail to be
vigilant in the matter of the aforesaid trade.

No. 38.

Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, June 28, 1680.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 149-150.]
The condition of the trade with Orinoco is as described in my accom
panying1 letter of the 16th of April last, and I refer you to the list of goods
and wares therein asked for, which request I hereby repeat since the time
set me by the Governor for the next trip will have expired by the coming
September. I hope that, he having by that time returned from Peru,
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— To guard against the loss of a letter, the Essequibo Commandeurs were
required to send a copy of each by a following ship. From 1708 on, they were in war time to be sent in
triplicate, in as many separate bottoms.

41
No. 38.
whither he went some months ago, I may then have good success in my
trade on behalf of the Company. Herewith goes under No. 9 the account
in profit and loss of what business has been done there on three different
voyages. * * *
* * * * * * *
The trade in hammocks and letter-wood has this year not had the desired
success, on account ofthe war between those \i. e., the Indians] of Cuyuni,
Essequibo, and Mazaruni and the Accoways who live in the country above;
and we have repeatedly, with many but fruitless arguments, tried to pur-
suade the highest chief to make peace with the aforesaid nation, to that
end offering axes and other wares. They even threatened, if we would
not let them continue the war, to depart in great numbers to Barima and
elsewhere. These being the most important traders in dye, I was, to my
sorrow, compelled to desist; and hereby tbe river Cuyuni, our provision
chamber, is closed. In addition, we lately have been vexed by the death
of Giles, an old negro of the Company, recently up on the Cuyuni, poisoned,
as the Caribs claim, by the Accoways. On that account the aforesaid old
negroes have become afraid to be among that tribe; I shall, however, be
think me of means for conciliating that tribe. * * *

No. 39.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Abraham
Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, May 22, 1681.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 150.]
*******
But, as regards the trade on the Orinoco, we have resolved to continue
it, and to send you for that purpose such wares as are needed therefor,
and are ordered by you, except the red cloth and the Spanish brandy; and
we are expecting a good return from the aforesaid slight cargo. * * *

No. 40.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company [1681].
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 161-152.]
By reason of the Accoway war in Cuyuni, of which you know, the
trade in hammocks, especially in new ones, hao resulted badly, for no one
dares venture among that faithless tribe. As a result, no more than six of
the common kind could be sent; the others were too small and not fit for
you.

42 No. 40.
As for the trade in Orinoco, it has turned out wretchedly this year,
since in place of the old genial Governor has succeeded another, very ill-
natured and a kinsman of the one of Trinidad. Not only did he prohibit
the trade, but he even caused Pieter Laman, who in January last was sent
there by me to trade for the West India Company, to be put in irons, to
gether with one of the Company's old negroes, although, according to their
report, they had given not the slightest cause.
* * * * * * *
But later I have heard that the new Governor has lately been relieved
and the old kind man has succeeded in his place. If I find this to be true,
I shall have this voyage undertaken once more with caution, and in that
case do not have doubt of success, and hope that this loss may be compen
sated by successful trade— which may God grant.
* * *****
Moreover it would not be amiss to send the fishing-smack in the ap
proaching dry season to the mouth of Orinoco, to salt manatees and turtles
for the sustenance of your garrison here; the smack has been overhauled
and is capable of navigating these waters for two or three years.

No. 41.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Abra
ham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, September 29, 1681.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 153.]
* * * * * * *
We are sorry that the trade on the Orinoco has turned out so badly.
When you begin it again, it should be taken in hand and carried through
with caution, so that the Company may suffer no loss.

No. 42.

Extract from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, March 2, 1682.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 153.]
* * * * * * *
As for the trade in Orinoco with the Spaniards, it was in January last
as successful as it should be.

43
No. 43.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Abra
ham Beekman, Commandeur iu Essequibo, June 18, 1682.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 154.]
****** *
We learn not without pleasure that the trade to Orinoco, of which you
before gave us good hope, has again begun; and, since you well know how
to do so, we do not doubt but you will use all prudence, that the trade be
managed with safety. We shall not be backward in sending proper wares,
provided only there is a demand for them.

No. 44.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, July 18, 1682.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 155.]
Among the natives of the country, thank God, there is peace as yet,
and we hear no rumor of evil, except only that the French are blockading
and taking possession of Trinidad and Orinoco, though we do not yet know
the exact outcome.
* * * * * * *
The victuals and especially the swreet oil will soon begin to run short;
for, since on account of the war between the Caribs and the Accoways the
river Cuyuni no longer furnishes provisions, we have to get along with the
seaside alone.

No. 45.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, January 8, 1683. *
[Reprinted from IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 155-157.]
*******
To answer point by point your extremely gratifying letter, I shall first
of all hereby declare that I am sorry about the low price of the annatto
dye and sugar; I shall therefore, according to your last order, dated June
25, 1682, attempt to buy the dye from the natives at the lowest price pos
sible without risk, and to impress them, though they are by nature dull
and stupid, with the danger of ruin to that trade. For, if one did not
proceed with caution in this matter, they would not only fail to bring the
annatto to market, but out of obstinacy would plant no dye-trees hereafter.
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This letter is dated '• 8 Jan. 1682" ; but both its place in the volume and its
contents show that this is but the misdating so common at the beginning of a new year, and the missive
ofthe Company in reply (dated October 13, 1683) makes it still more certain that we should here read,
" 8 Jan. 168,?."

44 No. 45. ._ _
This would be the death-blow to that trade, to the irreparable damage of
the future For these people, like irrational animals, listen to no argu
ment- inducements of every kind— good offices, wares-have no effect
upon them; they meet you with the tart answer that they can get plenty
of these by trade in Barima and other places, which partly squares with
the truth, "on account of the trade which the French from the islands carry
on there. * * * * * * *
The trade to Orinoco has been passably successful this year, and for
lack of proper wares I have been able to undertake only one voyage thither.
The head man there urged a speedy second trip, which in due season I
shall undertake again with hope of good success.

No. 46.

Extract irom letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, February 27, 1683.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission Report, Vol. 2, p. 158.]
****** *
I have sent a negro up in Cuyuni, in order, if it be possible, to make
peace between the Accoways and the Caribs, so as by this means to get the
wild-hog hunting there, as hitherto.

No. 47.

Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, December 25, 1683. 1
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 158-159.]
In January last Mattijs Bergenaar made a fruitless voyage to Orinoco,
having traded nothing, inasmuch as the Governor of Trinidad might arrive
there at any time and this commander was a stern man and his kinsman.
The soldiers there had forced the fort and carried off a deal of silver but
some of them, being afterwards caught, suffered the penalty for this auda
cious deed on the gallows. Everything now having been restored to order,
I hope for better success; with God's help they will have returned inside of
a fortnight, and I shall then fully advise you of the result.

' Note by Prof. Burr.— The second of the passages from this letter has been printed in Blue-
Book No. 3, p. 59. It is here repeated because of its importance and because of slight differences
in translation which need the support of the original Dutch. The reading " Barimaroome " finds no
warrant in the manuscript ; it is clearly " Baumeronne," a common spelling of the name of the Pomeroon.

45
No. 47.
In Barima I have had one of the Company's servants take up his
abode, since there is much annatto and letter- wood there and it is close by
Pomeroon. Recently, too, it has been navigated as many as two or three
times by Gabriel Biscop and exploited with great success, much to the
prejudice of the Company. I hope this will meet your approval. That
trade, both there and in Pomeroon, I have forbidden to him, and to all
others as well. I wish you would take that river also into your possession,
as has provisionally been done by me, in order to see what "revenues it will
yield, since I am of opinion that the Company can do as good a trade there
in an open river as can private individuals.

No. 48.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, March 31, 1684. J
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 159-162.]
Pomeroon begins annually to furnish much and good annatto, and
much was brought from Barima, as appears from the inclosed list under
No. 7, from which you see how much has been got by barter here at the
fort as well as by all the outliers. But Gabriel Biscop and other sea-rovers
from Surinam not only spoil that trade, but buy up all the letter- wood,
which is there fairly abundant and good, together with the carap-oil and
hammocks, as a result of which I have obtained this year only very few
old and bad ones; they traverse and overrun the land even into the river
Cuyuui. In order somewhat to check this, I have caused a small shelter to
be made in Barima, and Abraham Baudardt, who is stationed there 2 as
outliner in place of Daniel Galle, who is going home, shall occasionally
visit that place, and encourage the Caribs to the trade in annatto and letter-
wood, which even the French from the islands frequently come and carry
off with their vessels. It would, therefore, if I may suggest, not be amiss
if the West India Company, in order to obtain the aforesaid trade, should
take that river Barima into possession, and should establish there a per
manent outliership.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— The first part of this passage has been printed in Blue Book No. 3, p. 59. It
is here repeated because of its importance and because of serious differences in translation.
8 Note by Prof. Burr. — I. e., In Pomeroon. See the next two extracts, p. _., in which Abraham
Baudardt clearly appears as the Pomeroon outlier. It is probable that daer " there," should here be
translated by some such vague phrase as " in that quarter " — the Barima being thought of as lying in
the region of Pomeroon.

46 No. 48.
On November 30, 1683, I sent the boat 't Casteel Bammekens, skipper
Gerrit Schonck to Orinoco, and on January 21, 1684, he came back with 5
or 6 barrels of fish and meat, a large new canoe, and 6 corials. With him
came Mattijs Bergenaar, who trading in the meantime among the Spaniards
for your benefit with a few wares obtained from said boat (the greater part
had been used in the annatto trade) has brought back 816 Spanish shillings.
He traded off all the ironware I had given him, except knives and beads;
they are not willing to give more than 6 shillings for a medium ax or cut
lass, and other things accordingly as will be seen from the inclosed account
under No. 8), and pay in light coin, which has been sent to you as it was
received. Thus this trade is falling off, by reason of the various foreign
traders and our neighbors, who cause the price of merchandise to fall.
Had I been provided with more axes, which are most in demand among
the wares, they would all have been sold for that price. Please advise me
by your next whether you can accept that low price; I shall then govern
myself accordingly, and in the meantime [shall] try once again with a
canoe. For, the Governor having gone, another has succeeded to his place,
who once before, many years ago, was in command there, and who allows
that trade to go without interfering; and [I shall] try to send as many
wares as can possibly be spared and dispose of them at the highest price.
*******
The copaiba and curcai are much bought up by the Spaniards. The
war which various nations there carry on with one another has been the
cause that Daentje the negro has not been able to get so far among that
nation and therefore has made a fruitless journey, and could get only a few
bad hammocks for the negroes. The time of the copaiba season and his
departure is now at hand, and an Indian who just now came from that
region reports that at present there is a good stock on hand there.
The Jew Salomon de la Roche having died some 8 or 9 months ago, the
trade in vanilla has come to an end, since no one here knows how to pre
pare it so as to develop the proper aroma and keep it from spoiling. I
have not heard of any this whole year. Little is found here; the most of
it is to be had in Pomeroon and Barima, whither this Jew frequently
traveled, and he used sometimes to make me a present of a little. In
navigating along the river, too, I have sometimes seen some on the trees
and picked it with my own hands, and it was prepared by the Jew—
although I was never before acquainted with the virtues and value of this
fruit, which grows wild and after the fashion of the banana. I have,
indeed, sometimes used it in chocolate. The Jew has without my knowl
edge secretly sent a deal home; however, I shall do my best to obtain for
the Company, in Pomeroon or elsewhere, as much as shall be feasible, but
I am afraid it will spoil, since I do not know how to prepare it. I shall
take care that no private business be carried on in it.

47
No. 49.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, August 18, 1684.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 162-164.]

Inasmuch as through Abraham Baudart, outlier in Pomeroon, and
through divers Indians, I some time ago obtained information that the
French, who are at war with the Spaniards, and are apparently (as I hear
indirectly) about to come into collision with our nation, two or three
months ago made themselves masters of the fort in Orinoco, after resist
ance from those inside, and after the loss of their commander and of
many persons on either side; and they have taken prisoner the Governor
of Trinidad on his way to Orinoco, but obtained little booty, since, the
news having penetrated inland, the convoys of silver did not come down.
It is still unknown whether the said French have abandoned the fort.
They have for their assistance many Caribs from Coppenam, driven out
thence by Mr. van Sommelsdijk [and] fleeing hitherward to our great dis
quietude. The aforesaid Caribs had just before suddenly set upon Captain
Gabriel Biscop, who came with his barque from Surinam and Berbice to
Barima, in order to trade there in annatto, letter- wood, etc.; and he with
15 of his men was killed, the barque was chopped to pieces and sunk, and
to. some other Indians, our friends, they made threats that jointly with the
French they would come and if possible lay waste all the plantations and
the fort of Essequibo. So the indications are tbat we may shortly expect
an attack.

* * * Inasmuch as the trade to Orinoco has by reason of this in
vasion come to an end, of which trade a detailed account will be submitted
to you by the next homeward bound ship. * * *
[Inclosure in above letter.]
[Resolution of the Commandeur and Planters in Essequibo, July 10, 1684.]
Firstly, it is found good aud resolved to erect and make a strong-house,
or redout, of palisades, on the said island New Walcheren, inasmuch as,
through Abraham Boudardt, postholder in Pomeroon, we have received
certain news and information that recently two or three hostile Lbands of na
tives?] from Copenam have surprised and fallen upon the barque of Cap
tain Gideon Biscop, lying in the Barima for trade with the said natives,
have massacred and killed said captain with all his men, and have sunk
said boat by chopping a hole in it, [and are] threatening to coroe and make

48 No. 49.
an invasion at the earliest moment, and if possible lay waste all the planta
tions. * * *

No. 50.

Letter from the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Abraham Beek
man, Commandeur in Essequibo, August 24, 1684.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 164-1 VI.]
[August 24, 1684.]
Dear Sir:
The ship Abram and Isaac being ready to leave for Berbice, we have
resolved to send you this missive from our chamber.
In the first place we inform you that on June 9, 1684, there arrived
here the ship Westsouburgh, skipper Steven Keuvel, whereby you send us
to the Company's account 15? barrels annatto dye, 8? ps [pieces] letter-
wood, 895 Spanish shillings, in part bad, light coin, 88 barrels sugar, all of
which we have received in good condition.
From your preceding letters we had expected a rather large consign
ment of sugar. You must see to it in future that private persons no
longer get ahead of us,— aye, even make twice as much as does the Com
pany, as we saw and learnt the last time, though in the number of their
mills, slaves, and horses they cannot compare with the Company.
You tell us of having bought from one Jacob de Jonge a plantation
worth 1,400 guilders in view of his inability to pay for 6 Elmina slaves
whom he had bought some time ago, and that in addition you had placed od
this plantation 4 slaves which were bought by one Michiel Gangel, namely,
2 men, 1 woman and 1 boy, on which he had not yet paid a single pound
of sugar. All of these slaves, amounting to 10 head, and all that is movable, you
say you intend to bring away from the aforesaid plantation to the planta
tion of Samuel Beekman filius Daniel, and you order copper kettels, spoons,
skimming ladles, capstans, plates and carapouses, and also a cooper with
his tools; and you say further that said Beekman now is to receive for the
first 3 years 20 guilders and thereafter 24 guilders per month, and that you
have also given him a foreman, whose wages you have raised from 12 to 16
guilders per month, and that you have further engaged this aforesaid
Jacob de Jonge in the place of the sergeant Casimirus at 18 florins per
month. In reply to this we say that all these ways of doing seem very strange
to us, and that we can clearly perceive therefrom that you play there quite
the part of sovereign lord and master, buying a poor and ill-appointed
plantation for 1,400 guilders, appointing and dismissing people, raising

49
No. 50.
salaries, all according to your own whim; thus putting the colony to heavy
costs, without our order or knowledge.
You know you wrote us last time that you had engaged said Samuel
Beekman at a salary of 20 florins per month, to which at that time we had
reason to give our approval. Now you put him (as said above) on a salary
of 20 to 24 florins per month, with the title of director, and this on your
own authority, and not only relieve Jacob de Jonge of his debt by buying
from him his plantation for 1,400 florins, but moreover advance him to
sergeant at 18 florins per month, all which we as yet in no way approve.
Why did you not act in this matter subject to our approval, as you write
you have done in the making of a contract with the surgeon Jean de Bruel
for treating slaves at such a salary as we might name for him — which we
hereby do, fixing it at  florins per month.
On condition, that he treat only the Company's slaves; if private plant
ers also wish to have his services, they must have private arrangements
with him, and not otherwise.
We next ask whether the Company's surgeon there, Jacobus den Erffer
by name, cannot as well be employed thereto as this Jean de Bruel; or, if
he be worthless or unfit, he might as well come home, for the Company
does not need to bear the burden of 2 surgeons in so small a colony, from
which little if any profit is received.
You send us a sketch-plan for the building of a new fort on Stamper's
Island; it. is strange that you do not add how many or what this fort
would probably cost, as we explicitly instructed you on October 13, 1683,
in order that we might give exact information to the Board of Ten, who
never will give their consent thereto unless they know this exactly. So it
is through your own fault that you can this year come to no decision
therein. In the meantime you have had established and built on said Stamper's
Island a new redout, with 6 pieces of ordnance of good calibre, under a
lookout-watch of 4 or 5 men, likewise to the Company's heavy expense and
against its orders.
You write that you have dismissed from his post and banished the
secretary Jacob Nolet, because of calumny, slander, and conspiracy. We
in no wise mean to protect or defend evil-doers, but on the contrary
rigorously to punish them as they deserve; yet, from the scanty report and
the unsatisfactory sentence in this case, we can as yet find no sufficient
cause for treating him so harshly and sending him in irons to Surinam.
In any case, he might as well have come direct by our ship. It was your
duty to send us some authentic written documents bearing upon the case,
as we hereby charge you to do, and also to send us definite and adequate
answer to the documents herewith enclosed.
We suggest that henceforth you try to get as much letter- wood as can
be got, and let us know how large a quantity is to be had annually; also,
what will be the yearly cost of this to the Company, and what to the post-

50No. 50.
holder, that we may govern ourselves accordingly— the 87 pieces now re
ceived were sold at between 18 and 20 florins the hundredweight and the
sugar at from 5£ to 5 or 4| d. per lb.
As for the annatto trade, you must not approach the owners or Indians
too eagerly, but somewhat indifferently; and take none but first quality, as
the common kind fetches here only 3 to 4 d. per pound.
Concerning the trade to Orinoco we find it advisable that you stop it,
and neither trade thither yourself, nor permit trade thither, directly or in
directly, until further orders; since we are of opinion that the Company
bears all the expenses and burdens, and that others help themselves to the
profits. And we hold the same opinion as to the Berbice 1 trade, which we rec
ommended you to carry on for the Company, whereupon you answer us,
saying that this trade has come to an end through the death, 8 months ago,
of a Jew named Salomon la Eoche, and that he had sent a great deal home,
but without your knowledge — truly a meagre and poor excuse. How is it
possible that such a thing can occur without your knowledge, and likewise
without the knowledge of skipper Isaac Keuvel. That won't do; we are
astonished not only that you venture to write such transparent excuses to
your lords and masters, but even more that you are not ashamed of wheed
ling them with lies, in order quietly to keep this trade for your own private
profit— your own and that of the said skipper Steven Keuvel. Of this we
think we are reliably informed; as also that this Jew (whose name is used
only as a pretext to mislead) has not monopolized the vanilla, but that the
Indians have furnished you a goodly quantity.
You write us that there had arrived there from St. Thomas one Rochus
Abramsen with his barque, wherefore you thought yourself to have suffi
cient reason for confiscating said boat. We are astonished not only that
you have not done so, as was your duty (since it is our will that no craft
shall in any wise be let in there by you), but also that you have moreover
given him credit for 25 dollars, knowing that he has taken service in Ber
bice; wherefore we do not hold ourselves responsible for that 25 dollars, but
leave it on your account, and you will cause the said barque to be con
fiscated and sold.
You write also that next year you will have the sugar on the plantation
of the aforesaid Jacob de Jonge ground by the Company's slaves and horses
and at the mill of Samuel Beekman, on reasonable terms.
Also that you had dismissed the Company's carpenter, named Jan
Rispe, from his position, and that he had taken service on Beekman's plan
tation. Also that in his place you had engaged Beekman's carpenter as a soldier
at 8 florins per month. All which things we do not quite understand; you
must give a clearer and more precise explanation of these matters.
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— Apparently a clerical error for " the vanilla trade,"

51
No. 50.
We see with no small wonder that you sent the boat Rammekens to
Surinam, there to get 6 or 7 horses, at the request of and to accommodate
private planters, namely Thomas Thomassen, Jan Joossen and Carel Tol
lenaar; and, when the boat came back, it had obtained only 4 horses and
some other necessaries, in all amounting to 18,420 pounds of sugar, which
business had to be transacted by our clerk Brusser with one Samuel
Nassy. The said 4 horses, having arrived from Surinam in Essequibo, the afore
said Thomas Thomassen, Jan Joossen and Carel Tollenaar were unwilling
to receive the horses, claiming that they were too lean and not fit for ac
ceptance; to which you add that Brusser or Samuel Nassy had cheated the
Company, and that the Company must remonstrate with them and ask
damages. This is loose talk for a sensible merchant, and still more so for a jurist.
Who ever heard of any one's asking damages from a person with whom he
has had no dealings and no acquaintance? We are of an entirely different
opinion and in no way intend that such loss be shifted to the Company.
Those who sent for them were obliged to accept the horses, and moreover
not only to pay the damages but also freight and expenses, since it wras at
their request, and consequently on their account. We shall provisionally
place the aforesaid 18,420 pounds of sugar upon your account. You
could, as we understand it, make them pay, so that the Company suffer no
damage; and, to preclude such fine transactions, we forbid you to send any
more ships to Surinam or to have any trade carried on, directly or indi
rectly. This will likewise stop the private dealings both by the planters
and by you— you who are able to sell sundry hammocks there for 8 florins
apiece, though writing us that none are to be had— which is also contrary
to the truth.
According to your request, we shall take care that our ship reach you
by February or March, and shall send you by it some new persons for the
Company's service, and such provisions and merchandise as we shall see
fit. We recommend that you henceforth write pure Dutch, without using
so many Latin, French and other words which are out of place.
Let us know definitely how many plantations have been founded and
taken in hand since you came there, and how many horses, cows, slaves,
mills and other things there are on them, together with the names of the
owners. Abeam Biscop,
Pieter Pedeccetjr, and
Cornelis van der Merkt.

52 No. 51.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, Jauuary 15, 1685.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 173-173.]
******
* * * tnat j0U stj0p the Orinoco trade is a good thing ; that busi
ness has always brought in much glory and little gain, as will be seen
from the declarations of Pieter Laman and Matthijs Bergenaar sent with
the documents above-named. The expenses which you bore were small,
and no one to my knowledge helped himself to the profits. You still
have there as much as 80 dollars to your credit. * * *
******
The French in the Barima likewise come even to the upper Cuyuni to
get them, and have there burnt the houses in1 the Pariacotten, [and]
driven them away. These gather the copaiba from the trees, and [this]
is the reason that Daentje, the negro, came back two weeks ago without
bringing with him a single pound of copaiba, bringing only 30 ham
mocks, among them eight small new ones not fit to be used by any man,
much less worthy of your service, as appears from the accompanying
declaration of Matthijs Bergenaar, No. 9.

No. 52.

Extract from letter of the "West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, February 11, 16§5.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 173.]
******
You probably will have seen also from our last how it is our will and
order that you no longer trade or permit trade to Orinoco, nor let any
vessel go or come from Surinam or elsewhere.

No. 53.

Extract from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, May 1. 1685.
[Reprinted fromU. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 173.]
******
* * * of Orinoco the Spaniards again have possession. The dis-
1 Note by Prof. Burr. That this should have been written (as it is translated by the Blue-
Book) " of " instead of " in " seems probable ; but the manuscript has clearly " in " (in not van).
The Pariacotten were doubtless, as the Blue-Book assumes, an Indian tribe— probably that known
to the Spaniards as Pariagotos, or Guayanos.

53
No. 53.
persed and expelled Coppenam Caribs are taking refuge just to leeward
of us about Barima, Waini, Amacura ; they often alarm this coast,
sometimes slaying some unlucky Arawaks or Christians, as was seen in
the case of Biscop and the men from Berbice, of which I have already
apprised you.

No. 54.
Extract from proceedings of the West India Company (the Ten), October
17, 1685.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 174-175.]
Wednesday, October 17, 1685. (Afternoon.)
There was read the petition of Jacob Pietersz. de Jongh, whereby he
requests payment of a sum of £42 13s. 4d. Flemish, according to the bal
anced account given him by the Commandeur Abraham Beekman
on April 10 in Rio Essequibo ; and furthermore that he be allowed to
settle as a free planter on the river Pomeroon, together with other
planters who have also made a request to this effect, and that for this
purpose the rivers Essequibo and Pomeroon be thrown open ; whereupon,
there having been heard the considerations and opinions of the Commit
tee of Directors of the Zeeland Chamber, it was, after discussion, re
solved, that the first request of the petitioner, concerning the payment
of a sum of £42. 13. 4. Flemish, be hereby referred to the Directors of the
aforesaid Zeeland Chamber, in order that they decide thereupon as favor
ably as they shall deem consistent with the interests of the Company.
And it was furthermore resolved to throw open hereby the rivers of
Essequibo and Pomeroon to each and everyone who shall desire to navi
gate and trade thither, or to settle and dwell there, on condition that he
pay to the West India Company the dues and take out the Commission
as others of the second class are required to do who navigate to the dis
trict of the Charter ; the West India Company reserving to itself ex
pressly the trade and the exportation in the aforesaid rivers [of?] the an
natto dye and the letter-wood, with prohibition to all others, on penalty
of confiscation of the annatto and the letter- wood exported by others be
sides the company,, and its use to the profit of the company.

No. 55.
Extracts from proceedings of West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
1686.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 175-180.]
Thursday, January 3, 1686.
There was read a letter from the Committee of Directors from the

54 No. 55.
respective Chambers of the General Chartered West India Company,
dated the 24th of last month, concerning the establishing of a new colony
in the river Pomeroon and the appointing of a Commandeur over the
same, * * *
****** [Monday, January 7, 1686.]
The minutes were submitted and approved, with the exception of the
resolutions taken concerning the creation of a Commandeur and further
control for the river Pomeroon, it being taken into consideration that the
cities of Middelburg, Flushing and Vere, had, as early as 1657, made a
contract with the company in regard to the settling of the aforesaid
river, and thereafter had actually established there a colony called Nova
Zeelandia — for which and other reasons the Burgomasters of this city
had requested that the resolution taken upon this subject last Thursday
by this body be not carried into effect, at least not until such time as,
this matter having been more fully examined, it should be found tbat the
company was entitled to take to itself the aforesaid control. Where
upon, the matter having been put to the question, it was resolved not to
approve the aforesaid resolution, much less to carry it into effect, until
a conference has been held with the Burgomasters, and in the meanwhile
Messrs. Van der Merct and Biscop were appointed a Committee, together
with the Advocate, to examine the minutes kept by the directors of
Nova Zeelandia, and also the contracts made upon this head by the
aforesaid cities with the company ; and to the respective Chambers the
necessary communication shall be given of this resolution, with the
request that they appoint committees to confer upon this matter with the
aforesaid cities and to adjust this affair with the Burgomasters, or else
to authorize this Chamber to do so.
* * * * * *
[Wednesday, January 9, 1686.]
******
There was heard the report of Messrs. Van der Merct, Biscop van
Serooskercke, and the Advocate, concerning the colony of Nova
Zeelandia. Whereupon, the question having been put, it was resolved to thank
the aforesaid Committee for the trouble they had taken, and to insert
here the aforesaid report.
****** [Fiat insebtio.]
Messrs. Van der Merckt and Biscop, together with the Advocate, hav
ing examined, in pursuance of the resolution of the 3rd inst., whereby
they were appointed a committee, the minutes and resolutions kept by
the Directors of Nova Zeelandia, and having compared therewith the

55
No. 55.
minutes of the old Company, both those kept here in this city and those
of the Board of Nineteen, have reported :
1.
That the administration of Nova Zeelandia was established in the
year 1657. 2.
That as Directors thereof were appointed two members from the
magistracy of Middelburg, one from Flushing, and one from Verp to
gether with four directors' from and on behalf of the aforesaid cities', in
such manner that the aforesaid administration consisted of eight per
sons. 3.
That the city of Middelburg shared in the aforesaid administration to
the extent of one half, and the cities of Flushing and of Vere to the
extent of one quarter [each]. 4.
That the book of minutes kept by the aforesaid Directors concerning
the aforesaid administration was entitled : "Resolutions concerning the
new colony in Essequibo." 5.
That the first session was held November 1, 1657.
6.
That on December 16, 1657, the aforesaid three cities made an agree
ment together concerning the distribution of the outlays to be made for
the support and maintenance of the aforesaid colony ; and that the con
ditions drawn up for the planters had been approved and promulgated
everywhere, before even a provisional agreement had been made about
the aforesaid colony between the aforesaid cities of Walcheren and the
Company, at least before it had been approved by the Board of Nineteen.
7.
That the aforesaid agreement was approved and signed by the mem
bers of the Committee on the 24th of the same month.
8.
That on January 21, 1658, there was made between the Directors of
this Chamber, on the one part, and the Burgomasters and magistrates of
the cities of Middelburg, Flushing and ^ere, on the other part, a
provisional contract, containing among other things :
1. That the aforesaid cities are considered as founders and colonizers
of the aforesaid coast ;
xNote by Prof. Burr. — 7". e., directors of the Zeeland Chamber of the West India Company,
but at the same time residents and representatives of the respective cities.

No. 55.
2 That the aforesaid cities shall have jurisdiction over it after the
fashion of a fief, to this end appointing in turn a person on whom the fief
shall be conferred upon payment of certain seignorial dues ;
3 That the aforesaid colony shall extend between one and ten de
grees on the aforesaid Wild Coast, which agreement was also approved
by the Board of Nineteen. 9.
That on September 9, 1658, the cities began to consider making the
aforesaid colony over to the Province ; and that on October 3, 1658, a
committee was appointed to broach the matter to the respective members
of the estates of the Province. 10.
That the invested capital was increased or augmented to the sum of
£12,000 Flemish. 11.
That on April 15, 1659, the committee wrote to the aforesaid Direc
tors, sending them an extract from their minutes of the 11th of the same
month, requesting them to give the provincial estates their opinion on it,
and especially to make a statement of the sums which would be required
for the maintenance and continuation of the aforesaid colony.
12.
That the members for Vere as early as 1660 failed to furnish their
quotum, and that in view thereof on December 16 of the aforesaid year,
a discussion was begun as to the measures that should be taken in order
to constrain them thereto. 13.
That the Directors, having on March 12, 1663, very earnestly consid
ered the condition of the aforesaid colony, and especially the capital still
necessary for the continuance thereof, had resolved to make report
thereof to their principals, in order that the Chamber deliberate and de
cide thereon for the best interests of the Company.
14.
That the minutes of the aforesaid Directors end with November 19,
1663, and that the Company, both before and after that date, had ad
vanced the sum of £7,000 Flemish. 15.
That the river of Essequibo, being in the year 1665 captured by the
English, and these being driven out again in the same year,1 under the
leadership of Matthijs Bergenaar, Commandeur of Berbice, with some
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— J. .., within less than a~ year after the capture; the English were ex
pelled in 1666.

57
No. 55.
troops drawn from the garrison there and joined to the Company's
negroes and other servants who had retired from the aforesaid river into
the woods, the soldiery of this state* at last stationed itself there and
continued to occupy the aforesaid river of Essequibo until the year 1670
when the river was again given over into the hands of the West India
Company in its Chamber here, as appears more fully in the conditions
made therefor on April 11, 1670. 16.
That the aforesaid contract made with the Committee from the Coun
cils was also, after various remarks, finally approved by the Board of
Nineteen, containing among other provisions that the Company was re
quired to furnish every year a goodly number of slaves in Surinam for a
certain reasonable price, so that the restitution of the aforesaid
colony took place only under an onerous stipulation.

No. 56.
Extracts from letter from Jacob de Jonge, Commandeur in Pomeroon,
to West India Company, May, 16§6.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 60-61.]
To give your Noblenesses news of our journey, we have progressed as
well with it as could possibly be. On the 31st January we started from
before Flushing, and henceforward Y. N. will be pleased to see it as per
accompanying day register. To give Y. N. news of our arrival in
River Essequebo, it took place on the 4th April, as Y. N. will also be
able to see by the accompanying day register. As soon as I arrived in
the aforenamed river I addressed myself to the Commandeur Beekman,
whom I showed my letters from the Noble Chambers, so as to be able to
make my voyage to Bourona as speedily as possible. I therefore re
quested the aforenamed Commandeur to cause me to be convoyed into
the boat to the river aforesaid, with my necessary provisions, for the
purpose of surveying, that I might find the most suitable spots for being
able to place the fort and the plantations. Then Commandeur Beekman
told me that he had orders from the Noble Lords to assist the skipper,
Machiel Dircksen, but that I could easily make a journey to and fro to
Bourona in the boat, in order partly to survey it. As he had no immed
iate need of the boat aforesaid, my intention was to give Y. N. informa
tion as to the condition of the River Bourona, but through lack of time
I have but caused the river to be laid with buoys. I should willingly have
gone there alone, but was compelled to take all my people with me, be-
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— It was a force sent by the province of Zeeland, with the approval of
the States General.

58 No. 56.
cause the Commandeur Beekman said that he was not well furnished
with provisions, so that I have but left my assistant by himself at the
fort. Concerning my goods, have duly received all the provisions with
which Y. N. have been pleased to supply me ; all has come safe to hand
with the exception of a half hogshead of prunes and other groceries
besides that were therein. So my assistant has been on board of the ship
"De Vrijheijt," and asked the mate if he did not know anything of it,
who showed him his Memorandum book, and found there nothing about
it, so that I believe has happened through fault of the purveyor. I hav
ing thus arrived in Bourona, the natives of the land have been very
friendly to me. I have been well able to see that it is a good land, by
surmise about 11 to 12 miles in the river. I have found the most suit
able places, where formerly the magazine stood, for the purpose of con
structing a stronghold there, because that nowhere is any land round
empty which was suitable for laying down plantations except on the
creek. ******
The goods sent for, which I, as per accompanying Memorandum, have
sent for, is quite ordinary, for some red slaves to barter for oriane dye
and vessels and provisions and whatever comes up. But so Y. N. be
pleased to send further cargoes in order to make a journey as occasion
offers to Orinoco ; there Y. N. will be pleased to send forward also other
cargoes, in order to traffic among the Spaniards there. Y. N. will like
wise be pleased to send some slippers and shoes and white shirts, as well
as hats and white fustian, in order to sell them to the soldiers and other
folk ; also, Y. N. will be pleased to send me five or six red coats
and breeches, with some sham gold and silver lace, to keep on friendly
terms with the upper Chiefs, of the Indians.
******
The postholders placed in Bourona to barter dye I had determined to
keep, but the Commandeur Beekman said that he had need of his people,
so the Commandeur summoned them and made them stay here at
the fort. ******

No. 57.
Extract from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, June 7, 16§6.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 182.]
******
Just as I am closing this, Daentje, the Company's old negro, comes
from the savanna up in Cuyuni, from the Pariacotten. He has been
away for fully seven months, and was detained quite three months by

59
No. 57.
the dryness of the river. Because the French scour the country up there
and buy up everything, he was able to get but little carap-oil and few
hammocks.

No 58.
Extracts from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, January 7, 1689.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 187-189.]
Sirs : These few respectful lines serve only to inform you that the
ship denjongen Indiaen, skipper Gerrit Schonck, having left on the
13th of December last with my letters to you without any return freight,
since he had no instructions therefor, and having got down to near the
mouth of this river, met there the fishing boat, skipper Steven de Water
man, coming from Orinoco, who told skipper G. Schonck that on the sea,
a little below this river, he had met and boarded a large barque, whose
skipper had informed him that he had come in seven weeks from Texel,
and, intending to go to Surinam, had fallen off too far to leeward, and that
shortly before his departure from Texel war had been proclaimed between
France and our country, and that our fleet, 100 ships of war strong, was
at sea, since. there was fear of a rupture with England. This caused
skipper Gerrit Schonck to resolve to touch at the coast of Biscay.
Inasmuch as skipper Steven de Waterman is ready to depart to-day
with his boat for Surinam, I did not wish to let pass this opportunity
of informing you how this news has caused me to look about and employ
all means necessary for our defense; that is, above all, to keep a good
lookout-watch four or five miles down the river, — to fortify with a double
row of strong palisades the house of the Company's plantation New
Middelburg, which stands upon a high hill, — to have Mels Goethals and
one foreman with all the slaves of the Company's plantation, since the
latter is very weak in slaves, transferred to it, — and to add to the six men
of those two plantations five or six more men, with two or three small
pieces of ordnance, so as to be able to resist a hostile barque or other
small craft and not be forced every moment to seek shelter at the fort
from so slight a force. This undoubtedly, according to all indications,
will happen, as the French are daily sojourning in Barima with the
Caribs, often with two or three barques, and the English from the islands
may do likewise. And, for a proper occupation of so many posts and
the fort, we lack the men, our force consisting of a sergeant, and 18
soldiers and three or four workmen, with a surgeon, the skipper of the
barque, and six men on the two plantations.
Considering, then, that in Pomeroon the company has nothing to
lose but a small bread and yam garden, with five or six decrepit negroes,

60 No. 58.
the others having been sold to the free planters, and moreover two one-
pounders, lent by me to the Commandeur at his earnest request until he
should have obtained others (I have sent him, too, at various times, the
larger share of the wares, such as beads and heavy ironware, of all of
which I have sent you a list by the ship), and the whole force there con
sists of only nine or ten men, surely a feeble garrison to resist his neigh
bors the French and Caribs in Barima and elsewhere (though, as these
know well, that little or nothing is to be got there, probably no attack is
to be feared)— for these reasons, then, and others too long to detain you
with, I thought it well, since beyond all question more is to be lost here,
and, moreover, both were the Company's property and servants, to
notify the Commandeur Jacob de Jonge, to consider, since nothing of
consequence and no stores are there, while here are many of importance,
whether it would not be to the best interest of the Company, if he, with
all his men, and everything he could bring with him, should come hither
at the earliest opportunity, and join us, in order here in union with ns
to help protect what is of most importance, and the more vigorously to
resist and in every way to beat off the foe. Upon the receipt of this
message, he came in person three or four days ago, since he was not able
to write, and his assistant has long been sick here with consumption ;
whereupon I orally set forth the matter to the Commandeur aforesaid,
who said that he was also inclined thereto and considered all those argu
ments sufficient, but begged a, delay until the boat from Surinam should
come back and more particulars of the war should be obtained from
home via that colony, and [added] that, if our affairs were really in such
a dangerous state, he would, upon notification from me, come with all
his men and material of war. And, since no provisions are left in Pom
eroon, I have, in order to supply his men and replenish our provisions,
which likewise were becoming scant because the seaside produces little,
requested the Manager Gideon de Bourse to buy for us ten or twelve
barrels of fresh meat, together with some refreshments of wine and
brandy, and to apprise you. * * *

No. 59.

Letter from Jacob de Jonge, Commandeur in Pomeroon, to West
India Company, July 6, 16§9.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 66.]
This letter of mine humbly to service to make Y. N. acquainted with
what has happened since my last, as to how that we in the River Bourona
have been suddenly attacked and overpowered by 33 French and about
300 Caribs, the one party by water with 10 canoes and 3 corials, and the
other party by land out of the wood (since we had no cannon and were

61
No. 59.
but six men strong), to wit, the last day of last April ; but I effected my
escape, accompanied by some red slaves. The Caribs of the Frpnch party
pursued me vigorously, so that I was compelled to hurry through the
wood to escape them with my clothes all thrown off, and came at last
with great distress into Essequebo to the fort, to j?ive them warning of
our miserable experiences. They had on the next day, being the 1st
May, taken their departure from there, and had taken, moreover, with
them everything that was there, and had used strong threats to the peo
ple that they would burn everything, unless they sought me out. Yef
seeing that they were unaware in what direction I had taken flight, they
left it alone, but if they had caught me they would without doubt have
made me seek out the red slaves who had escaped. The reason why I
was obliged to fly was that I had gone with my surgeon to a house stand
ing some 20 paces from the fort for some business. The French had
meanwhile approached from below through the sugar-canes without our
knowing anything of it, and were 60 feet from me when they all
stood up and rushed upon the house in which I was. When we first
became aware of them they stood on the path by which I must needs
return to the fort, so that I could not reach the fort, but to my vexation
was obliged to betake myself to flight. A few days after this I left again
for Bourona to inspect what was the state of things, because not other
wise did it appear whether they should have murdered everyone, since
they had so many Caribs with them. But I found my people all still
alive, and continued my sojourn with my people there, until I received a
letter from the Commandeur of Essequebo, telling how the French were
in the River Berbice engaged in hostilities against the other settlements ;
whereupon I straightway determined with my people to hasten to Esse
quebo, since we besides had no provisions to live upon. The bread that
the Caribs had left there, not cut level with the ground, was very little,
so that we in a body have departed for Essequebo, since the people of
Berbice had warned the people of Essequebo, that they firmly believed
that the French would also make an attack on Essequebo. There are
still some red slaves (who had fled before the French), all of these same I
shall seek to get hold of among the Indians. We have then carried our
selves over into the Company's service again in River Essequebo until
furlher orders arrive from Y. N. I had thought to have set out for
Surinam with the Company's red slaves, and sold the same there to the
Company's profit ; but hearing the French with seven royal ships of war
weie attacking Berbice, I was obliged at last to turn away from there
without effecting anything, and to continue, therefore, my sojourn here
still for a time.
The reason wherefore I have not written more to Y. N. is because
that my Secretary Cornelister Beigh has been ill for a long time and
unfit for duty, and on the 26th January last is deceased. I was also

62 No. 59.
astonished in sixteen months to have had no letter from Y. N. or from
the Chamber of Zeeland, nor to have got any assistance of any kind, so
that I have needs been in lack of everything, and since the time does not
permit greater length I shall, having made this sacrifice to my bounden
duty remain,
¦/ .__. -Sfc

No. 60.

Extract from letter from Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, October 12, 16§9.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 190.]
The French are making a strong-house1 in Barima ; they come there
often with 3 or 4 barques to traffic with those hostile Caribs, and threaten
soon to come and pay us a visit. We are now, thank God, in a condi
tion to resist the enemy, with our 40 able-bodied men, all strong negroes,
in this fort with a thick stone wall and heavy palisades a foot thick
erected outside against the wall. But the great scarcity of provisions
forces us to let 10 or 12 men seek their sustenance outside of the fort,
down the river, where they also serve as a lookout watch. Yet, the
river being broad and having many mouths, light craft can come in every
where without [our] having the least [knowledge] of it.
.. *._ «i_ ___

No. 61.

Extract from proceedings of tlie West India Company (tlie Ten), Novem
ber 15, 16§9.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 190-191.]
* * * * * *
It was further resolved that from the colony of Pomeroon shall be re
moved whatever has been brought thither on behalf of the company,
both the employees and the slaves and other commodities, there being
left there only three men with a flag for the maintenance of the com
pany's possession at the aforesaid place, and that the aforesaid em
ployees and commodities be transported to Essequibo in order there to
be employed for the service of the Company.

^ote by Prof. Burr.— For the local meaning of this term see p, 47, above, where it is used of
the redout building in Essequibo, and De Jonge's letter of April 6, 1688 (Blue Book, No. 3, p.
65), where is described the blockhouse with overhanging upper-story destroyed by the French in
Pomeroon in April of this year 1689,

63

No. 62.

Extract from letter from West India Company' (Zeeland Chamber) to
Abraham Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, May 18, 1690.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report Vol. 2, p. 191.]
******
You write that the French were said to have made a fort in Barima
or that they were engaged in making one, and that they at times not only
came to trade there with 3 or 4 ships, but also threatened to come with
the Caribs to visit you, so that it was necessary to keep watch contin
ually, in order not to be suddenly attacked by them. Time gained is
much gained, says the proverb, [and this is true] especially in war, for in
the meanwhile one can put oneself in condition for defense, as you ap
prise us you have done, and that at present there are in the fort 40 able-
bodied men and 10 or 12 strong negroes, and consequently little, if any,
danger of being surprised by the enemy, which God grant may be so; but
when we consider the dissension among tlie men, and the little respect
they have for their Commandeur, we are, and not without reason, afraid
of mishaps, and we therefore recommend you to avoid all those occur
rences whereby the discontent and ill-will of the men are daily in
creased, * * *
* * * * * *

No. 63.
Extract from Muster Roll of the Company's servants in Essequibo,
September 6, 1691.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 192-193.]
18 men at Fort Kykoveral :
6 men at the new plantation Poelwyclt :
4 men at the new plantation de Hope :
2 men at the bread-plantation de Fortuyne :
2 men at the outlier's house in Demerary :
2 men at the outlier's house in Pomeroon :
5 men on the bark RammeTcens :
4 men, four outrunners, who are constantly employed, both among
the Indian's in company with the old negro traders and for the fisheries
for the fort. 
No. 64.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Cliamber) to
Samuel Beefeman, Commandeur in Essequibo, October 23, 1693.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 194.]
* '¦'¦¦ * « *
No slight advantage, moreover, has been brought to the Company

64 No. 64.
through you by your having found out, up in the river of Cuyuni, a trade
in horses, which here cost the Company much money for their purchase
and involve it in heavy expenses for their transportation thither. We
are confident, too, that the native horses are better used to the nature of
the country. You are therefore most urgently recommended and in
structed to retain this trade for the Company alone. We give you, how
ever, permission to dispose of them to the private planters at a reasonable
Profit- ....._.***

No. 65.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, March 26, 1694.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 194.]
******
I hope you will approve of my having begun to make here again anew
plantation, in the river Cuyuni above the fort, on very good and suitable
ground, and having appointed as master planter Abram Baudaart, my
former butler, at his old pay, until it shall be your pleasure to send
slaves.

*

No. 66.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, June 24, 1695.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 195.]
Siks : This is a copy of my last letter, dated April 19 of this year, by
the ship '. Casteel van Souburg, Captain Pieter van Goethem, which
sailed from here on the 29th of the same month. We have been kept
here in continuous alarm, since at various times we have had tidings that
some French, aided by Caribs from Baiima, are staying in the mouth of
the river Pomeroon, who say that they will come here to visit us. In view
of this I have at once sent order to all the planters to send down all the
male slaves, in order to strengthen the fort, so that we may defend our
selves well in case of an attack. This removal of slaves has already
hampered our work on the plantations, and will be in part the cause of
our inability to send more than 700 hogsheads of sugar in October.
Another important cause is the disease and mortality that now again pre
vails, both among Christians and slaves, and among the natives of the
country as well, whereby I daily suffer great loss, and it is to be feared
that, if you do not very soon provide the colony with both Christians

65
No. 66.
and slaves, it will again decay, in order to prevent which I earnestly be
seech you not to be backward in sending the men I asked for.

No. 67.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, April 1, 1697.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 196-197.]
******
As for what you say in regard to the horses, that I am to write you
how much each horse would cost us, I cannot state it exactly, since in
merchandise it sometimes amounts to twenty guilders and sometimes
again to a little less, as you can see from the books. Again, you wish to
know at what price I could dispose of them ; of this also I cannot inform
you, inasmuch as almost all the plantations of the free planters are suffi
ciently provided with horses, and, if they need any, they send and get
them from Orinoco, at quite as low a price as is paid for the horses
bought for you up in Cuyuni, as permitted and approved, in accordance
with the proclamation of February 15, 1696, on the authority of the
Company. So that none of the free planters cares for any horses to be
paid for at convenience, and my own four horses I had sold before the
aforesaid permit was issued by proclamation.

No. 68.
Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, January 2, 1700.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 197.]
And because our barque which we sent to Waini on November 11
last, in order to salt fish and to trade for victuals, has arrived here on
December 29 with a very bad catch and without having done any trad-
ins:. * * *
° * * * * * *

No. 69.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, May 14, 1701.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 198.]
The trade in horses up in Cuyuni does not go as briskly as it used to ;

66 No. 69.
still, the negro traders brought, on March 24th of this year, twelve fine
ones, eight head of which I have disposed of to the plantation "de
Vrijheid," and inclose the bills of exchange therefor.

No. TO.
Extracts from Bcgulations and Warnings issued by the Court of Policy
in Essequibo, July 5, 1701.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, Vol. 3, pp. 67-68.]
* * * * * *
And whenever certain signal shots shall be made by the outpost
guard on the discovery of the enemy, shall it be the duty of every
planter likewise to give warning the one to the other by a signal, and to
continue such until report be made at the fort, on pain of death and con
fiscation of goods, and if the enemy came to approach in strength, shall
the aforesaid signal shots be made with two following after one, and
after the danger be experienced, shot on shot on shot be given, and two
canoes shall at all times be obliged to be held in readiness so as with the
larger one at once to come to the fort and make report, and with the
smaller to give warning to Messieurs the planters of the situation of
things; and if any vessels shall come lo reconnoitre^ it is most ex
pressly forbidden that any one shall have to go over to such vessel or
vessels, except only with all foresight with the view of hailing, so as to
learn from where the same are coming and to discover their design, and
at the same time as speedily as possible give information to the Noble
Heer Commandeur. Also at time of attack (which God in His mercy
forbid) shall the women and children of the whites, for their security,
come and betake themselves on the Island Carria, under protection of
twelve men, an officer, and four pieces of cannon.
Further it is resolved and found good while awaiting these distur
bances (which God in His mercy forbid) to restrain the granting of pass
ports to sail to the River Orinocque as to the Island Trinidad, so as to
forestall all mischief.
* * * * * *
And in order that no one without cause might be alarmed or made
uneasy, it is found good that in the future no "santes" or healths, of
whomsoever it should chance to be, may be given with the discharging
of any fire-arms, unless the Noble Heer Commandeur be present in per
son and give his consent to it, under penalty of 50 Caroly gulden. Item,
two Commissaries shall every one or two months, or at least four times a
year, time undefined, be sent off to go and visit all plantations, and to
give instructions to the new planters, to wit, those dwelling in Maser-
i Note by Prof. Burr. The words here italicized are as in Blue Book. It should rather
be translated " and if they shall discover any vessels."

67
No. 70.
oene; the plantations lying in the river being the first district : since
they find it good to divide the Company's river into two districts: as
from the plantation Poelwijk down as far as Van Rump's Court. The
second district is the River Essequebo, and stretches from the plantation
Bosbeek to the plantation New Coitrijk.

No. 71.
Muster Roll of the Company's servants in Essequibo, July 17, 1701. i
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 199.]
Concise enumeration of all the Company's servants, and where they are stationed ; also of tlie free
settlers ; all Europeans ; how far they are from the fort, and from one another ; namely :

Number

Dista .ce in [Dutch] miles
from the fort

A t the Fort

Commandeur 

On the Company's yacht Rammekens
51 46 1212
At ike lookout-watch
often 8 or 9 miles down
9 miles below
At the outliers house in Wacupo
25 miles
At the outlier's house in Demerara
«'
A t the outlier's house in Mahaicony
Negro traders
(t
"
67
No. 72.
Extract from proceedings of the Court of Policy in Essequibo, October
24, 1701.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 200-201.]
The Council having met, with nobody absent, the Commandeur, in
i Note by Prof. Burr. This muster roll bears no date, but was inclosed by Commandeur Beekman to tfw
West India Company in bis letter of July 17, 1701.
68 No. 72.
addition to the communication made before, once more brought before it
the arrival of a certain brigantine in Demerara, named the Greyhound,
Captain William Wanton, coming from Rhode Island, laden with fifty-
four horses, meat, butter, flour, and other provisions, all of which were
useful, necessary, even profitable, for the Company and all the inhabit
ants of this colony * * *
******
with polite request that he be permitted to put in at this river in order
to provide himself with his necessaries, at the same time urging that he
would like to dispose of the merchandise he had with him, at a reason
able price, in exchange for squared timber (which is to be had here in
abundance), rum, syrup, or bills of exchange ; and, inasmuch as we by
the impending war might perhaps be brought into straits for provisions,
and as moreover there is already a considerable difficulty, especially as
to horses, needed for the newly made [sugar] works of the free inhabit
ants, and as the Company has not enough to accommodate any of them,
and as, moreover, the horses from above are not being any longer
brought down as formerly, and this might get still worse in case
of war ;
[For these reasons] the aforesaid Commandeur requests the Councilors
to consider what should be done in this matter ; which having by them
been duly considered, they have resolved by unanimous vote (notwith
standing the prohibition last sent by our superiors), for special and
urgent reasons, and moreover under the continuous pressure of the inter
ested public, that they agree and consent hereto, the more so because all
the lands where we carry on our horse-trade, are under the King of
Spain, as we know by experience from the prohibitions we have already
met in the trade to Orinoco ; furthermore, at his, the Captain's, urgent
request, there is placed at his disposal the skipper Jan Bruyn, in order
to pilot the aforesaid ship into this river and bring it safely before the
fort.

No. 73.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo
to West India Company, September 28, 1702.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 69.]

I can no longer delay in making Y. N. acquainted with the great
mortality of horses in this Colony, there being already almost 100 head
dead through mange and other forms of sickness. That truly is a great

69
No. 73.
loss to the Colony, the more so since the Spaniards will no longer permit
any trafficking for horses on their territory, so that I shall be perforce
compelled to make use of an English barque, or other vessels such as
those which came in this river, to go and fetch horses, or else Y. N. will
be obliged to send out the same to me from the mother-country, because
it is impossible to deliver sugar without horses, as Y. N. will be pleased
to consider well .

No. 74.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, May 10, 1703.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 70.]
* * * * * *
BE it known likewise to your Noblenesses that the Governor of Surinam,
Paulus van der Veen, shows himself ill-disposed because that his traders
here in our district, namely, Essequebo, Baumeron, and Demerary, were
not permitted to trade.

No. 75.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, June 14, 1703.
[Reprinted from TJ. S . Commission, Report, Vol . 2, p. 205.]
I am very sorry to be obliged to notify you that, owing to the present
war, no horses are to be had above here as formerly, inasmuch as those
Indians think they stand under the crowns of Spain and France, and this
trade is thereby crippled. We cannot, however, get on without these
and attain our object, having lately lost many of them by sickness. * * *
* ' * * * * *

70

No. 76.
Muster Roll of the Company's servants in Essequibo, July 27 ,1703.»
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol.2, pp. 205-206.]
Muster Boll of all Employees, both high and low, officers, soldiers and sailors, as well as work
men, at present in the service of the General Chartered West India Company in the Chamber Zee-
land, in tlie Colony Essequibo, under tlie- direction of Governor Samuel Beekman.

Distance from the fort 1% [Dutch] miles

Distance from the fort by sea 30 [Dutch] miles

Distance from the fort by sea 40 [Dutch] miles

Distance from the fort, by sea, 4 days by boat

Up in the savanna, 6 weeks by boat

At the Company's plantation "Nieuw
Middelburgh."
Jan Agtens, of The Hague
Pieter Verstraate, of Cadzand
Louis Zeege, of Eoermond
Jan Pieterse, of Goes
Adriaan de la Euel, of Courtrai
Outliers in Rio Demerara
Amos van Groeneweegen
Cornelis Koseel, of St. Anne terMuyden
Outliers in Mahaicony
Pieter de la Reviere, of Curacao
Joost Gerritse Pick, of Gouda
Outlier in Pomeroon
Jan Debbout, of Ghent
Outlier in Cuyuni
Allert Lammers, of Meenen
Negro Traders
Samuel Stoffelse, of Essequibo
Jan Stoffelse, of Essequibo
In all, seventy-two men. scattered far and
near, as you will be^pleased to observe
here-above

Director
Foreman Hostler
Outrunner
Rum Dis
tiller

Outlier
Bylier

OutlierBylier

Outlier

Outlier

Traders

1 Note by Prof. Burr. The muster-roll itself is undated, but it was transmitted in the Com
mandeur's letter of July 27, 1703 (as appears from the list of enclosures — fol. 91 ofthe same vol.).
It is an exact duplicate of that printed in Blue Book No. 3 (p. 70, No. 29), which is by error
ascribed to "June 19, 1703." That printed higher on the same page of the Blue Book is but a
slightly varying transcript of the same muster-roll, and is erroneously described as an " Inclo
sure in No. 27 "— i. .., in a letter of September 28, 1702. A careful study of the original (in the
records at London) shows that, while as at present bound it is not far from this letter, it was
clearly inclosure No. 9 by the ship de Jonge Jan. in June, 1703, accompanying the Commandeur's
letter of June 14 ; while that printed as No . 29 was as clearly forwarded with the letter of July
27. The contemporary list of inclosures, specifying this muster-roll under the number it still
bears, may be found as Document No. 97 in the same volume (" List of papers sent by the Com
pany's ship Pinnenburg, Capt ADthony Wouterman, 27 July, 1703 "). In the letter of June 14
the muster-roll is thus referred to : " The number of the Company's servants in the colony scat
tered in all directions, you will be so good as to notice in the accompanying muster-roll, my
prayer being constant that this number may be increased to a hundred persons, without which
this colony can not well be defended at present against a revolt or attack of the negroes or
Indians" (" 't getal der Comp dienaaren in de colonie wydt en zydts verspreyt zynde, zult TJ Ed.
Agtb. in de nevensgaande Monsterrolle gelieven te beoogen, instantelyk versoekende t'selve getal may
vergrooi werden tot hondert koppen, zonder dewelke dese colonie jegenwoordig voor den oproer ofte
aanval der negros ofte Indianen, niet wel en is te bewaaren.")

71

No. 77.
Extract from Pay Roll of the Company's servants in Essequibo, 1704.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 207.]
At Fort Kykoveral, Anno 1704.

DEBIT.
Allart Lemmers, of Meenen, outlier in Cu
yuni.May SO, 1703.— By Governor Samuel Beek
man enrolled in the Company's service as
outlier in Cuyuni, wages per month £2.
10 Flemish.
Oct. 1, 1703.— To the Treasury, his confis
cated wages, paid to Governor Samuel
Beekman  £10.18.4.
Received in 1703  2.

Total  £12.18.4.
Aug. 10, 1704.— To the Company, balance of
credit  £11 . 15 . 7 .

Total  £24.13.11.

CREDIT.
Oct. 1, 1703.— From the Company, £10.18.4.
for wages for 4 months 11 days, at f.15 per
month, earned by him from 20 May, 1703,
up to this day, when, on account of insub
ordination, he is, by sentence of the Gov
ernor and the Court, placed as sailor on the
yacht "Rammekens," at f. 8 per
month  £10.18.4.
Aug. 10, 1704.— From the Company, £13.15.7.
for wages for 10 months 10 days, earned by
him from 1 Oct. 1703 up to this day, when
he is allowed by the Governor to go home
by the frigate De pi-opheet Samuel. . 13 . 15 . 7 .

Total  £24.13.11.

No. 78.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West Intlia Company, August 12, 1704.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 208.]
* * * * * *
What you have been pleased to write as to not yet tolerating that
the inhabitants of Rio Surinam carry on any trade at places lying under
the charter of the company, I shall not fail to take scrupulous care that
this do not occur, and shall then await further orders.
* * * * * *

No. 79.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, July 30, 1706.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 72.]

That the Company's horses purchased up country in Cayuni should
always die, and the horses belonging to private individuals never, is but
a false tale of a party of scoundrels, who could never prove it, for I can

72 No. 79.
assure Y. N. it frequently happens in descending the Biver Cayuni that
the horses of private individuals die as well as those of the Noble Com
pany, there being no trickery in the world towards Y. N. in this matter.

No. 80.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, October 14, 1707.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 208.]
* * * * * *
We cannot as easily as formerly get the horses from above, and in
such quantities as they are needed. * * *
* * * * * *

No. 81.

Extract from letter from Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, January 23, 1708.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 73.]

The enemy being gone I have consulted with the Council what would
be the best course to adopt to make this Colony secure, were it practica
ble, against the enemy, whereupon the most were of opinion that a
stronghold might be made on Stamfers Island, others again on Vlaggen
Island, or even above this on Paepen Island, whereon then I asked
whether such a stronghold could be protected by a small number of
people. They gave me answer, by nine. But such a resolution implied
that this fort should be stripped of its people, and that all should betake
themselves thither, to which I have not been able to agree, and also am
of opinion that the present Fort Kijkoveral should be kept and defended
as long as is possible, if that Y. N. should be pleased to give instruc
tions to fortify the river lower down as far as practicable, the which, in
fact, is highly necessary in this critical conjuncture, because without
that I consider the greater number of the plantations lost before that
one receives the news that the enemy are in the river.
* * * * * *

n

No. 82.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Samuel Beekman, Commandeur in Essequibo, may 2, 1708.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 229-230.]
******
And as for your proposal to lay in the river[s] of Moruca and Pome
roon a toll for the traders to Orinoco, namely, for every new canoe f. 3..,
for a corial 1 florin and 10 stivers, for a red slave f. 6.., and for all articles
which are weighed or measured five per cent., we can as yet give no posi
tive answer thereto, but you should first inform us whether this can just
now be properly and lawfully done, — furthermore, what that tax might
be estimated to produce yearly to the company, — and, still further, what
expenses would probably have to be made to lay and collect that toll
there ; when we have obtained this information, we shall submit it to the
Board of Ten and send you their decision.

No. 83.
Extracts from Journal ofthe Secret Expedition lo the Orinoco, March 18
to July 13, 1711.
[Reprinted from U.S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 225, 227.]
******
9 ditto [.. e., April, 1711. J— Started again from there in the morning
and came about noon into a creek named Mora and came in the evening
into the river of Barima.
10 ditto.— Started again from there and came in the evening to the
mouth of that river.
******
U ditto [i. e., June, 1711.]— Started from there and in the afternoon
came into the river of Barima.
15 ditto.— Started from there in the morning at 3 o'clock and slept at
an unknown shelter.

No. 84.
Extract from letter from Johan de Ooijer, Governor in Surinam, to the
Society of Surinam, March 31, 1712.
[Reprinted from U.S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 229.]
«¦ * * *

* *

No whites are allowed to enter the Orinoco except with a pass. The

74 No. 84.
thing we have in view could be accomplished only under pretext of
trading with the Indians, for which we would need the permission of the
commander of the Orinoco. He was favorably inclined towards us, and
if he1 had remained in command we might have expected everything
from him ; this was why Mollinay had orders to address himself to him.
Now there is another commander, who is not willing to allow anyone
there ; but possibly this may change with time, and I shall therefore
continue to exert myself elsewhere in order to attain our object.

No. 85.

Extract from letter from Pieter van der Heyden Resen, Commandeur
in Essequibo, to West India Company, July 31, 1712.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 74.]
Concerning the 600 to 700 stoops of balsam (oil), of which I spoke in
my former despatch that I would have in readiness with this same mer
chandize, I am obliged, to my vexation, to say that this past year not a
single pound has been procured for the Noble Company, since they in
Orinoco had all at once prohibited the traffic in i t to the Hollanders,
these changes having come to pass with the arrival of a new Governor at
Trinidad, who, with this object, has caused several manned vessels to
cruise in the River Orinoco, so as to confiscate and bring in as good
prizes all Dutch vessels who should wish to come thither ; that has
forced me to put a stop to the journey, since of necessity I dared not
hazard and put in danger on such like a journey the Company's cargoes,
slaves, vessels, and other goods, the which I hope Y. N. will take well ;
yet some, however, have undertaken to send thither with small vessels,
but at how great risk ! But at the present moment the traffic is again
free, so that shortly I shall send thither, as before, a proper vessel, and I
think that next year I shall have about 600 stoops ready for the Noble
Company.

No. 86.
Extracts from letter from Pieter de Blaake, Postholder in Wacupo,
to the Commandeur in Essequibo, January 2, 1713.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 236, 237.]
To you, very worshipful Commandeur Pieter van der Heide Riseere.
I make known to you, that on 30 December, in the morning, at day-
'Note by Prof. Burr.— I. e. the old Commander.

75
No. 86.
break about 25 hostile men, as well French as Spaniards, half-breeds
and red na ion were received by me very affably at the house Wacupo
under a delightful attackation ; our force consisted in four men without
more, to wit Pieter de Blacker, Jan van Stralen, Jan Vervis, and Aerens
of Surinam, and three times delightfully repelled, through God's bless
ing and His strong arm who has faithfully delivered us in this great dis-
* * * * *
Jan Patist they have touched at on 29 December in the month* and
chased even into Moruca and has above the savannas of Korey thus come
o Vvacupo on 1 January, and all my folk of the house whom I sent to
the seaside they have taken away their corials and chased into the bush
and chopped the boat to pieces.

No. 87.

Extract from letter from Pieter van der Heyden Resen, Commandeur
in Essequibo, to West India Company, April 19, 1713.
[Reprinted from D. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 238.]
******
In pursuance of your order, the prohibition concerning the trading-
in of red slaves, annatto dye, and balsam copaiba, issued by me on 24
July of last year, shall provisionally be left standing, and be executed
until I receive counter orders : although this causes great regret among
the free, who have complained about this at various times, urging that
they did not claim to trade within the territory of the Company, but
asked only permission to do so on Spanish territory, such as Orinoco,
Trinidad, etc.; which I refused them.

No. 88.

Extracts from letter from Pieter van der Heyden Rescn, Commandeur
in Essequibo, to West India Company, May 31, 1713.
[Reprinled from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 239-240.]
******
What has been said about the annatto, might likewise be observed
with respect to the copaiba trade— that is to say, when that trade exists :
but for a considerable time it has not been possible to carry it on, because
of some dislike which the Spaniards (on whose territory the copaiba is
lNote by Prof. Burr— I. e., doubtless, the mouth of the Pomeroon.

76 No. 88.
traded-in), have taken to our nation ; they also have now been cruising
after the Dutch boats which go thither ; so that I have not dared to risk
so greally the Company's wares and other effects— all of which I have
fully reported to the Chamber Zeeland in my letters of July 31, 1712,
and April 19, 1713. Consequently, there is, ns yet, no stock of it on
hand. * * * * * *
But as to the copaiba oil, that, together with the trading-in of red
Indian slaves, was prohibited by me to the inhabitants of this colony, in
pursuance of orders from the Chamber Zeeland, so lately as on July 24
of last year, as can be more fully observed from the inclosed copy of my
letter— upon this subject I wrote at much length to the Chamber at the
time ; therefore, it cannot be denied that copaiba was ere this sent from
here to the Fatherland, because this trade has been permitted to be free,
as it took place outside of the Company's district and was only carried
on upon Spanish territory in the river Orinoco, where the inhabitants of
the colonies Berbice and Surinam trade likewise ; however, since the
prohibition, no copaiba oil has to my knowledge been sent, and it shall
remain prohibited until I receive counter orders. This is the only infor
mation about that matter which I am able to furnish to the Board of Ten.
***** *

No. 89.

Extracts from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Pieter van der Heyden Rcsen, Commandeur in Essequibo, May 14, 1714.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 240-241.]
* * * * * *
We leave it still most urgently recommended to you that you strictly
maintain the prohibition of trade in red slaves, annatto dye, and balsam
copaiba ; for the Company desires as heretofore to keep that trade ex
clusively for itself, in order thereby in a measure to provide for the costs
and heavy expense of keeping up that colony, and we can therefore give
no heed to the complaints of the inhabitants.
And, as for their protestations that they are not going to trade
within the territory of the Company, that is absurd indeed ; for, although
Orinoco, Trinidad, etc., is [sic] under the power of the Spaniards, still it
also lies within the charter of the Company, where nobody has the right
to trade except the Company and those to whom the Company gives
permission to do so ; so that it all is the territory of the Company, even
though we have no forts there. And it is an untruth that an enactment
was ever published making that trade free ; but the contrary is clearly

77
No. 89.
enough to be seen in the resolution of the Board of Ten. This has there
fore crept in there only through neglect; for which reason you are
instructed, as above stated, to see closely to it that the Company suffer
no injury herein. * * *

No. 90.
Memorial of the Free Settlers of the Colony of Essequibo lo the Direc
tors ofthe West India Company, (Zeeland Cliamber), May 24, 1717.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 75-76.]
Pressing difficulties compel those who are distressed to look out for
proper remedies in order to prevent them ; in this condition the under
signed free settlers of the Colony Essequebo in America find themselves
compelled to take the freedom to trouble your Noblenesses with the
following representation, trusting that you will favourably consider the
same, and will grant its requests.
It is now nearly five years since we have been prohibited by the Heer
Commander Pieter van der Heijden, acting under the orders of Y. N. from
trading, as well within as without this Colony in Red Indian slaves,
balsam, &c; through which prohibition we find ourselves deprived not
only of the advantages the said business, however small, would have
been able to bring to us, but further must see the profits, which were to
be expected therefrom, accrue before our eyes to our neighbours, to wit,
the colonists of Surinam and Berbice, and seeing that it has pleased Y.
N. to make a prohibition of such a character to take effect, we trusted
that it, through the serious recommendation of our aforesaid Heer Com
mandeur would have been suspended, so we take liberty, Y. N., simply
and directly to show how little advantage it is for the Noble Company
that the aforesaid prohibition continues to remain, how much prejudice
we suffer therefrom, and how it favours the inhabitants of Surinam and
Berbice. and also encourages them to push on the business more and
more to their profit.
Your Noblenesses are well aware that it is permitted to those of the
said colonies1 to traffic in everything they can get, nothing else is left for
us than the bartering for Indian vessels, canoe., and corials, and
occasionally some hammocks or cacao from the Spaniards in Orinoco ; so
that we are lestricted in a river, which is outside the territory of the
Noble Company, where the same has no more power than a private mer
chant, which is in the Spanish possession, and where the commonest
person of our neighbours is allowed to carry on trade in anything that
he pleases, as well as the Noble Company, without exception from what
place they come. Y. N. are also aware (or at least we suppose so) that
xFor this word colonies the Blue Book has provinces,

78 No. 90.
Orinoco is a river which is accounted as the property of the King or
Crown of Spain, and consequently that nation there master, > and whenever
a vessel from Essequebo (we represent the matter truthfully) be now come
in Orinoco, whether it be for trading in vessels or otherwise, and like
wise a canoe out of Surinam or Berbice find itself there, and that accord
ing to the fashion of the Indian traffic one of these- Indians with some of
his wares (whether it be slaves, balsam, or anything that for us is contra
band, and nevertheless to those of our aforesaid neighbours is allowed),
be come alongside of the Essequebo canoe (to which be it said without
flattery they also sell more eagerly partly because they have better cargo,
partly because they are able to come to an agreement with us more
peaceably), then are our settlers obliged to answer the Indians that such
merchandize cannot be traded in by them, thus sending them back to the
Surinam canoe ; in consequence against their will they are obliged to
contribute to tbe profits of the same, or otherwise the French and English
barques know well how to pass up. Yet further, whenever a canoe, be it
of Surinam or Berbice, having set sail, has in the neighbourhood of this
river or elsewhere met any free Indians who have red slaves for sail, they
buy the same in, yes, bring the purchased slaves within the river, deliver
them to one or another of our inhabitants, proceed on their voyage,
traffic in the Rivers Marocco, Weijne, Barima, Pomeroon, Orinoco, Trini
dad, and wherever it is convenient to them, aim at the greatest profit,
and when they have got everything they can in repassing, take in again
their slaves that they had left here, and push on their journey to Suri
nam, being well pleased that the Essequibo inhabitants were oppressed
by those who ought to protect them and their gains (from which the
Noble Company can make no profit) taken away and driven into the
Surinam purse. That which relates to their business presents itself to us
very painfully, seeing that the Indians get just as good payment in cargo,
no matter with whom they deal, yet they of Essequibo are much the
best supplied, and being the nearest situated have always before the
prohibition been on the most friendly terms with them.
We cannot so far comprehend what is the object of Y. N. in prohibit
ing the business to us, seeing that yon cannot hinder those from Surinam
and Berbice— yea, not even French, English, and other foreign nations-
it appearing to us as if Y.N. wished to place the yoke on our neck
alone, because, so long as Essequibo has been in European hands, there
cannot be any instance shown that the inhabitants of this Colony alone
were restricted so as not to be able to carry on this traffic, &c.
Y. N.'s very obedient servants, the free settlers of the Colony of
Essequibo in America. (Signed) A. Holander (and others).
!The translation of this and the preceding line differB slightly from that in the Blue Book.

79

No. 91.

Extracts from reports by E. D. Maurain-Saincterre, Engineer in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, March 19, 1722.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 248.]

23.
The ground is even better above in the rivers Essequibo, Mazaruni,
and Cuyuni than below ; but because they are full of rocks, falls and
islands, and much danger is to be feared for large sugar canoes, this is
the reason why up to this time the Europeans have not been willing to
establish sugar plantations there.

No. 92.

Extract from letter from Lanrens de Heere, Commandeur in Essequibo,
to West India Company, Apr. 1, 1723.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 249.]
* * * * * *
* * * I likewise intend to send in the coming May, 1723, two buoy-
canoes to Orinoco, to get from there horses for the Company.

No. 93.

Extract from instructions for Jan Batiste and Hendrilt van der Win,
sent to the Orinoco by ihe Commandeur and Court ol Policy in
Essequibo, March 4, 1726.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp, 249-250.]
******
Aet. 6. Whereafter they shall betake themselves to Aguire, and find
out whether there is opportunity there to barter up copaiba and slaves ;
and, in case there is, he shall leave there Hendrik van der Win with the
necessary wares for that trade, and meanwhile buy up as many horses as
can conveniently be loaded in his boat, and shall bring them as speedily
as possible into this river.

80

No. 94.

Extract from the Minutes of the Court of Policy in Essequibo, Dec. 2,
1726.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 80.]
******
In October last the Commandeur informed the Court of his intention
to proceed to the Post of Wacquepo, lying between Orinocque and this
river, at the end of the aforesaid month, and to inspect the same in com
pany with the Councillor and Secretary ; knowing that the said Post lies
far out of the ordinary course of boats which come hither through the
inland waters, it was his intention to choose a fit place in the river of
Marocco to which he might transplant the house and Post, since all ves
sels which come through the inland waters must pass that way. Every
thing having been closely examined by the said gentlemen, they decided
that the fittest place was where the horse-dealers from Orinocque gener
ally moor their boats in the river of Marocco {called1 in the Indian lan
guage Accoujere), it being possible to build a house there so close to the
river side that a hand grenade can be thrown into the boats, the river
being at its narrowest there. The unfortunate state of affairs in Europe
having been taken into consideration, it was resolved to establish the
house and Post of Wacquepo upon the aforementioned site as soon as
possible, and thus have an opportunity of being kept well informed of
the hostile boats that had any intention of coming to disturb this river,
and so enable us to place ourselves in a position to resist the same.

No. 95.

Extract from letter from the Court of Policy in Essequibo to the West
India Company, March 1, 1727.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 80.]
******
At the end of August of last year twenty-three red slaves ran away
from the plantation belonging to Pieter la Riviere to Orinocque, and he
having sent his son there to claim them, but without any results, re
solved to go there in person, but on arriving at the usual mooring place
in that river he was attacked by a vessel flying the Spanish flag, and
was unfortunate enough to be killed. Those with him begged for quar-
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— The italicized words are those of the Blue Book ; it should rather
read at the landing where those fetching horses, coming from the Orinoco into tlie river Moruca,
usually make a stop (a place called, etc.)

81
No. 95.
ter, whereupon the Spaniards took all their merchandize, and told
them that they had orders from the Governor of Trinidad to stop the
trade in that river.

No. 96.

Extract from letter from the Commandeur in Essequibo to the West
India Company, Sept. 26, 1727.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 80.]
******
Turning now, my Lords, to the matter of the River Essequibo, it is
now about two years since I myself, with Mr. van der Kaey, proceeded
up the river to find out whether it was not in any way possible to suc
cessfully set on foot some enterprise up above the falls, but we found
the river very dangerous, so that in some places we were obliged to be
drawn up in a corrial through the falls, with great danger to our lives.
It is absolutely impossible to navigate the river with large boats, such
as canoes, and it is equally impossible with barques, because, above the
plantation Nieuw Cortrijk there is fall upon fall. With regard to the
land out there, it seems to me very good, but having inquired how high
the water rose in those parts, it was pointed out to me in different places
that it rose in the rainy season between 25~and 30 feet, so that nearly all
the land is then under water, and there are also many great hills there
which are nearly all rocky and very steep at the river side.
I have also carefully inquired, my Lords, what kind of trade might
be done there with the Indians, and have up to the present not been
able to discover any other trade but a little maraen which is brought
thence, and sometimes a few red slaves. To this end two Creoles went
up the river only last year, who, having been out for seven or eight
months, brought very little home. The only profit that this Colony
derives from the River Essequebo is, that the latter is very rich in fish,
and is therefore visited annually both by the company and by the
private colonists for the purpose of salting, to which end two boats have
again been . prepared for your Lordships, which will be ready
to depart in the month of October. I see no profit for your Lord
ships in sending any man up the river, because T can discover nothing
of the savage nation.

82

No. 97.
Extract from Minutes of Court of Policy in Essequibo, May 12, 1728.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 81.]
******
The Secretary, H. Gelskerke, having communicated to us a certain
letter written by Jan Batiste from the Post in Wacquepo, and opened
by him (the Secretary) in the absence of the Commandeur, in which
information was given that the Spaniards of the Orinocque had, with
armed force, taken possession of a Suriname vessel fishing in the neigh
bourhood of the aforesaid river, and having also received information from
Barbadoes that there was great probability of a war :
It was resolved to reinforce the aforesaid Post of Wacquepo with
two soldiers, and to direct Jan Batiste to keep the necessary looTcouts,1
so th^t we may receive the earliest information in case the Spaniards
should send any armed ves seis to this Colony in accordance with the
rumours afloat. And in case the Post of Wacquepo should be attacked,
the aforesaid Jan Batiste shall defend Jiimself2 to the utmost, and
immediately inform the Commander of such hostilities, the Secretary
Gelskerke being hereby authorized, in the absence of the Com
mandeur, to give all the necessary orders for the accomplishment of
the aforesaid.

No. 98.

Extract from letter from H. Gelskerke, Secretary in Essequibo, to the
West India Company, April 26, 1729.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 81. ]
******
Referring to the documents and papers sent your Lordships by this
vessel, showing the state of your Lordships' property here, and referring
also to the letter of the Court of Policy in this matter, I shall now pro
ceed to inform your Lordship that for some years past your Lordships'
slaves, as well as those belonging to the colonists, run away to Orinocque
as soon as they think they have any grievance. There "the Spaniards
keep them, and will not give them up when we have claimed them. This
makes them so insolent that measures have been devised to provide
i Note by Prof. Burr.— For this word lookouts the Blue Book has beacons in order.
2 Note by Prof. Burr— Por this word himself Ihe Blue Book has it.

83
No. 98.
against this, and having been informed that the Governor of Trinidad
was acquainted with the French language, the late Commandeur sent the
accompanying letter to his Honour, but having up to the present received
no reply, we shall see whether, by presents or by setting a price upon
each slave, we shall not get them returned.

No. 99. )
Extracts from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
II. Gelskerke, Commandeur, and the Court of Policy in Essequibo,
March 14, 1731.
[Reprinted from U.S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 253-254.]
******
That the explanation which you furnish by the same letter as regards
the buying of provisions from the English cannot appear satisfactory to
us, you probably can deduce from what we wrote about the matter iu our
missive of December 29, 1729, to which we hereby refer, and we continue
to hold the same opinion. We have little fear that the English would
bring no horses, if you did not also buy from them what they had
intended to sell in the river ; moreover, you are well aware that it is far
more advisable for the Company to foster the trade to Orinoco with the
Spaniards than to favor this dealing with the English. We also wish to
have exact information where those English get the horses which yon say
they bring to the river, so that we may be able to give this matter further
consideration. ******
What has been the outcome of your plan of the proclamation of a
pardon for the deserters to Orinoco and of the negotiation at the same
time projected with the Governor of Trinidad, as voted by Resolution of
the Court of Policy on July 4, 1729, we shall hope to learn.
That by Resolution of April 2, 1730, you have .forbidden to private
colonists the trade in the rivers Mazaruni and Cuyuni meets our full
approval. Nevertheless, however, we could wish to be informed of what
orofit to the Company in particular this trade is, above and beyond that
buying up of red slaves, and moreover whether from these rivers some
further profit for the Company than has been customary thus far might
not be drawn ; and, further, what quantity of red slaves are there bought
up yearly, or can be, and at what value red slaves may be rated in com
parison with negro slaves ; and, furthermore, what the cost of their buy
ing up amounts to.^ * * * *

84

No. 100.
Extract from Eetter from the Court of Policy in Essequibo to the West
India Company, July 4, 1731.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 255.]
******
The trade to be done with the Spaniards in Rio Orinoco cannot be re
lied upon, since they allow no trade abovetheirfort with the Indians, but
only with themselves, that they may have the more opportunity for con
fiscating the trader's goods because of any trifle, as happened quite re
cently with two inhabitants of this colony who, their goods having been
taken from them and they sent off in a small boat, have perished. Be
sides, the Spanish horses are not as good as those of the English, as is
often seen in this colony ; especially they do not thrive on plantations
which have a marshy soil ; moreover, we should have to send thither two
or three times a year expressly to get horses for your plantations, for
which purpose a deal of wares would be needed, and this could not be
done without risk, and would prove much more expensive than buying
the horses here for sirup and rum.
******

No. 101.

Extract from Letter from the Court of Policy in Essequibo to West India
Company, July 14, 1731.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 83.]
******
Concerning the advantages of the trade in the rivers of Masseroeny
and Cajoeny for the Honourable Company alone, this consists only in
red slaves, and the order has been renewed because the veto was one
kept up by all former Commandeurs. But most of the Indians having
left those parts that trade is now of less profit, except for the orange
dye. The plantation Poelwijk, lying up in the first-mentioned river,
sometimes buys one or two red slaves in a whole year, but they are
mostly children of about 8 or 10 years old, who are" bought for about
twelve or thirteen axes and choppers, together with a few provisions.
The red slaves, too, cannot work together with a black slave, and are
mostly used on the plantations for hunting and fishing, the women look
ing after the cassava for the daily consumption of the plantation. The
great number of rocks which lie in these two rivers, and which occasion
the falls by reason of the strong stream rushing over them, makes these

85
No. 101.
rivers unnavigable for large vessels, wherefore it is impossible to estab
lish any plantations there, although the soil is very well fitted for it.

No. 102.

Extract from tetter from H. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, December 5, 1733.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 256-257.]
******
* * * the need of horses having become great, on vour plantations
as well as on those of the inhabitants of this colony, I shall by all avail
able means try to be helped by the Spaniards.

No. 103.

Extracts from letter from H. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
the West India Company, June S. 1734.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 257-265.]
******
It is also to be feared that through this untoward event we shall
suffer great need of horses, to obviate which I have by all available
means tried to make arrangements with the Governor of the Orinoco and
to put the trade, both in horses and other things, upon a firm footing.
Having obtained an opportunity to propose this to him, he has politely
excused himself, and this trade will be possible only by the Governor's
connivance and during his pleasure.
* * * * * *
He handed me two letters from the new Governor, Don Carlos de
Sucre, dated March 28 and 29 last, who in very polite terms communi
cated to me that he had arrived there to assume command of the Spanish
provinces, and he requested that I be pleased to continue with him
the pleasant relations entered on with his predecessor. He goes on to
communicate to me that he has brought some troops to the Orinoco
and is expecting ten or twelve more barques with soldiers, of which he
informs me in order that there might not be disquiet or the slightest
alarm on that account, giving, as a reason for the sending of so many
troops to these frontiers, his having been advised of the intention of the
Swedish nation to establish a colony in the river of Barima, situated be-

86 -.
No. 103.
tween the Orinoco and your post Wacupo. And, being unable to per
suade himself that the Dutch nation could tolerate in their neighborhood
a nation so proud and haughty as the Swedish, he in good faith and
frankly declares this to be the cause of his arriving with so much sol
diery, at the same time earnestly requesting me, if I should have
received any advice thereof, to be so good as to share it with him.
******
And although I am sure that the said Jacob Reiter will not be
returned, because it is not probable that the Governor can or dare
force thereto the Jesuits, who are wont to make their own will prevail,
yet I thought it my duty to insist upon his being returned, for the
greater part of your employes, and many inhabitants of this colony who
have little to lose, are Catholics, who, if they saw that such things were
allowed to pass without remonstrance, would probably soon follow
this example, especially as the force of the Spaniards in the Orinoco is
so great. ******
First, as the Spaniards are making themselves so formidable in the
Orinoco by gathering a considerable number of troops, and we on the
contrary are very feeble here, whether it is not of the greatest necessity
to send a military reinforcement hither, since the real design of the
Spaniards is unknown to us.
Secondly, if the Swedes should undertake to try to establish them
selves between the Orinoco and this colony on your territory, it would be
my duty.,to prevent this, which could hardly be done with any chance of
success with the small military force we have here. And I beg leave to
inform you in this connection that after the departure of Captain Laurens
Brander (who came to this river in March, 1732, with the ship de Fortuyn
from Gottenburg to take in water and fuel) a rumor has gone about in this
colony that the said Captain Brander was to come back and take possession
of a tract of land in the river Barima which the King of Spain is said to
have presented to the late Elector of Bavaria, who was Governor of the
Spanish Netherlands, and which this Elector in turn gave to the King of
Sweden. As, however, up to this time nothing has been undertaken
regarding it, it is my impression that the Spaniards use this as a pretext
in order to conceal their real purpose.
******
Fourthly, since I deem it certain that Jan Jacob Reiter will not be
returned, and since, this case being generally known, every one is com
menting upon it, therefore the colonists, who are wont to venture some
thing in the Orinoco trade, and who, for the reasons above named and
because they cannot sell their goods at so low a price, find themselves
crowded out (as I can incidentally detect) would gladly see passports
denied to everybody. But, when one duly considers our situation here,

87
No. 103.
how absolutely we depend upon the Spaniards for the horse trade,
because the English bring them no more, this consideration alone would
suffice for the maintenance of that intercourse. If we add to this the
profit on other trade, whereby coin comes and circulates in this colony,
it would seem that the staying away of the said Jan Jacob Reiter is not of
such importance as to warrant us in stopping this necessary and also very
profitable trade.
******
On the 30th of last month the aforesaid Abraham Buisson, who had
returned from Orinoco, handed me a letter from the aforesaid Spanish
Governor Don Carlos de Sucre, by which I see with astonishment that he
seems to be very angry at the rightful claiming of Jan Jacob Reiter, and
with reasons which are set forth with Spanish gravity, and rather
haughtily he further points out that he would be stripped of all his
honors and possessions and be moreover exposed to exemplary punish
ment by the Inquisition if he should accede to my request ; and, in order
[he said] to prevent the recurrence of such incidents, he had determined
to end the intercourse, wherefore he notified me that from now on the
commerce was at an end. This unexpected change would greatly sur
prise me, because there are as regards our claim not the slightest grounds
therefor, had I not been led by the aforesaid Buisson himself to suspect,
and by others been informed, that the Governor has granted him a pass
to go on trading in the Orinoco. And they do not hesitate to add that
no others beside him will be tolerated, but that, on the contrary, all
their goods will be taken and confiscated ; if, however, any one should
come with him under his pass, this would be allowed to go unnoticed.
This man having been made by the Governor sole master of the trade,
even to the exclusion of the company, all of which is entirely contrary
to the company's honor and authority, and also very hard and ruinous
for some colonists who look to this trade for a living, I have decided to
announce, after the ship de Standfastige has left, that until further
orders no more passes to Orinoco will be issued by me, and that nobody
whosoever will be allowed to set out without one on penalty of a heavy
fine. ******

No. 104.
Extract from letter from H. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
the West India Company, November 4, 1734.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 270.]
% * * * * *
Now that this Orinoco trade is again under way, I shall do every-

88 No. 104.
thing possible and reasonable to make it permanent and extend it ; how
ever, as all this depends upon the Governor, we can count but little upon
the certainty of this business.

No. 105.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to H.
Gelskerke, Commandeur, and the Court of Policy in Essequibo, Janu
ary 20, 1735.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 271.]

It is for this reason that we have decided hereby to give you express
order, that by proclamation, to be read and posted as is customary, you
without delay forbid each and every one, whoever he be, to take any
hand-arms or material of war from the river to Orinoco, or to any other
places not under the jurisdiction of the States General, on penalty, for
the first offense, of confiscation of such arms and in addition of a fine to
the double value of such arms ; and, if any one be found to do it a
second time, that he be banished from the river all the days of his life,
persons thus banished being sent direct to this country.

No. 106.

Extract from letter from II. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, June 1, 1735.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 273-274.]
******
The Governor of Orinoco urgently asking me for a good quantity of
bread, not only did politeness demand that I send it to him, but there
was another important reason in the profits which this colony derives
from trade with the people of the Orinoco. As long as peace continues
and this trade remains open, such things cannot well be avoided, for, if I
should not send anything in your name, the Governor could easily obtain
it from the colonists, unless the export of provisions and bread-were to
be prohibited. However, inasmuch as this matter has greatly changed
its aspect, this trade shall for the present not be interrupted except for
weighty reasons ; and in this matter, as also in all other cases that may
present themselves, I shall try to act prudently and cautiously. I hope
you will approve of my conduct up to this time, And, to finish this

89
NO. 106.
subject of Orinoco, I shall inform you briefly that on the 20th January
last I sent to Orinoco the necessary rum, wares, etc., to pay for six mules,
with a boat to bring them back ; but, as none had yet arrived at that
time, and as the colonists to whom I had given passes brought back for
the same reason only two of these animals, the Governor has kept the
wares, sending provisionally three horses on account and answering me
by a short complimentary letter, saying moreover to Van der Maale that
he would furnish the mules at the earliest opportunity.

No. 107.

Extract from letter from H. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
the West India Company, January 12, 1737.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 278.]

The post Wacupo and Moruca, formerly the most important trading
place for the Company's annatto trade, has these last few years fallen off
in this business. I have taken much pains to ascertain the reason, and it
was told me that the postholder Jean Baptist was neglecting his duty ;
but after careful investigation I have found that, as most of the Indians
who live in that neighborhood derive more profit from slave trade with
the Surinamers, their wives grow listless about keeping up the heavy
work on the dye. While I see no way of changing this, we must, never
theless, keep up this post, because it was established for the mainten
ance of your frontiers stretching toward the Orinoco.
******

No. 108.

Extract from letter from the Court of Policy in Essequibo to the West
India Company, August 9, 1738.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 280.]
We have the honor to inform you that three of your soldiers here in
service have not hesitated, in the night between the 6th and 7th of last
month, to desert from the new fort, where they formed a part of the
garrison. But, through the wise direction of the first undersigned, they
were speedily pursued and were arrested on the way to Orinoco, near
the river Waini, and brought hither as prisoners.

* *

90

No. 109.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
H. Gelskerke, Commandeur, and the Court of Policy in Essequibo,
February 26, 1739.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 281-282.]
* * * * * *
And our attention has in no less degree been aroused by the Secre
tary's writing that he is persuaded that minerals are to be found in the
mountains up in the river Cuyuni. We know no reasons, moreover, why
this should not be so, and have ourselves for many years been persuaded
thereof ; but the first question is whether he, the Secretary, can find out
where work should begin in order to detect them, and what is his im
pression of those mountains, whether they are of earth or wholly of
rock, in order that we may direct the miners, in case we send them, as to
the tools they should take along.
And, in the second place, we must also know whether, in case this
work should be undertaken, you would be in condition to maintain your
self against the natives, if any are there or are to be looked for. We
shall not hesitate to send you two able miners, if you can offer us
prospect of success, but without that, the Company cannot afford to lay
out needless costs on a shaky foundation, for the reasons adduced by
the Secretary for his belief in this matter may be well grounded, and
still it might be impossible of execution. In the meantime we earnestly
recommend you to lend the Secretary a helping hand as to everything he
thinks he can discover and as to what he may need to that end ; and we
promise him, and you also, that we will show you our appreciation of
your success by a grant of a percentage of the profits. If by this ship
we could receive some ore, so as to have it assayed here, this, in case of
a good result, would stimulate us the more.
******

No. 110.

Extracts from letter from H. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, and
I.. S. van's Gravesande, Secretary, to the West India Company, May
20, 1739.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 282-283.]
Sirs : We have the honor to send you by this bottom a case marked
with the Company's mark and numbered No. 1, wherein you will find
certain ores specified in the inclosed list.
* * * * * *
[Inclosure in the above.]
No. [1]. This section contains some stones dug about eight

91
No. 110.
minutes above the Company's plantation Poelwijk, being a hill of white
stone with golden dots, through which run numerous very broad veins
westward straight through the river Mazaruni to a small island and
eastward through a great hill on which there is a sugar planta
tion. * * *
No. 2. This section contains stones with which a mountain above
the plantation de Pelgrim (about 2f hours) is also covered to the depth
of three to four feet. * * *
Nos. 3, 4 and 12 contain specimens from some veins which run through
a hill, just as above Poelwijk, being presumably of the same kind ; these
lie close by the company's coffee plantation.
******
No. 8. A small piece of ore found up in the mountains of Cuyuni,
not quite so high as the coffee plantation, but inland. This seems frcm
outward signs to be copper, but has also auripigment in its veins, which
ought to signify gold.
No. 9. Also of another from the aforesaid mountains resembling
silver. Nos. 10 and 11. Besides a piece of talc and a piece of terra lemnia,
or sigillata, here to be had in abundance.

NO. 111.

Extract from letter from H. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, and
L. S. van's Gravesande, Secretary, to the West India Company, Sep
tember 15, 1739.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission Report, Vol. 2, p. 284.]
******
* * * As the continuous rainy season since the sailing of den
jongen Daniel makes the road above the falls very dangerous, it. has
prevented the making of any further discovery— assuming that there
especially something is to be found.

No. 112.
Extract from letter from H. Gelskerke, Commandeur in Essequibo, to
West India Company, _Jov. 23, 1739.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 284-285.]
On the 3d of this month of March the surgeon Hortsman^ set out
1 Note by Prof- Burr.-La Condamine, who later used this man's papers, spells his name
Horstman.

92 No. 112.
with two of the best soldiers, well provided with arms and everything
else necessary for his proposed journey above the falls of Essequibo,
furnished with proper instructions and passes in the Latin and Dutch
languages, to be used in case of necessity. We have moreover given
him four skilled Creoles to serve as interpreters and guides among the
Indians whom they shall pass on this journey, and who must be induced
by small presents to help facilitate it.

No. 113.

Extracts from Report of the mining Engineer, Thomas Hildebrandt,
Mai ill . , 1741.1
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 285-286-]
For the Amsterdam Chamber.
I made a beginning of prospecting December 16, 1740, up in the rocks
of the Mazaruni. I find there, from one side of the river to the other,
rough, hard rock in sight, with wild, uninviting fragments of quartz in
terspersed ; and the rock is of this sort for an hour, from above the
plantation Poelwijk all the way to the river Essequibo. But beyond
this there is another [sort of] rock, which extends its strata as far as
towards the Blaauwenberg.
I also prospected in the river Cuyuni — not further than a half-hour
above the coffee-plantation— but found the rock w holly different from
that in the river Mazaruni.
* * * * * *
At the [end of the] above-named rock which runs towards the Blaau
wenberg from the river Essequibo I struck off across to the other side,
to the so-called Blaauwenberg, and by way of this mountain came to the
plantation New Walcheren (it is soft red and yellow rock, and has in it
spael trummeren), where I began a shaft, No 1, in order to cut through
this spaet trummer, and to see what sort of metals it has along with
jfj * * *
* * * * * *
* * * In the rough rock up in Mazaruni, a half-hour above the
plantation Poelwijk, I also opened a shaft, No. 2. * * *
******
* * * In the aforementioned river Cuyuni, a half-hour above the
coffee-plantation, I opened a shaft, No. 3, beneath a high hill. * * *
******
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— Hildebrandt was clearly a German, and his broken Dutch is often very
puzzling.

93

No. 114.

Extracts from the Journal of the Mining Engineer, Thomas Hilde-
brandt, April, 1741.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 288, 290.]
******
Monday, April H-— While my people carried the things to above
the great fall and with great difficulty dragged the two boats overland,
I meanwhile washed the sand and examined the rocks, but found noth
ing of lodes ; also found nothing [in] the sand washed. When
the things were again loaded in the boat I pushed on again
to a difficult fall, where I ate at noon and had again to have
the things taken out of the boat and the boats dragged over
again ; this done, went on to a fall named Awaroutaru, and having
passed it stayed over night at an Indian path two nights, for this reason,
that I had to write two letters to the [West IndiaJ Company, one to
Amsterdam and [one] to Middelburg, as likewise also one to the Com
mandeur. Also prospected there somewhat, but found nothing, save
that I saw that a fine savanna lies about one.
* * * * * *
Sunday, April BO. — In the morning at 6 o'clock left the place where
we had stayed four nights, at the creek Tibokoeykoeroe and came to a
great fall named Tokeyne, where we had great[er] trouble to get up than
we had yet had anywhere, the perpendicular height of the above-named
fall being 4| fathoms. If I had not had the luck [to meet] six Indians
who showed themselves helpful in dragging over my boat, I should have
found it impossible to get up ; and I kept these Indians by me still after
they had helped me, in order to show the way further through the many
islands and two other difficult falls, one named Simierie and the other
Motoesie. Having passed these, I came to an island where three old
Indian tents stood. Had these somewhat repaired and took our night's
rest there. This island was named Arwattapauoeroe, that is to say,
Monkey's Island.

No. 115.

Extract from letter from Thomas Hildebrandt, Mining Engineer, to the
West India Company, June 3, 1741.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 292.]
I also inform my lords and employers that ou April 23 I began the

94 No. 115.
journey to the Blaauwenberg, 1 in order to examine the mountains. Ac
cordingly, I made a beginning above the indigo plantation at the first
small fall, but found only unpromising rock. Then I went higher up
to a creek called Moroko-eykoeroe, 3 and up to this point I have explored
as carefully as anybody could do, round about the Blaauwenberg. I
have indeed found beautiful lodes, but it will take severe labor to work
it, since the moutain is covered with heavy iron rock as far as this afore
said creek, which lies full four hours above the Blaauwenberg. I have
found at this place a beautiful copper vein which is worth going on
with. * * *
******

No. 116.

Extract from proceedings of the Court of Policy in Essequibo, June 4,
1741.
[Reprinted from TJ. S- Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 293.]
******
The scarcity and lack of horses being taken into consideration, it was
resolved that the respective plantations send to Aguire in order to barter
up horses and that the cargos therefor be advanced out of the Company's
stores. ******

No. 117.

Extracts from the Journal of the Mining Engineer, Thomas Hilde
brandt, 1742.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 294r-295.]
The prospecting expedition to up im Cuyuni.
Wednesday, January 10. — In the afternoon at 2 o'clock took up my
journey to the Blaauwenberg, and went no further than to the indigo
plantation, and there spent the night.
Thursday, January 11. — Broke camp again in the morning and came
to above the first great fall and there spent the night and had great dis
comfort. ******
Saturday, January 13. — In the afternoon at 3 o'clock came to be-
iNote by Prof. Burr.— It would perhaps be better to translate this "blue mountains," as
Hildebrandt does not honor it with a capital initial ; but the Dutch name, having found a place
on the maps, is for clearness' sake preferred. It must be remembered that these "mountains" are,
according to later surveys, only low hills, not rising above three or four hundred feet.
«Note by Prof, Burr,— I, e. Uoroko creek, " eykoeroe " (icuru) being Carib for creek.

No. 117. 95
neath the second great fall and saw almost no chance to get up, so was
the water swollen, which in my former journey I could not get through •
so that the additional Indians were very opportune for me, and it was
dark by the time we had the two boats up above. * * *

No. 118.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, April 1, 1744.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 303 ]
******
The chief of the said Indians has offered me to answer for all the run
away slaves of this colony who make their way toward Orinoco, in case
I would establish a postholder in Barima. This would be of great
utility for the buying up of boats and slaves ; but I have not ventured
to undertake it without your orders.

No. 119.

Extracts from letter f rom;the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in Essequibo, August 24, 1744.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 303-304.]

It surely would be reasonable for the Company to enjoy five per cent.
on the exports of syrup and rum ; it were even to be wished that we
could prohibit one stoup of those articles to be exported anywhere but
hither. But, because we fear that the colony cannot yet do without the
English and those of Orinoco, on account of the scant navigation from
this country to Rio Essequibo, we as yet do not venture upon a prohib
itory resolution. ******
As for establishing a postholder in Barima for the purpose stated in
your letter, we are not averse to your making a trial ; we, however, rec
ommend that you take proper precautions that by this channel no frauds
be practiced.

96

No. 120.

Extract from Minutes of the Court of Policy in Essequibo, January 3,
1746.

Surgeon Juan Pedro Bolle has asked for the deserted stubble land in
Cartabo ; it was granted with the condition that the Noble Company
shall reserve the right to build thereon at least those houses which it
shall deem necessary.
******

No. 121.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande. Commandeur in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, March 19, 1746.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 304.]

I have not yet established any post in Barima, because I have not
been able to find any competent person to my liking to whom to intrust
the same, for I think that post might become of great importance.

No. 122.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, July 20, 1746.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 306.]

The inhabitant C. Finet, having come down from up the Cuyuni, has
also informed me that the report of the Caribs made to me some months
ago is true, namely, that the Spaniards have established a mission up in
this river, and have built a small fort there, he himself having been there
and spoken with the priest and soldiery ; that they were busy making
much brick there, with the intention next year to found yet another
mission and fort some hours nearer, farther down this river, [while] all
the Indians, coming away from those parts, are fleeing this way and
praying for protection. As this matter puts me in great perplexity, I
beg you to send orders as speedily as possible how I am to conduct
myself in this matter, assuring you that they shall be exactly carried
out. I would have not the least difficulty in driving them from there
and capturing the forts ; but such a step being one of -great consequence,

97
No. 122.
I dare not take the responsibility, especially as the true frontier-line
there is unknown to me. The river Cuyuni, where the aforesaid works
are being bruit, is the same in which your indigo plantation lies, and
where the coffee plantation once lay, and falls into the river Essequibo
at the place where the old plantation Duynenburg used to stand on the
one side and where Mr. Van der Cruysse dwells on the other side, half a
cannon-shot below Fort Kykoveral.

No. 123.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, December 7, 1746.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 308-309.]
*****
I had the honor to inform you via Rio Berbice of a mission, together
with a little fort, erected by the Spaniards up in Cuyuni, in my opinion
on your territory ; and I have it from a reliable source that they have
been thinking of founding next year yet another nearer, whereat the
inhabitants are much aggrieved, and the Carib Indians much more still,
since thereby the slave trade in that quarter, from which alone that
nation derives its livelihood, is wholly shut off. They wanted, too, to
surprise that mission and level it to the ground, which I, not without
trouble, have prevented ; for, since they belong under our jurisdiction
and carry on all their trade in the Butch colonies, such a step would by
the Spianiards surely be charged to us. It is very perilous for this colony
to have such neighbors so close by, who in time of war could come and
visit us overland ; and, above all, the making of fortifications upon our
own land is in breach of all custom. I say upon our own land : this
[assertion], however, I cannot put forth with full certainty, because the
boundaries west of this river are unknown to me * * *

No. 124.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, March 23, 1747.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission Report, Vol. 2, pp. 309-311.]
*****
That in Wacquepo and Moruca all is again still, as the nation which

98 No. 124.
came down there with the intention of killing the Caribs dwelling there
was received by them reasonably, and thereupon they again retired back
up the Orinoco. But the undertakings of theSpaniards go so far that,
if proper provision be not made in that matter, it may cause in course of
time the total ruin of the colony.
*****
Besides, it has been reported to me by the Burgher- Captain S. Persik,
on his arrival from Orinoco, and confirmed by some Spaniards, that the
Spaniards there had made a journey in the southwest right behind us,
and had there discovered the source of the Rivers Cuyuni and Mazaruni
(which two are the real source of this river Essequibo), both flowing out
of a great lake or sea which is 60 [Dutch] miles long and 20 broad, and
very deep, the water azure blue, without fish therein, from seventy-
five to eighty hours in a straight line above Fort Kykoveral ; that their
intention was to settle and to fortify themselves near the source of the
rivers mentioned, so that we then should be hemmed in by a cordon.
******
I should already long ago have seized and demolished the first fort
above in Cuyuni (which as yet is easy of accomplishment on my part
through the Caribs), if I were but rightly conscious how far the limits of
your territory extend, both on the eastern and northern sides as well as
back to the south and westwards (regarding which no documents what
ever are to be found in this office). I therefore earnestly request you to
be pleased to transmit hither the necessary information concerning this
matter, because an error in this might be the cause of quite too evil con
sequences.

No. 125.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Graveande, Commandeur in Essequibo, August 7, 1747.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 311.]
******
As to the forts already established in Cuyuni for the Spaniards, and
those they might seek to establish there hereafter, we have thought it
best to await the action to be taken thereon by the Board of Ten, of
which we shall then notify you at the earliest opportunity.
* * * * * *

99
No. 126.
Extracts from proceedings of West India Company (the Ten), 1747.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 313-314.]
* * * * * *
[September 6, 1747.]
That in case there could be found in Essequibo a competent surveyor,
he cause to be made an accurate chart, not only of the plantations iu
existence there and of their size, but also of the lands still uncultivated
and not yet granted.
* * * * * *
That all the respective Chambers, each by itself, investigate and
inquire whether it can be discovered how far the limits of this Company
in Rio Essequibo do extend ; that nevertheless, if in the meantime he can
by indirect means, and without himself appearing therein, bring it about
that the Spaniards be dislodged from the forts and dwellings which they
Lave, as he maintains, made on the territory of the Company, and be pre
vented from further extending themselves there, he shall be authorized
to carry this out.
* *****
And lastly, all the respective Chambers are instructed to investigate
whether it can be discovered how far the limits of the Company in Rio
Essequibo do extend, and to report to the other respective Chambers
what they find and discover. Whereupon, after discussion, it was re
solved to adopt the aforesaid report, and furthermore to convert it into
a positive resolution, and to thank the Committee for the pains taken,
and Mr. Backer for the report made.

No. 127.

Extract from letter from West India Company (the Ten) to Storm van's
Gravesande, Commandeur in Essequibo, September 9, 1747.
[Reprinted from TJ. S, Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 314-315.]
* *****
We have requested all the Chambers to investigate, each in its own
records, whether it is possible to find out how far the limits of the Com
pany in Rio Essequibo do extend. Nevertheless, if in the meantime you
can, by indirect means and without yourself appearing therein, bring it
about that the Spaniards be dislodged from the forts and buildings,
which, according to your assertions, they have made upon the territory
of the Company, and can prevent them from spreading further in that
Quarter, you will do well to accomplish this.
* * * *

* * * *

100

No. 128.
Extract from letter from the Court of Policy in Essequibo to the West
India Company, February 6, 174S.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 316.]
******
[We have the honor to report] that, in fulfillment of your salutary in
tention, we have caused to be posted everywhere the announcements of
the sale, on January 8 last, of the burdensome and unprofitable indigo
plantation. But, to our sorrow, we must report that in this matter we
could in no way attain the desired end, inasmuch as, although the condi
tions were arranged very favorably, not one person was willing to bid a
single stiver thereon, presumably on acount of the great distance and the
insalubrity of the river Cuyuni. We had therefore to keep it for the
Company, to whom, even for bread -grounds alone, it is worth at least
two hundred rix-dollars and more.
***** *

No. 129.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, February 11, 1748.
[Reprinted from U.S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 316-317.]

I shall also, as soon as the opportunity seems to me somewhat favor
able, execute the orders of the Board of Ten as regards the forts of
the Spaniards. Concerning the fishery I have brought the matter so far
with the Commander of Orinoco that I do not believe it will again be
interfered with.
******
Your honors in the Board of Ten having ordered me to have a map
made of the colony and the plantations, if a good surveyor could be
found here, I have in the absence of such a person not been able to ex
ecute this. However, to satisfy your desire as far as was in my power, I
have myself, as well as the shortness of the time has permitted, made up
a map from various small charts which from time to time I had drafted
as a pastime. It is not of the extremest exactitude, but [it] will not be
found greatly wanting, excepting only that down below there are many
more islands which do not appear in it because I have not charted them,
and, being uninhabited, they are of little importance. The plantations
where the number of slaves is not set down are those of which the lists
for the year 1747 have not yet come in.
******

101
No. 130.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in Essequibo, May 30, 1748.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 318.]

It gave us especial pleasure to learn through a subsequent lelter from
you, dated September 9, how, by the zeal you have shown, the trade of
the Spaniards in the river of Essequibo begins to develop more and
more, and we hope that all further means will be put in operation to
make it altogether flourish there.

No. 131.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Cominandeur in
Essequibo, to West India Company, December 2, 1748.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 321-323.]

The Spaniards were beginning to approach more and more up in
Cuyuni ; but a war having some weeks ago arisen between the Carib
nation and that of the Warrows, which is carried on very obstinately,
this will stop their further progress, and possibly, if the Caribs obtain
the upper hand, they will be driven somewhat farther away, without our
having in the least degree to meddle therewith. I could wish, however,
that, if it were possible, I might know the true boundary. According to
the talk of the old people and of the Indians, this jurisdiction should
begin to the east at the creek Abary and extend westward as far as tlie
river Barima, where in old times a post existed ; but this talk gives not
the slightest certainty.
* * * * * *
A wanderer of the name of Pinet, having gone up the river Cuyuni to
obtain hammocks by barter with the Indians, was requested by me care
fully to spy out the going of the Spaniards in that region— a duty for which
he is very well fitted, because he understands the Carib language thorough
ly, and is by no means destitute of intelligence. He returned here on the
13th of November, four months after his departure, and has made report
to me that the Spaniards had not yet undertaken the building of any
forts or missions lower down, as had been their intention, but that they

102No. 131.
cruelly illtreated the Indians subject to us, continually taking them by
surprise in their dwellings and carrying them off, with their wives and
children, to send them all to Florida ; that he had spoken to the chief of
the Spaniards, and had placed before his eyes the unfairness of this
treatment as well as the consequences of it, but that the latter had re
plied that the whole of America belonged to the King of Spain, and that
he should do what suited himself, without troubling about us.
******
Seeing that all my remonstrances and letters to the Spaniards are of
no avail, and that no redress is obtainable, I intend to tell the chiefs of
the Indians, when they come to me, that I can provide no redress for
them, and that they must take measures for their own security. Then I
feel assured that in a short time no Spaniard will be visible any more
above in Cuyuni. I have always, but with great difficulty, restrained
them and prevented all hostilities by fair promises.

No. 132.

Extract from letter from Storm's van's Gravesande, Commandeur in
Essequibo, to West India Company (the Ten), March 27, 1749.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 91.]
There should sometime be some profit gained with the Spaniards,
though the attempt is made as far as possible to pay attention thereto.
But many Spaniards, come and go out of the river without coming under
my observation : that is in breach of all rules and custom, but being
there at the instance of some great persons, and also in order not to
frighten away the Spaniards, 1 have until now remained quiet in conse
quence of pressure, and have only ordered the Postholder of Marocco al
ways to advise me when any come, stating their names, and to whom
addressed, so that I have always been informed thereof.

No. 133.

Extract from letter form Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in
Essequibo, to West India Company, April 10, 1749.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 92.]
***** *
Inclosed is the copy of a Proclamation which has been placarded by
the Marquis of Cailus, the Governor of Martinique, all over the Island of

103
No. 133.
Tobago, the original of which was torn down there by Captain Sayer,
commanding His Britannic Majesty's war-ship the " Richmond," and
sent to me by Mr. Gidney Clarke on the 6th of this month, from which
your Lordships will plainly see that it is the firm intention of the French
to establish themselves there— an intention which they have already
fairly carried out.
The title of " Governor of the Continent from the River Amazon to
the River Orinoque" (in which district Surinama, Berbices, and this
Colony are situated), which that Marquis gives himself, seems to me
somewhat strange, although the title itself is of little importance when it
is not accompanied by immediate possession, and I would by no means
grudge him the title of Governor of Tobago, in the same manner as that
of these Colonies, where he has the title and we the possession.
******

No. 134.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in
Essequibo, to West India Company, June 10, 1749.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 3, pp. 324-325.]
* * * * * *
I also consider it my duty to inform you that I summoned before the
last regular session of the Court one Pieter de Blaker, because the slaves
of the plantation Aegtekerke in their bread plantations had been greatly
injured by his men, their raspstones stolen, their manavis1 and parses1
burnt, and however frequently I had upon accusation of the director
Malgraef, addressed him in this connection, I could obtain not the least
satisfaction for the slaves.
However, except that he was ordered to restore the property, I at
tained nothing, it being urged that the bread -plantations of Aegtekerke
are on his land.
I am greatly mistaken if this argument holds good, for those planta
tions lie fully two hours further inland, behind the plantation of the
said Blaker ; and if a man may thus reckon backward by tbe compass,
the land of his plantation extends westward to Rio Orinoco. I know
and am convinced that this is absolutely inadmissible ; but on this
account it becomes highly necessary that the estates as to their depth
be defined by you, for the Court of Policy is frequently troubled with
disputes concerning lands lying thus back in the interior. * * *
******
'Note by Prof. Burr. — The meaning of these words is unknown to the translators. They
seem names of implements used in the culture or preparation of cassava, The v of manavis may
be an r.

104

No. 135.

Extract from letter from Adolph von Rosen, Colonist in Essequibo, to
Mgr. Tessin, Prime minister to the King of Sweden, July 20, 1749.]
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 325-326.]

Most Noble Lord : May it please your lordship to forgive me for
being so bold as to bring to your notice a matter of great importance, in
asmuch as I have learned that here, between Orinoco and etc.3, a large
and very fertile land lies uninhabited and wild, with two large rivers or
rather streams, the first from here Waini, the second river Barima3 at
the mouth of Orinoco ; and I have learned that this land belongs to His
Majesty the King of Sweden by inheritance and in his own right, and
this land could yearly produce great sums if it were cultivated and
planted.

No. 136.

Extracts from letter Irom Storm van's Gravesande, Commandeur in
Essequibo, to West India Company, September 8, 1749.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 327, 328.]

It has been looking for some, time as if the Orinoco trade were at a
standstill ; for, ever since the peace, so many French ships have come
there that everything is glutted with wares, so that very little chance is
left for our colonists.
* * * * * *
For six months I have seen no Indians from that side, so that I do not
accurately know now how matters go on there.
* * * * * *
1Note by Prof. Burr. — This letter, seized among Rosen's papers after his arrest in Barima
in 1766 and forwarded to the West India Company in the Director-General's letter of September
6, 1767, has been already printed in translation in Blue Book No. 3. p. 147.
8Note by Prof. Burr. — This is clearly the reading of the manuscript. Whether meant as
an abbreviation of Essequibo, as seems assumed by the British translators, or as a concealment
of the name of that river, is matter for conjecture.
"Note by Prof. Burr.— The original was written " the first from here Barima, the second
river Waini," and the British translators have followed Ihis ; but the writer himself saw his
error and placed over " Wyne " a " 1,'' over " Barima " a " 2,*' indicating their transposition —
wherefore it is here so printed and translated ,

105
No. 136.
But out of curiosity I sent this question1 over and took advice on it
from the foremost jurists in the province of Holland. * * * *
* * * * * *
At the conclusion of the aforesaid advice I was astonished to note
that the owners of the Baslcensburg were deemed to have treated me
with the utmost ingratitude because I had for their sake risked my
honor, reputation and property, inasmuch as this ship had been stranded
at Pechy and therefore on tlie territory of Spain and I had had no right to
touch it. Of this I had absolutely no thought, and it shall make me in
the future somewhat more prudent.

No. 137.
Extract from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Cliamber),
including the Report on the Colony of Essequibo, submitted in person
by Commandeur Storm van's Gravesande. June 22, 1750.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 328-331, 333.]
******
The Commandeur Laurens Storm van's Gravesande having arrived
here by the aforesaid ship de Goude Spoor and having sent in his name
this morning to this Chamber, he was by vote of the members admitted,
and when he had taken a seat, hy invitation of the President, and had
greeted the members, he laid before the Chamber his written memorial
or report, setting forth both the present state of the Colony of Essequibo
and his plans for the correction and improvement of various matters
there. * * *
* * * * * *
Report of the Commandeur Laurens Storm van' s Gravesande.
******
The lookout- watch has been washed away by the heavy swell of the
water and must be transferred to another place. At the Company's
trading-places also everything is well at present, they being provided
with good postholders. The one at Arinda up in Essequibo I have
ordered to be transferred to four days' journey higher, at the creek
Rupununi, this being the actual route of the tribes who come from up in
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This refers to the taking possession, by the Essequibo Commandeur,
in 1744, of the slave-ship Baskensburg, stranded on the west coast of Moruca. (See Blue Book,
No. 3, pp. 85, 86, No. 75.) In reporting the affair to the West India Company (February 11,
1745), Storm van's Gravesande had described the location of the wreck as " between Camoeni
and Peche, about 15 [Dutch] miles below [.. .., west of] the Post in Moruca" (tusschen Camoeni
en Peche omtrent 15 mylen beneeden de Post in Maroco). The bay of Peche, according to the
Bouchenroeder map (Atlas of the Commission, map 46), is a little east of the mouth of the Waini.
The minutes of the Zeeland Chamber later (October, 1747) speak of " the ship Baskensburg
stranded in the year 1744 near the river Orinoco " (ontrente de rivier d' Oronocque gestrand.)

106 No, 137.
Orinoco and Corentyn and pass through the country to trade or make
war higher up.
* * * * * *
Hereby J the colony would attain a flourishing and in course of time
a formidable state, and the interior (which is unknown) would be
explored and cultivated, the lands which lie along the river being
devoted to growing sugar and rice, and those in the interior to other
crops ; and thus many discoveries would doubtless be made which would
bring great utility and profit. For this nothing is lacking but able and
industrious people, and it is a shame (if I may use the word) for the
Dutch, that two nations not to be compared with them for industry,
namely the Portuguese and the Spaniards, who are situated at the right
and the left of these colonies, and who are groaning under so hard, even
slavish, a rule, are owners of so many treasures and so fortunate in their
discoveries. * * * * * *
Article IV.
It is urgently necessary that the limits of the Company's territory
be known, in order successfully to oppose the continual approach of the
neighboring Spaniards, who, if they are not checked will at last shut us
in on all sides, and who under pretext of establishing their missions are
fortifying themselves everywhere. And, because the limits are unknown,
we dare not openly oppose them as might very easily be done, by means
of the Carib nation, their sworn enemies. Please study in this connec
tion the accompanying map, drawn up by the Spaniards themselves and
copied from theirs.2
* * * * * *
Article VI.
The frequent and well-founded complaints which the Spaniards make
of the damage done to them by the Carib nation well deserve your
attention, not only on account of the damage which the Spaniards
suffer, for by their harsh and unjust dealings they give cause for this,
but on account of the inevitable consequences which in course of time
might befall the colony. For it is the extreme of imprudence in the
colonists that, urged on solely by an unworthy thirst for gain, they
themselves put into the hands of that warlike nation, who beyond
dispute are the bravest and most numerous on this coast, the weapons
which in future may bring about their own destruction — 1 mean the
firearms, powder, and ball so often given them in exchange for slaves.
The meagre excuse to which they resort, namely that these are only bad
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — He has been urging, at much length, the need of more settlers.
2 Note by Prof. Burr.— Atlas of the TJ. S. Commission, map 61.

107
NO. 13?.
trade guns, is far from satisfactory, for not only are good ones sometimes
found among the trade guns, but this dealing has already brought about
this result, that the great terror which the tribes formerly had of such
weapons has almost disappeared, which is bad indeed.
Wherefore it should be deemed of the greatest importance that that
trade be absolutely prohibited on penalty of heavy fines.
* * * * * *
The determining of the limits being an object of His Highness' s1
attention, to whom in this connection a certain small map, mentioned in
the Commandeur's memorial, had been handed by him, the Committee
was of opinion that His advice thereon should be awaited.

No. 138.

Extract from letter from Adriaan Spoors, Secretary and Acting Com
mandeur in Essequibo, to West India Company, September S, 1750.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 334-335.]

The Commandeur having at his departure given me to understand
that there was information that the Spaniards were beginning to con
struct a new mission close by here, and that it was necessary to pay
attention thereto, I have carefully informed myself about it through the
colonist Fredrik Persik, who in person has gone thither, and has the
greatest intercourse with the Spaniards. He has assured me that the last
mission which is being constructed is in a certain little river called Ima
taca, situated far off in Oriuoco, and which (in my opinion) is certainly
far outside the concern of this colony. And concerning those which are
said to have been constructed np in the river Cuyuni, I am instructed
that they are decidedly nearer to the side of the Spanish than to our ter
ritory. I have, for the reasons aforesaid, thought it my duty to make
report of this to you. The aforesaid Persik has also informed me that
the Fathers up in Orinoco were inclined to open a trade with this colony
in cattle, which they, if able to obtain permission, could transport over
land. ***** *
1Note by Prof. Burr. — The Prince of Orange, the Stadhouder. Unfortunately that prince
died only a few months later, and no communication from him on this subject is to be found.

108

No. 139.

Extract from letter from Adriaan Spoors, Secretary and Acting Com
mandeur in Essequibo, to West India Company, June 10, 1751.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 335-336.]

The colonists, Louis Marcand and Niels Andreas Schutz, being on a
journey to Orinoco to buy tobacco, chiefly on behalf of Mr. Dudonjon,
they both had the misfortune, the former in April and the latter in May,
to be taken by the Spaniards. * * *

No. 140.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, April 10, 1752.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 336-337,]
Middelburg, April 10, 1752.
Sir, etc., etc.: While on the one hand we have always proposed to
ourselves nothing more than in every way as muchas possible to facilitate
and aid the commerce which is carried on, not only from here to the river
and colony of Essequibo, but also there wilh the natives [and] Spaniards,
and especially with those of Orinoco ; we have, however, always tried
besides to see to it, that all this be done not only without any prejudice
to the company's privileges and rights, but also especially with this
always in view, that in the carrying on of that trade no opportunity be
given from which in course of time any disadvantage or harmful conse
quences might result to the colony.
This was the reason why, for instance, in the year 1735, desiring to
take proper precautions against the trading away and selling of "any
materials of war, especially there to the Spaniards, we in the year 1735
instructed the late Commandeur Hermanns Gelskerke that bv proclama
tion published and posted he forbid and prohibit each and everyone
there to ship any arms or material of war whatsoever from the river to
Orinoco or any other places not situate under the jurisdiction of the
States-General, on penalty not only of confiscation of such goods but
also of such further fines as are therein named.
We later, indeed, made some modification in this our aforesaid Reso
lution, and altered it in so far, that by our missive dated October 30
1737, to the late Commandeur Gelskerke aforesaid we gave permission to
connive at the free importation and exportationof material of war- still

109
No. 140.
this was at that time done by us only under all such limitations and
conditions as we had enumerated in our aforesaid missive, and also for
reasons which at that time seemed to us lo render necessary the chang
ing of that former resolution, particularly on the ground that assurance
was given us that gunpowder and other materials of war were brought
from Surinam, Curacao and other places to the Orinoco and to the in
habitants of the adjacent rivers, in as great quantities as the inhabitants
of those places could possibly wish.

No. 141.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, to West India Company, August 4, 1752.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 96.J
******
If your Honours will please refer to the 6th Article of the project
aforesaid, you will find that I there distinctly speak of the trade in arms
with the Indians, and especially with the Carib nation, in which proposal
I earnestly persist, and now more than ever, because the Spaniards have
attacked and driven away the Caribs below Oronoque, and these have all
retreated to our side, and thus their number has considerably increased.
Now they are more than ever incensed against the Spaniards afore
said ; they lately overran two Missions and have murdered everyone
there, and since my return here they pitifully murdered a certain B de
Beaumont, as well as six of the men he had with him when on their re
turn journey with tobacco. The other two, although severely wounded,
were rescued by our colonist, J. Smit, who was returning from Oronoque
with horses, so that the reasons for not supplying these men with tire-
arms grows weightier as time goes on.
******

No. 142.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) io
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, July 23, 1753.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 341.]
******
We agree with yon in believing that the correspondence with the com
mander of Orinoco, and also the commerce and trade with him, can ac
crue only to the advantage of the colony, and we hope that with the

110 No. 142.
arrival there of the Governor-General of Cumana it will be brought to
greater proportions. We therefore once more earnestly recommend to
you the necessary attention to this matter.
* * * * * *

No. 143.

Extract from minutes of Proceedings of the Court of Justice of Esse
quibo, held at Fort Zeelandia, January 7, 1754.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 97.]

Seen the Petition pf the Militia Captains to place a Post on the side
of the Maroca to prevent the desertion of slaves. Councillor E. Pypers-
berg is commissioned with the above-mentioned gentleman to inspect the
proposed site.
This matter to be disposed of after the report.

No. 144.

Extract from Minutes ot Proceedings of the Court of Justice of Esse
quibo, held at Fort Zeelandia, April 1, 1754.
| [Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 98.]
******
Mr. C. Pypersberg, who was commissioned along with the Militia
Captains at the last meeting to view the place in Maroca which was pro
posed for the erection of a Post to prevent the desertion of slaves from
here to the Orinoque, has sent in at this meeting the Report of his Com
mission, stating that a Post could be erected at this place, and that the
place was fairly good, though subject to some inconvenience, but that the
place would not, in his opinion, answer for the proposed object for sev
eral reasons.
This having been maturely considered, and the expenses of the Colony
being high enough, it is resolved to do nothing at present.

Ill

No. 145.

Letter from a Dutchman in Orinoco to the Commandeur in Essequibo,
August 19, 1754.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 343-345.]
First I beg you to pardon me for taking to myself the honor and the
liherty which I count myself to take, of laying before you an affair which
is ominous for the colony and its inhabitants. For I am a stranger
among the Spaniards, but it would grieve me if any disaster should be
fall my countrymen and if I had knowledge thereof and did not warn
them when there is opportunity.
Therefore I cannot let this good opportunity pass to inform you of
something resolved on and to be carried out, which will tend to the harm
of the colony ; for in Cumana there arrived in the past month of April
three ships from Spain with a Commandant-General, who has sway over
all the Governors here in America, and is moreover Viceroy of Santa Fe,
and has brought along three colonels and mortars with their bombs of all
sorts of war and materials,1 and five hundred saddles and bridles to
equip cavalry, and they are drafting folk in all provinces here in
America, to the number of three or four thousand men.
For in Cumana they have bought twenty large boats, here eight
yachts are making, which must be ready in the month of December, for
the boats and the folk are to be expected every day, and the Command
ant-General with the company he has with him, consisting of engineers,
three persons who understand mathematics, three who understand the
course of the heavenly signs, four persons who have knowledge of mines,
are to be expected here in the month of November, in order to make every
thing ready here, and to consider here how they shall go about it ; for I
have information from a good source, from a faithful countryman of
mine who lives in Cumana and is married there. He wrote to me re
cently that they have designs upon the colony of Essequibo ; for they
will attack by water and by land, since they will come with a great force
of folk, and when their plan has so far succeeded, they will march to
Berbice overland to do the same thing — for 1hese>two colonies are greatly
in their way. For all this project and trouble comes from nowhere but
from the priests here in Orinoco, for in the year 1751 they informed the
King, when the Caribs here in Orinoco raided and burned the missions,
they made great complaints to His Majesty about the two colonies, for
they have pretended that Dutchmen are hidden among that nation who
have incited the tribe2 to do this evil, therefore they have asked assist-
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — The sentence should doubtless read : "and all sorts of rnaterials of
war." 3 Note by Prof. Burr. — I, e., the Caribs ; or, perhaps, as of ten, for the plural, " the tribes,"
i. e., the Indians,

112 No. 145.
ance of the King in order to have their missions in freedom. For to be
lieve me better I have in my hands the copies of the letters which they
have sent to Spain and the complaints which they have made therein
about the inhabitants of the two colonies, and likewise that of Surinam,
which has moved the King to assist the priests, and the rumor goes that
the same chief will reside here in Orinoco as Governor -General and has
great authority from the King, both to reconnoitre the land by water and
by land alike as far as the river Amazon, and to open the mines ; there
fore they wish first to assure themselves of the two colonies, in order
that they can be no obstruction to them, for they are minded to in
habit these colonies, for there are coming four hundred families to
be used thereto, but it might happen that they are making their calcula
tions wrong, therefore I cannot neglect to inform you as I have been in
formed, for I hope yon will not take offense at the poor lines which I
send you and trouble you, but the good intention and love which I have
for my nation this compels me not to exceed my duty and to warn in
time and in time take good measures and put in good defense both on
land and outside the river, for in the latter part of January or the begin
ning of February they will set out from here.

No. 146.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, September 2, 1754.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 346-348.]
******
For some weeks a rumor has been current here that a Major-General
with three or four engineers and some troops were expected every day at
Orinoco. Having inquired into this, I was told and also written to from
Orinoco that it was true, and that the object was to measure and closely
examine the mouth of the Orinoco, to see if it were not possible for a
register-ship to come there every year to bring the pay of the garrison,
etc., so that it might never more have to be fetched so far overland. To
me that appeared very apocryphal, because for that a nautical man and
sailors would be more suitable than a Major-General, and I surmised
that there must be something more behind this.
The inclosed letter from Mr. Clarke lays the secret bare, and my sur
mises turn out to be not unfounded.
******
This being so (and I fear it is only too certain), what is to
come of it, or what shall I do? With the small number of soldiers
I cannot repel the least aggression in those quarters. It is even

113
No. 146.
impossible for me (however necessary at this conjuncture) to detach eight
or ten men to garrison and defend as far as possible the post of Moruca,
which will, I fear, see trouble. All that I can do is, with the aid of the
Carib nation, whose flight from Barima I daily expect, to cause all possi
ble hindrance to the undertaking; but then I should want ammunition
and food and have none of either.
I have the honor to assure you that I shall not slumber in this mat
ter, but shall do everything in my power, and meanwhile await your
orders, at the earliest moment, as also the so long sought definition of
frontier, so that I may go to work with certainty. (Is not this regulated
by the Treaty of Munster 1)
There are also Swedish emissaries (as I understand) arrived at
Surinam to examine Barima, so that this old matter begins fo revive
again ; but I am not so much disturbed about this as about the other
matter.

No. 147.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, September 11, 1754.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 349.]
******
The Council having met and Mr. Persik having appeared, he handed
over his letters (under promise of secrecy as to the writer's name). Hav
ing seen from these that according to all human reckoning we are threat
ened with an invasion, we thought of every means of defense possible to
us. We have ordered the Captains to make lists without delay of their
men and ammunition, to warn the Caribs and other Indians at the earliest
opportunity, to make ready as soon as possible ships to serve as outlying
posts, and to send a messenger to Orinoco with a letter from me to the
Commandant there, of which a copy herewith. To-day I also write all
the postholders to use the necessary precautions.
******

No. 148.

Extract from letter from Adriaan Spoors, Secretary in Essequibo, to the
West India Company, October 11, 1754.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 350-351.]
******
On September 10 last we were put in extreme disquietude by certain

114 No. 148. _ .
advices (of which the Council, and especially the Director-General, cir
cumstantially inform you) that it was the intention of the King of
Spain to invade this colony with many boats and numbers of men, and
if possible completely to occupy it and take it in possession. But,
thank God, on the 8th of this month, on the return of the messenger sent
to the Orinoco, I myself was informed through the letters, above all
Tthrough one] to Mr. Salomon Persik (the colonist best known and deal-
ino- most with the Spaniards), that those rumors were absolutely un
founded, as seems to me clear, and more than clear, from a comparison
of the reports. In the meantime these reports have, besides the con
sternation, caused considerable expense to the colony in general and the
Company 'in particular, especially to the latter, since all the messages
and post expenses must be paid for by it ; and, there being on hand not
a grain of powder, except what you sent by the Essequeebsche
Vriendsc/iap, a barque was hired and sent to Barbados for powder.
Moreover, all the slaves, men and women, of all three plantations of the
Company, have these three weeks been gathered here at Fort Zeelandia,
and I do not know when this will end. You can easily see what a delay
and loss this will cause, both to the sugar-grinding and otherwise.

No. 149.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, lo the West India Company, October 12, 1754.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 100-101.]

All the Caribs have also been warned to keep themselves ready and
armed, but I find this warning in no instance was necessary, since I have
learned from one of their Headmen who came to me last week the nation
is furious with the Spaniards because they have located a Mission in
Cayuni between them and the nation of the Panacays, and hereby try to
hinder their communication with that nation, and entirely to prevent
their whole Slave Trade on that side ; already, too, they have impressed
and taken away some.
Wherefor they have made an alliance with the Panacays aforesaid,
who were as malcontent as themselves.
And both together surprised the Mission, massacred the priest and
ten or twelve Spaniards, and have demolished the buildings ; after which
they have sent knotted cords to all persons of their nation (as is their
custom) for a general summons to both together to deliberate on what
further remains for them to do.

115
No. 149.
23d of this month I have received this information from Mr. C.
Boter, who thereupon told me the common rumour was that one of our
colonists had been near by there, and upon further inquiry, having
found that that person had been about the same time up the Cayuni, I
caused him to be apprehended and brought to the fort. Because such a
matter would be of consequence, and would afford the Spaniards real
and well-founded reasons for complaint, I have always taken punctilious
care therefor.
However, this sad accident for the Spaniards has covered us on that
side, so that we have nothing to fear from that direction ; on the con
trary, if luck wil! have it that we are to be attacked, these nations will
make plenty of play on their side for the Spaniards.
* * ¦ * * * *
The negroes of your Honours' plantation Pilgrim, when the Director
told them to keep good watch, so that at the first alarm they might
retire up1 the creek, have replied that in such a case they request the
Director to be good enough to retire with their wives and children, but
that they were not inclined to yield a foot, that they would station
themselves on both sides2 in the forest, and then they would see if any
Spaniards would come through the creek and to the plantation.
******
While busy in writing this there comes to me a trusty Indian bring
ing me a letter from Oronoque with a circumstantial account concerning
the intention of the Spaniards. This informs me that their intention is
to attack this Colony and Beibice ; that the General-in-chief will be in
Oronoque on the 20th September ; that in Cumana twenty, and in
Orenoque eight, vessels were being made, which must be in readiness by
the last of November, the intention being to come down upon us in the
end of December or beginning of January ; that they were busy with
all their energy to recruit and press people, and the corps was to consist
of 3,000 or 4,000 men.
As the matter becomes more serious as time goes on, we have to-day
resolved to send a vessel to Barbadoes on the 30th September, and to or
der thence a lot of ammunition and cartridge cases,becauseitis impossible
without these to make proper resistance.

1 Note by Prof. Burr. — For this word up the Blue Book has above .
" Note by Prof. Burr. — For the words both sides the Blue Book has ihe other side.

116

No. 150.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director- General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, October 27, 1754.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 102.]

Since the departure of Captain Tikrey, who, on the 16th October,
took his course for the sea outside the Demerara, I have learned no
particular news from Oronoque except alone that three barques and nine
large canoes have arrived there, and have sailed up to the fort, and that
the Surinam wanderers and most of the Carib Indians have retired from
Barima, and have departed to the Wayne.
We shall still be in uneasiness here for the period of about three
months. Before the end of January they must discover everything, be
cause, by the middle of February, the time for navigating up the
Oronoque River will have expired.

No. 151.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, November 26, 1754.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 102.]

The spies sent by me, both to the Oronoque and to the Cayuni, have
not yet come back, but the Indians above in Cayuni have still this week
caused me to be assured that they will well guard the passage, and that
I had nothing to fear from that side.

No. 152.
Extracts from minutes of the Court of Policy in Essequibo, 1754-1755.
[January 7, 1754.]
* * * * * *
Having seen the petitions of the captains of the militia for the estab
lishment of a post on this side of Moroco, for the purpose of preventing
the desertion of slaves, the counsellor, E. Pypersberg, is commissioned to

117
No. 152.
make a personal visit, together with the aforementioned gentlemen, to
the proposed spot, and further arrangements will be made after having
received their report.
* * * * * *
[October 6 and 7, 1756.]
* * * * * *
The respective officers of the militia, having presented a petition with
a certain plan by means of which they believe that by moving the trading
post of the Company at Moroco, the slaves deserting from this river
might be prevented from passing so easily to the Orinoco, and since the
Colony will bear the expenses of the same, it has been resolved to discuss
with the captains of the, militia the means by which they believe that the
necessary slaves may be procured from the Colony for this purpose, the
Company meanwhile to defray the expenses of the "post-holder" and
contributing, as far as may be convenient and to the purpose, to the
building of the houses.

No. 153.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, January 6,
1755.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 357-358.]
******
We would we were able to give you an exact and precise definition of
the proper limits of the river of Essequibo, such as you have several times
asked of us ; but we greatly doubt whether any precise and accurate
definition can anywhere be found, save and except the general limits of
the Company's territories stated in the preambles of the respective
charters granted to the West India Company at various times by the
States General, and except the description thereof which is found in the
respective memorials drawn up and printed when the well-known differ
ences arose concerning the exclusive navigation of the inhabitants of Zee-
land to those parts, wherein it is defined as follows : " That region lying
between those two well-known great rivers, namely, on the one side, that
far-stretching and wide-spreading river, the Amazon, and, on the other
side, the great and mightily-flowing river the Orinoco, occupying an
intermediate space of ten degrees of north latitude from the Equator,
together with the islands adjacent thereto." 1 For neither in the Treaty of
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This quotation is from the memorial of the Zeeland Chamber in 1751
in support of the Zeeland monopoly of the Essequibo trade. The passage occurs in a descrip
tion, not of the Dutch colonies, but of all Guiana. Tlie document is printed in full in the Neder
landsche Jaerboeken for 1751 (pp. 1079-1 135).

118 No. 153.
Munster (mentioned because you suggested this to ns), nor in any other,
is there to our knowledge anything to be found about this ; the only thing
we have discovered up to this time by our search, is a definite boundary-
line made in the West Indies between New Netherland and New England
in the year 1650, but nothing more or further.
For which aforesaid reasons, it is therefore our opinion that one ought
to proceed with all circumspection in defining the Company's territory
and in disputing about its jurisdiction, in case this may have led to the
aforesaid preparations of the Spaniards, and that it would be best in all
befitting and amicable ways to guard against all estrangements and the
hostile acts arising therefrom.

NO. 154.

Extract from letter from Christiaan Finett and Adolph von Roosen in
Demerara to Frederick, Kins of Prussia, May 22, 1755.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 147.]
We beg most humbly to submit that we, the undersigned, did in the
year 1754 go" to the Rivers Wijne and Barima which lie at a latitude of
eight degrees north, and did inspect the same, and found there an im
mense tract of good and fertile land which could be used for sugar,
coffee, cocoa, rice and other plantations ; which rivers have on the east
the Hollanders to the River Essequibo, and on the west the river of
Orinocque belonging to the Spanish crown. The River Barima is quite
capable of being navigated by the largest vessels without danger ; we
therefore beg for the favour (since we, the undersigned, have ascertained
that the said river belongs to Your Majesty) of being granted Your
Majesty's commission, and if it pleased Your Majesty to order one of us
two to come over, we are ready to obey such royal order immediately
and to bring the map of that river with us.

No. 155.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, May 31, 1755.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 364-365.]
******
All this notwithstanding, they [the Spaniards] will try to creep in

119
No. 155.
softly, and, as far as possible, to approach ns and hem us in. And it is
certain that they now have taken complete possession of the creek Ora
wary,! emptying into the Cuyuni, which indisputably is your territory.
The Post located by order of the Council above in Cuyuni is situated not
more than ten or twelve hours from the Spanish dwellings.
******

No. 156.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, September 9, 1755.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 105.]
******
After the despatch of my last, the Postholder of Marocco has
come, and has brought me a letter from a missionary Father written to
him from Oronoque, wherein he has requested him to deliver up and
send to him some Indians of the Chiama nation, by us called Shiama-
cotte, and who have already (over ten years) been dwelling under the
Post, adding that, in case of reluctance, he would come with sufficient
force to fetch them, and take them away in chains. The letter has ap
peared to me a very surprising one.
******

No. 157.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, to West India Company, June 27, 1757.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 108.]
******
In the matter of J. Knott's request my feelings were quite different
from theirs (the Court of Policy), and since I was outvoted in this affair,
I consider it my bounden duty to respectfully lay before your Lordships
my views and the grounds upon which they are based. Your Lordships
.are pleased to say that the question of opening or not opening the River
Pouwaron is bound up with the consideration of J. Knott's request. In
reply to this, I beg to observe with all due deference that this does not
appear to be so. Because it is a certainty and as clear as the light of
Heaven that the opening of the Pouwaron would be most injurious to
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — Thus, and not " Iruwary " (as in the Blue Book), the name is
clearly written, both in the Hague transcript and in the autograph original at London.

120
No. 157.
this river and to the Demerary. It is a matter— and I say so with all re
spect—that ought not to be thought of until Essequibo and Demerara are
so thickly populated that not a foot of unappropriated land is to be
found.
[Reprinted from U.S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 373.]
* * * 1 1 regard] the river of Pomeroon as a district bringing no
earthly profit to the Company ; and I am, moreover, convinced that, if
once we should be so fortunate as to have this river [Essequibo] and
Demerara completely settled (which cannot be expected inside of fifty
years, for a considerable number, possibly even more than 300 plantations,
can still be laid ouL if some pains be taken), no one would then be kept
from settling in Pomeroon by the fact that there is no bourewey wood
left there.
No. 158.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, to West India Company, March 18, 1761.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 116.]

I am frequently coerced into taking a course which I really believe
to be disadvantageous, and into which I am forced because I do not want
to have seven-eighths of the Colony against me.
This is the case with the order I gave last year to allow no more Span
iards to come up the river, for this measure really appears to me to be
injurious to our interests.
I have always imagined that it was best for our inhabitants to send
few or no boats to Orinoco, and so compel the Spaniards to come here
with their merchandise ; in this way our people would not be exposed to
the least danger, and the arrangement began to work very well. But the
jealousy of those who had been accustomed to have that trade in their
own hands caused many remarks to be made concerning the permission
given the Spaniards, and brought me many remonstrances. Seeing that
I took no notice of all this, and merely answered that the trade was
free, and that it was only right that all the colonists should be able to
profit by it, they brought things to such a pass that, just before the arri
val of R. Robberts, a Petition was laid before the Court in the name of
the colonists, asking, amongst other things, that the permission should
be withdrawn from the Spaniards, and that they should be forbidden to
come here.
Finally, on the receipt of a despatch from Mr. Spoors in Demerary,
which I have the honour to inclose, I was obliged to bring myself to

121
No. 158.
issue the desired orders, which still hold good. From that despatch
your Lordships will see how Mr. Spoors is also deceived. The report of
the negro (who was no doubt put up to this) contains a most evident
falsehood. The Spaniards whom he accuses, and who had come here
with a large quantity of tobacco, could not have got so far on their
return journey, and it has also been ascertained that they were in reality
still at the Honourable Company's Post at Maroco when the event occur
red ; and I am also informed on very good authority that the canoes were
taken by an armed boat, commanded by Captain D. Flores, who was
sent out expressly to catch the Surinama traders1 in Barima, and who
captured everything that came in his way.
Trade is now at an absolute standstill, because everything in Orinoco
being in disorder, the Commandant having been summoned to Cumana
to answer several charges brought against him, no boats dare to go to
that place, and none being allowed to come here, the people who have
always devoted themselves to this trade are left with their stocks in a
state of great embarrassment.

No. 159.

Extracts from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, to West India Company, July 7, 1756.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 368-370.]

As peace has not yet been made with the Accoways of Mazaruni and
Essequibo, I am obliged to leave the garrison at the old fort, and cannot
yet imagine how this matter will turn out. It is, however, of the
extremest importance to this colony. I send you herewith a copy of the
report of the bylier of the post Arinda up in Essequibo, who recently
came down.
This report, if one could firmly rely on it, gives much reason for
anxiety. Please remember that, on the small map which I handed to
his late Illustrious Highness [the Stadhouder] and to you, there are
marked two or three places where, according to the report of a Jesuit
Father, the Spaniards were establishing themselves, wherewith this re
port very well agrees.2 If this be true, we should be shut in by them in
the same manner as the English in North America by the French forts of
the Ohio, which would be of the very worst consequences to this colony,
and must by all means be stopped, directly or indirectly.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— Por this word traders the Blue Book has pirates.
'Note by Prof. Burr.— See atlas of the TJ. S. Commission, map 61 .

122No. 159.
The colonist D. Couvreur, who has just now come from up in Mazar
uni where he lives, has given me information which confirms the report
of the bylier in Essequibo, saying that various Indians from above have
retreated to his place ; that between two and three days' journey above
his plantation, which is equal to about 12 or at most 15 hours of travel,
there live some whites who have there a great house and more than two
hundred Indians with them, whom they make believe a lot of things and
are able to keep under absolute command. He has proposed to me that,
in the month of August, when the water at the falls is somewhat lower,
he shall go himself with some other colonists and Creoles of the Company
and kidnap those whites and bring them here. This was very acceptable
to me, as I know him to be a man capable of a daring deed ; wherefore I
have accepted this and shall in the next session of the Court submit this
matter for consideration.
******
[Inclosure in above. — J. Steyner, Bylier at Arinda post, io Gravesande, May 28, 1756.]
Your Excellency, you still remember the rumors of those three
Christians who are above in the savanna, now they have made themselves
masters ofthe entire savanna : Your Excellency, I do not know what will
come of this, they make themselves masters of all rivers, Your Excellency,
I believe that they are Spanish folk, that they make themselves masters
of all places, they come by way of Cuyuni. You must know that they
have three fast places, one in Wenamu, a branch of Cuyuni, the second
up in Mazaruni in Queribura, the third up in Siparuni at Mawakken,
those places are all of them gruesomely strong. On May 3, they came
to the Caribs' and began to clear gardens ; on May 17, they went with 10
corials to Demerara to dwell. Your Excellency, much though I ask
them whence they come, they give me this answer, that they have arisen
from the dead, and they say that as many more will come.

No. 160.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, February 15, 1757.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 372-373.]
* * * * * *
Among the Accoways it remains quiet ; we hear nothing more of them,
but their chiefs have not yet come to me, so that we must still be on our
guard. The complaints having often been reiterated by the Commandant of
Orinoco concerning the evil conduct of the traders, or rovers, in Barima,
both those from Surinam and those from here, I have written circum-

123
No. 160.
stantially about it to the ad interim Governor there,1 Mr. J. Nepvue,
whose reply I daily await.

No. 161.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, March 6, 175S.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 109.]

Ignatius Courthial, having undertaken another voyage to the Spanish
coast, in which he was very successful, was watched for by the Spaniards
as he came down the Orinoco, and deprived of all he had. He and his
crew (with the exception of two, who are prisoners) managed to escape
overland, and have now arrived here. The man is almost entirely ruined.
****** [Reprinted from IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 375.]
******
The six mules which for want of space in the canoe of Aegtekerke
were left behind in Orinoco have been brought here by Mr. Persik's
boat ; but the Commandant there instead of 6 sent 8 head, because there
was room for them, giving for reason that no more can be got for a long
while, because one of H. M.'s ships is daily expected from Spain, which
will stay at anchor in the mouth of the Orinoco. Thus the trade is
stopped and even the salters will have to keep away from there until
things take a different look.

No. 162.

Letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, to
Felix Ferreras, Commandant in Guayana, Protesting against the
outrages committed by the Secret Expedition on the Dutch Post on
the River Cuyuni, September 30, 1758.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 98-99.]
It is with the greatest surprise that I learned from some Indians a few
days ago that our post in the River Cuyuni had been attacked by Span
iards, the chief of the said post, his second in command, a Creole slave
of the Company, and a creole woman with her children taken prisoners,
and the house burned down, &c.

JNote by Prof. Burr.—/, e., in Surinam.

124 No. 162.
This news, which I find it difficult to credit, appeared to me incredi
ble, and a thing impossible. It is on that account -that I did not wish to
take the least step without first sending proper persons to make an ocular
inspection. These persons, on their return, confirm to me not only the truth of
the fact, but from another report I learn that the foregoing mentioned
are actually prisoners of war in Guayana.
What, sir, am I to infer from an offence so directly opposed to the law
of nations, and to the Treaties of Peace and Alliance subsisting so hap
pily and for such a length of time between His Catholic Majesty and
their High Mightinesses the States- General of the United Provinces ?
How is it possible that one dare act in a manner so violent without
any antecedent cause for such proceeding .
I am thoroughly convinced that His Catholic Majesty, far from ap
proving an offence of this nature, will not be remiss in rendering the
fullest justice to my Sovereigns, and inflicting an exemplary punishment
upon those who thus dare to abuse their authority.
That great King has given such signal proofs of his affection and
friendship for our Republic that, as far as that is concerned, I should be
content to transmit a Report to my Sovereigns of the affair, leaving it
to their prudence to obtain the satisfaction which the case demands ; but
the post I have the honor to hold obliges me to make the first advance,
and, in their name, to address myself to you, sir, for the purpose of
demanding, not only the enlargement of the prisoners, but a proper sat
isfaction for an outrage so opposed to Treaties and the law of nations.
So long as I have had the honour of being at the head of this Colony, I
have always tried to cultivate the friendship of the Spanish nation, our
nearest neighbours. I have always employed every means in my power
to prevent the savage Caribs of doing the least injury, and if those who
have been employed in this irresponsible action have taken care to seize
the papers that were at the post, you will see that one of the principal
articles of the instructions contains an express order not to give the least
cause of complaint to our neighbours the Spaniards.
It would be by no means difficult to me to make reprisals, having the
necessary resources at hand to do so, but I find no reason to make use of
them, considering tbat contrary to the character of a Christian, and
which it is not permitted to employ only in extreme cases, and when all
other means are found unavailable.
By a vessel leaving here this week for Europe I have made a full re
port of this outrage to my masters. I have not the least doubt of the
great surprise it will cause them by quickly presenting a complaint con
cerning the same at the Court of His Catholic Majesty.
Now, sir, I demand, in the name of their High Mightinesses my Sov
ereigns and Directors of the Company my masters, the enlargement and

125
No. 162.
immediate return of the prisoners, together with an indemnity for the
losses and damages suffered.
Protesting in the most formal manner, in case of refusal, of holding
you responsible for whatever may naturally result from an affair of such
gravity, that there never has been occasion of reproaching me, having
always been disposed to cultivate the friendship and good correspondence
of our neighbours, and I shall persist in the same feelings so long as I
shall not be forced to act contrary thereto.
Awaiting with impatience your reply to this, I have, &c.

No. 163.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, September 9, 175S.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 109-110.]
******
Having had the honour of writing to your Lordships but a short time
ago respecting the state of affairs in Essequibo, I should have very little
to say in this letter were I not obliged to inform your Lordships at the
earliest opportunity of an occurrence that caused me not only great sur
prise but also great embarrassment. Nearly all the Caraiban Indians
living on the River Cuyuni came down the stream last week, and in
formed the Creoles1 of your Lordships' living just below the great fall of
that river that the Spaniards of Orinoco, according to their computation
about 100 strong, had come down the stream, and made a successful raid
upon your Lordships' Post ; that they had carried off as prisoners the
Post-holder and his assistant, and a creole belonging to your Lordships,
together with his wife and children ; that they had laid waste the Post
and all round it, and had threatened to come down stream again and
serve the whole Colony in the same way.
I immediately sent two trusty Creoles up the river with Manna, the
old negro who buys our turtles for us, and told them to find out all that
they possibly could. They cannot get back before the departure of the
ship which is to take this letter, but I will not fail to inform your Lord
ships of the result of their mission as soon as they return.
The deed I have described appears to me to be not only a violation of
international law, but also entirely contrary to the usual mode of pro
cedure followed by nations who are at peace with each other. Had Don
D'lturiaga, who has recently been appointed Viceroy of this portion of
America, and who resides in Orinoco, been of opinion that the Post of
'Note by Prof. Burr. — For this word Creoles the Blue Book has agents.

126 No. 163.
your Lordships' Company was on Spanish ground, which is utterly and
indisputably untrue, it would have been his duty to draw my attention
to the matter in a friendly manner, to demand the removal of the Post,
and in case of refusal to abstain from any act of violence until he had
first reported the case to his Sovereign.
They have had their eye on the river for some time, and I have
always had to be on my guard for it.1 All these attempts of theirs fur
nish convincing proof that the stream must be of much greater importance
than we are aware of. It is my opinion that this river is of the greatest
importance to your Lordships, much more so than any one of the others,
and also that it is perfectly certain and indisputable that they have not
the slightest claim to it. If your Lordships will be pleased to look at
the map of this country, drawn by Mr. D'Anville with the utmost care,
your Lordships will clearly see that this is so, and that even our bound
aries are portrayed on it, whereof it appears, he was informed on good
authority.2 As soon as my people have returned, and I am in receipt of reliable
information, I will send someone to Orinoco to ask for the reason of this
behaviour and to demand satisfaction. It would not be very difficult for
me, by making use of the Caraibes, to pa y them back in their own coin
and drive them from their present position. But since the Indians are
unwilling to go without having some white men at their head, and since
the arms and supplies of such an expedition would cost a great deal, I
shall not think of it without having received express authority. I trust
that this may not be necessary, and that everything will be satisfactorily
settled without proceeding to such extremities. My only fear is that this
man will devise some fresh attack before orders come from Europe, in
which case we shall have to return blow for blow.

No. 164.

Instructions of Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to the Cuyuni Postholder, November 29, 1757.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 248.]
Translation which I, Constable Juan Andres de la Rivera, made, in
virtue of the office of interpreter and translator, conferred on me by
the Senor Commaudante ad interim of this place, of a document con
note by Prof. Burr.— For these words be on my guard for it the Blue Rook reads defend it
most vigorously.
a Note by Prof. Burr.— For the words here italicized the Blue Book has the following sen
tence : Oar boundaries, too, are defined in a way which proves thai tlie compiler was very well-
informed.

127
No. 164.
taining instructions for the Post or guard in the River Cuyuni, under
the jurisdiction of the States-General, written in the Dutch language,
which was delivered to me by the afore-mentioned Notary. The con
tents of this paper, literally translated, are as follows : —
Article 1. That the Chief of the said Post or guard, by our express
and positive orders, will treat the neighbouring Indians with the greatest
consideration and friendship, without distinction or favour of any kind,
and be careful not to injure them in any way ; and if, perchance, the said
Indians should request his help against any of the savage nations, he is
bound to assist them with the guard as far as possible.
Art. 2. That the Chief of the said Post will be very careful not to
cause any injury to be done to the Spaniards, who are our good neigh
bours, and in all he will maintain good friendship and correspondence
with them. But at the same time, he will be most careful not to permit
the said Spaniards to pass to the River Cuyuni, if by any chance they
are desirous of so doing, or in any part. of the territory of our Colony ;
and in case they attempt to molest the official of the said Post or guard,
he will immediately dispatch a man to the Governor's Castle to advise
him promptly of the same.
Art. 3. That the Chief of the said Post or guard will on no account
allow any one to carry on trade except in the river or in his district, or
unless the party be provided with a proper passport, when he will grant
the necessary permit to do so. But should any Indians p iss, corni ng to
the post from the Essequibo, down the river, or going in the opposite
direction, bringing with them Chinese slaves, or any other merchandize,
for the purpose of making purchases, and that the Chinese slaves or
merchandize be intended for the inhabitants of the River Essequibo, we
then command absolutely by this our order that the above-mentioned
tribes be permitted to pass freely without let or hindrance in any way.
Art. 4. That the Chief of the post will take the greatest care in appre
hending all fugitive slaves from the Colony, whoever they may be ; that,,
if necessary, he will pursue the same until he apprehends them, and
when caught he will deliver them to their respective owners, in con
formity with the orders of the States-General ; and that for every slave
so captured he will receive a gratification of 10 fl. for the trouble thereby
imposed upon him.
Art. 5. That, in case any slaves belonging to the residents of the
said River Essequibo should attempt to escape, and should be pursued
by their owners— who, owing to the necessity of the case had no time to
provide themselves with necessary passports— he will permit them to
pass the said post ; and we likewise command him expressly that when
ever he be informed of a case of this nature by any inhabi tant of this
Colony, he will lend them every assistance in his power in order to re
take them, always provided they be slaves.

128
No. 164.
Art. 6. That the Chief of the said post is granted liberty to trade by
the noble Company on his own account, on condition that whatever fruits
or produce or other articles he may so acquire, the Company shall have
the refusal of the goods at the same price as others, in good merchandize
and for good prices.
Art. 7. That the Chief of the post is obliged to collect all outstanding
debts remaining due to his predecessor, the former Chief of that post,
for which duty 10 tl. will be paid for every fugitive slave, and 1 fl. for
every hammock, the Governor being informed of all the sales and pur
chases. ,
Art. 8. That in like manner the official of the post is bound to make
a report twice a-year of all matters of interest relating to his district, and,
as a good and loyal officer, he should always reside at his post.
(Signed) LAURENS STORM DE GRAVESANDE.
River Essequibo, November 29, 1757.

No. 165.

Extracts from letter from L. L,. Van Bercheyck, military Commandant
in Essequibo, to the Spanish Commandant in Orinoco, December 8,
1758.
[Reprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 377-378.]
Sir : I received safely the letter which was written to me by Mr. Don
Nicolas de Castro, whose person or quality I do not have the honor to
know, in answer to the letter which our Governor had written to you on
the subject of the outrage committed in our river of Cuyuni. I have
communicated that letter to His Excellency, who was extremely surprised
to see that you did not even deign to give him an answer.
Having read the contents of the aforesaid letter, and seeing the friv
olous pretexts which are alleged in order to justify a proceeding so
directly contrary to the law of nations (for, sir, even if the allegations
were true, which we in noway admit, usage among neighboring, friendly,
and even allied, nations demands previous complaints before having re
course to violence), His Excellency has ordered me to write to you.
That in the name of the States General his Sovereigns he persists, and
now for the second time demands the freeing of the prisoners and a suit
able satisfaction for this violation and insult done to the territory of his
Sovereigns, and that, since it seems to him, according to the letter in
question, that you in Guayana and at Cumana are ignorant of the bound
aries of the territory of His Catholic Majesty and those of the States
General according to the treaties at present subsisting, he has ordered
me to send you the enclosed map on which you will be able to see them
very distinctly. ******

129
No. 165.
The letter which I have received shall be sent next week to Europe,
and His Excellency has no doubt but the States General will be able to
obtain from His Catholic Majesty, of [whose] great justice and royal
equity we are convinced, a full and ample satisfaction.

No. 166.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, January 8*4, 1759.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 379-]
Sins : The Governor of Berbice having acquainted me that a clipper
there is to depart for Europe in the beginning of next month, I profit by
the opportunity to inform you that my envoys to Orinoco have returned
from thence with a very unsatisfactory reply of the Governor of Cumana
to my letter to the Commandant of Orinoco, wherein he maintains among
other things that the river of Cuyuni is Spanish territory, and refuses to
give back the imprisoned postholder, by-lier, and Creoles.
***** *
Inclosing this letter, I take the liberty earnestly to recommend to
your attention the occurrence in Cuyuni, as being of the greatest im
portance to this colony, that river constituting one of the three arms of
this river, wherein your indigo and coffee plantations and a great part of
Duynenburg used to lie. If the Spaniards hold possession of it, we have
them in the heart of the colony, and no one is for one hour sure of his
possessions, the mouth of the said river being only a cannonshot from
the old fort Kykoveral.
Wherewith,
L. Storm van's Gravesande.
Rio Essequibo, January %, 1759.

No. 167.

Letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director General in Essequibo,
to the West India Company, (no date.)
[Reprinted (with correction) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 110.]
The fact of Captain G. E. Boef having changed his mind and put into
Rio Demerary for another fortnight, in order to avoid all cause for com
plaint, affords me the opportunity of writing your Lordships the present
letter, my last being already on the way to Essequibo, and of informing

130
No. 167.
my Lords that the men I sent to the Upper Cuyuni to inquire into
the reports of the Indians have returned. The said reports turn out
to be only too true, the Post-house being burnt down to the ground,
the Post-holder and his assistant, together with the creole Ariaen, and
his wife and children, carried off to Guiana as prisoners, and all that
the Post contained taken away.
There not being the slightest difficulty or doubt concerning the
ownership of this branch1 of Essequibo, most undoubtedly belonging,
as it does, to the West India Company, this unexpected and unheard-
of act is a violation of all existing Treaties— a violation even of the
universal law of nations, and as a matter of the greatest importance it
demands your Lordships' attention and vigilance.
Yesterday I sent Mr. Spoors a letter addressed by me to the Com
mandant of Guiana, to be communicated to the Council, and then to be
sent per express to Orinoco. In this I spoke of the raid in the most
serious terms and demanded full satisfaction and compensation. As
there will be no meeting of the Council until a day after the departure
ofthe "Peter and David," I cannot have the honour of sending your
Lordships a copy of the above-mentioned letter, not knowing whether
the Council might not consider some alterations or additions necessary.
I shall not fail to send your Lordships a copy of the letter at the earliest
opportunity, together with whatever answer I may receive. I have ex
plained to them amongst other things how easy it would be for me to
exercise the right of reprisal, but have added that I have not the slight
est intention of doing so unless I receive express orders lo that effect, or
my hand is forced by extreme measures on the other side, being con
vinced that their High Mightinesses would be able to obtain full satis
faction from His Catholic Majesty.

No. 168.

Extract from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, May 39, 1759.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission , Report, Vol. 2, p. 380.]

The letter from the Commandant here to the Commandant in Orinoco,
of which I had the honor to speak in my letter via Berbice, has been sent
back unopened, there being joined to it two letters, the contents of
which are as yet unknown to me, as I do not know the Spanish language
and await the arrival here of Mr. Persik to have them translated.
******
1Note by Prof. Burr. — In place of this word branch the Blue Book has portion.

131

No. 169.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, May 31,1759.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 380-381.]

We have not as yet received the originals of your letters per the
Pieter en David, but our correspondent at Cork has furnished us a faith
ful copy of two letters written by you, the first in Rio Demerara, Sep
tember 9, 1758, and the second without mention of place or date. We
defer answering these until we shall have received the originals, or at
least until the sailing of Essequebo1 s Welvaren; but we cannot help re
marking, as to the surprisal of the post of Cuyuni by the Spaniards,
that not only does it exceedingly astonish us, but also seems to us of
the gravest consequence for the Colony. For that reason we shall not
fail, as soon as we shall have received fuller information from you, to
make upon that subject the necessary representations to the States-
General. Meanwhile we should Hke on this occasion to be exactly in
formed where the aforesaid post on the river of Cuyuni was situated ; for
in the latest map made by you of the colony we have found, indeed, that
river, but have not yet succeeded in finding the post itself. Further
more, what grounds you might be able to give us to support further our
right lo the possession of the aforesaid post — perhaps a declaration by
the oldest inhabitants of the colony could in this connection be handed
in, which might be of service. We should also like to have a more
specific description of the map of America by Mr. D'Anville, to which
you appeal ; for that gentleman has issued many maps dealing with
that continent, and in none of these which have come to our notice have
we been able to discover any traces [of what you mention].

No. 170.

Extracts from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland
Chamber), July, 1759.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 381-383.]
[July 2, 1759.]
* * * * * *
Read a letter from the Presidial Chamber of Amsterdam, written
there the 26th of last June and addressed to this Chamber, containing,
in answer to this Chamber's letter of the 18th of the same month, that

132 No. 170.
they were of opinion that it was not for them to present to the States
General a remonstrance regarding the attack of the Spaniards upon the
Company's post in Rio Cuyuni, because neither they nor any other
Chamber had concerned themselves about the river Essequibo since the
well-known differences in regard to the said colony had arisen between
them and the Chief Shareholders of this Chamber. For this reason they
returned the documents which had been sent them, together with a trans
lation of the Spanish appendix, that we might make such use of them as
we should see tit.
Whereupon, after discussion and taking the sense of the meeting, it
was resolved to file for reference the aforesaid letter with its appendices,
and, this notwithstanding, to request the Committee on Commerce that
they consider more fully the documents bearing upon the said attack ;
and that they instruct the Advocate to formulate their views in a remon
strance to the States General, and submit it for approval to this
Chamber. * * * * * *
[July 23, 1759.]
* * * * * *
Mr. de Chuy, in the name of the Committee on Commerce, reported
that in fulfillment of the instructions of the 2d of this month they had
examined the letters of Director- General's Gravesande, and the appen
dices concerning the attack of the Spaniards upon the Company's post
in Rio Cuyuni, and that the Advocate had formulated their views in a
remonstrance to the States General, which they submitted for approval
to this Chamber. Whereupon, the remonstrance aforesaid having been
read and the question put, it was, after discussion, resolved to approve
said remonstrance as it stands, and, moreover, the Committee on Com
merce were thanked for the pains they had laken, and Mr. de Chuy for
the report he had made.

No. 171.

Extract from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, July 20, 1759.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. ill.]
******
The despatches received from Orinoco having been translated by Mr.
Persik, I found one to be from the Commandant Don Juan Yaldez. in
which he informs me thai, being forbidden to enter into any correspond-

133
No. 171.
ence concerning the matter of Cajoeny, he is obliged to send back my
letter unopened ; he adds that he has brought the matter to the notice of
the King of Spain, and that he has no doubt that I, too, have informed
their High Mightinesses of the same, and that, therefore, the case would
have to be decided not by ourselves but by our respective Sovereigns.
This matter is of very great importance to the Colony, because if the
Spaniards remain in possession of Cajoeny, which is one of the arms of
this river, and in which there were1 coffee and indigo plantations belong
ing to your Lordships, as well as the estates of Old Duynenburg (now
allotted to private holders), there will be no safety at all in this Colony.
A way for all evil-doers, deserters, and bankrupts will be quite open and
free, and the Colony will be ruined immediately there is the least misun
derstanding with Spain. Your Lordships will therefore see that this
matter is fully deserving of your attention. The Spaniards continue to
stay where they are, and to entrap and drive away all the Caraibans liv
ing there. The latter, on their part, are not taking matters quietly, but
are beginning to make a vigorous resistance, and to do much mischief in
Orinoco itself. Two well-armed boats have been kept cruising up and
down the river, whereby the Spanish trade is at present wholly
blocked. a
The second despatch is written by order of the Government, and
signed by the Commandant and the Contadoor. I am informed in this
that the measure providing for the apprehension and restitution to the
owners (on payment of costs) of all fugitive negroes from this Colony and
Berbices has been approved.

No. 172.

From the Proceedings of the States-General, July 31, 1759.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 383-386.]
Read to the [States-General in] session the Remonstrance of the
Directors of the West India Company in the Chamber of Zeeland, acting
on account of the Company in general as having the special direction and
care of the Colony of the river Essequibo and the rivers pertaining thereto,
setting forth that they, in the aforesaid capacity, have been from time
immemorial in undisturbed possession, not alone of the aforesaid river
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — For this word were the Blue Book has are.
* Note by Prof. Burr. — Por the words here italicized the Blue Book has and tlie Spanish
commerce has suffered a good deal. Gravesande here means, of course, the illicit Essequibo- Orinoco
trade.

134No. 172.
Essequibo, but also of all the branches and tributaries which flow into
it, and especially of the northernmost arm of that river, named Cuyuni.
That they, the Remonstrants, in virtue of that possession, have
always considered the said river of Cuyuni as a domain of this State, and
have, in consequence, built on its banks a so-called post, being a wooden
habitation, which they have guarded, like several others in the Colony,
by a postholder, an outrunner, with some slaves.
That, accordingly, it is only with the most extreme astonishment that
the Remonstrants have learned from the Director-General of the said
Colony, Laurens Storm van's Gravesande, that a troop of Spaniards,
reckoned at full a hundred men, had come from Orinoco toward the end
of August of the last year, 1758, had attacked, overcome, and burned the
said post, and, further, had carried off to Guayana as prisoners the post-
holder and the by-lier, as well as a creole man and woman with their
children. That the said Director-General, Storm van's Gravesande, suspecting
nothing else than the said outrage was committed by a wanton troop of
people, without the knowledge or orders of the Spanish Government,
addressed a letter, in the first instance, dated the last day of September,
1758. to Don Juan Valdez, Commandant of Guayana, requesting in lan
guage which, though earnest, was nevertheless considerate, reparation
for the said outrage, as may be seen from the copy of the Director's let
ter which forms Inclosure No. 1 to the above-mentioned Remonstrance.
But that he, the aforesaid Commandant of Guayana, instead of satis
fying this altogether just demand, had on the contrary simply ordered to
be written by one Nicolas de Castro at Cumana an in every respect
haughty and unsatisfactory dispatch, addressed curtly to the Dutch
Commandant in Essequibo, as is shown by the copy of this letter which
forms Inclosure No. 2 to the Remonstrance aforesaid.
The Remonstrants therefore pray, for the reasons alleged, that their
High Mightinesses may be pleased to cause such representations to be
made to the Court of His Catholic Majesty, that reparation may be made
for the said hostilities, and that the Remonstrants may be reinstated in
the quiet possession of the said post on the river of Cuyuni, and also that
through their High Mightinesses and the Court of Madrid a proper de
limitation between the Colony of Essequibo and the river Orinoco may
be laid down by authority, so as to prevent any future dispute.
Whereupon, the above question being deliberated upon, and the
Lords Deputies of the Province of Holland and West Friesland having
taken copies of the aforesaid dispatches and addenda in order to become
more conversant thereof, it is, without prejudice thereto, resolved as fol
lows :
" That a copy of the said letter and the documents annexed shall be
sent to Mr. van Wassenaar, Ambassador of their High Mightinesses to

135
No. 172.
the Court of Spain, and that he shall at the same time be instructed to
make this incident known in such quarters as he shall judge useful, to
represent the injustice of the aforesaid conduct of the Governor of Guay
ana on this occasion, and to insist on prompt reparation for these said
hostilities and on the reinstatement of the said Directors in the undis
turbed possession of the aforesaid post, as well as to demand that the
necessary measures be taken to obviate such causes of complaint in the
future." Extract of this their High Mightinesses' Resolution to be transmitted
to Senor de la Quadra, His Catholic Majesty's Charge d'Affaires, with a
request that he will be so good as to second to the best of his ability the
representations of their High Mightinesses at his Court.

No. 173.
Letter from J. I_. H. de Wassenaar, Ambassador of the States-General at
Madrid, to the Spanish Secretary of State, (with Inclosure), August
26, 1759.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 103-103.]
Before the undersigned Ambassador can set before your Excellency
the acts which form the subject of the present communication, and with
respect to which he is directed by his masters to demand due satisfaction
of this Crown, he must first call your Excellency's attention to the fact
that his masters have been from time immemorial in undisturbed
possession of the River Essequibo, and all the little rivers which flow into
it, and especially of the right arm of the said river, which flows north
wards, and is called the Cuyuni ; that, in virtue of the said possession,
his masters have for a very long time considered the whole of the said
river as a domain belonging to them, and have consequently caused to be
constructed, as they have in many other places in the Colony, a wooden
station, lo serve as an outpost, as to which the Spanish Governors have
never raised any objection, or made the least complaint, understanding
that such outposts are absolutely necessary to us for the maintenance of
the peace of the Colony against the raids of the savages, and are con
structed with no, other object.
After this your Excellency will learn with surprise that a troop of
Spaniards, numbering about 100 men, came down from the Orinoco
towards the end of August, 1758, attacked the said station, and at once
took and burned it, and carried off with them to Guiana the master of the
said post, his second in command, and a creole man and woman with
their children.
Such an act of hostility appeared surprising to the Director-General
of the Colony, and as it seemed to him impossible tbat it could have been

136 No. 173.
done by superior orders, he first gave notice of it by a letter (of which a
copy is inclosed numbered 1) to Don Juan de Valdes, Commandant of
Guiana ; he was persuaded that as soon as the latter was informed he
would obtain full reparation from him ; but so far from that being the
case, the said Commandant, instead of complyiug with the just demands
of our Director, instructed a certain Dr. Nicolas de Castro at Cumana to
answer by the letter of which a translation is inclosed (No. 2).
Therefore, Monsieur, since the said Commandant wishes to support,
without any good reason, an invasion and hostilities committed upon ter
ritories properly belonging to my masters, and since their Director has
not been able to obtain from the Spanish Commandant the reparation due
for this act, and the demand for which is based not only on international
law, but upon the good friendship and harmony reigning between my
masters and His Catholic Majesty. They have directed the undersigned
to communicate the above to jour Excellency for the information of His
Catholic Majesty, and they are confident of obtaining, from His Majesty's
sense of justice and through your Excellency's good offices, satisfactory
reparation for the past and orders for the future, so that they may see
themselves in undisturbed possession as before of the said post on the
river called Cuyuni.

[For Enclosure No. 2, being letter from Don Nicholas de Castro, Governor of Cumana, to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, and dated November 10, 1758, see Doc
uments from Spanish Sources, November 10, 1758.]

No. 174.

Extract from letter from the Netherlands' Ambassador at Madrid to the
States-General, August 27, 17#9.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 113.]
******
I had the honour to receive by last post your High Mightinesses'
Resolution of the 31st July, and, pursuant to your August orders, I gave
information orally of the matter to Seiior Wall, and yesterday I repeated
my complaint against the Commander of Guayana by a written Memo
randum thereof, and pressed for prompt reparation for the hostilities
complained of. I must now await reply to the said Memorandum, but
think that, meanwhile, I have fulfilled your High Mightinesses' orders ;
and I shall, further, not neglect to keep the Minister alive to the matter,
and thereby as soon as possible seek to obtain a satisfactory answer.
******

137

No. 175.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, September 1, 1759.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 386-387.]
* * * * * *
Time is too short for sending what you demand with respect to
Cuyuni. I shall in this matter have to content myself with informing
you that, Cuyuni being one of the three branches which form this river,
and you having for many years had the coffee and indigo plantations in
that river, and moreover the mining engineer with his folk having
worked in it at the Blaauwenberg, without the least opposition, and more
over that river [being] so far on this side of Waini (which people claim
to be the boundary, although I think it must be extended as far as
Barima), the ownership thereof cannot be involved in the slightest
question, and your right of ownership is indisputable and above all
doubt. The post which, in a manner so at variance with the law of nations,
has been surprised and ruined, was situated about fifteen hours above
the place where Cuyuni unites with Mazaruni. But this can make little
difference ; even had it lain fifty hours higher, it was a matter with
which the Spaniards had nothing to do, and just as they are masters to
do on their territory what suits them, even so you also are masters on
yours. And I once more have the honor to assure you that the entire security
and quiet of this colony is dependent on the possession of that river, and
that without it no one can have the slightest security of his property,
and [that it is] therefore more than doubly worthy of the States Gen
eral's and your attention. I impatiently expect your orders, whereby I
shall exactly and to the letter regulate myself, and, aged and feeble
though I may be, I shall quite well find means, if I am honored with
your orders and only provided with some reinforcements, both in soldiers
and in powder and arms, to procure proper satisfaction and to secure that
place, even if it should cost my life, which I am ready cheerfully and
with all my heart to sacrifice for the common good.
The map of South America of Mr. d'Anville, to which I have
appealed, was at my request sent to me last year per Essequebo
Welvaeren by the Professor, at present Rector Magnificus, Allamand, at
Leyden, and was at that time the latest by that man. The boundaries of
the various nations on this coast of Guiana are distinctly marked there.
I had received two copies of it, but for the second time I have sent one to
Orinoco by the captain of the militia, Niels Andries Schutz, who has
gone thither on a mission for the regulation of the restitution of the
runaway slaves, as I had the honor to inform you in my preceding letter,

138
No. 175.
the other gentlemen proposed having declined to make that voyage, one
for one reason and another for another.

NO. 176.

Extracts from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, December 3,
1759.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 388-390.]
Middelburg, December 3, 1759.
Sir, etc.: Although we have not as yet received in the original your
letter by the Pieter en David, which ship is still lying in Ireland, we
shall nevertheless, according to our preceding letter of May 31 of this
year, proceed to answer it, following the copies thereof received through
onr correspondent in Cork. As to your first letter of September 9 of last
year, 1758. we reply that, as soon as we had received your letter of Janu
ary 24 of this year via Berbice, we immediately presented to the States-
General a lengthy remonstrance concerning the surprising of the Com
pany's post in Rio Cuyuni by the Spaniards. And, although the afore
said memorial was sent by the States-General to the Ambassador at the
Court of Spain, with orders to make on that subject the necessary repre
sentations to His Catholic Majesty and to insist upon a becoming satisfac
tion, still we fear that hardly anything decisive can be expected from it
for some time, in view of the change which has taken place in the afore
said kingdom. Wherefore we still request you to lay before us every
thing which in any way might be of service in proof of our right of
ownership to, or possession of, the aforesaid river, because after receiv
ing it we might perhaps present to the States-General a fuller remon
strance on this head, with a statement of facts joined thereto. For this
purpose there might be of use to us especially a sketch of the river of
Cuyuni, with indication of the places where the Company's post, and
also the grounds of "Oud Duinenburg" and of the Company's coffee
and indigo plantations, were situated, and finally of the so-called Blaau
wenberg in which the miners in our pay carried on their work. We ask
for this especially because in your map of Essequibo, exact though it
otherwise be, we can find nothing of it all. You see, then, from this,
that we are not less convinced than you of the value and consequence of
the aforesaid river, and that we therefore are doing everything that can
be done for the keeping possession thereof.

139
No. 176.
Coming now to your aforesaid letter of January 24 of this year, re
ceived by us via Berbice, we praise the correspondence which we have
carried on with the Spanish Government on the subject of the surprisal
of Cuyuni. It is not a bad thing to let it be seen by such a correspond
ence what one might actually be able to do ; but formal reprisal, however
justifiable, must never be resorted to without express orders from the
sovereign authority. We approve your prudence in stopping the rumor
of a breach of the peace between the States-General and the Crown of
Great Britain. You may be assured that, as soon as we might forebode
anything of that kind (which God forfend), we shall be prompt, not only
in warning you of it as soon as possible, but also in providing you with
the promised re-enforcement at the expense of the Colony.
******
We see from your letter that you make the boundary of the Colony
toward the side of Orinoco to extend not only to Waini, but even as far as
Barima. We should like to be informed of the grounds upon which you
base this claim, and especially your inference that, Cuyuni being situate
on this side of Waini, it must therefore necessarily belong to the Colony ;
for, so far as we know, there exist no conventions [to the effect] that the
boundary lines in South America run in a straight line from the seacoast
inland, as do most of the frontier lines of the English colonies in North
America.

No. 177.
Extract from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, December 12, 1759.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 390.]
******
The militia captain N. A. Schutz has returned rom his voyage to
Orinoco. He was received there very politely and well, and has brought
with him the money in payment for a few runaway slaves ; but the Com
mandant has declined to hear anything about the affair of Cuyuni,
saying that this occurred in his absence, that he has no responsibility
whatever about it, and that he has been forbidden to enter into any
negotiations concerning that matter, inasmuch as they have reported it
to His Catholic Majesty and have no doubt but I have likewise done so to
my Sovereigns, wherefore, that affair being out of our hands, it must be
settled in Europe. The letters and documents received through Mr.
Schutz I have handed to Mr. Ignace Courthial, with the request that he
be so good as to translate them. I hope I shall receive them before clos
ing this letter, in which case I shall have the honor to inclose them
herein.

140

No. 178.
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, to the West India Company, May 2,1 1760.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 114.]
I am in receipt of your Lordships' letter of the 3d December last, and
since there has been no opportunity of writing you prior to the depart
ure of the " Essequibo Welvaeren," I have now the honour to discharge
that dutv, and will first speak of the matter of Cajoeny.
I trust and doubt not that their High Mightinesses will obtain proper
satisfaction for an act that is so entirely contrary to the law of nations,
and I can very well understand that the death of the King of Spain must
delay the settlement of the matter.
I have very little to add to what I have already had the honour of
submitting to' your Lordships in several of my despatches, and although
I was not aware of what your Lordships are pleased to inform me, viz.,
that some Treaties were made which decided that the dividing boundary
in South America should run inland in a direct line from the sea-coast,
as is the case with the English in North America, it still appears to me
{salvo meliori) to be an irrefutable fact that the rivers themselves, which
have been in the possession of your Lordships for such a large number
of years, and have been inhabited by subjects of the State without any
or the least opposition on the part of the Spanish, are most certainly the
property of your Lordships. I am strengthened in my view of this
matter by the fact that Cajoeny is not a separate river like Weyne and
Pouwaron (which last has been settled, and still contains the foundations
of your Lordships' fortresses), but an actual part of the River Essequibo
itself, which is divided into three arms about eight to ten miles above Port
Zeelandia, and about one long cannon shot below Fort Kijkoveral, and to
each of which the Indians give a separate name— the first Cajoeny, the
second Masseroeny (in which is Kijkoveral), and the third Essequibo—
the principal stream below this division being called not Essequibo but
Araunama by the Arawaks, the real aborigines of this country.
Although I do not doubt that your Lordships will now have received
the map compiled by Mr. D'Anville, I have, in order to make the matter
clear to your Lordships, copied that part of the map which relates to our
possessions, and filled in with as much precision as possible the posts of
your Lordships' plantation of Duynenburg, situated partly in Masseroeny
and partly in Cajoeny. In Cajoeny I have marked your Lordships' coffee
plantation, indigo plantation, the dwelling place of the half-free Creoles
(to which the Spaniards came very close), and Blauwenberg, and [the]
Post which was sacked, together with your Lordships' three other Posts
in Maroco, in Maykouny, and in Arinda, above Essequibo.
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— This date is really May 11.

141
No. 178.
This copy I have the honour to enclose.
I am well aware, my Lords, that to undertake measures of reprisal a
distinct order from the Sovereign is necessary, and I should be very care
ful not to take upon myself anything of the kind. Although an appear
ance of some such threat is contained in my letter to the Commandant of
Orinoco, it has never entered my head to proceed to such extremities, be
cause even in a case of the utmost emergency I should hesitate before
authorizing the cruelties indulged in by the Caraiban nation. I only
wished to show the Commandant what we could do if we were forced to it,
and his Honour is well aware that what I told him is the truth.
******
In my former letter sent by the " Loo " I had the honour to inform
your Lordships that the'matter concerning the slaves who had run away
to the Orinoco was almost settled, and I doubt not that soon all will again
be at rest. Trade on the river is at present (as far as such trade can be)
fairly open and free.

No. 179.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber), to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, September
1, 1760.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p 391.]
It gave us pleasure to read in your aforesaid letter your further
remarks about Rio Cuyuni, but we could have wished that we had found
among the documents the extract from the maps of Mr. D'Anville, en
riched by you with the indication of so many noteworthy places and
posts. But to our sor-row we have searched for it in vain, and shall there
fore hope for it at the first opportunity.
Relying upon your prudence as to not resorting to reprisals (except in
case of extremest need) without especial order, and expressing our
gratification at seeing that the trade to the Orinoco is practically
open, * * *
***** *

No. 180.

Extract from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the 'West India Company, Sept. 8, 1760.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 115.]
******
I immediately sent the adjutant, a sergeant, and eight of the best

142

No. 180.
soldiers to the plantation. This party probably prevented a great many
more slaves from deserting, for they took measures to have the whole
sea-coast guarded by Caraibans, so that it was impossible for the slaves
to get to Orinoco. What I most feared was that they might take the
road through Cajoeny where, since the raid upon the Post by the
Spaniards there are n o more Indians, and there was therefore no means
of stopping them. Against my expectations, and with the help of Mr.
Van Rode, and under a solemn promise that they should not be
punished this time, they came home again. I had strong reasons for
making this promise.

No. 181.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, October 24, 1760.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 115.]
******
Meanwhile, I had sent warning to all1 the Posts, and had the coast
guarded by the Caraiban nation, so that it should be impossible for the
slaves to make off in that directi ou. 'Ihe road to Cajoeny was open to
them, because since the raid upon the Post there by the Spaniards the
river has not been occupied, and the road to Orinoco is an open and
easy one. * * * * * *
I have been obliged to send a de tachment of four of the best soldiers
to the Post of Maroco as quickly as possible because the Spaniards are
beginning to put their horns out again. Besides a fin e boat belonging to
Mr. Persik, which was used for the trade [and therefore does not come
into question]2 they have also taken five canoes belonging to this Colony
which were engaged in salting ; on their way back3 they also took some
canoes on this side of Barima, and thus within the Honourable Com
pany's territory. Amongst these was the canoe of Aechtekerkeand that
of Duynenburg — a brand new one out on its first journey. They also
threatened to deal with the Post in Maroco ere long in the same way as
they had done with that in Cajoeny.
******
1Note by Prof. Burr. — This word all should, be omitted.
2Note by Prof. Burr.— For the words here italicized tlie Blue Book has and used only for

3Note by Prof. Burr. — The meaning here is that they took some canoes which were on ihek
way back from fishing in the Orinoco mouth.

143
No. 181.
To what will this lead, your Lordships ? If such acts of violence are
not stopped, what will the results be ? The River Cajoeney is still un
guarded, and presents an easy road to fugitive slaves. I have not yet
re-established the Post there, always hoping that the matter might
receive redress in Europe. I could not act in the matter without using
violence, and this I would not do without special orders.

No. 182.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) lo
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General In Essequibo, March 16,
1761.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 391-392.]

The new outrages of the Spaniards in seizing the boat of Mr. Persik
and the five canoes which were busy salting, have greatly surprised us ;
but we could have wished that you had transmitted to us circumstantial
and sworn declarations as to all these things, thus enabling us to base
thereon the necessary remonstrances to the States- General about that
subject. We shall still hope for these, and the earlier the better,
together with the reasons why you deem that everything which has hap
pened on this side of Barima must be deemed to have occurred on terri
tory of the Company ; in order that, when we shall have examined all
this, we may take further resolution as to what it behooves us to do in
this matter.

No. 183.

Extract from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to the West India Company, May 28, 1761.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 116.]
On the 18th March last * * * I had the honour to send your
Lordships a copy of the map of this coast, which I had forgotten to
inclose in my previous letter. I hope the matter concerning Cajoeny
will be brought to a happy issue, because it is really of the greatest im
portance for the Honourable Company. As the case appears to me,
there can be no dispute about it with the Court of Spain, it being only

144 No. 183.
too clear and evident that the Post not only stood upon the Honourable
Company's territory, but that that territory extends much farther.
I am informed by the Indians that messengers are still con
stantly being sent to that river, evidently to ascertain whether we are
re-establishing the post, in which case they would probably again make
a raid upon the same.
******

No. 184.

Extract irom letter from Adriaan Spoors, Secretary in Essequibo, to the
West India Company, August 5, 1761.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 392-393.]
******
In compliance with these your orders, I respectfully reply that the
aforesaid boats, having been seized by those robbers between the rivers
of Barima and Waini, were absolutely on the Company's coast, for this
is certain (not to enter upon the various opinions which exist about the
limits of the Company's domains1) that the river of Waini indisputably
belongs to the Company.

No. 185.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande. Director-General
in Essequibo, to West India Company, August 12, 1761.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 117.]

The sworn depositions for which your Lordships ask concerning the
canoes captured by the Spaniards cannot possibly be made out, especially
those relating to the canoes which were out salting, and which were con
sequently seized contrary to all right and reason. On those canoes
there were no whites ; there was only one negro, and the rest were free
Indians. With regard to the others, since there is something itnder-
neath the matter and an explanation of it can possibly be given, the
whites that were captured in them are prisoners in Orinoco and are in
the fortress there, and it will perhaps be some time before they are let
loose again.2
xNote by Prof Burr. — Literally " stretchings," " extents" — i. e., the points to which their
domains extend.
"Note by Prof, Burr.— The italicized words are not in the Blue Book,

145
No. 185.
After taking everything out of the Company's canoe of Aechtekerke
they let it go, and it came home, but they have kept the fine new canoe
belonging to the plantation Duynenburg. The latter having been cap
tured this side of Barima I am of opinion that it was captured upon the
Honourable Company's territory, for although there are no positive
proofs to be found here, such has always been so considered by the
oldest settlers, as also by all the free Indians Amongst the latter I have
spoken with some very old Caraibans, who told me that they remember
the time when the Honourable Company had a Post in Barima, for the
re-establishment of which they had often asked, in order that they might
be relieved from the annoyance of the Surinama traders1 ; and then,
lastly, because the boundaries are always thus defined by foreigners, as
may be seen on the map prepared by D'Anville, the Frenchman, a small
extract of which I have sent by the " Demerary Welvaeren."
These are the only reasons, your Lordships, upon which I base my
opinions, because there are no old papers here out of which any informa
tion could be obtained.

No. 186.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company. August 28, 1761.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 117.]
******
Everything in the upper part of the river is in a state of upset, the
people who live there bringing their best goods down the stream. This
is because a party of Spaniards and Spanish Indians in Cajoeny have been
down to the lowest fall where yonr Lordships' indigo plantation was9
situated, driving all the Indians thence, and even, it is said, having killed
several. The Indians sent in complaint upon complaint. I fear that
bloodshed and murder will come of this, because if they come below the
fall the inhabitants will surely shoot upon them and not allow them to
approach, and what will the consequences of that be . We leave those3
people in peace. So lung as I have had the honour of holding the com
mand here I have embraced every opportunity of preventing the Indians
from annoying them, and in this I have been fairly successful. Why
cannot they leave us in peace ? It is really insupportable how, contrary
to the law of nature and the right of nations, they first come and attack
our post, make prisoners and ill-treat the people in such a way that the
'Note by Prof. Burr.— For this word traders the Blue Book has pirates.
8Note by Prof. Burr.— For was the Blue Book has is.
"Note by Prof. Burr.— For those the Blue Book has the.

146 No. 186.
holder's assistant has died from it, burn down the house and all it con
tained, and now still constantly come there1 and disturb us.
It is no use complaining because the Commandant, Don Juan Valdez,
in Orinoco, whilst sending back the letter unopened which I had requested
the Commandant to write to him, has written me to say that he is forbid
den to enter into any written correspondence concerning the matter, and
that we must address ourselves to the Court at Madrid.
If I were permitted, my Lords, to do as they are doing I would risk
my old head once more and make them pay doubly for the annoyance
they are causing us. No. 187.
Extract from letter from "West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, November
9,1761.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 393.]
* * * * * *
The extract from the map of Mr. D'Anville, enriched by you with
indication of the post in question and of many other places, and trans
mitted with your letter of March 18, pleases us exceedingly. We shall
not fail, when opportunity offers, to make the necessary use of it in the
affairs of Rio Cuyuni, of which we are by no means losing sight.
****** [Same to same and Court of Policy, Nov. 9, 1761 ; from same, p. 394.]
Furthermore, there have occurred to us various considerations con
cerning the trade which is carried on from the colony to Rio Orinoco.
We beg you to consider whether it might not be possible, aud more
profitable for the Company, to direct this trade into such channels that
it must be carried on from Orinoco to Essequibo, by the Spaniards ;
whereas it now, on the contrary, takes place from Essequibo to the
Orinoco. On this point we shall await a detailed answer from you.
***** *

No. 188.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo to West India Company, January 9, 1762.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 118.]
******
Trade with Orinoco is going on pretty fairly, a number of mules and
horses having lately come from there.
* * * * * *
JNote by Prof. Burr.— This word is here omitted in the Blue Book,

ut
No. 189.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, January 11,
1762.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 394.]
* * * * * *
Concerning the affairs of Cuyuni we shall in the near future present
a further memorial to the States-General.

No. 190.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo to West India Company, February 9, 1762.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 118.]
******
I was very glad to see that your Lordships were pleased with my
extract from1 D'Anville's map. That map is not only the best, but the
only one in which the coast is exactly and truly given, wherefore I did
not rest until I had it, I having seen the same in the hands of His late
Serene Highness, who was kind enough to show it me as soon as it was
published in the year 1751. I trust that your Lordships will not lose
sight of the outrage in Cajoeny. That matter, my Lords, is of the utmost
importance for many very weighty reasons, and more than any one in
Europe could imagine. Neither my true zeal nor the real interest I take
in the welfare of the Company or Colony, nor yet my oath and duty will
allow me to sit still or to neglect this matter, and even if there were no
important reasons which compelled the Honourable Company to take a
real interest in the possession of Cajoeny, I cannot see why we should
permit the Spaniards to disturb and appropriate our lawful possessions.
Have they not land enough of their own, the possession of which is not
disputed ? Yes, much more than they can or ever will be able to govern.
They are not yet quiet, but send detachments from time to time,
which come down as far as the lowest fall, close to the dwelling of your
Lordships' Creoles, by which both the settlers and our Indians are con
tinually being alarmed, and take refuge each time down stream. This is
very annoying. They must have great and important reasons to make
such attempts to obtain possession of this branch of our river, and I have
not the least doubt that such is the case, but I hope, too, that your
Lordships may find a means of stopping them.
******
'Note by Prof. Burr.— For these words extract from the Blue Book has copy of.

148 No. 191.
Extract from letter from the Court of Policy in Essequibo to West
India Company, March IS, 1762.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 119.]
We have given careful attention to the matters which your Lordships
were good enough to submit to our consideration concerning the trade
which is carried on between this Colony and the River Orinoco, asking
us whether it would not be possible and more advantageous to the Hon
ourable Company if such trade were so managed that the business would
have to be contracted for by the Spaniards from Orinoco in this territory
instead of our people going to Orinoco, as is now the case. In reply to
this we take the liberty of respectfully answering that that trade is not
nearly so profitable as appears to have been made out to your Lordships.
It really consists of mere bagatelles, and is considered so risky and pre
carious that not more than two of our settlers (Persik and Struys) carry
on trade with that Spanish river. Their boats are mostly manned by
Spaniards, who are intrusted with the business both in cattle and tobacco.
We also consider it inexpedient to take up this business, which, by the
way, is forbidden by the Crown of Spain, seeing that none of our settlers
are accorded a pass to Orinoco, or (as your Lordships know) can be
accorded any1, but are only allowed to have one to St. Eustatius.

No. 192.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to "West India Company, April 3, 1762.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 119-120.]
# * * * * *
I hope their High Mightinesses will be pleased to arrive at a favourable
Resolution respecting the affairs of Cajoeny, and receive justice in this
matter from the Court of Spain.
******
The reason why I did not claim the boats captured by the Spaniards
is as follows :
The settler Jan Dudonjon having been sent by me to Orinoco with
special authority to claim (in accordance with the orders of His Catholic
Majesty) a few runaway slaves who were prisoners there, the Com
mandant there, Don Juan Diaz Valdez, not only refused to give him a
hearing, but forbade him to set foot on shore, ordering him to depart at
xNote by Prof. Burr.— The italicized words do not appear in the Blue Book.

149
No. 192.
once, and sending him word that he might go to Cumana, though he
knew full well that if the man was not allowed to land he could not
possibly get there.
Prior to this he had also returned to me unopened a letter which I
had asked the Commandant to write to him. Of what use would it
therefore be to take further steps ? One cannot even get a refusal when
the letters are sent back unopened, and the Envoys are driven away
unheard.

No. 193.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo to West India Company, May 17, 1762.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 120.]
******
From the reports received from the upper part of the river, I learn
that the Spanish Indians of the Missions continue to send out daily
patrols as far as the great fall (just below which your Lordships' Creoles
live) ; all the Caraibans have also left that river, and gone to live above
Essequibo.

No. 194.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, August 23,
1762.
fReprinted from TJ. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 396.]

Up to this time not the least answer has been received from the Court
of Madrid to the memorial about Cuyuni presented by us to the States-
General. In view of this, it is our intention to present one of these days
a further memorial upon that subject to the States-General, with addition
of what has happened since, and especially of the matter of the colonist
I. Dudonjon. This further memorial will probably now be of more
influence and effect, because of the war with England.

150 No. 195.
Extract trom letter from Adriaan Spoors, Secretary in Essequibo, to
West India Company, August 25, 1762.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 120.]
******
On the 16th of this month the Director-General returned to the fort
from Demerary.
On the 17th, whilst I was attending the funeral of the late Surgeon-
Major Dijkman, the Director Pipersberg came and reported to me that
his Salter's canoe had been seized by the Spaniards near the River of
Weyne, with eight and one-half hogsheads of salt-water fish, the creole
messenger, Jan Broeck, belonging to the plantation of " De Pelgrim,"
having fortunately escaped and come home. These occurrences do a
deal of harm, and I immediately proceeded to the Director-General, and
requested him to claim this canoe in the name of their High Mighti
nesses and your Lordships, although it was not worth half as much as
the boat that was last captured from Duynenburg. His Honour prom
ised me to do so, and I trust that it will turn out well. Acting upon
some reliable information I received, I have allowed no canoe belonging
to your Lordships' plantations to go out salting to Orinoco this year;
but if we may not go as far as Weyne, which is your Lordships' river as
much as this one, I do not know what to do in future to get food for the
slaves .

No. 196.
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General iii
Essequibo, to West India Company, August 28, 1762.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 120, 121. J
* * * * * *
On my return from Demerary the news arrived at the fort that the
canoe of your Lordships' plantation De Pelgrim (laden with salt fish) and
that of the settler, Andries Heyse, had both been captured in the mouth
of the River Wayni (indisputably the territory of the Honourable Com
pany) by whom it is not known, since none of the Indians have come
home. But the salter, a creole of " De Pelgrim," who, on the approach
of the attacking party, jumped overboard and swam to shore, has told us
that the capture was made by the crew of a small schooner, well armed
and well manned.
******
The Postholder of Maroco has come up stream and has reported to me
that he been warned on three different occasions by the Warauws of
Trinidad that it is the intention of the Spaniards to make a raid upon
that Post, and has asked for reinforcements.

151
No. 196.
The garrison being extraordinarily weak, and finding myself compelled
to send at least eight men to Demerary, I was unable to give him any
men, but instructed him to engage one or two mulattos for three months
at soldiers'" wages if he could get them, telling him that I would provide
them with arms and ammunition ; in such cases these people are better
than soldiers, for they can make their way through the bush and speak
the Indian languages.
The Indians round the post are continually asking for guns and cut
lasses ; as it is impossible to spare these now I am compelled to ask your
Lordships to send me a parcel of good guns and cutlasses. These will be
urgently required, especially if the piracies continue, in which case we
shall be obliged to employ the Caraiban nation, who cannot or will not
fight without guns.

No. 197.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, August 29, 1762.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 121.]
The Indians have also informed me that the Spaniards up in Cajoeny
are engaged in building boats. Where will all this end,1 my Lords % I
fear that this may lead to the entire ruin of the Colony (which God for
bid) unless rigorous measures are taken. Our forbearance in the matter
of Cajoeny makes them bolder and bolder. At the time of that occurrence
the Caraibans were full of courage and ready for all kinds of undertak
ing ; now they are all driven away from there and have retired right up
into Essequibo.
No. 198.
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, to West India Company, November 6, 1762.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 121, 122.]
The Postholder of Maroco being here, as I had the honour to inform
your Lordships in my last, I gave him a despatch to the Governor of
Trinidad, with orders to send the same by Indians of that island as soon
as possible. Instead of executing that order, I understand from his assistant,
who came here on the 14th September, that he has not even returned
to the Post, but that he is staying up in the bush through fear of the
Spaniards, and that he had sent to the Post for his belongings.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— For the words here italicized the Blue Book has what can all these

152No. 198.
On the 11th September, the Caraiban nation unexpectedly sent mes
sengers down the river, inquiring how matters stood with the Spaniards,
saying that they would certainly not allow the latter to obtain a footing
here, and that they were ready to aid us with all their might.
I answered them that there was no great danger yet, it being
only one small pirate who was causing this commotion, but I re
quested them to be good enough to keep their arms and boats
ready to come down at the least warning, and that in such an event
we would provide them with powder and shot. This they accepted and
promised. ^ * * * * * *

No. 199.
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, February 22, 1763.
[Reprinted (with additions) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 123.]
* * * * * *
1 could greatly wish lhat your further memorial to the States-Gen
eral might finally have the desired effect, and that an end might be
reached of that matter, for which I very much long. But could you not
Und it good that meanwhile, without the least violence, possession should
be again talten of the post in Cayuni?1
But do your Lordships not think that we might, meanwhile, and
without exercising the least violence, again take possession of the post
in Cajoeny, and place a subaltern officer there with ten or twelve men as
a guard, against which 1 do not think the Spaniards would dare to
undertake anything? I take the liberty of recommending this to yonr
Lordships' serious consideration as a matter of great importance both for
the Honourable Company and for the Colony, several slaves having
already run away in that direction, and the Colony lying open on that
side to all Spanish undertakings.
* * * * * *
I shall not fail to address myself to the Spanish Government in future
in case anything happens. But, my Lords, if letters are sent back un
opened, and they are treated as my last one to the Governor of Trinidad
was treated in Orinoco, I see no other advantage in doing so than that
which your Lordships are pleased to mention— that it forms a better
ground upon which further claims may be based. The gentlemen there
are so ridiculously grand that they took it as an insult that I sent them
a sergeant on the former occasion, and they asked whether no better
qualified persons were to be found in this Colony.
* * * * * *
1Note by Prof. Burr.— The passage in italics is not in the Blue Book. It is here re
printed from a foot note (No. 10) in TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 1, pp. 337-338.

153
No. 200.
Extract from letter from I_. li. van Bercheyck, Commandeur in Demerara, to
"West India Company, March 10, 1763.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 398.]
****** *
Concerning the second article I have the honor to say to you, that the
coast has been drawn so accurately and so well by Mr. D'Anville, that I
could not make an improvement upon it; nevertheless, I am willing, when
making a map of the river PJssequibo, to put in the seacoast up to Barima,
in order to make the map the more sightly. I need three years in order to
make it accurate and good, * * *

No 201.

Extract from letter from the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, July 7, 1763.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 399-400.]
* * * * -x- * *
You receive, however, by this ship twenty soldiers, the expense of
which we will bear. Our intention is that, so long as the present danger
lasts, you employ them for increasing the garrison of Eio Demerara, or
wherever you shall think they may be of use for the greater security of the
colony. However, when the danger shall have entirely ceased, we should like
you to employ 10 or 12 of these men for manning the post in Cuyuni; but
it seems unadvisable to us to do it sooner, to avoid getting into hot water
on two sides at the same time.
*******

No. 202.

Extract from letter from Secretary in Essequibo to West India Company, July
12, 1763.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 125.]
*******
The uncertainty of how they would be treated by the Spanish is the
reason why I have this year sent no boats belonging either to the Company
or to myself out salting to the coast of Orinoque. The slaves are, there
fore, obliged to make the best of what I can give them.

154 No. 203.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, September 27, 1763.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 126.]

Beginning with Essequibo, I will first mention the Posts, or so-called
trading-places, four in number, of the Honourable Company.
The first is Maroco, situated between this river and Orinoque, under
the direction of which are the Rivers of Powaron and Weyni, full of In
dians of the Caraiban, Arawak, and Warouw nations, whose help is always
required, both by the Company and by private salters and traders, and who
have also to be kept in a continual sort of subjection in order to prevent
the escape of runaway slaves, and to facilitate their capture.
Also, the road of the Spaniards hither * leads past this Post, so that no
one can go that road without the knowledge of the Postholder, who there
fore, if he wishes, can generally get to know what is going on in Orinoque.
This Post was of very great importance when trade was still carried on
therefor the Honourable Company; it then furnished orange dye and boats,
and since the cessation of the trade there is a great want of the latter.
On the other side of the river is the second, namely, Maycouni, between
Demerary and Berbices. The chief use of this Post just now is really to
keep possession of the country, for without it Maycouni would already
have been inhabited some time from another side, concerning which mat
ter I had the honour to write fully some years ago.
Formerly this Post used to furnish a considerable quantity of orange
dye and boats, as is to be seen in the old business books.
The third is Post Arinda, above Essequibo, really intended for the trade
in red slaves and dye and for the further exploration of the lands and
nations of the interior, as well as to prevent the slaves making off in that
direction. The fourth, and last, is the still abandoned Post in Cajoeny, abandoned
since the raid2 of the Spaniards, a Post of the very greatest importance,
because the Spaniards, in order to get to this river, and the slaves in order
to escape to them, have a free and open road, and the more so 3 because
the Spaniards have driven away the Caraibans who lived there, and who
could apprehend and bring back the runaways.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— For the words here italicized the Blue Book has The road lo the Spaniards.
2 Note by Prof. Burr.— The Blue Book makes this plural, raids.
3 Note by Prof. Burr.— These italicized words are here substituted for also of the Blue Book.

155
No. 204.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to "West India Company, October 18, 1763.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 126.]

It is certain, your Lordships, that this ( is] not the time to think of the
re-establishment of the Post in Cajoeny. That matter will give us plenty
of work to do when, with the blessing of God, all is at rest and in peace,
because, the Spaniards having driven all the Indians out of the river, it will
be no small matter to get [all]1 the necessary buildings, etc.,2 in readiness
there.

No. 205.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, June 18, 1764.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 402.]
****** *
* * * the hope of a larger and safer trade with the Orinoco is a matter
which we count very advantageous for the colony, and it cannot, there
fore, but give us pleasure. * * *

No. 206.

Extract from Letter from Storm van 'sGravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, August, 1764.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 128.]
*******
I think that trade with Orinoque will now be fairly easy, because our
boats not only go to and fro unchecked, but only last week two Spaniards
came to me with formal passports from the Governor to come here.
Essequibo was not expressly mentioned in them, but the neighbouring Col
onies of friends and allies, which is equivalent.

1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This word in brackets should be omitted.
8 Note by Prof. Burr.— This italicized word does not here appear in the Blue Bool?.

156 No. 201.
Extracts from a Memorandum (by van's Gravesande) concerning the West
India Company's Trading-places.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 130-131.]
*******
Strange as it may seem, it is known but little or not at all that the
great River of Masserouney, lying between the Essequibo and the
Cajoeny, runs south-west right into the interior of these lands ; tbat it is
by no means so dangerous in falls as the two others, there being only one
place where it runs under a very large rock about a few miles long ; and
that it was navigated and found to be without danger by the colonist 0.
Finet. The colonist E. Pipersberg is the only man to my knowledge who
has been any distance up the river in pursuit of thirteen of his runaway
slaves. * * * * * * *
3. The third Post was on the River of Cajoeny, which river, like that
of Masserouney, mostly runs in a straight south-westerly direction, after
having first flowed for some miles in a westerly one ; according to the
unanimous testimony of the Indians, these Rivers Masserouney and
Cajoeny have their source in a large lake or inland sea as the Indians call
it, which lake is inclosed by high mountains, inhabited by vast numbers of
Indians, who, through fear of the Spaniards, allow no strangers to come
into their country, it being related that already two detachments of
Spaniards sent into those parts to make discoveries have been beaten and
massacred. Whether this lake is the Lake of Parima or that of Cassipa is not yet
known. Now, this Post was, as is known, attacked in a treacherous manner
contrary to the law of nations, and contrary to all Treaties, by the Span
iards of Guajana in the year,* with a detachment of 100 men, the Post-
holder and his assistant being taken prisoners to Guajana, and from there
to Comana, the buildings at the Post being destroyed and burnt. The rea
sons that they had for such unlawful proceedings must be best known to
themselves, because they can have not the very least shadow of a claim to
possession, or it must have been the chimerical pretensions of the priests in
these parts that the whole of America belongs to His Catholic Majesty, and
that all other nations hold possession merely|>recar.o, and by permission.
So that they must have had entirely different reasons, and which must
be of great consideration to authorize such an excess— which reasons can
very well be guessed, but not being certain about them, I will pass over
them in silence. The same reasons which made the Post of Arinda above
Essequibo of importance and utility also exist here. In addition to this,
* Blank left in the original. The year was 1758.

157
No. 20T.
there is also the fact that [the bend of]* * this river is a tract of land along
which the Spaniards spread themselves from year to year, and gradually
come closer by means of their missions, the small parties sent out by them
coming close to the place where the Honourable Company's indigo planta
tion stood, and being certain to try and establish themselves if they are not
stopped in time.
*******
L There now remains only the Post situated on the sea-coast between
Essequibo and Orinoque, in the Creeks Waequipo and Maroco, not far be
low the River Powaron, which creeks have an inland water communica
ting with Powaron, as also with the River Wayna, which has one with the
River Barima, which are all navigable in the rainy season, and thus of very
great use in furthering commerce both with the Indians and especially2
with the Spaniards, all who do not sail in very large ships having to pass
the Post on their journey from Orinoque. The trade of that Post formerly
consisted mostly in boats and orange dye, of which last it used to yield a
very large quantity, though now it sends none.
*******
The holder of this Post could make a large fortune if he was a man to
look after his own interests, because in addition to the trade with the In
dians in hammocks, boats, salt-fish, slaves, and other Indian merchandize,
which is not without good profit, all the Spaniards who come here with
mules, cattle, tobacco, hides, dried meat, &c, pass the Post, and stop there
for a few days to refresh themselves and their animals. If he kept a stock
of the things that the Spaniards required, the latter would be very pleased
to buy them there, and not be obliged to go further. This fact it is easy to
grasp. * * * -::- * * *
The Rivers Masserouney, Cajoeny, Powaron, Wacquepo, Maroco and
Weyni, &c, surpass this one so greatly in the matter of fertile lands that
not the slightest comparison can be instituted.
*******
If we ever desired to follow the example of the English and French, the
Posts of which I have spoken would be absolutely necessary and indispen
sable, and (be it said) if this matter is not taken in hand, our neighbours
will quietly approach and surround us, and finally, without exercising any
violence, drive us from the country. This is already beginning to be ob
served, and what can we expect from the numerous arrivals of settlers in
Cayenne and the removal of the Spanish colonies3 in Guayana so much
* Note in Blue Book. — There is an erasure here in the Director-General's own handwriting which
makes it rather doubtful how he finally intended these words to stand.
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This is an impossible rendering and cannot be admitted.
2 Note by Prof. Burr. — This italicized word does not here appear in the Blue Book.
* Note by Prof. Burr. — For these italicised words the Blue Book reading is Spanish people and
plantations.

158 No 20T
nearer to our boundaries? The latter go to work openly, like a proud na
tion, and they can therefore be better opposed, an open enemy never being
so dangerous as a secret one.

No. 208.

Extracts from letter from Storm van 'sGravesande, Director-General
in Essequibo, to the Governor of Surinam, August 18, 1764.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 403-404.]
*******
A boat of the plantation La retraite etc. having found out that several
Surinam rovers, provided with passes by you to go to Barima to trade,
instead of obeying these, tarry indefinitely in this colony and therefore
evidently are only trying to cheat their creditors in Surinam, I shall make
them all go away.
*******
At this opportunity, since I am speaking of this, I take the liberty to
inform you, that your naming in those passes the river Barima causes
complaints from the Spaniards, who, maintaining that that river is theirs,
wherein I believe they are right, have already sent some of these passes to
the Court of Spain.
In all the passes which I issue I set down only permission to pass the
posts and to go among the Indians to trade, without naming any place,
and, it being set down in the instruction to our postholders that they are
commanded to respect your passes, this1 can very well be avoided.
And this the rather, because, having here grave reasons for complaining
of the Spaniards, which were long ago brought before the Court by the
Dutch Ambassador, I could wish they had not the slightest pretext, for
things have already gone so far that I foresee that when I carry out the
orders I have received (for which I am beginning to make the necessary
preparations) it might before long easily come to deeds.

No. 209
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, December 28, 1764.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 134.]
*******
I have received a report from the few colonists who still reside in the
upper reaches of the rivers that a few weeks ago they had seen a white
man with a few Indians proceeding down the falls of the River Cajoeny
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— 7. .., this mention which gives the Spaniards annoyance.

159
No. 209.
and proceeding up the River Masserouny. I reproached them very much
for not apprehending and sending the man to the fort, and expressly
charged them that if they caught sight of others they should immediately
apprehend them and send them to me, which they promised to do.
There is something behind this, my Lords; these are spies who come
and get all the information they can, and I fear that some trouble or other
is brewing on the side of Cajoeny.
Whatever trouble I have taken, and whatever promises I have
made, I have not been able to get any Indians up to the present to aid me
in re-establishing the Post in Cajoeny, and without their help it cannot be
done, because with slaves it is not only too costly but also too dangerous,
so that I am in great difficulties with this work, and the re-establishment
of that Post is, in my opinion, of the greatest necessity.
*******
Thus, what with the French on the east and the Spaniards on the west,
we are really like a little boat between two men-of-war.
I shall not attempt to give my masters advice in a matter which it is in
no one's power to prevent or to circumvent. My only aim in this is to re
spectfully submit to your Lordships what is our humble opinion concerning
this in all our Colonies situated on the mainland, and pur well-grounded
fears concerning the consequences.
I, for my part, see no remedy for this matter except by populating the
Colony and establishing good Posts in the interior, from which a sharp and
careful look-out can be kept upon all movements.
* * * * * * *
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 404.]
*******
In this emergency I have again had a talk with Van der Heyde about
Cuyuni. He has told me that the Indians were won over to be helpful,
but that they wished in that case to be assured also of protection against
the Spaniards.

No. 210.

Extract from Title page of Register ofthe Colony of Essequebo and Demerary
(1764).
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 135.]
Register of the Colony of Essequebo, Demerary, and the dependent
districts. Situated on the north coast of South America, at 1° north latitude and
42° longitude from the creek Abari on the east to the River Amacura on

160 No- 210
the north, comprising the Rivers Demerary, Essequibo, Powaron, Weyne,
and the great creeks Maykouny, Maheyka, Wacquepo, and Maroco, being
a stretch of land along the sea-coast of about 120 mijls of 15 in 1° belonging
to the Chartered West India Company of the United Netherlands, under
the administration of the Chamber of Zeeland.

No. 211.

Extract from letter from Storm van 'sGravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to "West India Company, February 3, 1765.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 135.]
*******
Friendly relations with the Indians are certainly of the greatest neces
sity to the Colony; the dangerous circumstances in which we found our
selves, and the loyalty shown and assistance rendered at that time by the
Caraibans and Acuways, have given convincing proofs of what advantage
their friendship and how injurious their enmity might be to the Colonies.
Notwithstanding this, many of our colonists do not hesitate to ill-treat and
oppress these people in every way. Your Lordships would not believe how
I am troubled by the complaints of these people; within a fortnight I have
had more than ten of them who came to tell me their grievances, and only
this morning I had three.

No- 212-

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, August 13, 1765.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 136] .
Having left Essequibo on the 1st June, I arrived at Demerary on the
3d. I thought that I should again be prevented from undertaking this
journey, as I had already been prevented on four consecutive occasions, be
cause a few days before my departure I had received tidings from Upper
Masserouny that the Caraiban nation was at war with that of the Acu
ways, and that the latter had massacred all the women and children in a
Caraiban village on the Masserouny.
Not without some reason did I fear that we should again be mixed up
in this as we were a few years ago, especially through the indiscretion of
some itiuerent traders and avaricious settlers, who, without taking any
heed of the consequences, allow themselves to be drawn into these quarrels
upon the slightest inducement of profit, supporting one or other of the
parties either with arms or with advice, which being discovered by the

161
No. 212.
other side always leads to fatal results, and might be of great danger to
the Colony itself.
*******
I was obliged to send the Postholder of Maroco away from here very
quickly, because the Indians of Pomeroon came to the fort to report that
some canoes filled with Spaniards were in the Pomeroon, and because a
letter came from his assistant informing us that some murdered Indians
had been found in the Itaboes. * I charged him to go and inquire into
these matters as speedily as possible, and, if necessary, to immediately send
to Mr. Bakker, who would then send him assistance. The Creole belong
ing to your Lordships sent up the river to spy out has also returned. This
bold fellow has been as far as the Spanish Mission, pretending to be a run
away. He stayed there for a few days, and brought some pictures of
saints back with him in order to prove that he had been really there.
* ******
He also says that preparations are being made to establish a new mis
sion between Cajoeny and Masserouny, that is, in the middle of our land.
Should this happen we shall be compelled to oppose them with violence,
because the consequences of that could only be harmful, and would finally
result in the ruin of the Colony. This is certain, that so long as no satis
faction is given by the Court of Spain concerning the occurrence of the
Post in Cajoeny, the Spaniards will gradually become more insolent, and
will gain ground on us2 from year to year.

No. 213.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, August 13, 1765.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 405.]
*******
I have as yet forgotten to inform you that your Creole who has been up
in Cuyuni at the Spanish mission there found your creole named Ariaen,
who was carried off a prisoner along with the postholder and bylier at the
capture of the post by the Spaniards. He is at present head smith at the
mission. Is it not hard, sirs, that one must look on patiently at such rob
bery and endure it?

1 Note by Prof. Burr. — That the Spaniards really had nothing to do with the murder appears from
TT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 410. That the Spaniards were in the Pomeroon, however, as
stated, need not be doubted.
3 Note by Prof. Burr. — For the words here italicised the Blue Book has encroach upon our ground.

162 No. 214.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, September 19, 1765.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 405-406.]
* * * * * * *
We fully approve the reprimand which you have given to those people
who saw some Indians with a white man going in a boat down the river
Cuyuni and up the Mazaruni, and yet did not arrest them and bring them
to the fort; and likewise the recommendation and orders given by you in
that connection; for foresight and precaution, as well as prudence, are
necessary and useful.
We are entirely of your opinion that it is of the greatest necessity to
restore the post in Cuyuni, aud in consequence we were very much pleased
to learn that you had at last succeeded in getting Indians to give a helping
hand in that work, on condition that assurance should be given them of
protection against the Spaniards. This it was easy to promise them.

No. 215.
Report of J. F. Dorst, Postholder at Maroco, to Storm van's Gravesande,
Director-General in Essequibo October 3, 1765.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 13..]
Having this morning received your Excellency's letter by the negro, I
immediately sent out for as many Indians as were to be got. I have just
sent Scharlemijn with Bel Roose to Weyne and Barima, as far as the
mouth of the Orinoco. [If] at sea he should accidentally run into one of
the two rivers because there is nothing to show which Orinoque is, they
may probably have some chance of concealing their boat, and immediately
have me warned.
I am lying between the mouth of Maroco and Boueron (Powaron), so
that I can see everything that passes the sea-coast. If I had had a Dutch
assistant I would have gone myself, and would have left P. V. Meere at
the Post with a little boy. This is all that I can tell your Excellency; as
soon as I have tidings I will let your Excellency know at once; in all prob
ability they have already passed Maroco.

No. 216.
Extract from the memorial of the shareholders of the Zeeland Chamber of
the West India Company to the States- General, November 26, 1765.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 40.-408.]
* _ * * * * * *
In addition to what was there set forth, we shall in this connection
remark about Demerara in particular, that it is situate between the two
extremest trading-places or posts in Essequibo, namely, the one, to the

163
No. 216.
North, on the river Moruca, and the other, to the South, on the river
Mahaicony; both of which rivers, as well as the others situate between,
pertain to that Colony; which of course shows undeniably that Demerara is
one and the same Colony with Essequibo.

No. 217.

Extract from letter from "West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, December 2, 1765.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 409.]
*******
We were glad to see, though we expected nothing else from your cus
tomary prudence and foresight, that you intended, with all proper circum
spection and attention, to keep a watchful eye upon the movements of the
Spaniards, and to take proper measures against them, in case this should
become necessary. Still, we are of opinion that the friendship and help of
the Carib nation would, under such circumstances, be to us of uncommon
utility, and might even bring us profit; for which reason we strongly
recommend that you cultivate it.

No. 218.

Extract from letter from Storm van'sGravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, December 13, 1765.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 410.]
*******
The reason why the postholder of Moruca had to depart from here so
suddenly, as I had the honor to inform you in one of my former letters,
was the uproar caused by a murder among the Indians, the bylier think
ing that certain Spaniards had had a hand therein.

No, 219

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, December 27, 1765.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 412.]
*******
Thereafter it has always gone thus, and since the surprising of the post
in Cuyuni I have never received one word of answer to all my letters;
some have even been sent back unopened.

164 No. 219.
Messrs. Van der Heyde and Backer went up the river on the fourteenth,
not only to investigate what was reported before, but also because I have
received a secret report that all the Company's half -free creole men and
women intend to desert to the Spanish missions up in Cuyuni, so as to be
entirely free. # * * * -X- * *

No. 220.

Extracts from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, January 18, 1766.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 138-139.]
*******
According to the reports of the Spanish Indians, it is only too true that
there is a desire to establish new Missions in Cajoeny and above Cajoeny,
but now that a beginning was to be made on the 1st with re-establishing
the Post, I hope that an end will be put to all these encroachments. I have
already engaged a Post-holder who is well acquainted with Indian lan
guages, and as soon as some of the buildings are ready I will give him a
commando of one under-officer and six men to begin with until it is well
established; but I have some trouble in finding six Protestant soldiers, it
being of importance that no Roman Catholic, and especially no French, be
sent there, because they are not to be trusted at all, and more than half
the garrison consists of Frenchmen.
* * * * * * *
I beg your Lordships to be good enough to carefully examine the sol
diers that are sent us in future. Pray do not let us have any more French,
and as few Roman Catholics as possible. The Commandant cannot find
six Protestants for the Posts in Cajoeny, and we dare not trust Catholics
to go there. What is to be done?

No. 221.
Extract from letter from Storm van 's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, April 6, 1766.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 414.]
*******
At the same time I shall write to the Governor of Orinoco concerning
the state of atfairs in Barima, which would become a den of thieves, a gang,
rag-tag and bobtail, of our colonists staying there under pretense of salting,
trading with the Indians, felling timber, etc. They live there like savages,

165
No. 221.
burning each other's huts and putting each other in chains, and I fear that
bloodshed and murder will yet come of it.
The west side of Barima being certainly Spanish territory (and there is
where they are staying), I can use there no violent measures to break up
that nest, not wishing to give any grounds for complaint; wherefore I
think of proposing to this Governor (who is daily being more highly praised
for his friendliness to all foreigners) to carry this out hand-in-hand, or to
permit me to do so, or as and in what manner he shall consider best.

No. 222.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to the West India Company, May 30, 1766.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 415-416.]
*******
Furthermore, the Court forbade that any one hereafter stay in Barima
and charged the Postholder of Moruca to see that this is carried out, be
cause in time this would become a den of thieves, and expose us to the
danger of getting mixed up in a quarrel with our neighbors the Spaniards.
*******
" It is a crying shame that, no matter what pains one takes, one can
get no faithful Postholders. If only those fellows can get rum, they never
trouble themselves about anything else."

No. 223.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, June 19, 1766.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 418.]
*******
It is good, we admit, that the other Indian who was brought by Tam
poko and found to be a spy of the Spanish missions, was placed in custody;
but we strongly doubt whether he will be kept securely enough and not
find means to escape. But, as from his deposition and that of the other
Indians it seems we must deduce that the Spaniards really have the pur
pose to establish new missions in and beyond Cuyuni, we believe that
further delay in erecting the said post is absolutely inadmissible, if we
expect those insidious approaches to gain no more ground, but effectively
to prevent them. And, in order to assure ourselves of the desired success
from that post, we believe with you that the command of six men and a
Sergeant, which you would add to the Postholder already engaged, should
consists of Protestants, for the reasons alleged by you, and we likewise

166No. 223.

_H VT • A* /W v
think necessary the laying-out of a bread-plantation there, and hope that
without any prejudice to the Company the Council may thus have
resolved after consultation with you.

No. 224.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, September 8, 1766.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 419-420.]
*******
The arrangements made by you to have the creole Tampoko live hence
forth at the first fall in Cuyuni, in order the better to be able to keep a
watchful eye upon all the movements of the Spaniards, has our fullest
approval; and, if it should come to the worst, which, however, we would
prefer not to see happen, we agree with you that it would be a great point
to be able to rely upon the aid of the Caribs.

No. 225.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, September 25, 1766.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 420-421.]
*******
But in one of your preceding letters you told us that the place about
the Barima, where some scum and offscourings of folk were staying
together and leading a scandalous life, was Spanish territory, and that you
intended to have Mr. Rousselet, who was going on a mission to Orinoco,
submit some propositions to the Spanish Governor for the extirpation of
that gang. And now you inform us of your having sent thither the Post-
holder of Moruca with positive orders, probably propria authoritate with
out any concurrence of the aforesaid Governor, inasmuch as Mr. Rousselet
had not yet departed thither on his mission; and we cannot quite make
this tally with the other. If that place is really Spanish territory, then you
have acted very imprudently and irregularly; and, on the other hand, if
that place belongs to the colony, and if you had previously been in error as
to the territory, in that case you have done very well, and we must fully
approve of your course, as also of the Court's Resolution that henceforth
no one shall be at liberty to stay on the Barima. But, if the Court has no
jurisdiction in that place, w,e foresee little result from that Resolution;
extra territorium suum jus dicenti enim impune non paretur.

167
No. 226.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, October 1, 1766.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 141.]
*******
The Postholder of Cajoeny will in the beginning of September (the
water now beginning to fall) proceed up that river in order to build dwell
ings and lay out bread-gardens, with the assistance of the Indians, after
which the work there will be properly regulated.

No. 227.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo and Demerara, to West India Company, December 3, 1766.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 14 1.]
*******
The Postholder of Cajoeny is, according to the latest reports, lying ill
at the Post. This is a great pity, because he makes great progress in his
work, and we should lose a great deal in him. But sickness is the fate
which overtakes all, without exception, who proceed up the Cajoeny for
the first time, especially in the dry season, which still continues.

No. 228.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo and Demerara, to West India Company, December 8, 1766.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 141-142.]
*******
I have (so I have reason to believe) found a competent Postholder for Ca
joeny in the person of Pierre Martin, formerly a Corpbral in the service of
your Lordships. I have engaged him at the rate of 16 guilders per month,
and have given him provisionally two assistants, who are well acquainted
with the Indian language, each to receive 8 guilders per month. I dare
not trust any of the soldiers here to go there, for reasons already
given in my former letters. He is at present engaged in putting up the
dwellings and in bringing the Post into some order, and has some Carai
bans with him, whose number I shall greatly increase when sufficient
bread has been planted and things are in a better state.
According to the report of these same Indians, the Spaniards have
captured and carried off your Lordship's creole, Tampoko, together with

168

No 228.
an Indian slave belonging to my daughter, who had gone with him to
buy birds and other things from the Indians up in Cajoeny; some of these
Caraibans even assert that the Indian slave has been killed.
*******
Your Lordships having done me the honour to inform me that your
Lordships had decided upon a garrison of forty men for the Colony (really
much too little for the two rivers) I asked for no recruits, but now that
more than half of the garrison have served their time and are asking for
their discharge, I take the liberty to ask your Lordships for a reinforce
ment of twenty-five men and one drummer. If there were a good com
petent constable or two among them they would be of the greatest use,
for such men can really be ill dispensed with.
Herewith I will again reiterate my request that no French or Flemish
be sent, but as many Protestants as possible. The proximity of the
Spaniards, and especially of the Spanish Missions, renders it impossible to
place the slightest trust in Catholics.
*******
I hope that the exploring and spying parties of the Spaniards in Mas
serouny and Cajoeny will come to an end, and will be effectually stopped
by the Post in Cajoeny.

No. 229.
Extracts from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, March 9, 1767.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 422-424.]
*******
The transferring1 of the post in Cuyuni, as also the work at the Fort,
appears to us to advance rather slowly, and we shall be glad to learn that
both these tasks, in accordance with the hope which you give us thereof,
are at last finished.
*******
Meanwhile it will be necessary to await what are to be the consequences
of the promises of the Governor of Guayana, given solemnly and on his
word of honor, and whether, accordingly, the runaway slaves will be sold
as slaves, and the money resulting therefrom be handed to you ad opus jus
habentium; for we believe that all further representations for the restitu
tion of the runaway slaves themselves will be fruitless, both in America
and in Europe, especially those which you seem to think might be made
to the Spanish Ambassador or Minister at The Hague. For repeatedly, and
again quite recently in the latter part of last year, the most urgent repre
sentations in behalf of this State were made to the Court of Spain, with
1 Note hy Prof. Burr. — It is not impossible that this word is here a slip of the scribe for herplaaisen,
" replacing."

169
No. 229.
regard to the extradition and return of the slaves who at various times
have run away and even now are almost daily running away from Curagao
to the coasts of Cora, and also for the purpose of regulating and establish
ing such extradition in connection with all the colonies of the State; but
the only result has been that the extradition asked for was declined under
pretext of religion, it being alleged that the Courts of England and Den
mark with regard to all their colonies, and that of France with regard to
Martinique, were in the same position.

No. 230.

Extract from letter from Storm van 'sGravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, March 20, 1767.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 143.]
*******
I am fully acquainted with the rule, Extra territorium suum jus dicenti
enim impune non paretur; but it is not applicable to the Resolution of the
Court in this matter, because —
1. The east bank being in our jurisdiction, the Court can enforce its
order there.
2. Because I think that the Court certainly has the power to forbid its
citizens and colonists to go to any places when such is considered to be in
expedient or dangerous for the Colony.

No. 231.

Extract from letter from Storm van 'sGravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, March 23, 1767.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 144.]
*******
I am anxious to have some tidings from Cajoeny, because I received a
note from Director Van der Heyde yesterday in which he informs me that
the creole, Tampoko, had been to see his son at Old Duynenburg, and had
reported that he had heard from a few Indians that a party of Indians had
been sent by the Spanish Mission to make a raid upon the Post, and had
completely sacked it, and that he was going to find out how true that was.
Tbat Post is a terrible eyesore to the Spaniards, and there is no doubt that
it stands in the way of their attaining some important aims. As soon as I
have reliable tidings I shall deliberate with the Court what is to be done in
the matter.

170 No. 232.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, March 27, 1767.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 426-42..]
*******
Therefore (please do not take it amiss that I express myself so frankly—
the importance of the matter forces me to it), if it is desired to prevent the
ruin of the colony, the three following points should be taken into serious
consideration and be put into effect as soon as possible:
1. To insist with the Court of Spain upon redress for the grievances,
and ask there for measures to make the chiefs obey the commands of
His Catholic Majesty, for they really laugh at them.
2. Two good, armed, and well-manned coast-guards, one in the mouth
and one outside the river, to put an end to all the desertions.
3. The fortifying of Demerara, in order tbat nothing go out of that
river without been seen.
And, if no redress can be obtained at the Court of Spain, to use reprisals
against the missions, situated on our frontier, even on our territory; I think
they would then be brought to reason.
This is concisely what I think it my duty to propound to you.

No. 233.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, June 27, 1767.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 428.]
*******
From my preceding letter you will have seen that the post in Cuyuni is
already in order (except a few soldiers).

No. 234.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo to West India Company, June 27, 1767.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 144.]
*******
At the same time I received a report from the Post in Cajoeny that the
Indians are being bribed and incited to such a degree that they are unwill-
ing to do the least thing for the Postholder, and that even1 when he orders
i Note by Prof. Burr.— This word does not here appear in the Blue Book.

171
No. 234.
the passing boats to lie to1 to see whether there are any runaways in them
they obstinately refuse to do so, and when he threatens to shoot upon them
they reply that they have bows and arrows with which to answer.
Therefore the reinforcement2 of these two Posts, Cajoeny and Maroco,
becoming a matter of greater necessity every day {there3 being, indeed'
periculum in mora), I hope tha. some good soldiers, and especially Protest
ants, will be sent by the "Laurens en Maria."
___ »

No. 235.

Extract from the Statement of the Amsterdam Chamber of the West India
Company to the States-General, July 28, 1767, in reply to the Memorial
ofthe Shareholders ofthe Zeeland Chamber.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 432-433.]
*******
The second reason why there is no foundation for the claim of the Zee-
land Shareholders, that the silence of the Representative and the Directors
as to the alleged addition of the oft-mentioned words " and adjoined or
appurtenant rivers and places" implies an acknowledgment that under
this term Demerara must also be included, and that therefore from our
side consent has been given to the surrender of that Colony, consists
herein, that the natural meaning of the expression " Essequibo and
adjoined or appurtenant rivers " is not that which the Zeeland Sharehold
ers attribute to it (namely, that all the places which are situate on the
mainland of the so-called Wild Coast, between the boundaries which the
Shareholders themselves have arbitrarily and without giving any grounds
therefor defined as extending from Moruca to Mahaicony, or from Rio Ber
bice as far as the Orinoco, — that all such places are "adjoined, appurte
nant to, and inseparable from " the Colony Essequibo), but, on the con
trary, only this, that under that description are comprehended the various
channels and rivers, originating from Rio Essequibo or emptying into it,
which are marked on the map, such as, for instance, Cuyuni, Mazaruni,
Sepenouwy, and Magnouwe.
For the words "adjoined, appurtenant to, and inseparable from" can
be applied only to that which has with the thing to which one seeks to
attach it a direct and essential connection, either through express contracts,
and explicit compacts or through a natural and inseparable dependence, in
such manner that, as a lesser portion of a greater whole, it must be deemed
to be an accessorium quid rei principalis.
Now, this is not the case with Demerary with relation to Essequibo;
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — The translation as here given differs from the Blue Book.
8 Note by Prof. Burr. — For the words here italicized the Blue Book has The fortification,
3 Note by Prof. Burr.— _7i.se in Blue Book.

172No. 235.
for there exist no special contracts or compacts through which the owners
of Essequibo have also acquired the ownership of Demerara.

No. 236.

Extracts from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, August 24, 1767.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 434, 436.]
*******
We join you in hoping that the wandering and spying of the Spaniards
in Mazaruni and Cuyuni may have been stopped through the new post in
Cuyuni. As to taking efficacious measures against the running away of slaves
to Orinoco and elsewhere, we are as much as anybody convinced of the
necessity thereof; but in our missive of March 9 of this year we have al
ready told you how little result we were expecting from any representa
tions or requests here in Europe, in view of the reception given at the
Court of Spain to the representations at the request of the Presidial
Chamber, Amsterdam, regarding the slaves absconding from Curagao to
the coasts of Cora. However, in order that we may have nothing where
with to reproach ourselves, we have appointed a committee to the Pension
ary of this province to report to him about the condition of affairs, that he
may, when opportunity offers, lay it before the meeting of the provincial
Estates and bring it about that the deputies to the States-General be in
structed to urge in that body that Mr. Doublet van Groeneveld be sent
word to make the most vigorous representations to His Catholic Majesty,
to the end that the slaves escaping from Essequibo cum annexis to the
Spanish colonies may be returned, as always hitherto has been done till
within a few years, etc. ; and this is all we can do here.
***** * *
You have done very prudently in ordering that nothing be undertaken
against the Spanish mission in Cuyuni, but that a watchful eye be kept
upon all tbe actions of the Spaniards, for so small a beginning may often
give cause for reprisals of a much more serious nature. We likewise ap
prove of the hint which you caused to be given in your name to the Caribs,
namely that they must not molest the Accoways subject to the Company,
which warning we trust has been effective. In the meantime we heartily
hope that the rumors in regard to that post, communicated to us by your
letter of March 23, may have been found untrue, inasmuch as we consider
that post as of very great concern to us, for which reason we also most
seriously recommend to you its preservation.

.._

173
No. 237.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, September 21, 1767.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 488-439.]
****** *
We hope that you have found means of bringing to naught the evil
designs of the Spaniards against the post in Cuyuni; and, however per
suaded of the necessity of strengthening both that post and the one in
Moruca, we have nevertheless been unable to send by this ship a greater
number of soldiers, having had trouble enough to find available shiproom
for these few.
By a subsequent ship we shall again try to send some good soldiers,
and, as we informed you in our ample missive, to continue doing so from
time to time until the garrison shall reach its full quota of 50 men and
shall be in proper order.

No. 238.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to the Officers ofthe Militia in Essequibo [1767].
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 439.]
*******
* * * Moreover, you well know, or should know, that there are a
considerable number of roads for the runaways which the barks cannot
close, and how long the road through Cuyuni has been open, as a result of
the attack of the Spaniards and the destruction of the post there, in which
river there are no longer any Indians and the postholder can hardly main
tain himself, through Pomeroon, over land, and many more.

No. 239.
Extract from letter from Stormvan's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, December 9, 1767.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 149.]
*******
As I could not leave the Post at Maroco without some defence I have
provisionally and ad interim sent one Diderik Neelis there until I could get
a good Postholder.
It is unfortunate that no competent person can be found here for places
of such an importance to the colony; they are nearly all men whose drink
ing habits would make them unfit for such a post.
The one in Cajoeny is no better than the rest because he is asking to be
placed elsewhere, saying that he cannot live there because the place is un-

174 No. 239.
healthy. This is only a pretext, because he looks very well indeed, and
there must be something else behind it which I have not yet been able to find
out; but it is a hard and fast rule in this colony that when anyone has an
honest and competent servant all kinds of deceit are practised to seduce
him and entice him away, a thing that has happened in the Honourable
Company's service more than once.

No. 240.

Extract from letter from J. C. van den Heuvel, Commandeur in Demerara,
to West India Company, December 17, 1767.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 150.]
*******
I fear for the day after to-morrow; no resolution will be come to with
out disputes, because I have heard from outside sources that I shall be sore
put to it, and placed in great difficulties how and in what manner I shall
be able to protect the upper portion of this river; the citizens are unwilling
to go on commando, asking why they should pay an annual poll-tax and
duties, &c, if they have to defend themselves. I can send no soldiers be
cause I have only 10 men, with which I have to guard two posts, and I
am, moreover, destitute of all that a soldier requires when he goes out on
commando. I hope tbe Caraibans will be successful in their undertakings,
otherwise it looks very black for this river, for what can we expect from
unwilling citizens in time of danger? Nothing but great disorder and con
fusion; in addition to this there is a lack of everything, and even in the
storehouses of your lordships. Not six weeks ago I was obliged to buy
nine and a half casks of bacon for the monthly rations, there being no
meat either in Essequibo or here.

No. 241.
Extracts from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, December 28, 1767.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 440, 441.]
* * * * * * *
But we drop this subject and say that in our oft-mentioned missive of
21 September we have already affirmed our full persuasion of the necessity
of strengthening both the post in Cuyuni and that of Moruca, and that we
could heartily wish that you might find means for bringing to naught the
undertakings of the Spaniards.
*******
The description which you give us of the Governor of the Spanish Colo
nies and his dealings affords us no favorable idea of the bloom and' pros
perity of those colonies. The good God preserve ours at least against such
and the like, for in that case we should think their total ruin impending.
* * * -::- * * *

175

No. 242.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, February 9, 1768.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 161.]
*******
In the same despatch in which the Commander informs me of the arri
val of the ship " The Flying Fish " I find these words: — " There are twelve
soldiers on board who are again good recruits for Orinocque because they
are nearly all French." Mr Lonk, who came over as a passenger, has as
sured me that they are all French, and that with the exception of one or
two they are all Roman Catholics. Can it be possible that your lordships
are so deceived by the recruiting agents? I shall have them closely ex
amined, but as I have received no muster roll I do not know how they are
described.

No. 243.

Extract from letter from J. C. van den Heuvel, Commandeur in Demerara,
to West India Company, February 18, 1768.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. S, p. 152.]
*******
I was very pleased, my lords, on reporting the arrival of the twelve
men to the Director-General to hear from him that, according to your lord
ships' letter, they were all Protestants and that there was not a French
man, Fleming, Portuguese, or Spaniard amongst them. But when I mus
tered them I found to my great surprise that out of these twelve men
there were only three who were not French, these being tbe corporal, who
comes from Utrecht, and has served in the State troops for some years,
and a German, a native of Zweibrucken, and a French deserter. The
others are all French deserters, so that I conclude that your lordships have
been scandalously deceived by the recruiting agents, who are infamous
scoundrels.

No. 244.

Extracts from letter from Storm van'sGravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, April 9, 1768.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 163.]
*******
The desertion of a Serjeant and a few men would (especially in time of
peace) be scarcely noticed in Europe, but here it is an entirely different

176No. 244.
matter, our colonies here on the coast having on the one side restless
neighbours who cannot long remain still, and on the other side the Span
iards, who have already given us and still give us so many reasons for sus
picion that we can really not be careful enough. In Suriname such de
serters are received but immediately sent to Europe by the first departing
ship. * * * * * * *
In Cajoeny it is now quiet so long as it lasts; I wish I had a competent
Postholder for that river.

No. 245.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General In
Essequibo, to West India Company, June 1, 1768.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 164, 155.]
*******
The principal fishery, my Lords, has always been in the mouth and
between the islands of Orinoque, near the Warouws, to which we send
salting markott twice every year. This has never been prevented until
recently, to the inexpressible injury of the Company's plantations and
Colony, because there now being a want of that fish, and the slaves being
obliged to have their rations, salt cod has continually to be bought, which
even in one year runs pretty high, and sometimes brings me into difficul
ties with the payment. Only this week I paid over 300 guilders to Captain
Andrew; the twelve casks of meat which each plantation gets annually
are of little use, and 1,000 lbs. of fish is soon gone.
*******
The Posts are now in proper order; those at Maroco and Cajoeny ought
to be strengthened; but Roman Catholic soldiers ought not to be sent there,
and we have, so to say, no others. I should otherwise certainly have sent
reinforcements to Maroco, because our rascally deserters have arrived in
Barima with a few Spaniards and have robbed the Widow la Riviere of all
her slaves and property. This did not matter very much, because I had
strictly forbidden Jan la Riviere to settle between Essequibo and Orinocque,
and for greater security I had this inserted in his pass; he was also for
bidden by the Court to settle in Barima.
*******
It is of the utmost necessity that we should have Protestant soldiers.
I am certain that your lordships are convinced of the necessity of this, but
how little hope there is of getting them I see from the last shipment which,
with the exception of about four, consisted of none but Catholics, and from
your lordships' letter I can only conclude that your lordships have been
greatly deceived.

177
No- 245
This ties my hands completely, and nothing can be done at the Posts,
which are daily exposed to pillage; the Postholder cannot absent himself
for a few days, let alone for a few weeks, as he would have to do to make
any discoveries. ***** * *
The garrison of the two rivers ought to consist of at least a hundred
men (as it does in Berbices), but if they are to be Catholics it would be
better to remain as we are, and even less, since the proximity of the
Spaniards is a standing danger of desertion, and if the opportunity were
embraced by many at once it would have fatal results for some plantations.
This was very much feared when those seven deserted together, and we do
not dare to send anyone after them, not only on account of the smallness
of our numbers, but because it is feared that those who are sent would
join the runaways, especially if they have a good boat and provisions.
*******
We are at present in very precarious circumstances, the Acuways and
Caraibans being now in open war which will probably bring about a great
massacre shortly.

No. 246.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, June 6, 1768.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 156.]
[Postscript.]— Things are now really becoming serious, my lords. Last
night an express arrived from Berbices reporting that the Caraibans above
Berbices having been defeated by the Acuways, a body of six hundred
Caraibans had passed the fort there and together with several other bodies
had taken the road to upper Demerary and Essequibo, so that now our
Caraibans of Essequibo and Masseroeny will take up arms and the war
will become universal. The Lord knows what the results will be; I do not
expect much good from it.

No. 247.

Letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, to
West India Company, September 15, 1768.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 156-157.]
A report which I received after the closing of my letters compels me to
add these few lines. A Spanish privateer from Orinocque cruising along
our coast made an attempt to capture your lordships' salter before the
River Wayni (indisputably the Company's territory) and fired very

178 No. 247.
strongly upon him. The latter was cautious enough (not being able to
escape otherwise) to run his boat high and dry upon the bank so that he
could not be reached by the privateer who, having continued to fire upon
him for some time, and seeing that he could do nothing, finally departed.
They are not content with most unreasonably keeping our runaway
slaves and with hindering us from carrying on the fishery in Orinocque,
which we have always been free to do, but they now wish to prevent us
from salting along our own coasts, and will in this manner and by closing
our river and no boats will dare to go out any more. Is this proper be
haviour on the part of our neighbours and allies?
Must we, my lords, regard all this quietly and endure all these insults
aud hostile acts? Must we see our Posts raided and ruined and our boats
attacked upon our own coasts? What is to be the end of this? There is
no redress to be got from the Court of Spain. Why not exercise the jus
talionis ?
The Caraibans of Barima were here last week and complained that some
of our deserters with a party of Spaniards were continually molesting them
in Barima and robbing them of everything. I asked them whether they
were not men and had no hands to defend themselves. They answered,
" Indeed, they had," but that they did not know whether they might do
so. I replied that they must indeed be careful to give the Spaniards not
the slightest reason for complaint but that if they were unjustifiably
attacked they might stoutly defend themselves. This pleased them very
much, because I had not yet been willing to grant them so much liberty.
We have discovered that at the same time that the corporal and three
soldiers ran away from Demerary to Orinocque there was a plot formed
here by a party of Frenchmen to take to their heels. We were warned
just in time, whereupon the Commandant immediately had all the boats
secured as far as possible and sent warnings to Duynenburg and all the
neighbours. The desertion was thus prevented, but it is only for a short
time; they will watch their opportunity and even if they went away before
our eyes, in a manner of speaking, what could we do? To have them pur
sued would be going ex Scilla in Charibdim, for the pursuers would very
probably join them, and the more so because they would be well armed
and well furnished with provisions.
Therefore, my lords, be pleased not to take it amiss if as long as I have
the honour to be in your lordships' service (which I trust will be but a short
time) I send back to Europe by the first ship all recruits who come here
and turn out to be French. Necessity compels me to do this, and I would
no longer be answerable to God or man for the danger into which the
Colony would be brought by this. The colonists, especially those down in
the river and on the sea-coast, are unceasingly complaining that they are
continually compelled to be on their guard, and really they have great rea
son for doing so.

179
No. 248.
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, November 9, 1768.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 157.]
The beginning of this letter will not be pleasant, because I am obliged
to inform your lordships that in the night between the 5th and 6th of
October, four French soldiers ran away from the Fort here to Orinocque,
as I had expected, and as your lordships will have seen from my former
letters. They have taken as a companion, and apparently as a leader, one
Servaes Smith, whom Mr. Massol had taken from the ship "Zeeberg " in
place of another sailor after paying fifty guilders into the bargain; he had
driven Smith from his house a few days before the desertion of the latter,
for what reason I do not know.
The Commander of Demerary made a very good guess when he wrote
to me on the arrival of the last transport, " There are again some good
recruits for Orinocque." In this way they will not require any recruits
from Europe, if they are so well provided by us.
This matter is really getting more dangerous for this colony every day,
because the rascals are employed upon the so-called coast-guards and
privateers of which I wrote in my last letter, and it has been reported to
us by Spaniards themselves that the aforesaid deserters openly threaten
that they will not only make a raid upon the Post in Maroco, but that they
will also pay a visit to a few of the lowest plantations. Certainly not to
pay their respects to the owners, as their mode of life in Barima plainly
proves. *******
According to a report received from the Postholder of Maroco yesterday
the Governor of Orinocque is in the mouth of that river with one large and
one small boat, both armed, and it is reported that he will stay there for
two months, for what reason or object I do not know.

No. 249.

Extracts from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, November 28, 1768.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 447, 448.]
*******
Also, instead of the salt cod, which, because of the stopping of the fish
ery in Orinoco, and of the scant catch on the seaside, has now been bought
from the English, might there not be sent from here to the colony, a greater
quantity of stock fish than we have sent heretofore?

180No. 249.
In the meantime the loss to the colony of the fishery in Orinoco causes
us no slight regret, but we know no means of redress against this, unless
the people in the colony itself should be able to suggest some means of
retaliation. Against the desertion of the slaves from the colony to Orinoco we also
know no other means of provision than the projected coast-guards,
concerning which we have more than once expressed ourselves at
length. *******
We agree with you in deeming an adequate garrisoning of the various
posts of the colony to be of the highest importance, but, as for the sending
of Reformed or Lutheran soldiers, we have again to refer to our preceding
letter. Up to this time we have not been able to obtain any Reformed sol
diers, not even any Germans, although we have given abundant orders to
all lodging-house keepers.

No. 250.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, February 21, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. S, p. 169.]
I have just received a report from Mr. Van der Heyde that our run
aways have taken the road to Cajoeny and are therefore lost. The Carai
bans have reported to that gentleman that the Spaniards have established
a mission not far above the Post in that river, and yet another in a creek
a little higher up, flowing into the Cajoeny, both of which have been
strongly manned.
It is finished now, my lords; neither Postholders nor Posts are of any
use now. The slaves can now proceed at their ease to the Missions with
out fear of being pursued, and we shall in a short time have entirely lost
possession of the river Cajoeny.
Must we allow all this to go on before our eyes? The natural result of
this must infallibly be that the river Essequibo will gradually be ruined and
abandoned. If we had shown our teeth when, contrary to the law of na
tions, they attacked and destroyed the Post in Cajoeny, and when we had
the power in our hands, it would never have gone so far as this, but all ac
tion was then forbidden me. The proverb says, " Whoever turns himself
into a lamb will be eaten by the wolf." I have thought it well to give your
Honours notice in haste of this occurence so untoward for the Colony.
Remaining with deep respects,
(Signed) L. Storm van's Gravesande.

181
No. 251.
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, February 21, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 168, 159.]

The loss of the fishery is most injurious to the colony; it was hoped that
it might alter with the change of Governor, but the present one has totally
ruined it by driving the Warouws out of the islands into the mouth of the
Orinocque, and a great number of them have taken refuge in Barima.
*******
The nation of the Caraibans, my lords, are looked upon as nobles among
the Indians. It is a very good thing to have them as allies or friends, for
they render excellent services, but they are formidable enemies, capable of
more bravery and resistance than one would think. When their principal
or great Owls come to me, they immediately take a chair and sit down,
and will eat and drink nothing but what I have myself, and they call me
by no other name than that of "mate" or " brother." A good way up the
river there are several villages of that nation which white people have
never seen. These are well populated, and the inhabitants get what they
want through those of their nation who deal with us. We can rely upon
them as friends in case of need. My brother-in-law, Van Bercheyck, who
is not afraid of trifles, once visited a village of that kind up the Weyne,
but he told me that he was never so much afraid in his life as when he saw
200 Caraibans surrounding him armed with their bows and arrows, and
although it was an extraordinarily profitable journey, and he had ex
changed about 50 hammocks and two slaves, and had been invited by the
chief to return in the following year, he declared to me that he would not
undertake it again for four times as much.

No. 252.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, March 3, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 169, 160.]
*******
In my second letter by the " Vrouw Anna," I had the honour to give
your lordships a hasty account of the dangerous position of the river

182No. 252.
Cajoeny; since then I have given express commands that one of the two
assistants there should proceed up the river as far as possible, or as far as
he could go without any danger; that he should make a very careful in
spection of the situation of the Spanish Missions, and that he should get
the Indians to procure him an exact account of their strength, and further
particulars. If possible, he was to bring down one or more of the Indians
living at those missions, and I also gave orders that they should be well on
their guard at the Post against surprise parties (which, according to all
appearances, will very probably be undertaken before long), and that they
were to come and report to me as speedily as possible.

But this is certain, that the road for the runaways is now quite open
and free, it being impossible for the Post in Cajoeny to stop them, there
being a number of inland paths; nor can we be warned in any way by
Indians, there being no more of these in that river. They did begin to
settle there again when the post was re-established, but the raid made by
the Spaniards last year, when a large party of Indians were captured and
taken away, has filled the rest with terror, and they are gradually draw
ing off. *******
There is not a single negro belonging to the Honourable Company who
is not perfectly acquainted with the road, your lordships' plantation of
Duynenburg being situated at the corner of Cajoeny.

No. 253.

Extract from letter from J. C. van den Heuvel, Commandeur in Demerara, to
West India Company, March IO, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 160.]

There is no one, your lordships, who is more convinced how advan
tageous and necessary the friendship of the Indians is to this colony, be
cause so long as we are fortunate enough to have them living around us
we are quite safe inland and have nothing to fear concerning the desertion
of our slaves. I therefore neglect no possible opportunity of cultivating the
friendship of the same and of protecting them from all the ill-treatment
and tyranny of the whites as far as it is expedient to do.

183
No. 254.
Letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, to J. C.
van den Heuvel, Commandeur in Demerara, March IO, 1769.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 160.]
I have this moment received a report from Mr. Buisson that the
Spaniards are carrying off the Indians from Maroco and have made them
selves masters of the Post. What will come of this? If the ships are not
yet gone, inform their lordships of this and send them this letter. Order
the lookout watch1 and the plantations below to be on their guard; the
plantations here have already been warned by Buisson. I have no direct
report yet. I shall send a letter via Barbadoes or Saint Eustatius as soon
as I have a direct report.

No. 255.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, March 15, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 161.]
I have written, by special messenger, to Demerara, to the Commandant,
and ordered him to warn his lookout watch2 and all the inhabitants below
to be well on the look-out, and at the same time that if, contrary to ex
pectation, the ships the "Vrouw Anna " or " Geertruida Christiana" had
not put out to sea, to send to your Honours my letter to him, as the time
and circumstances permitted me to write not even to your Honours, more
especially as the bad news received was transmitted by no other channel
than that of a free Indian, from whom no certain or sure information is
obtainable. In my previous despatches I had the honour from time to time to inform
your Honours of the secret doings of the Spaniards and especially in my
second letter by the "Vrouw Anna," and in my letter by the " Geertruida
Christiana," did right circumstantially concerning the fatal and, for the
Colony, most highly-perilous news of the River Cayuni. My opinion has
always been that they would gradually acquire a foothold in Cayuni, and
try to obtain the mastery of the river, as they now practically have done
at the end of the past year.
But I should as soon have expected heaven to fall, as that they, in so
high-handed a manner, openly (as if in open warfare), in breach of the
right of nations, in breach of all Treaties of Alliance with his Catholic
Majesty, should attack us from another side, and have the audacity to go
to work as if they were sovereigns of this whole coast.
The 10th March I received two consecutive letters from Councillor M.
1 Nota by Prof. Burr. — For the words here italicized the Blue Book has light-house keeper.
2 Note by Prof. Burr. — For the words here italicized the Blue Book has lighthouse service.

184 No. 255.
Buisson, which gave me information that an Indian named Adahouva,
from Pomaroon, had come to his house and related to him that the Span
iards, with two Capuchin Fathers, a detachment of soldiers, and a large
party of armed Waykiers, were capturing and taking away as prisoners
all the free Indians between Barima and Pomaroon, and that they had
actually overpowered the Company's trading place, Marocco, and that they
were now there, but that he had as yet no further knowledge of the cir
cumstances. On the 11th came the assistant from Marocco with a letter
from the Postholder. From his written Report, copy whereof is here an
nexed, your Honours will perceive to what pitch the insolence of our neigh
bours goes.
Your Honours can now see what consequences indulgence and patience
have; this causes me no surprise. I have long foreseen and expected
it; however, I could not presume that they would have dared to undertake
so bold a deed.
*******
They have captured and taken away all our people that were on the
sea-coast. The salter of Luyxbergen has luckily escaped them, but his
Indians, his vessels, two large canoes and three single canoes, which
he had got by barter, they have taken away. They1 of Duynenberg re
turned back early in tbe morning.
The alarm in the river is great. If they come to Pomaroon as they
have threatened they can be in three hours overland in Essequobo, and can
ruin our lowermost plantations.
May I ask once more whether all this must be borne quietly and
whether your lordships' patience has not yet come to an end? With me it
is Patientia lesa tandem furor fit.
What can I do with such a small garrison? The burghers are not yet
ready for service— the letters to the burgher officers calling them together
on the last day of March have been sent off —the general meeting is at
hand, and there is periculum in mora— three clerks are continually at
work writing commissions, instructions, and orders, but everything is so
spread about that it will take twelve or fourteen days before everyone can
be warned.
With the exception of the rebellion of Berbices this is one of the most
critical matters I have been in during my long years of service. Had I
the power and were my hands free I should not feel embarrassed and
would be willing to risk my gray head in the affair.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— He in Blue Book.

185
No. 256.
Letter from Deri Neelis, Postholder in Marocco, to Storm van's Gravesande,
Director-General in Essequibo, March 7, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 162 ]
I beg to report to your Excellency that on the 27th February a Spanish
vessel came into Marocco and to the Post, there being upon it two Fathers,
twelve soldiers, and a party of Weykiers with small canoes (the vessel was
provided with eight swivel guns, and on the forecastle a 4-pounder piece),
coming to fetch Arowakas and Warou was; and they have caught a whole
party in Wayne and Marocco, yet there are many who have fled inland
through the warning of an Indian who had run away from Wayne; and
we knew of nothing until a Father came to the Post. He, however, did
nothing to us at the Post, and I spoke to the Fathers, saying that such acts
were not permitted on Dutch ground and territory. They stated, in reply,
that they did not know that, and that they had orders from their Governor.
Whereon they in the evening departed down the river, repeating they were
going in the other direction; but far from that, however, they have there
searched for Indians, and finding none, burned some houses and broke
small canoes.
Thereupon they came up stream again on the 2nd March with a noise
that so frightened my wife that she took to flight into the forest with her
maids, and in haste caused some goods to be saved.
Coming to the front of the Post with a burning piece of wood, the
Fathers came on shore with their black corporal, who immediately asked
where were the Indians whom they had seen, and where my wife was.
I replied that the Indians were at their house, and that my wife had fled in
terror. But they said, " Your wife is in the forest with the Indians," and
that it was our fault they had found no people; thereat the corporal
was angry, and said they would also take my people; but if I would say
where my wife was, that they would leave my wife one maid; but they
seized immediately one maid caught under the gallery, and trailed her to
the boat, and I was then obliged to show the way. They have taken my
two female slaves with their children, two free maids— one boy of mine is
still missing. There was a pistol shot fired near my vvife's people; now I
know not whether they have shot the boy or no. My wife, who luckily
came from their path without being seen, is at the Post half dead with
fright. My wife prayed for our two maids with their children, but that was
of no assistance. They have removed property of mine, worth quite 100
guilders, that they found outside; but in the house they touched nothing.
Your Excellency should please consider what spirits we are in. My
poor little possessions carried away before my eyes, and the Indians that
were inland so dispersed, that the one knows nothing of the other. Ac
cording to the report of one Indian, the whole of Wacquepo and Corey has
entirely fled.

186 No. 256.
There is a man gone after the runaways of Mr. Volskow; he has luckily
caught them, and when here, corning into the Savannah of Marocco, the
Spaniards took him, loosed the slaves, and placed the fetters on him and
the others with him. But a boy having run away from Miss Persik, came
and told me this, and also that they will come again to come and fetch the
Indians of Pomaroon and the remainder of those who were here.
The negro, J. Breek, his vessel and people, are taken, but he has fled.
Mr. Trotz's creole Adrian is taken. They have plundered Joseph Wolff.
Jan Domburg they have had twice. Further, I humbly request your Ex
cellency that, if it be possible, I may again have my people who have been
taken away, especially as they have done tbe Post no harm, and they keep
bad people away. The Indians here entreat a helping hand of your Ex
cellency to save their freedom, that they may again have their captured
friends, seeing that they do not dwell on Spanish soil.
We sat here for about four days as if we were on an island. No cook,
no maid, and still I can find nothing of wbich to make a little bread. I
fear that all the Indians of the Marocco coast will depart. I can see that
the Spaniards' object was that we should make some resistance, in order
to take us, or that we should abandon the Post. That is why they came
with such a force. But that I could not do, and resistance was impossible
for us. I hope your Excellency will be pleased to send me orders what to
do, and what may be left undone. I am sending also P. Velmeere, that he
may quickly return, and inclose a note from the Fathers, the contents
whereof I cannot understand. Further, I have nothing more to inform
than to remain with all submission and esteem.

No. 257.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, April 4, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 163, 164.]
*******
Having had the honour to write to His Highness and to your lordships
circumstantially via Barbadoes and Suriname (copy of which is herewith)
concerning the unheard-of and crying outrages of the Spaniards of
Orinocque, your lordships can easily imagine that the alarm in the lower
reaches of both rivers and ou the sea-coast was very great.
Councillor Buisson had asked me to send him some gunpowder in order
to be able to give the alarm signals to the citizens in case of need. His
plantation being situated at the lowest point of the island of Arouabiesjes,
and thus having a view right out to sea, he was best situated to be able to
see and to discover everything, wherefore I immediately sent him a barrel
of fifty pounds.

i _

187
No. 257. [March 16, 1769.]
But, my lords, allow me to ask what is now to be done to get food for
your lordships' slaves? The salting is now entirely stopped, not alone in
the mouth of the Orinocque, where we had carried on the fishery from time
immemorial, but there are neither canoes nor corrials to be got for the
plantations or the Fort along the whole of the sea-coast, and we are shut in
on all sides. I must now, nolens volens, buy from the English, or allow
your lordships' slaves to go without rations, and what the results of that
would be your lordships can easily imagine.

No. 258.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, April 4, 1 769.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 452, 453.]
*******
* * * Jan La Riviere (the same who against the absolute prohibition
of the Court had gone with his slaves to live in Barima, and, he having died
there, the Spaniards have robbed his widow of everything, she being now
returned again into this colony), * * *

No. 259.

Extracts from Order issued by Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 164.]
Provisional instructions for the captains, captain-lieutenants, lieu
tenants, and ensigns of the respective burgher troops in Rio Essequibo.
*******
The east coast, under the white flag, begins at and includes the planta
tion Zeelugt, belonging to Mr. J. B. Struys, and extends right away to the
top and comprises Leguaan Island, Vlaggen Eyland and Varken Island.
The west coast, under the orange flag, extends from the topmost plan
tation to the sea-coast as far as there are plantations, and comprises tbe
islands Wacquenaame, Aruwabisje, Trouille and further islands not speci
fied under the white flag.
Divisions.
East coast or white flag.
All the islands belonging thereto except Vlaggen Eyland, Division of
the captain-lieutenant.
Vlaggen Eyland and the east coast from Borrassierie to Bonassiekie.
Division of the lieutenant.

188No. 259.
From Bonnasieke upwards. Division of the ensign.
West coast or orange flag.
From the topmost plantation Nieuw Brandenburg inclusive and Trouille
Island. Division of the captain-lieutenant.
The further islands belong to the division of the lieutenant.
From the plantation Nieuw Brandenburg exclusive to the sea-coast is the
division of the ensign.

No. 260.

Extract from Letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, May 1, 1769.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 453.]
*******
No more than you are we able to divine the reason why the Governor
of Orinoco in person should remain stationed with two armed boats in the
mouth of that river. Here in Europe, at least, we do not hear of the least
rupture, and perhaps the state of feeling in Orinoco is the only cause
of it. *******

No. 261.

Extract from letter from M. Buisson, Councilor in Essequibo, to the Director-
General in Essequibo, May 1, 1769.
[Reprinted from IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 453-454.]
Essequibo, May 1, 1769.
Sir: Your Excellency now being at Demerara and glad perhaps to have
news about this our west coast, I use this opportunity of my boat's going
out to the Jean Daniel to inform you that as yet I hear there no tidings of
the Spaniards.
Meanwhile, a fortnight ago last night, my wife being at church and I
and Kaeks on the plantation Vilvoorde, there was a great panic in Ituribisi,
through the Indians' own fear that the Spaniards had come through Pom
eroon and seized Jan Baptist and burned his house and were kidnapping
the Indians; all those who lived in Ituribisi fled down-stream upon this
rumor. I cannot well relate to Your Excellency all the circumstances of
the affair in this letter; I cannot help saying, however, that when I heard
these things on my way home, it gave me inward pain to think how pitiful
would be our situation if there were ever to happen either an incursion by
these robbers of Spaniards or a [slave] revolt, like, for example, that in our

189
No. 261.
neighbor Berbice. Yes, pitiful it would be, with such timorous inhabit
ants. As for the Caribs, they are, it seems, abandoning their land Barima,
coming every day up to Essequibo, a great number have gone up, and more
are going up to-day, and they will then begin their customary murderous
performances above.

No. 262.

Extract from letters from Jan van Witting1, acting Postholder in Cuyuni, to
Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, May 5, 1769.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 454-455.]
Your Excellency: This is to inform Your Excellency that I have heard
from a Carib that the Caribs of the Mazaruni were coming down with this
flood to carry off the Caribs of Cuyuni to the Mazaruni, and were also com
ing to the post to kill me and Gerrit van Leeu w ; they will come down in large
numbers according to what I heard from the Indians. It is my intention,
Your Excellency, to remove the post to an island Toenamoeto, lying be
tween two falls, and on that island the post will be better and healthier. I
have already commenced to make a clearing there. Herewith I beg to re
quest Your Excellency for the goods which I have laid out for the honor
able West India Company. I beg to ask Your Excellency for 3 guns and
2 blunderbusses or 1 and powder and shot and some flints.

No. 263.

Extract from letter of J. Backer, Commandant at Port Zeelandia, to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, May 7, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 166.]
*******
Yesterday evening Bont received a letter from Mr. Van der Heyde, in
which that gentleman informs him that the Indians up there have told him
that the Post in Cajoeny had been attacked by the Spaniards; that Jan
Wittinge had been killed, and Van Leuwen carried off. Mr. Van der Heyde
at the same time states that he is doing his best every day to hire Indians
to send up the river in order to see whether this is true, but has up to the
present not been able to persuade any Indians to go. If this be true it is
insufferable, and it is too bad that a cat should allow itself to be eaten up
by a small mouse. If we only had the soldiers we would make them pay
for it well.

190 No. 264.
Extract from letter from the Court of Policy and the Director-General in
Essequibo to West India Company, May, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 164-165.]
* * * * * * *
The unexpected invasion of the Spainards, so incompatible with the law
of nations and the treaties of alliance, calls for your lordships' most serious
consideration, and requires a speedy resolution for redress. Not only is the
colony exposed to the greatest danger from Cajoeny up above, and from
the sea coast below, the plantations being continually open to pillage and
plunder (amongst which plunderers the principal are your lordships' run
away slaves, to whom all the paths, holes, and corners are known), but
our fisheries both in Orinocque and on the sea-coast have been entirely
knocked on the head and lost, and your lordships' Post at Maroco has been
entirely ruined, all the Indians who still remained having fled, and none
now remaining round or near the Post; those in Pomeroon have also de
parted and abandoned their dwellings, with the exception of the Caraibans,
who hold their ground, and whom up to the present they have not dared
to insult.

No. 265.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo and Demerara, to West India Company, May 12, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 165, 166.]
* * * * * * *
What a pity it would be if such a flourishing colony (such as this is now
growing) were to be ruined by rogues and pirates, as must inevitably be
the case if no powerful measures are adopted to resist the pirates from
Orinocque and make them abandon their expeditions!
According to the last reports from the Postholder and from the Carai
bans, they are still all in Barima, having sent their prisoners to Orinocque,
and they threaten to come again at an early date, and not only carry off all
the Indians from Powaron, but even to attack and plunder our plantations.
It is not enough for them to protect our runaway slaves and to refuse
to give them up, but they arm these very slaves and use them to attack
and plunder us, for it is known with certainty, my lords, that the run
away slaves from Aegtekerke were with them and that it was they who
most urged them on.
Yesterday evening I received a despatch from Director Richter inform
ing me that an Owl with twelve Caraibans had come to the Fort from
Barima, and that he had considered it best to send him immediately to me
so that I might hear his report myself.

191
No. 265.
The said Owl being narrowly examined by me, through the medium of
a very good interpreter, told me that the Spaniards in Barima, having been
reinforced by another boat, had at last attacked the Cariabans themselves,
captured several of the same, carried them off, burnt their houses and
ruined their plantations; that they continued to make raids all around and
along the sea-coast, and that they were making preparations to come to
Powaron, and that they said that when they had finished there they
would come to Essequibo and attack the plantations and even the Fort
itself. I regard the latter as a vain Spanish boast, but they are quite capable of
doing all the rest. Things have now actually reached such a stage that we
can return violence with violence, but is it not a sad thing, my lords, that
we have such a weak garrison and not six men among them upon whom
we can place the least reliance? To send a small detachment of twelve or
sixteen men down would really be to risquer le toid pour le tout, for if they
were all disloyal, as is only to be expected from Frenchmen and Catholics,
and went over to the Spaniards all would be lost, because not the least
reliance is to be placed upon the citizens.
So that, since the outlook is daily becoming blacker for the colony, it is
high time to make some provision, and as there is great danger of total
ruin it is highly necessary that powerful and speedy measures should be
adopted to prevent the same.
I asked the Cariaban Owl this morning whether the Cariabans were
no longer men and whether they had no hands with which to defend
themselves, whereupoD he replied, "Indeed, they have; but the Spaniards
have guns, and we only bows and arrows. Give us rifles, powder, and
shot, and we will show you what we are." Even had I been inclined to do
so I could not, having no further supply of these than just sufficient for
the garrison. * * * * * * *
Yesterday I received a letter per express from Commandant Backer,
which I take the liberty of enclosing.
In this your lordships will find the report from Mr. Van der Heyde con
cerning Cajoeny. If the news be true (which I can scarcely believe), then
things are going badly, and there remains no other alternative but to adopt
measures of violence or reprisal. The depredations of the Spanish from
Barima to Powaron continuing daily, we must acknowledge that they are
capable of anything, and that we must expect all kinds of violent and
piratical acts from them. The poor colonists on the west coast below
Essequibo are in a terrible state of alarm, and are on the lookout night and
day. * * -;:- * * * *
Postscript.— I have the honour to send herewith a letter from Director
Richter, and one from Van Wittinge, the assistant at Cajoeny. From the
latter your lordships will see that the news from Cajoeny is not yet cor-

192 No. 265.
roborated, and also whence that report came, and in what a dangerous
state that Post is. I have requested the Commandant to give him what
he can, with the exception of the blunderbuses, of which we have none.
This is, however, the best weapon in such cases. 1

No. 266.

Extracts from proceedings of the West India Company (Zeeland Chamber),
1769.
[Reprinted from IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 457-461.]
[June 26, 1769.]
* * * * * * *
One from the Director- General in that colony, Mr. Laurens Storm van's
Gravesande, dated April 4 of this year, containing advices, and, among
others, confirmation of the undertakings of the Spaniards from Orinoco
against two of the Company's posts in Essequibo, described more fully in
a letter from the Director-General to this Chamber dated March 15, 1769.
* * * * * * *
Whereupon, after reading and discussing the letters aforesaid, it was
resolved: to put them together with the Addenda, in the hands of the
Committee on Commerce, that the Committee may examine them and re
port to the Chamber.
And this, notwithstanding, after further discussion it was moreover
resolved: that the letter from the Director General Mr. Laurens Storm
van's Gravesande to his Serene Highness the Director-in-chief, joined as
inclosure B. to his said letter to this Chamber, be without delay transmit
ted to His Highness; and that H. S. H. be at the same time requested to
transmit to the Chamber copies of the Addenda accompanying said letter,
and to inform the Chamber whether His Highness would think it expedi
ent and seasonable to address the States General in this matter.
And the Advocate is requested to prepare the letter to that effect, and
also authorized to cause it to be transmitted without further cognizance
[by this Chamber]. ***** * *
Received and read a dispatch from His Serene Highness [the Prince of
Orange], Governor-General and Director-in-Chief, written at Soestdijk the
7th of the current month in reply to Their Honors' letter of the 26th ultimo,
stating that His Serene Highness learned with much regret the danger to
which the colony of Essequibo was exposed, in its so slight state of defence,
through the hostilities of the Spaniards; that, as His Highness judged that
the conservation of the American possessions in general, and that of
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— For the words here italicized the Blue Book has the best of our guns having
fallen to pieces.

193
No. 266.
the colony aforesaid in particular, was of the most extreme moment
for the Republic, it was with His Highness' fullest approba
tion that Their Honors would address themselves regarding this matter
to their High Mightinesses and make to that high authority such request
and urgent appeal as was indicated in Their Honors' letter aforesaid of the
26th aforesaid, and the earlier this were done the better ; that for this
object His Serene Highness was sending the desired copies of the Addenda
which had been inclosed in the despatch of the Director-General to His
Serene Highness ; that His Serene Highness would not omit efficaciously
to second with his favourable support Their Honors' request and urgent
appeal before their High Mightinesses.
Whereupon deliberation being had, it was approved and decided to
request the Advocate, as was hereby done without further action being
required, to be good enough, the earlier the better, to draft and submit for
approval an address to their -High Mightinesses, in Their Honors' name,
complaining of the various acts of hostility undertaken by the Spaniards
against the Company's posts in Essequibo, and, in addition, of the hin
drances by them caused to those of Essequibo, as well in the fishery on the
territory of the Republic as in the mouth of the river Orinoco, and, finally,
of the retention, notwithstanding the claims preferred for rendition, of
slaves deserting thither from the colony of Essequibo, to the considerable
loss of the said colony.
****** *
[July 17, 1769.]
The advocate having, by the Chamber's Resolution of the 10th of this
month, been requested to draw up and submit a Remonstrance or Address
to the States General of the United Netherlands, containing complaints of
the various hostile undertakings by the Spaniards against various of the
Company's posts in the colony of Essequibo, and also of the hindrances in
flicted by them upon those of Essequibo, in the fishery on the territory of
the State as well as in the mouth of the river Orinoco, and, finally, of the
detention, in spite of the claim duly preferred by the owners, of the slaves
deserting from the colony of Essequibo to Orinoco, to the considerable
prejudice and inevitable ruin of the colony aforesaid : he, the Advocate,
submitted and read in the meeting, such a Remonstrance, with the
Addenda in proof of the facts stated in that Remonstrance, sub literis A.,
I etc.] Whereupon, after discussion and after thanking the Advocate for his
pains, it was resolved that the aforesaid Remonstrance be approved and
accepted, as is hereby done, and it shall be transmitted without change to
the States General.
And, futhermore. upon further discussion it was resolved: that copies
of the aforesaid Remonstrance and Addenda be sent to His Serene High-

194 No. 266.
ness the Chief Director, and also to the Representatives of this Province in
the States General, to be handed to them by the Agent van Rielle in the
same way as preceding cases, with request that they support this Remon
strance in the most forcible manner in the States General and wherever
else it may be deemed of use.
And the required letters to His Serene Highness the Chief Director, to
the aforesaid Representatives, and to the Agent van Rielle were sub
mitted, and upon discussion adopted, ut latius in litteris.

No. 267.
Extract from letter from the Prince of Orange, Stadhouder, to West India
Company (Zeeland Chamber), July 7, 1769.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 461-462.]
To the Representative and Directors of the Chartered West India Com
pany, in the Presidial Chamber Zeeland:
Sirs: We have duly received your missive of the 26th of last month,
whereby you transmitted a letter addressed to us by the Director-General
in Essequibo, Mr. L. Storm van's Gravesande, concerning certain under
takings of the Spaniards from Orinoco against two of the Company's posts
in the aforesaid colony, and whereby you also request us that we furnish
you " copies of the documents joined to the aforesaid letter of the Director-
General aforesaid, and also that we inform you whether we would judge it
necessary, expedient, and timely for you to address the States- General
upon the matter aforesaid, requesting and urging that about this matter,
and about the retaining of the runaway slaves from the colony and the
hindering of the Orinoco fishery, earnest representations be made to the
Court of Spain, and that reparation for the violation of territory, with ade
quate security for the future, be properly insisted on."
From the letter of the aforesaid Director-General we have learned with
much regret the danger to which the colony of Essequibo is exposed, in its
so slight state of defence, through the hostilities of the Spaniards; and as
we judge the conservation of the American possessions in general, and
that of the colony aforesaid in particular, of the most extreme moment for
the Republic, we, therefore, approve fully your praiseworthy intention of
addressing yourselves regarding this matter to their High Mightinesses, and
of making to that high authority such request and urgent appeal as is indi
cated in your letter; and it is our opinion that this should be set about, the
earlier the better, and without loss of time. To this end we transmit to
you herewith the desired copy of the addenda to the letter of the said
Director-General; and we will further not omit efficaciously to second
with our favorable support your request and urgent appeal before their
High Mightinesses.

195
No. 268. .
Extract from Minutes of the West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber),
July 10, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 168.]
*******
Received and read a despatch fjom His Serene Highness the Prince,
Governor-General and Chairman, written at Soost-d'yk the 7th of the cur
rent month in reply to their Honours' letter of the 26th ultimo, stating
that His Serene Highness learned with much regret the danger to which
the Colony of Essequebo was exposed, in its so slight state of defense,
through the hostilities of the Spaniards. That as His Highness judged
that the conservation of the American possessions in general, and that of
the Colony aforesaid in particular, was of the most extreme moment for
the Republic, it was with His Highness' fullest approbation that their
Honours would address themselves regarding this matter to their High
Mightinesses and make to that high authority such request and urgent
appeal, as was indicated in their Honours' letter aforesaid of the 26th
aforesaid, and the earlier this were done the better; that for this object His
Serene Highness was sending the desired copies of the Addenda, which
had been inclosed in the despatch of the Director- General to His Serene
Highness. That His Serene Highness would not omit efficaciously to
second with his favourable support their Honours' request and urgent
appeal before their High Mightinesses.
Whereupon, deliberation being had, it was approved and decided to
request the Advocate (this without adjournment) to be good enough, the
earlier the better, to draft an address to their High Mightinesses, in their
Honours' name, and to bring it before the adjourned meeting, complaining
of the various acts of hostility undertaken by the Spaniards against the
Company's Posts in Essequebo, and, in addition, of the hindrances by them
caused to those of Essequebo, as well in the fishery on tbe territory of the
Republic, as in the mouth of the River Oronoque, and finally, of the reten
tion, notwithstanding claims preferred (for rendition) of slaves deserting
thither from the Colony of Essequebo, to the considerable loss of the same
Colony.

No. 269.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to J. C.
van den Heuvel, Commandeur in Demerara, July 24, 1 769.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 463.]
***** * *
With respect to your other letter, or postscript, likewise of the afore
said March 11, serving only to accompany a note from the Director- General

196 No. 269.
to you which contained information of the expedition of the Spaniards
against the Company's post in Moruca, we shall say only that this and the
other enterprises of the Spaniards, together with their hindering the fish
ery on our own coasts and their preventing the fishery in Orinoco, and also
their detaining, in spite of formal demand for their return, the slaves who
abscond thither from the colony, have been brought by us to the notice of
the States General, in a petition with the evidence thereto pertaining; of
which petition we send to the Director General, by this ship, a copy which
he probably will communicate to you upon occasion.
We hope that the representations to be made to the Court of Spam will
have the desired effect for the future, for as to the present we imagine that
those enterprises of the Spaniards will not be continued.
Meanwhile we shall send, by one of the first outgoing ships, a reinforce
ment of 23 men for the garrison of both the rivers, consisting of Germans,
or as far as possible of men of the Reformed or Lutheran persuasion, aud
we can provisionally do no more.
* * * * * * *

No. 270.
Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Cliamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, July 26, 1769.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 464-465].
We therefore begin with yours of September 15th of last year, and say
that from it we have, with no little astonishment, noticed the enterprises
of the Spaniards from Orinoco against the Company's Salter off the river
Waini, not contenting themselves with excluding those of the colony by
force, in the mouth of Orinoco, from a fishery of which from time im
memorial they have been in possession, but hindering it even on our own
coasts. We have thought it advisable to give knowledge hereof to the States
General by a petition, at the same time addressing to them our complaints
about the recent threats and expeditions of the Spaniards against the Com
pany's posts in Cuyuni, Moruca and the Company's post Arinda, etc., re
lated in your subsequent letters; upon which occasion we have complained
to them also about the detention by the Spaniards of slaves deserting from
the colony, contrary to all right and reason, to the notable prejudice of the
colony, and in spite of the most formal demands of the owners; with re
quest that on this subject they be pleased to make the most emphatic
representations to the Court of Spain, and to insist upon reparation for
everything and upon adequate provisions for the future; as you may see
from Inclosure B, being a copy of our aforesaid petition. Of this the out
come and effect will provisionally have to be awaited, while we can only
give full approval to the policy which you have hitherto observed therein
and the measures you have taken, and rely thereon for the future.

197
No. 270.
Not that we desire that in the colony all the enterprises of the Spaniards
be looked on without concern and suffered to go on unhindered; on the
contrary, we are of opinion that force should be met with force, and all
violent deeds be hindered as much as possible; wherefore we approve of
the orders which you have given to the Caribs of Barima. But we do not
as yet think it advisable to use direct retaliation, for more than one reason,
but especially on account of the weakness of the garrison, which it has
been absolutely impossible to strengthen by this ship. However, in the
month of September we expect to be able to send from here 25 men, all
Germans, and as far as possible Reformed or Lutheran, two persons very
capable, as it seems to us, having already been appointed as sergeant and
corporal, their names being Peter George Philip Fromman and Carel
Kerchner, while the crimps have contracted, against an extra premium of
4 dollars per head, to have that number of soldiers of the desired quality
ready for shipment by that time, and to do more or otherwise is not in our
power.

No. 271.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, July 31, 1769.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 467-468.]
Three excellent slaves of John Liot, carpenters, have run away to
Orinoco; he has been in pursuit, but wras compelled to return, the
Spaniards (so he says) having followed to beyond Pomeroon. The man
whom Vulskow had sent in pursuit of his slaves, and who, as I had the
honor to inform you in my preceding letter, had been seized and put in
chains by the Spaniards, has come back.
He told me that he had been treated very badly as soon as he arrived in
Orinoco; that the Governor had sold the slaves and, as he sustained, had
put the money in his pocket, and in order that this [might not become
known] had sent him to Martinique, from where Mr. Bedu, who had land
in Demerara, had brought him along to here, without any charge, which
is really very courteous. That Governor bragged considerably to this man,
and said that the land belonged to His Catholic Majesty as far as to the
bank of Oene, and that he would come and seize those plantations
which lay on Spanish territory. The bank of Oene lies along the western
coast of this river and there are several plantations below it. It therefore
is very well that the militia- captain Tierens has been so prompt in execut
ing the regulations, the inspection of that company having been com
pleted and the roll thereof already handed in; it consists of nineteen men.

198 No. 272.
Extracts from the proceedings ofthe States-General, August, 1769.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 468-477.]
[Wednesday, August 2, 1769.]
*******
Read to the [States-General in] session the remonstrance of the Repre
sentative of His Serene Highness the Prince of Orange and Nassau and the
Directors of the Chartered West India Company in the now presidial
Chamber Zeeland, as having on behalf of the Company in general the par
ticular direction and care of the colony of Essequibo and of the rivers which
belong to it, declaring that they the remonstrants in this capacity had from
time almost immemorial been in possession, not only of the aforesaid river
Essequibo and of sundry rivers [and] creeks on that coast which flow into
the sea, but also of all branches and streams which empty into this river
Essequibo, and more particularly of the most northerly arm of this river,
called the Cuyuni; wherefore also, on this river Cuyuni, it being considered
as a domain of the State, there had from time immemorial been established
a so-called Post, consisting of a wooden lodge, which, like sundry others in
that colony, is occupied and kept, on behalf of the Company, by a Post-
holder and an outrunner, or Bylier, together with some slaves and Indians.
That, accordingly, they the remonstrants (especially after what had
happened in 1759) had been not a little surprised to learn by a letter from
the Director-General in Essequibo, Mr. Laurens Storm van's Gravesande,
written the 9th February last, that a detachment of Spaniards (that is,
from Orinoco) had come above that post and had carried off from there
several Indians, threatening to return at the next following dry season
and to go on to Mazaruni (another branch of the river Essequibo, lying
between it and the river Cuyuni, and therefore likewise incontestably
forming part of the territory of the Republic), in order there also to carry
off a body of Caribs (an Indian tribe allied to the Dutch and virtually sub
ject to them), and then to descend the Mazaruni, ascend the Cuyuni
again, and visit the Company's aforesaid Post in Cuyuni, all which their
High Mightinesses could see by an extract from the aforesaid letter, an
nexed as Addendum A, containing also a report of the provisional
measures which the aforesaid Director- General had taken thereagainst.
That they the remonstrants had taken all this to be a mere threat,
which was likely to be followed by nothing, as had more than once hap
pened; and this although the said Director-General, by a letter dated
February 21, 1769, an extract whereof was herewith subjoined as Addendum
B, had also informed them of the planting of two Spanish missions,
strongly manned, one not far above the Company's aforesaid post iu
Cuyuni (apparently, however, on Spanish territory) and the other a little
higher up, on a creek emptying into the aforesaid river Cuyuni.
That if, however, any attack from the aforesaid Spaniards in a time of

...

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No. 272.
peace could be expected or must be anticipated, it would therefore certainly
have been from that side, especially in view of what the Director-General
had further stated in his letter of the 3d March of this year, whereof an
extract was hereto annexed as Addendum C; that, however, from a letter
of the Director-General written under date of March 10 last to his son-in-
law the Commandeur in Demerara, and by the latter forwarded in original
to the remonstrants, a copy whereof is hereto annexed as Addendum D,
they the remonstrants had learned to their utmost astonishment that the
Spaniards had begun to carry the Indians away from Moruca and bad made
themselves masters of the Company's post at that place, which is a small
river, or creek, south of the river Waini and lying between it and the river
Pomeroon, where from time immemorial the Company had likewise had a
trading-place and post, and which beyond contradiction belonged also to
the Dutch territory.
That these tidings received by the remonstrants had been further con
firmed by the receipt of a triplicate of a letter from the said Director-Gen
eral dated March 15 of this year (the original of which was sent by way of
Barbados and the duplicate by way of Surinam, but up to now had not ar
rived), whereof the remonstrants had the honor to subjoin herewith an ex
tract as Addendum E, in which extract their High Mightinesses would
find a detailed summary of what had been done by the aforesaid Spaniards,
how the Company's postholder had borne himself, and what measures bad
provisionally been taken thereagainstby the aforesaid Director-General; all
of which was yet further confirmed and cleared up by the Addenda F and G,
the one being a copy of a report from the Company's Postholder in Mor
uca to the Director-General dated March 7, 1769, and the other a copy of
a document in Spanish given by the two Capuchin fathers who accom
panied the aforesaid expedition to the aforesaid Postholder himself, and
for lack of opportunity not yet translated — of which documents the Re
monstrants had obtained copies through the kindness of His Serene High
ness the Prince of Orange and Nassau, the remonstrants themselves hav
ing not yet received other copies thereof direct, these having probably been
inclosed to them along with the aforesaid original and duplicates.
That from this triplicate they the remonstrants had further learned
that the Spaniards from Orinoco had killed the Company's Postholder of
the post Arinda, up in the river Essequibo, not far from the little river or
creek Rupununi, together with all the Caribs he had with him, or at least
had caused him to be killed by a tribe subject to them, so that the Owl, or
Chief, of the Caribs had come down to ask of the aforesaid Director -
General permission, and had obtained it, to avenge the death of his com
patriots by attacking their murderers, as their High Mightinesses would
see by Addendum H, which is a second extract from the same letter of the
Director-General, dated the 15th of March last.
That, although together with the aforesaid triplicate letter of the 15th
of March, there was further received by them the remonstrants from the

200 No. 272.
said Director-General a letter dated the 4th April of this year which
made mention of no further enterprise whatever of the Spaniards, report
ing only how at present thought is being taken in every quarter for the
stopping of such enterprises; nevertheless they the remonstrants had
thought it their duty not to sit still, but on the contrary to bring this
matter in as full detail as possible to the knowledge of their High Mighti
nesses, not doubting that their High Mightinesses would be most keenly
sensitive to such assaults and would not permit so palpable a violation of
the territory of the State to pass unnoticed without at least making the
most emphatic protests thereagainst.
That they the remonstrants deemed themselves bound furthermore to
bring it at this juncture to the knowledge of their High Mightinesses that
they of Orinoco had not only for some time past begun to deny to them of
Essequibo, and later actually to prevent, the fishery in the mouth of the
aforesaid river Orinoco, notwithstanding that they of Essequibo had for
many years been in quiet and peaceful possession of this fishery, to their
material convenience through the abundance of fish found there, but that,
moreover, they of Orinoco were beginning to hinder and forcibly to prevent
the fishery upon the territory of the State itself, extending from the river
Marowyn to beyond the river Waini, not far from the mouth of the river
Orinoco, according to the existing maps thereof, particularly that of M.
d'Anville, reckoned for its accuracy as one of the best— grievances as to
which their High Mightinesses could likewise learn the truth from Ad
denda I, items 1, 2, and 3, these being extracts from the letters of the
above-mentioned Director-General dated the 15th September, 1768, and the
21st February and 4th April, 1769.
That, lastly, the remonstrants thought themselves also under obliga
tion to bring to the knowledge of their High Mightinesses the behavior
of them of Orinoco, contrary not only to all Treaties but even to the Law
of Nations, in retaining and taking away, to the notable detriment of cer
tain planters and of the whole colony, the slaves deserting from tbe colony
thither, although these were duly and with all urgency demanded back
by the owners, and that all representations which in this matter have up
to the present been made there, and even the sending of envoys, have been
fruitless; while nevertheless such desertion, unless checked, might in time
bring with it the entire ruin of Essequibo, and [while] now by the placing
of the aforesaid two Spanish missions so near to1 the Dutch territory, and
also by the attacking of the Company's posts and the killing of the Post-
holders, this [desertion] was in no small degree favored and made easy, as
their High Mightinesses could see from Addenda K, 1 and 2 [and 3], and
Addendum B, these being extracts from the above-mentioned letters of the
Director-General dated February 9, February 21, and March 3 last: They
the remonstrants praying that, on account of all the damages which must
1 N.te by Prof. Burr. — These words are thus italicized both in the manuscript and in the official
impression of this Remonstrance printed by the States-General for its own use.

201
No. 272.
necessarily result from such acts and proceedings, a copy of this remon
strance and these annexes may be sent, in the same way as was done on
July 31 of the year 1759, to Mr. Doublet van Groeneveld, their High
Mightinesses' Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of His Catholic Majesty
the King of Spain, and that he be instructed to make the requisite repre
sentations on this subject to the court of Spain.
Whereupon, deliberation being had, it has been found good and
decreed that a copy of the aforesaid remonstrance and annexes be sent to
Mr. Doublet van Groeneveld, Envoy Extraordinary of their High Might
inesses to the Court of Spain, and that he be at the same time instructed to
make known in such manner and place as can give it effect the aforesaid
occurrences and outrages, to represent the unlawfulness thereof, and more
over to insist upon a prompt reparation of the acts of violence committed,
and upon the reinstatement of the remonstrants in the peaceful possession
of the above-mentioned and other posts and the fisheries hereinbefore de
scribed, as also to insist that the necessary provision be made for the pre
vention of such causes of complaint in the future, and that there be accord
ingly issued by the Court of Spain as soon as possible the proper orders for
the restitution, without delay or fail, on the first requisition duly made
(with payment, if necessary, of the costs involved), of all the runaway
slaves from the colony who are now there or who may desert hereafter, —
in which case their High Mightinesses will be able to issue like orders to
the colonies of the State.
And an extract of this resolution of their High Mightinesses shall be
communicated to the Marquis de Puente Fuerte, Envoy Extraordinary of
His Catholic Majesty, with request to be so good as to support with his
good offices as much as possible these representations of their High
Mightinesses. And furthermore the aforesaid Representative and Directors of the
West India Company in the presidial Chamber Zeeland shall be notified by
letter, that their High Mightinesses have been grieved to learn from the
aforesaid petition of the undertakings and outrages of the Spaniards com
mitted upon the territory of the State in the colony of Essequibo and
appurtenant rivers; that, in accordance with their request, they have
send out to Mr. Doublet van Groenevelt, their Envoy Extraordinary
at the Court of Spain, the necessary orders to make proper representations
on this subject at that Court; that, however, they would have liked to
learn, at the same time, what measures the aforesaid Representative and
Directors, who ascribe to themselves the especial direction and care of the
colony of Essequibo and its appurtenant rivers, have taken to shelter the
aforesaid colony against all deeds of violence; that they must, the sooner
the better, inform the States General how much soldiery they keep for the
maintenance of the aforesaid colony, what forts and strong places have
been built there on the borders and frontiers, in what condition these are,

202 No. 272.
with what ordnance and ammunition they are equipped, and, in general,
what provision is made by them for the safety of the aforesaid colony.
And, inasmuch as it appears from what has happened there with the
Spaniards tbat further difficulties might in future arise there with the
neighbors; the States General do most earnestly recommend them to take
without delay such measures and make such provisions that the Director
of the aforesaid colony be enabled to make at least some resistance against
such offenses and attacks and effectively to oppose them; and to give
knowledge to the States General, at earliest opportunity, of what they
shall have resolved on this head, in order that, if the States General
should find that this had not been sufficiently attended to, they may make
further dispositions such as they shall think proper, for the purpose of
preventing that for lack of necessary precautions the colony continue
exposed. * ****** [Wednesday, August 30, 1769. J
* -X- * * * * *
Received a letter from the Representative of His Serene Highness and
the Directors of the Chartered West India Company in the presidial
Chamber Zeeland, written at Middelburg on the 21st of this month, con
taining answer to tbe States General's letter and resolution of the 2d pre
ceding, taken upon their petition of July 17 last, concerning certain
enterprises of the Spaniards from Orinoco against various posts of the
colony of Essequibo, by which resolution the States General had ordered
them to report, the sooner the better, how much soldiery is kept by them
for the maintenance of the aforesaid colony, what forts and strong places
have been built there on the borders, in what condition these are, with
what ordnance and ammunition they are equipped, and in general, what
provision is made by them for the safety of the aforesaid colony; with the
added recommendation that, inasmuch as it appears from what has hap
pened there with the Spaniards that further difficulties might in future
arise there with the neighbors, they take without delay such measures
and make such provision that the Director of the aforesaid colony be
enabled to make at least some resistance against such offenses and attacks,
and effectively to oppose them.
Whereupon, after discussion, the Deputies of the Provinces of Holland
and Westfriesland and of Zeeland have taken copy of the aforesaid letter
and inclosures, to be more fully communicated in their sessions, and, this
notwithstanding, it was resolved that a copy of the aforesaid letter and
inclosures shall be transmitted to the Messrs. Pagniet and the other Dep
uties of the States General for the affairs of the West India Company, to
investigate, examine, and fully report here in the meeting.

203
No. 273.
Extract from Minutes of West India Company (Zeeland Chamber), August
7, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Boot, No. 3, pp. 172-173.]
* * * • * * * *
Read a letter from their High Mightinesses the States-General of the
United Netherlands, written at the Hague on the 2nd of the current
month, which gave cover to their high resolution of the day above-men
tioned concerning the hostilities undertaken by the Spaniards against dif
ferent Posts of the Company in Essequebo, the stopping and prevention of
the fishing by those of the Colony on their own territory and in the mouth
of the Oronoque, as well as the retention by the Spaniards of the slaves
deserting to Oronoque from the same Colony, notwithstanding their being
properly reclaimed by their masters, which remonstrance is more fully
mentioned in the Minute of this Chamber of the 17th July last.
Their High Mightinesses' Resolution aforesaid orders the Extraordinary
Envoy at the Court to Spain (who is to be provided with a copy of the Re
monstrance aforesaid and addenda relative thereto) to give knowledge of
the undertakings and outrages of the Spaniards afore-mentioned, and of
the result thereof, and to represent the impropriety thereof, as also to
insist upon prompt reparation for the hostilities inflicted, and the reinstate
ment of the Company in the free possession of the aforesaid Posts and
fisheries hereinbefore mentioned, as also at the same time to insist that the
necessary provision should be made for the prevention of similar material
for complaint in future, and accordingly that proper orders be sent on
account of the Court of Spain, the earlier the better, that all slaves who
have deserted out of the Colony wTho still are forthcoming, or who may
desert in future, upon the first proper claim, imperatively, upon payment
of the expenses incurred, may be given up without delay, and without
remaining in default, in which case their High Mightinesses would cause
similar orders to be issued to the Colonies of the State. Further, extract
of this Resolution to be placed in the hands of the Extraordinary Envoy of
His Catholic Majesty at the Hague, with a request that he will second these
their High Mightinesses' instances at his Court as far as possible by his good
services and offices.
Lastly, by the same Resolution, a letter still to be written to their
Honours to the effect that their High Mightinesses had understood with
regret from the same Remonstrance aforesaid the undertakings of the
Spaniards committed on the territory of the State in the Colony of
Essequibo and adjacent rivers, — that pursuant to the request in the same
Remonstrance conveyed, a letter was written to their High Mightinesses'
Extraordinary Envoy to the Court of Spain, and orders transmitted as
mentioned just now. Then that their High Mightinesses desired much to
be informed as follows: —

204 No. 273.
What orders of their Honours who subscribe themselves as having par
ticular direction over and care of the Colony of Essequebo and adjacent
rivers have been drawn up to protect the Colony aforesaid from all out
rages. That their Honours should inform their High Mightinesses, the
earlier the better, how many forces are maintained by them for the protec
tion of the aforesaid Colony; what forts and strongholds have been erected
there on the limits and frontiers, in what state they are, with what artil
lery and munitions they are provided, and in general what provision has
been made by their Honours for the security of the aforesaid Colony. And
also, whereas it appears from all that has occurred there with the Span
iards that in future further exigencies may arise with the neighbours there,
with additional recommendations to their Honours to draw up without loss
. of time such orders, and to make provision, that the Director of the Col
ony aforesaid may be placed in a position at least to make a resistance to
similar insults and attacks, and to repulse them with effect, and to give the
earliest notice to their High Mightinesses of all that their Honours shall have
resolved in that behalf, in order that, should their High Mightinesses find
that object was not sufficiently fulfilled, further disposition might be made
therefor, according as may be found to be expedient for the occasion, so
that the aforesaid Colony may not be exposed for want of the necessary
provision.

No. 274.

Letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to the States-General,
August 21, 1769, as to the means of defense of the Colony of Essequibo.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 477-491.]
To the States General of the United Netherlands.
High and Mighty Sirs:
We had the honor to receive, on the 7th of this month, your letter and
Resolution of tbe 2d preceding, a Resolution taken upon our Remonstrance
of July 17 last, which concerned certain enterprises by the Spaniards from
Orinoco against various posts of the colony of Essequibo; also the impeding
and preventing of the fishery for the people of the aforesaid colony, upon
their own coasts as well as in the mouth of the river Orinoco; and, lastly,
the detention, in spite of the reclamation by their owners or masters, of
the slaves deserting from the colony of Essequibo to Orinoco.
From your aforesaid Resolution we saw that you had been pleased, in
conformity with the request made in our aforesaid Remonstrance, to in
struct the Envoy Extraordinary of the Republic at the Court of Spain, that
he make due representations with respect to the three aforesaid points, and
insist with all emphasis upon a prompt reparation of the offenses com
mitted and upon the necessary provision for the future; while you had also

205
No. 274.
requested the Envoy Extraordinary of His Catholic Majesty to this
Republic to second those representations and claims for reparation.
From your aforesaid Resolution we furthermore saw that you had been
grieved to learn of the enterprises and attacks of the Spaniards, committed
upon the Republic's territory in the colony of Essequibo and appurtenant
rivers. That, however, you would have been glad to learn, at the same time,
what measures we, who attribute to ourselves the especial direction and
care of the colony of Essequibo and its appurtenant rivers, have taken in
order to guard the aforesaid colony against all deeds of violence.
That we must inform you, and the earlier the better, how many
soldiers are maintained by us for the protection of the aforesaid colony?
What forts and works have been erected on the frontiers there?
In what condition these are?
With what artillery and ammunition they are provided?
And, in general, what provisions we make for the security of the afore
said colony?
To all of wrhich was joined your recommendation that (inasmuch as,
from what has occurred there with the Spaniards, it seems that further
trouble with the neighbors there may hereafter arise) without delay we
take such measures and precautions that the Director of the aforesaid
colony may be enabled to offer at least some resistance against similar in
sults and attacks and to oppose them effectively; and, moreover, that we
inform you at earliest opportunity of what we have resolved about this
matter, so that, if you should find that this subject had not been sufficiently
attended to, you might make such further dispositions as should be found
necessary in order that for lack of necessary precaution the aforesaid colony
may not remain exposed.
While taking the liberty hereby to express to you our dutiful gratitude
for the prompt and favorable Resolution which you have taken upon our
aforesaid Remonstrance, we must also take this occasion to add hereto
that we are gladdened and touched on seeing your truly fatherly grief at
the aforesaid enterprises and attacks of the Spaniards against the aforesaid
colony of Essequibo cum annexis. For thereby we were flattered with the
sweet hope that in case of urgent necessity (which may God avert, or
rather forefend, for we cannot yet foresee it) the colony of Essequibo and
adjacent rivers might count upon help no less prompt and efficacious than
was enjoyed by the colony of Berbice at the latest revolt of the negroes
there. This prospect, you will readily understand, must please us the more, in
asmuch as the Chamber Zeeland (ever since the well-known Resolution of
the Board of Ten, of August 11, 1750, whereby the navigation to the
Colony of Essequibo, formerly exclusively for the inhabitants of Zeeland,
was thrown open for all the inhabitants of the Republic; or rather, since that
Board of Ten's Resolution of September 17, 1753) has found itself placed

206 No. 274.
in charge of tbe especial direction and care of the aforesaid Colony of
Essequibo; so that not only has the Presidial Chamber Amsterdam since
the year 1756 left out the entire subject of Essequibo from the Agenda, in
spite of the successive protests which were made against this in the name of
this Chamber, but that the Chamber Amsterdam even had the hardihood
to send back with protest, in 1767, a bill of exchange which the Chamber
Zeeland bad drawn after due and timely advice. This was done because
the Chamber Zeeland hesitated to satisfy a demand, never heard of before,
of the aforesaid Chamber Amsterdam, being in substance that the Chamber
Zeeland must first declare that the amount of those bills was not to be ex
pended in behalf of the Colony of Essequibo cum annexis, although that
Colony always has been, and still is, a property of the General Company,
which Company, as is well known, has the profits or losses falling to that
Colony; and in spite of tbe circumstance that the Chamber Amsterdam had
shortly before (in a certain Deduction, printed in its name, concerning the
well-known controversies about Essequibo and Demerara) sustained pre
cisely, totidem verbis, that the Treasury of each Chamber is not the Treas
ury of each Chamber in particular, but only a part of the Treasury of the
Company, which consists of all the Treasuries of the respective Chambers
together, etc.
All this will be fully proven to you by the documents here inclosed,
sub Literis A 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11 locis.
And this, we flatter ourselves, will be enough to convince you that
we do not now unjustly arrogate to ourselves the aforesaid especial direc
tion and care the less so because already in 1759 we thought ourselves
obliged for the same reasons to ascribe it to ourselves, and at that time
this passed without any especial comment on your part, as appears from
your Minutes of July 31, of that year.
Now, if we could in the least have imagined that you would have
wished and desired to learn at the same time from us, in our aforesaid
quality, what measures we had already taken for guarding the aforesaid
Colony against all acts of violence, we surely would not have failed very
respectfully to inform you that the shortness of the time between our re
ceiving the last and positive reports of the enterprises of the Spaniards
and the preparing our Remonstrance to you, had made absolutely impos
sible the framing of the necessary measures and issuance of the required
orders for its safety, especially because during that time no ships had
set out for the Colony. We should moreover have to take the liberty
to add that, although the enterprises of the Spaniards are exceedingly
blameworthy, and although the representations to the Court of Spain,
both for the reparation of the past and for provision against the future,
must be reckoned extremely useful and necessary, still in our humble
opinion, a very great or extraordinary provision for guarding the Colony
against the aforesaid acts of violence would now be not more needed than
it was in the year 1759. At that time certain Spaniards committed sim-

207
No. 274.
ilar outrages, wbich also became for us the subject of a remonstrance to
you, and representations about it were then also made at the Court of
Spain; we have seen, however, down to these recent attacks (which perhaps,
for reasons, are now not unexaggerated), no sequel thereof. Furthermore,
three letters received since then from the Director General, Mr. Laurens
Storm van's Gravezande, dated May 12, June 3 and 15 last, no longer make
mention of any further or other enterprises of the Spaniards, aye, the last
mentioned even maintains a profound silence about them.
But, as we now find ourselves honored with your express orders as to
the points about which we must inform you with regard to the state of
defense of the aforesaid colony, we shall step by step follow your Resolu
tion, and have the honor to inform you, that
Firstly, as for the soldiery maintained by us for the protection of the
colony, the number of those present in the colony (according to the so-
called muster roll drawn up on the last of December, 1768, and sent to us,
copy of which we have the honor to inclose herewith, sub LiteraB.) is now
unusually small, the garrison having been so greatly weakened, through
discharge of several who had served their time, through the death of others
and the desertion of many, that no more than 39 common soldiers are
actually available. Adding to these the Captain Lieutenant, Command
ant, the Adjutant, in command of the lookout-watch in Demerara, two
sergeants, 5 corporals, one drummer, 4 postholders and 3 byliers, it makes
in all 56 men. This in truth not very considerable number is in great part
due to the incredible trouble which we have for some time had to take, in
order properly to recruit the aforesaid garrison with Reformed or Lutheran
soldiers, Dutch, German, Norse, or English by birth, since all others,
Spaniards, French, Swiss, and Flemish, of the Catholic faith, were deemed
most dangerous to the colony by the Director-General, who declared that
he would rather have no soldiers than such as these. We could prove this
by manifold extracts from his letters; but to spare your precious attention
we shall limit ourselves and join to this our Report one single extract from
one of these, dated September 15, 1768, by which the truth of what we
have said will be made fully apparent to you.
However, we have at last found a means to remedy this difficulty by
taking a Resolution, on May 1 last, herein closed sub Litera D, 1 loco, for
paying a premium of a little over two ducats per head for every competent
person furnished to us, of which Resolution we have given due notice to
the Director-General Storm van's Gravesande, as seen from D, 2 loco. And
this Resolution has been attended with such success, that we have not only
hope, but sufficient assurance, that by one of the first ships to set out for
Essequibo, in September or October, we shall be able to send out 25 good
recruits of the required qualities, whereof we have informed the aforesaid
Director- General by our letter of July 25 last, as you will please to see from
Litera D. 3 loco. We have likewise already given actual orders to look

208 No. 274.
about for 25 more, on the same conditions, in order to send them also as
soon as possible.
But, however small the aforesaid number of 39 common soldiers may
at first glance have seemed to you, we still imagine that your astonish
ment thereat will greatly decrease as soon as you will be pleased to con
sider, in addition to the already alleged reasons— discharge, death, and
desertions— the following circumstance. After the unfortunate revolt in
Berbice we had sent several men in reinforcement of the garrison, which
before had become much weakened; and when we had alleged the reasons
why no greater reinforcement had been sent, and finally fixed the garrison
of the Colony at 40 men, some members of the Court of Justice, it is
true, remarked upon the fixing of that number, but at no time were any
representations made to us on that subject by, or in the name of, that
Court; it tactily acquiesced and has always fully assented to the suffi
ciency of the aforesaid number of 40 men as garrison in time of peace.
This number we have, proprio motu, afterward increased to 50 men. All
of this which will be made apparent to you by Inclosures E. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,
6, 7, 8 and 9 locis.
To this you will please add that, so long as the ten-years' exemptions
(under which all plantations are given out, the number whereof has begun
to increase only in the last few years) have not expired, so that more
taxes than are at present established in the Colony can be introduced, as,
for instance, in Surinam— so long will the revenues which the Company
is as yet deriving from the aforesaid colony be absolutely inadequate to
bear for any length of time the maintenance of more soldiery. This,
although the number of its civil employees is very small and their wages
and salaries really very slight; but they must, in the same way as in other
colonies, be provided with rations at the Company's expense, just as are
the soldiers. However, if in course of time, the revenues increasing, it
were possible to fix and maintain the garrison at 100 men (namely 50 for
Essequibo and 50 for Demerara), in that case we believe, if you will allow
us so to say, that this, especially in time of peace, would be more than
enough. And, in addition to all this, you will lastly consider (and we beg you
always to remember this in case hereafter anything should appear some
what deficient) that our Treasary has not always been affluent or strong
enough to make for everything as exact and complete provision as we
could have wished, aud as perhaps we ought to have made in case we had
always had sufficient money at hand. This is due to the refusal of the
Chamber Amsterdam to give us subsidies of money, and also to the unsatis
factory way in which the Estates of Zeeland pay the Drafts of the Council
of State, which are to the Estates' charge and for the benefit of the Com
pany, amounting yearly to f.4850. Of these, only two in all have been
paid since the year 1738, so that the arrears due to the company at present
amount to the important total of almost f.150,000.

209
No. 274.
Secondly, as to the forts and works erected on the frontiers of Esse
quibo, the matter stands in thiswise: in the mouth of the river of Essequibo,
on Great Flag Island, is situate the fort Zeelandia, the chief castle or fort
ress of the whole colony; the entrance of the river is moreover protected
on the other side by a battery or lookout- watch.
In the mouth of the river Demerara is placed a battery or lookout- watch;
at the south of Demerara, on the river Mahaicony, is a post, called Mahai
cony. Above in the river of Essequibo, towards the Portuguese side, above the
little river Rupununi, is a post, named Arinda.
There is a post in the river Cuyuni, towards the Spanish side.
And lastly, one more post, situate between the little rivers, or creeks,
Moruca and Wacupo, also towards the Spanish side.
Other forts or works there are none in the colony of Essequibo cum
annexis; however, as to the lookout-watch in Demerara, we must have
the honor moreover to inform you, that for greater protection of that
river, if not a smallfortor ravelin,1 at least that lookout- watch, oughtlong
ago to have been transferred from its west side and placed on the east side.
But, inasmuch as this is [a matter] of the province8 and at the expense of
the colonists and planters in that river, according to the conditions under
which it was thrown open, it has always been impossible in any wise to
induce them thereto, in spite of manifold efforts and reiterated exhorta
tions of the Director-General, all whose exertions have hitherto remained
fruitless and in vain.
Thirdly, as for the condition of those forts and works, we can tell you
only this, that, so far as we know, they are in such condition as they
should be; at least, our orders and commands have not been lacking in
this respect, as you will please to see from the Inclosures F. 1,
2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11 locis, being so many extracts from
our orders written at various times to the Director- General of
Essequibo cum annexis, who has assured us that all posts are in good condi
tion and well attended to, as shown by Inclosure G. 1 and 2 locis, being
two extracts from two letters to him, dated June 1 1768, and February 9
1769. Again recently, in his letter dated February 21 last (see Inclosure
H.), he has declared that as soon as he should have received 100 barrels of
trass (which he had forgotten to ask for, as is shown by G. 2 loco, and
which we therefore could not send), the chief castle of Fort Zeelandia would
then also be put into proper and complete condition, and that this would
soon be accomplished. Those 100 barrels of trass are to be sent over by one
of the first ships.
Fourthly, as for the artillery and ammunition with which those forts
and works are provided, we have always left the providing for and distri-
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — /. «., " if a small fort or ravelin be not placed on the east side of the
river " — the construction is elliptical.
a Note by Prof. Burr.— Of Zeeland.

210 No. 274.
bution of the artillery and ammunition at hand in the colony to the
attention and direction of the Director-General; for he, as best knowing
the local circumstances, is best in a condition to judge how much ord
nance, of what caliber, and consequently what ammunition, are needed at
each place for defense, etc. ; and from this you will readily understand
that we are entirely unprepared to give you adequate and specific infor
mation. This only we can assure you in this connection, that all ammunition
which has been asked for has also been sent at once; from this it clearly
follows tbat if, contrary to expectation, it so happened that sufficient store
of ammunition were not at hand in the colony, the fault of this could not
be imputed to us, but to the Director -General himself, because he has not
asked for more ammunition.
As for the ordnance found in the colony, you will please see from
Inclosure I that there are at band at Fort Zeelandia, 40 available guns of
various caliber, 7 ditto without carriages, 10 swivel- guns, 45 good chambers,
and 12 disabled ditto.
At the lookout-watch in Essequibo, 2 pieces of different caliber, but
without carriages.
And in Demerara, two 6-pounders on carriages, and several swivel-
guns, all belonging to the company; moreover twelve 6-pounders belong
ing to the colony, but likewise without carriages.
And with this, we flatter ourselves, you will be convinced that there is
in the colony no lack of sufficient artillery, and that it is only a question of
a proper and efficient distribution of the same.
Fifthly, as for a general enumeration of the provisions made by us for
the security of the aforesaid colony of Essequibo, we have made the
necessary arrangements for sending thither, by one of the first ships, 200
muskets with their bayonets, 200 cartridge-boxes, and as many cutlasses,
in order therewith to provide the citizens and planters who are without
arms, and in case of emergency to arm certain Indians, if this should be
judged advisable; 2,000 lbs. of powder; 24 blunderbusses; 500 lbs. bullet-lead
for making bullets; 600 flints; moreover powder-measures, sponge rods, and
rammers in sizes, for 12 to 4 pound guns inclusive; inasmuch as we have
seen from Inclosure I. that the tools belonging to the ordnance were bad.
Moreover the militia in both rivers has been brought into proper condi
tion and the two youngest Councilors have been appointed Majors of the
Militia, namely one in each river. The Militia in Essequibo has been
divided into two flags, or companies, the white flag and the orange flag,
and each company has been placed under the command of a Captain, Cap
tain-Lieutenant, Lieutenant, and Ensign; this division has been made like
wise in Demerara, namely into the blue and the green flag, or company, each
likewise provided with 4 officers; while both to the officers and to the militia
such orders have provisionally been given, and will further be given finally,

211
No. 274.
as are most in accordance with the constitution of the colony, so as in case
of alarm to offer the best possible defense.
Sixthly and last, we greatly wished tbat we were able, in pursuance of
your urgent recommendation expressed in your aforesaid Resolution, to
send out without delay further and more efficacious orders and make
prompt and complete provisions for enabling the Director-General, Mr.
Laurens Storm van's Gravesande, to resist and effectively repel such insults
and attacks. But there being, at least so far as we know, no other effica
cious, more prompt, and better means within our power, and other meas
ures, for reasons set forth in what we have said herebefore, also seeming to
us scarcely necessary (we say this subject to your correction), there remains
to us nothing more than to submit ourselves to your wise and better judg
ment and respectfully await your subsequent dispositions and further de
cisions in regard to all the foregoing; while it will always give us especial
satisfaction to be honored with your orders and commands, and we shall
always be found as ready as any one to fulfill and carry them out, so far as
lies in our power.
And herewith we take the liberty to commend your High Mightinesses
to the protection of the Most High, and with all due respect to subscribe
ourselves, High and Mighty Sirs,
Your High Mightinesses' humble and obedient servants,
The Representative of His Serene Highness and the Directors of
the Chartered West India Company in the Presidial Cham
ber Zeeland.
Dl. Luycx Massis.
Abm. Dtjvelaer.
Middelburg, August 31, 1769.

No. 275.

Extract from letter from the Dutch Ambassador at Madrid to the States Gen
eral, September 7, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 174.]
* * * * * * *
I have, pursuant to your High Mightinesses' Resolution dated the 2nd
August, had a conversation with the Marquis de Grimaldi concerning the
complaints made by the Representative of His Highness the Prince of
Orange and Nassau and the Directors of the Chartered West India Com
pany. His Excellency told me he had received extract of your High Mighti
nesses' Resolution, inclosing the complaints mentioned, through the
Marquis de Puente Fuerte; that he had given report thereof to the

212 No. 275.
King the previous evening; that His Majesty had commanded it to be
placed in the hands of Senor D'Arriaga, Secretary of State for the Depart
ment of India and the Navy.
I have had a conversation with the Minister mentioned, but his Ex
cellency said he knew nothing of the matter, and that he would send the
said document to the Council of the Indies, in order to take their advice
thereon, yet that apparently they would want to write thither in order to
obtain the necessary information.
I requested him that as information would be written for, that he
would be pleased at the same time to send orders to the Governor to dis
continue all hostilities, and to leave those of the colony in quiet posses
sion, as they had possessed the same until now. His Excellency replied
to me that, when the advice of the Council of the Indies was received, he
should send the same to the Marquis de Grimaldi, and that they then
would make report thereof to the King.
I have again conferred with the Marquis de Grimaldi, and communi
cated to him this reply that I had received from Senor D'Arriaga, and
at the same time I requested his Excellency that if they must write
thither for information, that he would dispatch the above-mentioned
requested orders at the same time to the Governor.
His Excellency has consented to do this, saying that this was reason
able and equitable.
That is all that for the present, High and Mighty Lords, I have been
able to perform in this matter.

No. 276.

Extract from letter irom West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to the
Director-General and Court of Policy in Essequibo, October 23, 1769.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 494-495.]
* * * * * * *
Concerning the enterprises of the Spaniards, of which you speak in your
letter, as also about the hindering of the fisheries and the detention of the
slaves deserting from the colony to Orinoco, in spite of the reclama
tions of their owners or masters, we have made a very full remonstrance
to the States General, which has had for a result that on this subject the
most emphatic representations have been made to the Court of Spain by
the Minister of this Republic; of which, however, up to this time the effect
has been only this, that the Court of Spain has demanded of the Council of
the Indies a report on this head.

213
No. 277.
Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, November 30, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 174-175.]
***** * *
The Spaniards continue to cruise along the coast, so that there is no
chance of getting anything salted for the plantations, which does both the
Honourable Company and the planters a great deal of harm.
*******
The Postholder of Maykouny has reported that a very large number of
Caraibans had come there and had asked him for permission to come and
live in that river. All the Postholders having orders to keep on friendly
terms with that nation and to favour them as much as possible, he im
mediately accorded them that permission, whereupon they laid out some
plantations and have commenced to make their houses.
He says that the Caraibans were nearly all dressed, and even had priestly
garments and ornaments with them. This made me suppose that they had
been ill-treated by the Spaniards to such an extent that they had at last
adopted measures of reprisal and had raided some of the missions. We
have as yet not had the slightest tidings of this, all communications with
Orinocque being still cut off.
Should my supposition be found correct the Spaniards are not too good
to put the blame of this matter upon our shoulders, their conscience telling
them what they had deserved.
I should really shudder (as I always have done) to have recourse to such
barbarous and un-Christian measures. I heartily wish that we could ob
tain full redress for the insults wre have received and still continue to re
ceive, but by honourable measures befitting Christian peoples; and therefore,
did my strength permit it, I would be quite willing to risk my grey head
in this once more, for the actions of that proud nation are really unbear
able, and the more so because they presuppose a considerable measure of
contempt, since the Spaniards in Orinocque must be fully convinced that
if we chose to use our power with our Indians we could make the whole
of Orinocque too hot for them.
Had the insults offered to our Post of Cajoeny been punished as they
deserved the later ones would most probably never have been committed,
but what is done is done.
Meanwhile our fisheries are ruined, and we have lost all our runaway
slaves. The slaves cannot live and work without rations, and three pounds
of fish once a fortnight is really not much. This has now to be bought
from the English. On the 18th I had to buy six barrels of cod; and if the
English were not to come here, the colony would be unfortunate indeed;
this is very costly, too, both for the Company and the planters.

214 No. 278.
Extracts from letter of M. Buisson, Councilor in Essequibo, to the Director-
General in Essequibo, December 3, 1769.
[Reprinted from IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 495-496.]
* * * * * * *
I can not neglect to communicate to Your Excellency that Pedro
Sanchos has come from Orinoco with the bad news that in a month or
six weeks 2 boats will come with as many as 50 or 60 men to kidnap the
Indians as far as in Pomeroon, and then, I fear, plantations will surely be
pillaged; for this Governor sets his boundaries as far as at the bank of
Oeno, where James Fenning lives. I do not doubt but many black and red
slaves will go over to them; and who will get them back from them?
*******
[Postscript. ]— I once told Your Excellency that the Spaniards claim
Pomeroon; the end of this will shortly be seen.

No. 279.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesende, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, December 21, 1769.
[Reprinted from IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 496.]
*******
If we had here now such a garrison as in Berbice, one could make
arrangements to welcome these pirates fittingly. If I could only detach 24
men, together with some Caribs, I would teach them to undertake such
exploits; but that many capable men I have not in all.

[Reprinted (with correction) from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 175.]
* * * * * * • *
I take this opportunity of informing your lordships that Pedro Sanchez
having been in chains in Orinocque for some months, had the good fortune
to escape. He has informed me that two privateers are again fitted out,
with a much stronger crew than the former one, and that in about five or
six weeks from now they would come to Maroco and, further, into1 Pome
roon to carry off all the Indians whom they could get, and that they would
probably come as far as the mouth of this river.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— These italicized words do not here appear in the Blue Book.

215

No. 280.

Extracts from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, March 25, 1770.
[Reprinted from Blue Blook, No. 3, pp. 176-176.]
*******
At the time when the Spanish outrages were committed, and some
propositions were made concerning preservation and defense, the majority
in Demerary immediately said that they were unwilling to contribute to
this, because their river had no occasion to be insulted by the Spaniards.
This was true iu itself, because this river and the sea-coast must suffer the
first attack before they can get to Demerary, where, the plantations also
lying close to each other, the people can come to each other's aid much more
readily — that is to say, if they wish to, because about this your lordships
must permit me to have grave doubts. I know my people and their char
acter —each for himself and God for us all.
I should not recommend the people who said those things to come here
in Essequibo, nor to take a walk on the west coast, because I fear they
would fare badly. The people who have plantations there are exposed to
the greatest danger; and if the Spaniards have dared to attack the Post of
Maroco, to carry off as prisoners both the slaves and whites from the
coast, to take the boats from your lordships' plantations, and the goods
belonging to the Postholder, they would not make any bones about
going some five hours further and plundering the lowest plantations,
especially since they openly maintain that Powaron belongs to them as
far as the bank of Oene, this being quite in our river, several planta-
tations lying below that bank.
*******
The letter from the Assistant Van Wittinge is so far satisfactory that
there does not seem to be any danger at hand yet for the Post; this,
however, does not detract from the fact that the establishment of the
missions of Cajoeny is a very serious matter. I charged this man to pro
ceed up the river with all possible caution, and to make an ocular inspec
tion as well as he could, and to collect reports from the nations up above.
Up to the present this has not been done; but what shall I say, my lords —
he is a creole.
He ought not to have removed the Post without my permission, but
fear often leads us into mistakes. He is once there, and is much better
protected against surprises, but the position is not in accordance with my
wishes, because for very good reasons I would have liked to move the Post
gradually higher up the river.

216 No. 281.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, July 30, 1770.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 176.]
* * * * * * *
The fishery in Orinocque still being closed, I am compelled to buy cod
for tbe plantations and for the rations of the slaves. This is very expensive,
and I hope that, with the new Governor who is expected there, matters
will change. Don Vincente Franco, whom I have known for over five and
twenty years, a man of over eighty, came to Essequibo in March, and told
me that they expected there as Governor one Don Carlos de Sucre, a son
of one Don Carlos de Sucre, who was Governor there in the year 1738
when I came here. If he follows in his father's footsteps everything will
go very well. As soon as I hear of his arrival I will write to him.
Contrary to expectation I am, thank God, fairly well; and if I continue
so, it is my intention to undertake the return journey to Essequibo.

No. 282.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, August 18, 1770.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 177.]
*******
Young Mr. Tulleken, having asked for a permit to go to Maroco, and
having obtained the same, I now hear that he went farther, and that he
was arrested and is now a prisoner in Orinocque. I fear that this young
gentleman, being afraid of his father's return, undertook that journey
because he had neglected the affairs of the plantation.

No. 283.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, January, 1771.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 8, p. 177.]
*******
Orinocque is in all respects a sharp thorn in the side of this colony.
The English and French get their slaves returned to them, and we can ob
tain nothing. That the French are privileged I can understand, but I can
not see that the English are better friends of the Spanish than we are, un
less it be that they go to work in this affair with more vigour. Such

217
No. 283.
matters have occasionally, however, good results. It is certainly a great
loss for private people to lose their slaves in such an unfortunate way, but,
if the matter be properly looked at, it is perhaps better that such insolent
scoundrels should go to Orinocque than that they should stay here and
provoke a revolt or rebellion.

No. 284.

Extract from letter from West India Company (Zeeland Chamber) to Storm
van's Gravesande, Director-General in Essequibo, March 11, 1771.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 498-499.]
*******
We also hope that upon the arrival of a new Governor in Orinoco the
fishery will be opened, and we greatly approve of your purpose of main
taining a good friendship with him.

No. 285.
Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in
Essequibo, to West India Company, August 27, 1771.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 178.]
*******
If the news from Barbadoes be confirmed, namely, that the war be
tween England and Spain has actually commenced, there is some prob
ability that we shall get mules at a moderate price; the neighbouring
Spaniards will then be in want of a good many things, and will require us,
and we shall then get permission to fetch these animals from Orinocque.
A few North Americans do still come, but not many, and they bring no
horses.

No. 286.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, January 6, 1772.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 179.]
*******
On the 21st of December Peter Kerks brought back to the Fort here four
runaways from Upper Demerary whom he had caught off the mouth of the
Pomeroon on their way to Orinocque.
Captain E. Bishop, of Barbadoes, having arrived here asked me to give

218 No. 286.
him a commission to go as a flag of truce to Orinocque to claim his run
away slaves; this I granted him. I have at the same time written to the
Governor there asking him for the restitution of the slaves.
I am certain that this is in vain, and that no atteution will be paid to
this demand. Bishop, however, has orders from the Governor of Barbadoes
to come back immediately in case of refusal, when his Honour will send a
war-ship there to claim Bishop's slaves as English property.
The English do not make so many ceremonies as we do, and it is indeed
very hard, my lords, to be cheated and robbed of one's property in this way
without any reason; it looks more like piracy than the dealings of two
allies. The number of our slaves there now is very large. There are about
forty of Leary's alone; there are likewise seven of the best Creoles from your
lordships' plantation of Aegtekerke and several more belonging to me.
Those belonging to private colonists are innumerable.
The numbers of the runaways increasing daily, this matter will end in
the total ruin of a great many plantations, unless efficacious remedies be
adopted. The former Postholders in Maroco were able to do something to arrest
the progress of this evil, they having at least six or seven hundred Indians
around that Post, some of whom they could always have out at sea, but
the unauthorized attacks of the Spaniards have driven these natives away,
and the Spaniards even came to the Post, as your lordships know, sword in
hand, to drive away or carry off the few that still remained, and succeeded
only too well in doing so.
I know very well that little notice was taken of this action, but the
Colony, as I foresaw, is beginning to feel the consequences, and I have good
grounds for believing that matters will become still worse.

No. 287.
Extract from letter from the Court of Policy in Essequibo to West India
Company, January 6, 1772.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 179-180.]
With respect to the land in Maroco, this land was granted without de
termination of the number of acres and upon the express condition that the
owner or owners should be bound to maintain an outpost there— it being an
estate lying close to the river Orinoco, full two days sail from here [and,
having been] for a considerable time left uncultivated by the petitioner
[i. e., by Mrs. Rousselet], in a word, fallen to ruin and at nearly every high
tide under water, wherefore it must now be sold without delay.1
JNote by Prof. Burr.— -The italicized words are here substituted for the Blue Book translation. As to
this and for the original Dutch see IT. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 1, p. 243.

219
No. 287.
The cattle would probably fetch about fifty or sixty guilders each here
(but not eighty) if they were at Fort Zeelandia, but the animals being wild
there would be few bids for them, since no one would care to capture them,
bring them away, and deliver them at the buyer's place without receiving
for the use of his men and boats (to say nothing of the risk of the Spaniards)
thirty or forty guilders apiece. We were therefore very glad when a bid
was made for the place and all the cattle upon it. No one could have sup
posed, my lords, that a single bid would be made.

No. 288.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, July 14, 1772.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 180.]
*******
It is related here that a new Governor has arrived in Orinocque. Should
that be true, I hope that he will not be such a Turk as his predecessor.
With the latter there was not the least chance of getting anything out of
Orinocque, and he even forbade the usual salting in the mouth of the river,
and set a strong watch to prevent it. If the present one shows a little
more tractability, as the former ones did, I will soon take advantage of it;
there must now be abundance of cattle there. The English no longer
bring either horses or mules and very little provisions, the cause of this
being the protested bills.

No. 289.
Extract irom letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, August 27, 1772.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 180.]
***** * *
Very many plantations having been laid out on the west coast of this
Eiver, Bouwman, the surveyor, who measured all those plantations, has at
my request made a chart of that coast as far as Pomeroon and the Post of
Maroco. From the actual mouth of the Essequibo to the creek Hamaite
there are twenty-seven plantations; from there to Mana Caboera there are
about six thousand roods, and from Mana Caboera to the mouth of
Bowaron Ollira there are nine thousand roods (taken up), so that we are
beginning to get close to Pomeroon, and we shall therefore have to discon
tinue making fresh grants of ground in that direction.
What astonished me most, my lords, was to see in these exact plans the
situation of the Post in Maroco; I could never have imagined that it lay so

220 No. 289.
far up the creek from the sea-coast. It lies upon and fully commands the
inland road through the itabos, which is used by the inhabitants and the
Spaniards as the safest, but it is absolutely useless as far as regards the
runaway slaves, who pass along the coast by water, that being just beyond
reach of the Post.
From this we see how little reliance is to be placed upon all the verbal
reports of the Postholders, the latter having their own reasons for keeping
up the deception, and I therefore believe that the visit of the surveyor was
not very agreeable to them.
Bouwman has sent me the new sketch, but I will make a neat copy of
it, which I hope to have the honour of sending your lordships.
In the best chart of South America by Mr. D'Anville, the Post of
Maroco is also wrongly placed in accordance with the aforesaid inaccurate
information.

No. 290.

Extract from letter from Storm van's Gravesande, Director-General in Esse
quibo, to West India Company, August 29, 1772.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 181.]
The very dangerous condition of the Colony, which has been and still is
on the brink of total ruin, compels me to report the same to His Serene
Highness as speedily as possible, which despatch, being enclosed, I take the
liberty of humbly requesting your lordships to forward to him at once.

No. 291.

Letter from the Dutch Ambassador in Spain to the States-General, November
18, 1773.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 182.]
*******
I have been honoured with your High Mightinesses' Resolution of the
26th October, whereby I am desired, in writing, to renew the complaints of
the running away of slaves from the possessions of the Netherlands West
India Company to the Spanish possessions, and to demonstrate that this
evil takes place not only at the Isles of Curasao and St. Eustace, but is also
beginning to break out at the Rivers Essequebo and Demerara.
I shall not neglect to make, pursuant to your High Mightinesses' orders,
earnest remonstrances, according to the tenour of your High Mightinesses'
highly respected Resolution, and to give, as speedily as may be, informa
tion of the result of my commission.

221

No. 292.

Extract from letter from Anth. Brown, Fiscal in Essequibo, lo West India
Company, December 22, 1773.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 182.]
* * * * * * *
And since it is uncertain when the River Pomeroon or the canal be
tween Essequibo and Demerary will be opened, I should be compelled
(in case the aforesaid Court were disinclined to grant my petition for per
mission to lay out the sugar plantation) to pass my time in idleness here
without being able to do anything profitable either for the Company or for
my family.
There is still some ground fit for sugar plantations up in the river, but
it is all situated very far from the Fort and densely covered with wood,
and every year new plantations have to be laid out, which entails very
great cost and trouble.

No. 293.

Extract from letter from G. H. Trotz, Director-General in Essequibo, to West
India Company, December 23, 1773.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 183.]
*******
From this your lordships will see that the whole Court of Policy is
parvi momenti; indeed we should be very well able to do without it
altogether, especially since the transfers are very often dealt with outside
that Court by the Governor, the secretary and one councillor, although
the thirty-six guilders are divided amongst all the members in the ordi
nary session. It is now an opportune moment for closing the Court, be
cause there are no longer any grants of land to be made; no one will ask
for lands in the upper- reaches of the river, and most of them are already
annexed as timber grounds for the plantations below.

No. 294.

Extract from letter from Director-General and Court of Policy in Essequibo,
to West India Company, January 31, 1774.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 183.]
*******
The ring-collars being intended as a present for the Indian chiefs (com
monly called Owls), we have found that they are not well suited for that
purpose, since it would not be very fitting if one of those chiefs should

222

No 294
come to the Fort here and wore an ornament similar to that worn by the
officers of the militia. This is a present which would have been very ac
ceptable to them in former times when they were very glad to get hold of
these collars, but the Spaniards have made these things so common
amongst them that they now have some m gold which cover their whole
chest. * * * * *

No. 295.
Extracts from letter from the Court of Policy in Demerara to West India
Company, April 21, 1774.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 186.]
*******
There are still several other points, my lords, the importance of which
would require us to make much further demands upon your lordships
attention. *******
The fourth point is that of the direction or extent of the boundaries of
the old concessions in Essequibo, in this river, and the coast. This point
is so complicated that it is almost impossible to explain it in writing or at
least not otherwise than in a very extensive treatise from the pen of some
one perfectly acquainted with the matter and having access to all the
voluminous and frequently conflicting resolutions and decisions of the
former Government. 1

No. 296.
Extract from letter from G. H. Trotz, Director-General in Essequibo, to West
India Company, September 30, 1774.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 186.]
Since I had the honour of writing to your lordships by Captain Van Las,
a copy of which is sent herewith, nothing of importance has occurred in
this colony, except that we have been continually annoyed by the
Spaniards, who, to the number of forty, recently came down as far as the
Post of Maroco, carrying off with violence or killing all the free Indians in
those parts, by which these people who are of such advantage to our col
ony are at once driven out of our land, they fleeing in whole troops to the
river Corentyn.
Unless your lordships are enabled to adopt efficacious measures most
speedily in this matter and in the matter of the slaves running away to
l Note by Professor Burr : " This refers, 1 think— and I have read the whole long document— to t e
boundaries of land-grants (i. .., of plantations) only, and not at all to those of the colony.

223
No. 296.
the Spaniards, we shall all be totally ruined here some day; your lordships
will be pleased to bear in mind that here we can never be successful in
preventing these invasions and the running away of our slaves, either by
establishing Forts or by keeping boats lying out, as some wished to do, and
perhaps still do. No, my lords, our Illustrious Sovereign will have to in
terfere seriously in this matter, and see that we get redress from the Court
of Spain. It is really periculum in mora, because when once the horse is
out of the stable we shall never get it back again; when once the Indians
have fled they will never return here, and when they are gone, our slaves
will run away up the river to make plots there, and will always be a
source of anxiety to us, as we still daily see in Surinama where the Indians
were also once driven away, and a free passage given to the negroes into
the upper lands, in consequence of which the colonists suffered terribly,
many of them losing everything they possessed in that way.

No. 297.

Extracts from Memorial addressed to G. H. Trotz, Director-General and the
Councillors of Essequibo, assembled in Ordinary Court, by the Burgher
Officers of Essequibo, January 2, 1775.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 186-187.]
*******
The undersigned also beg the Honourable Court to take into considera
tion the incessant running away of slaves that has now gone on for some
time both here and in Demerary. The Memorialists are convinced that all
these continuous and unpunished desertions becoming known to the slaves
who still remain with us can only set a bad example, and cause them to
form wrong impressions of the land of the Spaniards and the pretended re
ligion of the same, and that in consequence of this the slaves — whether it
be that they fear merited or unmerited punishment and ill-treatment from
their masters (against which your Honourable Court was pleased to issue
a most laudable proclamation for the welfare of the Colony dated Decem
ber 11, 1773, Art. X), or whether it be out of sheer insubordination or other
malicious causes that animate the slaves to run away whenever an oppor
tunity offers— always having a very easy and open road to Orinocque,
must in the future be induced to show greater disrespect, insubordination,
sloth and malice, all of which can only tend to bring about the downfall of
the planters or their agents, or the flight of the slaves.
Wherefore the undersigned, wishing to prevent the total ruin of this
Colony, humbly request Your Excellency and Your Honours to be pleased
to bring this matter, which is one of threatening danger, most speedily to
the notice of their lordships so that we may be ensured against further
ruin and the loss of all our possessions both by the establishment of a few

224 No. 297.
Forts in the direction of Orinocque and by positive orders from the Court
of Spain for the restitution of our slaves.
*******
For all of which reasons we entreat and beg Your Excellency and Your
Honours that you may be pleased to bring this matter to the notice of their
lordships in order that by forts, soldiers, &c, as well as by an alliance with
the Court of Spain, we may be protected against the desertion of our slaves
and the invasions of pirates and evil intentioned persons, who, incited by
and allied with the Spaniards, make raids upon our coasts, and kill, carry
off, and drive away our Indians, our protectors, from our very Posts and
territory.

No. 298.

Extracts from report to West India Company, of Engineer J. C. v. Hene
man, on his Expedition for the Survey and Mapping of the Colonies of
Essequibo and Demerara, November 1773-March 1775.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 516-5 17-]
*******
But, having at last, by God's grace, overcome these hindrances of ill
ness and resumed work, the undersigned has completed the proper maps,
plans, and drawings of all places, situations, etc., etc., and of the things
which are needed, and has surveyed the necessary grounds, so as to be
able to make therefrom a general map.
* ******
As regards the colony of Essequibo, it will likewise be necessary [to
inform] you by a verbal report, which the undersigned will be able to give,
with further description and more detailed explanations of the extent of
this aforesaid colony and its rivers, and how the garrisons and detach
ments of the soldiery and artillery could be stationed there, with a view to
its defense and security, and also for the prevention of all smuggling,
And, the colony and river of Essequibo being of such extent that the
mouth of this river can be reckoned at 6 and even nearly 7 hours wide,
where in its mouth lie large islands cultivated by means of a great num
ber of important plantations, for this reason it is necessary that the
channels between these islands be somewhat defended through the es
tablishment of certain batteries, both for safety and for preventing all
smuggling. The undersigned is aware that to this end it will be necessary to form
and draft a plan showing how this might be done, and also how the con
structing and garrisoning of the military posts can take place for the
safety and aid of the plantations which in these last few vears have been
established on the western shore on the seacoast of this colony, toward the

225
No. 298.
river or at present abandoned colony of Pomeroon, as may be seen from
Plan XIII.

No. 299.

Resolution ofthe States General, March 2, 1775, as transmitted to the West
India Company.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 605-509.]
There was received a letter from the Representative of His Serene High
ness and the Directors of the West India Company in the Presidial Chamber
Amsterdam, written there the 27th of last month, stating that more than
once they had been obliged to address themselves to the States General
with regard to the damage which the inhabitants of Curacao and Saint
Eustatius had been suffering for a long time from the circumstance that
the Spaniards continued to detain and refused to give back the slaves of
the aforesaid inhabitants which absconded to the coast of Cora and Porto
Rico; in the same way as the aforesaid Representative and Directors, by
their letter of October 12, 1773, had particularly drawn the States-Gen
eral's attention to the damages which resulted to the inhabitants of Rio
Essequibo and Demerara from the stopping of their slaves who had de
serted to the Orinoco, in proof whereof they had inclosed in their aforesaid
letter two extracts from letters from the Director-General in Rio Essequibo,
dated April 16 and May 14 of the same year.
That they had expected that, after the repeated representations which
at their request the States General had been pleased to make to the King
of Spain through their Minister at the Spanish Court, His Majesty the
King would at last have given such orders that those well-founded com
plaints might have been removed; but that to their sorrow they had learned
that all the representations made by the States General had hitherto re
mained fruitless; tbat, although this offered to them no pleasing prospect
of achieving better success by further representations, they had neverthe
less found themselves obliged to bring once more to the knowledge of the
States General the new complaints which they had recently received from
the Director- General in Essequibo, not only in relation to the runaway
slaves, but that the Spaniards were even coming into the very neighbor
hood of the posts of the aforesaid West India Company and to the posts
themselves and there kidnapping or killing all the free Indians; as also the
disasters which were to be expected therefrom if provision were not
speedily made against this by efficacious measures,— as would be proven to
the States General by the letter from the aforesaid Director-General ex
tract of which was inclosed in the aforesaid letter from the aforesaid Rep
resentative and Directors, to which they referred, with request that, for
the reason set forth in the aforesaid letter, the States General be pleased

226 No. 299.
to take all such measures as they shall think necessary for the prevention
of further damage and the irreparable ruin of the inhabitants of the
Republic's aforesaid colonies in general, and of Essequibo and Demerara
in particular. Whereupon, after discussion, the Deputies of the Provinces of Holland
and Westfriesland and of Zeeland have taken copy of the aforesaid letter
and inclosure, to be more fully communicated in their meeting, they
having severally insisted that upon the aforesaid subject urgent represen
tations be made to tbe Court of Spain ; after which it was resolved, that
a copy of the aforesaid letter shall be sent to the Count van Rechteren,
Envoy Extraordinary of the States General to the Court of His Majesty
the King of Spain, with orders to represent, in manner and place such
that it may be of the most effect, by a memorial addressed either directly
to His Majesty, or else to his Ministry, that the States General had hoped
and expected that some attention would have been given to the frequent
complaints made at various times about the stopping of the runaway
slaves and the refusing to give them back [or] at least that some negotia
tions would have been begun for making a treaty upon this subject with
them, as had been done with other Powers ; that, much though the States
General had been grieved to see the little heed which has hitherto been
paid to all their representations on this subject, they nevertheless would
not have troubled His Majesty afresh on this behalf, and would have con
fined themselves to deciding for themselves upon means for putting a
forcible stop to the escaping of the slaves, but that by the advices which
they receive from their colonies, especially from Essequibo, they see
themselves compelled to make renewed representations to His Majesty, in
order that it may please him to issue once for all orders against such out
rages, which are contrary to the good neighborship and harmony existing
between the subjects of the respective countries, and cannot be reconciled
with the highly renowned equity and well-known good intentions of His
Majesty. That His Majesty's subjects in the West Indies, not contenting
themselves with giving shelter to the runaway slaves, have gone so far as
even to come in great numbers into the neighborhood of the posts of the
colony of Essequibo, and even to the posts themselves, in order to carry
off by force or kill all the free Indians thereabout. That the States
General are fully persuaded that His Majesty can never approve or allow
such procedure, and, when he is informed thereof, will give the orders
required for obviating the consequences which might result from it ; that
such enterprises are so harmful and detrimental to the Republic's col
onies, that it might become necessary to take measures for putting
an end to these acts of violence. That the States General
would be much grieved to do anything which might be displeasing to
His Majesty, but that it will not be possible to refrain from using the
available means for self-defense, and that therefore the States General, to

227
No. 299.
prevent all estrangement between the respective subjects, do most amica
bly and urgently request tbat the necessary provision be made, in order
not only that care be taken that no free Indians from the Republic's colo
nies be carried off by force or maltreated, but also that the stopping of the
runaway slaves be efficaciously prevented.
And an extract from this resolution of the States General shall be
handed by the Agent Quarles to the Viscount de la Herreria, Envoy Extraor
dinary of His Majesty the King of Spain, with request that to the best of
his ability he second these representations of the States General with his
very influential support and credit at his Court.

No. 300.

Extracts from letter from the Directors of the West India Company to the
Commandeur in Demerara, March 16, 1775.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 188. ]
*******
As we have been informed by the Director-General in the Essequebo,
by his despatch dated the 30th September, 1774, of new insults of the
Spaniards, particularly at the post of Marocco, in the vicinity of which
they have forcibly carried off or killed all the free Indians, we have brought
this to the knowledge of their High Mightinesses.
*******
We have been pleased, therefore, on the 2nd of this current month,
to take such serious Resolution as your Honour will learn from copies
thereof, which we are sending you to serve for information; and then,
thereafter, these, as all other documents, are always to be at hand, and
can serve for the fulfilment of the object for which the documents existed.
****** *
In the meanwhile, we hope that His Majesty the King of Spain will
now really put an end in the future to all cause of complaint, and that
thus there may exist and be cultivated a good harmony between the inhab
itants on either side.

No. 301.

Extracts from letter from West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber) to G.
H. Trotz, Director-General in Essequibo, March 16, 1775.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 503-504.]
Sir : The contents of your letter dated September 30, 1774, concerning
the intolerable outrages of the Spaniards, particularly those committed at
the post of Moruca, in whose neighborhood they have forcibly carried off

228 No. 301.
or killed all the Indians, was brought by us, as soon as possible, after it
had been received, to the knowledge of the States General, who were
pleased to take regarding it, on the 2d of this month, such an energetic
resolution as you shall see from copies thereof which we send you for your
information. * * * * * * *.
Meanwhile we hope that His Majesty the King of Spain will now put
an effective stop to all causes for future complaints, and that thus good
harmony may again exist and be cultivated between the respective citi
zens. Wherewith, sir, etc.
Amsterdam, March 16, 1775.

No. 302.

Extract from letter from the Courts of Policy and Justice in Essequibo to West
India Company, July 10, 1775.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No 3, p. 189.]
*******
It were desirable that the remonstrances made by Their High Mighti
nesses to the Court of Spain concerning the desertion of the soldiers and
the running away of the slaves had had better results, because it is impos
sible to devise or to carry into effect any preventive measures in this river,
both on account of the size and the wide extent of the same, as well as by
reason of the many embouchures or mouths, so that we fear with reason
that this matter may one day be of evil consequence for the colony.

No. 303.

Extract from letter from Paulus Vermeere, Postholder in Moruca, to G. H.
Trotz, Director-General in Essequibo, October 11, 1775.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 190.]
This serves to inform your Honour that on the 8th of this month the
Spanish Captain Mattheo, having with him fifty men, amongst whom
there was also Hendrik Rodemeijer, who ran away from the mouth here
(have been here), and taken away all the Indians and boats, going as far
as a distance of more than two hours below the Post; they have even
carried off the Indians who have come hither to lay out plantations,
although I told them that the Indians belonged to me and were in my
service, but they answered, " We found them on the water."
So that there is no longer an Indian to be found in these parts. The
Spanish Captain said that they had come to look for the Indians who had

229
No. 303.
killed the Spaniards, and that they had come in two large vessels lying at
Biejarra at the mouth of the Hittaba, and that he, the Captain, had been
sent out from those vessels, and he further said that his lord and master
would shortly set a guard in the arm of the Weene called the Barmani,
and that the whole of Maroekka belonged to the Spaniards, and I there
upon answered that the rivers Barima, Sweedt, and Weene, as well as
Maroekka, belonged to the Dutch, and they said that it was not so.
I therefore feel compelled to inform your Honour of this as speedily as
possible, because I do not know what I am to do in this matter — that is to
say, with a post without any men or Indians.

No. 304.

Extract from letter from G. H. Trotz, Director-General in Essequibo, to
West India Company, October 22, 1775.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 8, p. 190.]
*******
I take the liberty of forwarding to your lordships the copy of the letter
sent to me by the Postholder of Maroco, from which your lordships will
again be made acquainted with the liberties taken by our injurious neigh
bours the Spaniards. I will submit that letter to the consideration of the
combined meeting of the Courts, but it will be impossible to arrive at any
useful conclusion in the matter.

No. 305.
Extracts from proceedings of West India Company (Zeeland Chamber), 1776.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 510-512.]
*******
[Monday, February 5, 1776.]
*******
Heard the report in the name of the Committee on Commerce, that
upon examination of the inclosures belonging to the letter of Director-Gen
eral Trotz, dated October 22 of last year and received on January 15 last,
they had found a copy of a letter from the Postholder of Moruca, wherein
he complains of the outrageous excesses of the Spaniards, of the acts of
violence committed by them against the free Indians, and of the claims
which the aforesaid Spaniards advance to the districts subject to the river
Essequibo; after discussion it was resolved to write to the Presidial Cham
ber Amsterdam asking whether they did not think it necessary to bring
the contents of the aforesaid letter from the Postholder of Moruca under

230 No. 305.
the eyes of the States General, pointing out all the harmful consequences
which might result therefrom; and the letter drawn up to this effect by
tbe Advocate in accordance with the conclusions of the Committee on
Commerce having been submitted for approval, it was approved and
adopted. * * * * * * *
[Monday, February 19, 1776.]
# * * * * * *
There was read a letter from the Presidial Chamber Amsterdam, writ
ten there without statement of date, containing, that from [our] letter of
the 5th of this month they had been grieved to learn the excesses commit
ted by the Spaniards against the free Indians in Essequibo, as seen from
the letter written by the Postholder of Moruca to Director-General Trotz,
and inclosed in a letter from the aforesaid Director dated October 22, 1775,
whereof they requested a copy because it had not yet been received by
them. That they were somewhat reluctant to address themselves in this con
nection to the States General, because the States General had more than
once caused representations to be made upon this subject, but without re
sult; that, however, they thought it best to bring the matter unofficially
before the Ministry at The Hague and get an expression of its opinion;
another point of consideration with the aforesaid Presidial Chamber being,
whether it might be advisable to give orders to the Director-General to
oppose violence by violence, and to man the post of Moruca better.
* * * * * * *
[Monday, March 25, 1776.]
*******
There having been heard the report in the name of the Committee on
Commerce, who in pursuance of our resolution of February 19 last have
examined a letter received on the preceding day from the Presidial Cham
ber Amsterdam, lacking mention of day or date, containing an answer to
two of our letters, to wit, one of the 5th preceding, about the excesses of
the Spaniards against the free Indians in Essequibo, and the other, likewise
of the 5th of the same month, about sustaining the Company's credit, all
more fully set forth in this Chamber's minutes of February 19 aforesaid.
After discussion it was resolved to write in answer to the aforesaid
Presidial Chamber that, while we fully approve of that Chamber's sugges
tion to send orders to the Director-General in Essequibo to man better the
post of Moruca, we nevertheless would be of opinion that the contents of
the letter of the Postholder of Moruca should be brought to the knowledge
of the States General, in order to obtain the opinion of the States General
whether orders should be given to the aforesaid Director-General to oppose
violence by violence; and so on, as in the draft of the letter, which, hav
ing been submitted for approval, was approved and adopted.

231
No. 306.
Extracts from proceedings of West India Company, (the Ten), May 15, 1776.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 613-515.]
****** *
That, as regards the petitioners' complaints about the desertion of
the slaves, the Representatives and Directors, as well as the officers of the
militia, have most seriously weighed the harmful consequences thereof and
also of the procedure of the Spaniards, and for that reason they long ago
called the attention of the States General to the damage which results
therefrom to the colonists and to the further annoying prospects, and
repeated this on February 27, 1775, as will be seen from the inclosed copy
thereof. <¦
That the Representative and the Directors have also had the satisfac
tion of seeing these oft-repeated appeals find favor with the States Gen
eral, who at various times have given the necessary orders to their Minis
ter at the Spanish Court to induce His Majesty the King of Spain to put
an end to the complaints made against the Spaniards.
That, the representations made having been fruitless, the States Gen
eral, upon the aforesaid request made to them on February 27, 1775, by
the Representative and the Directors, adopted a very urgent resolution;
but that the Representative and the Directors have nevertheless been
grieved to learn that all has been fruitless and that the Spaniards on the
Orinoco are acting more and more unreasonably and boldly, and conse
quently the Representative and the Directors, in view of the ill success of
the representations made by the States General to the Spanish Court, dare
not flatter themselves that they will at present be able to bring about any
treaty or compact with the Court of Spain.
That, as concerns the further complaints of the petitioners, about the
bad condition of the militia and the fortifications on the one hand, and the
heavy taxes on the other, this body could have wished, as regards the first
point, that the Director- General and the Councilors had submitted to the
Representative and the Directors a plan of the fortifications or posts and
the troops needed therefor in order to prevent the desertion of the slaves
and protect the colony and its inhabitants against the attacks of the Span
iards; while the Representative and the Directors, as to what has occurred
on account of the smallness of the garrison, must remark that now more
than twice as many troops have been sent to Essequibo alone as were for
merly in both the rivers, and that the Director-General and the Councilors
have never submitted a plan of defense for making Essequibo safe against
the desertion of the slaves and the attacks of the Spaniards.
*******
That from what precedes the Director-General and the Councilors and
also the petitioners will see that of a treaty with the Court of Spain there
is as yet no ground for hope, and therefore other means of protection will

232 No. 306.
have to be resorted to, either by well manning the posts, or by little forts,
or by outliers, or all of these, together with the aid of the free Indians,
from whom it seems to this body that probably the most advantage is to
be expected, and whose friendship therefore must be cultivated by all
available means, and all causes for offense avoided, as the Representative
and the Directors have repeattdly recommended to the Director-General
and the Councilors, and even by a special article in their Instructions.

No. 307.

Extract from Minutes and Order of the West India Company to the Com
mandeur and Court of Policy in Demerara, February to May, 1776.
[Translated from p. 248 of records in office of Secretary of the Government in Georgetown, entitled
Orders and Extracts from Minutes of the Dutch West India Company, addressed to the Commandeur
and Court of Policy of Demerara, February to May, 1776.]
*******
But the slaves who run away to Orinoco are always those of the better
class of a plantation; are active and skillful in everything and are induced
to go to the Spaniards only by the hope of obtaining their liberty. By
experience it is known that the evil-minded negroes make no effort to run
away, except when their masters are sleeping; they have to collect their
small belongings and some provisions, so that, the night being then far
advanced, they have not sufficient time to get to the western coast of the
Essequibo without being arrested in their flight by the post above men
tioned and established there to pursue them.

No. 308.

Extract from letter from A. A. Brown, Secretary in Essequibo, to West India
Company, June 6, 1777.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 540-541.]
*******
Next, I beg leave to inquire of you whether lands which have been
granted to some one formerly or long ago, or which have been acquired
by purchase or inheritance (some of them once cultivated and others not
yet), and are at present not at all under cultivation, can and must revert
to the Company.
If so, then the Company has a right to at least three quarters of this
extensive colony since there are several planters who hold thousands of
acres of land which are not under cultivation. For most of the old planters,
as soon as the lower lands were brought under cultivation, transferred
their plantations which lay above this fort or Flag Island, brought off all
their slaves, mills, cattle, etc., and practically abandoned the old planta
tions; but, in order nevertheless to retain their right, as they fancy, to

233
No. 308.
those upper lands, they sent thither all their old aud decrepit slayes, who
can be of no use on the new plantations.
Thus one finds above this island (which is distant only oue tide from the
mouth) not one sugar, coffee or cotton plantation except only that of the
ex-Councilor S. G. van der Heyden, situated a great tide above this island,
at the mouths of the two rivers Mazaruni and Cuyuni.
In these rivers, likewise, just as in the river of Essequibo, properly so-
called, there can be found not one plantation which furnishes any products
except a little cassava bread, and this of so slight importance as not to
deserve mention. And this is also the case with the navigable creeks of
Bonnasieke, Arriwary, Supinaam, and Itteribisie, each of which has only
one sugar plantation at its mouth, and all the other lands in those creeks
and rivers are and remain uncultivated; they are only stripped of the best
timber, much of which is for the sake of gain exported for the use of the
sugar mills and other windmills on the English islands, which gives not
the least profit to the Company, and in course of time our own plantations
will lack such wood or at least will have to pay for it much more than at
present; while, as long as this trade lasts, the lands remain lying unculti
vated. It is true that, so long as the lower lands are to be had, few will care
for the upper lands; but, if you do not throw open the river Pomeroon,
there will within a short while be few, if any, lower lands open to occupa
tion; besides, I do not doubt that, if at home the interest in this colony
should revive, the upper lands will increase in value. At present the
difference is very great, for the latter are sold for f. 4 and the lower lands
for f . 40 to f . 50 per acre.
*******

No. 309.
Extract from proceedings of West India Company (the Ten) April 24,
1778.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 551-552.]
*******
The Representative and the Directors, in order to facilitate these their
precautions, have, in accordance with their resolutions of April 8 and 15,
1773, requested the Directors of the Society of Surinam to give orders to
their Governor there that he send out from there to Essequibo and Dem
erara an able engineer, furnished with proper instructions, for the purpose
of surveying the situation of both the rivers, and drawing up and sending
to the Representative and the Directors a plan of forts and batteries for the
defense of those rivers.
The first lieutenant of artillery and engineer, Johan Christiaan von Hen-
neman, * having in pursuance thereof arrived in the month of November,
'Note by Prof. Burr. — He wrote his own name " von Henemann," and later, " van Heneman." He
was clearly of German origin.

234 No. 309. . .
1773 from Surinam in Rio Essequibo, and having remained in the two
rivers until March, 1775, has subsequently drawn up his maps, plans and
report, and sent it hither on September 18, 1776, which plan and report
was received and read in our meeting on March 20, 1777.

* * *

No. 310.

Extract from letter from C. Boter, Administrator oi the Company's Planta-
tions, to the West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber), August 31,
1778
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 553.]
*******
From olden times it has been a very injurious custom here on the Com
pany's plantations to send the slaves to salt fish even into the river of
Orinoco, and many boys were sent along in order to learn salting and the
roads and the languages of the various nations of Indians. Now, the boys
have grown up, and know everywhere the road and the language so well
that I could not help wondering.
For these reasons, and in order that the slaves may frequent no more
the road to Orinoco, I have been led to solicit your kind permission that the
three plantations of the Company be allowed to catch fish in the creek
Boerasiri.

No. 311.

Extract from letter from G. H. Trotz, Director-General in Essequibo, to the
West India Company, October 12, 1778.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 556-558.]
*******
Wednesday, June H, a. c.
About the post of Moruca.
I have no doubt that the Captain- Com mandant has informed you that
there must be established on the Moruca a military post.
But why has he not rather urged that there should first be established
again at least a lookout at the mouth of Essequibo, [to enter which river]
the English ships must pay f. 2-10, whereby he profits.
2d. Is the Commandant so firmly assured of the loyalty of his soldiers
as to plant a command at so great a distance and on so slippery a route to
Orinoco— [soldiers] whom for the most part he is now forced to guard at
night at the fort by his few trusty soldiers in order that they may not
desert?

235
No. 311.
And, finally, even if one could plant there again with some profit a new
post, yet on account of the great distance it can never be kept under
proper discipline.
You will ask how, then, do you keep the Postholder and Bylier in order?
To that I must answer: " Only tolerably." But their office is rather to
keep an eye on things and hold the Indians in order there, etc. ; and they
are under no military discipline.
I should on this account, salvo meliore, be of opinion that it would be
for these and sundry other reasons very dangerous, absolutely useless, and
moreover very costly for the Company if we should plant that post in that
quarter.

No. 312.

Extract from letter from A. Siraut-Destouches, Colonist and Land-Surveyor
in Essequibo, to the Director-General and Court of Policy, in Essequibo,
September, 1779.
[Reprinted from 0. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 559-560.]
*******
Respectfully makes known A. S. des Touches, planter and inhabitant
of this river.
That he, the petitioner, having for some time past been considering, on
the one hand, the prospect at present of a rupture between certain of the
Powers in Europe, and whether and in how far this might in time involve
this colony, and, on the other hand, the scant protection which this colony
has, especially that part in which the petitioner is established, these
thoughts have recently been greatly quickened by the rumor that a con
siderable number of Spaniards are sojourning in the neighboring river
Pomeroon, without as yet any reliable information having been received
as to their intentions; and, weighing the danger which immediately
threatens the colony in general and the sea-coast in particular, with the
plantations there made, in case of any secret plans for aggression by our
foes, he the petitioner has hit upon the thought that by building on the
coast a redout, intrench ment, or bulwark, a means of security might be
found, if not to ward off entirely an invasion into the colony, at least to
check it for a considerable time, until more efficacious means could be
employed.

236 No. 313.
Extract from letter from G. H- Trotz, Director-General in Essequibo, to
West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber), September 23, 1779.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 561.]
*******
Having thus replied to your greatly esteemed resolutions on my behalf,
I take the liberty to inform you that three weeks ago a party of about 80
Spaniards and half-breeds were for some days in the river Pomeroon, with
out, however, doing any damage; but the Indians report them as having
said that they were coming back in three months and would then estab
lish a fort there.

No. 314.

Extracts from Journal of J. C. Severyn, Military Commandant in Essequibo,
1781.
[Reprinted from TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 564-566, 569.]
[Thursday, March 1, 1781.]
*******
Several reports which came in yesterday and to-day state that the
Spanish privateer has already seized some negroes of English planters in
this colony who were on the river in boats, and holds them prisoners in his
vessel; while he has hailed many others and made them heave to, but, on
learning that they belonged to Dutch planters, he allowed them to depart
unmolested, he having gone so far as to threaten with musket in hand that
he would fire upon them if they were unwilling to come to. This Span
iard's name is Mateo, and it is a matter of speculation whether he has a

commission. *

[Saturday, March 31.]
*******
The Director- General arrives at the island at 8 o'clock, and communi
cates to me that he intends sending the assistant Luyken with a flag of
truce to Orinoco to the Spanish governor, in order to claim back the boats
and slaves captured and stolen by the Spaniard Mateo in this river and on
its coast. *******
The ex- militia captain Steeneken, being at the island, was requested
along with me to constitute a session of the Council, in which the
Director- General presented what was said above, together with a letter in
the French language to the Spanish governor, already prepared by the Di
rector-General, in which at my suggestion various changes and additions
were made and certain piratical acts which had been forgotten were writ-

237
No. 314.
ten in; among these especially the seizing and stealing of two boats and
eight negroes of the planters Milleken and Vernon, before February 28
and therefore at a time when no articles or compact had yet been made by
us with the Enghsh force and the river still was entirely under the sover
eignty of the States General; that this could not be called otherwise than
a piratical act committed by Mateo.
With this Luyken departs.
******* [Tuesday, April 3. ]
The assisiant Luyken, who had set out with a flag of truce and letters
for the Governor of Orinoco, returns and says that in the river he had met
a boat with Indians, who had told him that Mateo was lying with his craft
in the river of Barima, and was carrying off everything without distinc
tion. ******* [Tuesday, May 22.]
The planter Cramer reports to Captain Ingram that in the river Pome
roon Spaniards with boats have again been seen.
To whom I give orders to reconnoitre this more fully and then make
reliable reports; wherefore he has resolved not to depart to-morrow to
Demerara with the brigantine the Star, but to await these reports

No. 315.
Extract from proceedings of Court of Policy in Essequibo, April 13, 1781.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 569-570.]
* * * * * * *
In answer to this, however, Commodore Thompson declared that in
this respect his orders were so positive that he could make no change
therein, but must assume possession of it all for His Majesty of Great
Britain, because this war had mainly been occasioned by the behavior of
the city of Amsterdam, where the greatest part of the Company has its
home; he consequently demanded a precise statement of its possessions
and their estimated value, and of all plantations belonging to owners in
that city, and also of all the mortgages upon plantations in this river
which had been there negotiated.
And, lastly, a copy of such map of this river as might exist here, so as
to give His Majesty a fair idea of the importance of this colony.
All possible representations and remonstrances which were made by
the Court against these demands having remained fruitless, and in view
therefore of the compulsion and obligation under which the Court finds
itself in this condition of affairs,

238 No. 315.
It was resolved to yield to the aforesaid demands, and the Secretary
was consequently ordered to have the aforesaid lists made out, and to
allow, on demand, a copy to be made for the Commodore, of the sketch-
map of this river drawn by the land-surveyor Des Touches and kept in the
Secretary's archives.
The Commodore having at the same time spoken of the depredations
and attacks of the Spaniards upon the inhabitants of this river, and the bad
condition of the military resources for defense which exist in this river,
It was resolved to order the Staff Commissary to cause to be prepared
a statement thereof.

No. 316.
Register ofthe Plantations in Essequibo, 1781.
From a list in tbe Public Register, Georgetown.] Plantations,
On the Bonasique Creek  2
On the Upper Essequibo  l
On Masseroeni   1
On the west coast of Essequibo  65
On the Island of Leguan   49
On the Island of Wakhanaam..  26
On the Island of Avocabisi  6
On the Island of Carabara  .   5
On the Island of Trooljes Grande  7
Opposite, on Tierra Firme.  2
On the Island of Abrejaboenaboe  1
On the Island of Benabanabo   1
On the Island of Verkken  11
On the Island of Loulonu  (one brick yard.)

No. 317.

Letter from Antonio de Pereda, Governor of Spanish Guayana to G. H.
irotz, Director-General in Essequibo, May 6, 1781; as transmitted in
JJutch translation, to the West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber),
June 27, 1783.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 6.1-5.3.]
To His Excellency. Much honored sir:
On the 26th of last month, between 2 and 3 o'clock in the afternoon,
there arrived here at the fort of Antigua Guayana Mr. Johan Neuman and
retinue, who presented to the Captain Commandant of that fort the pass

239
No. 3 IT.
which had been given by Your Excellency in order tbat he with his retinue
and his ship Carot might pass as a flag-of -truce for the purpose of deliver
ing a packet of letters from Your Excellency. These the aforesaid Captain
Commandant immediately forwarded to me by a messenger whom I keep
there for that purpose; and thereupon, as soon as I received them, I issued
orders that the aforesaid Mr. Johan Neumau should come to this town, so
that I could put into his hands my response to the aforesaid letter of Your
Excellency, dated March 31 of this year, whereby I had the honor of being
informed, to my great sorrow, by Your Excellency, that on the 8th of that
month your colony had found itself under the necessity of surrendering to
His Britannic Majesty, who, according to the statement of these enemies,
was at war with the States General of the United Provinces, and that the
garrison of the fort had marched out with all the honors of war and con
tinued to serve the colony against all disturbances and commotions, the
government and the magistrates having remained on the old footing; while
in the same letter you complained of Mr. Mateo, who a few days before
that event, being in the mouth of the river Essequibo, had taken possession
of a little boat with five negro slaves, owned by an inhabitant of the colony,
J. Milleken by name, and of another with three negro slaves belonging to
another inhabitant, named William Vernon, which boat he had borrowed
from an inhabitant of Demerara named E. M. Bermingham, all this having
occurred at one and the same time— and this notwithstanding that the river
Essequibo was entirely under the rule of the States General, from which it
did not pass until the 8th of the aforesaid month of March; that, fur
thermore, on the 10th of the same month, some Spaniards, doubt
less by compulsion of the aforesaid Mateo, had taken possession of
a small schooner, and of all it had on board, which schooner be
longed to an inhabitant of the colony named Nicolaas Glad, a subject
of the States General; moreover, that they have seized another boat, be
longing to an inhabitant named F. H. van Nuys; which acts Your Excel
lency brought to my notice, in order that I should command the aforesaid
Mateo to depart at once from the aforesaid coast, and should place at Your
Excellency's disposal, by delivering it to Mr. Johan Neuman, who was sent
for the purpose of demanding it back, everything which Mateo, or the
Spaniards who were there, may have stolen and carried off, and should have
this restitution made in accordance with the lists which you had given to
the commissioner. These he likewise handed to the Captain Commandant
of the fort of Guayana, who transmitted them to me together with Your
Excellency's other letters, from which I learned of the appeal made by the
aforesaid Glad to Your Excellency and your Council, with a written state
ment or list of the effects and goods on board of his schooner when they took
it away by force. Fully informed of all this, I assure Your Excellency of
my sorrow at the disturbance and reverses which you have experienced
through the capture of the States General's possessions by the subjects of the

240 No. 317.
British King on the 8th March, as Your Excellency informs me; and also
that the aforesaid Mr. Johan Neuman has fully executed his commission,
having transmitted to me the packet of letters through the Captain Com
mandant of the aforesaid fort. At the same time I make known to Your
Excellency that the authority to pass judgment or decide as to the prizes
made by the privateers of this province belongs exclusively to the Intendent
General thereof, Don Josef de Abalos, residing in Caracas, to whose high
court all must address themselves who, like Mr. N. Glad, have complaints
to make, and there it will also be investigated whether the privateers have
acted in accordance with the regulations for privateering; for it is in my
power only to make report of the prizes which are made, and [to express]
a sincere desire to have an opportunity of obliging Your Excellency. I
have the honor to place myself most obediently and sincerely at Your
Excellency's disposal, commending you to the protection, etc.

No. 318.
Extracts from proceedings of West India Company (the Ten), September 30,
1784; as transmitted on that date to the Commandeur and Court of Policy
in Demerara.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 5*7 6-577.] l
*******
And, in order to attain this object, it would seem to us that attempts
should be made to get hold of a few of those negroes who have had the
worst experience in the Orinocco and have been there for some time, in
order that these might inform their comrades of these circumstances and
thereby scare them off.
To this end it would be necessary to form a fund (for instance of
f. 10,000) so as to induce some of the common sort of Spaniards by money
to furnish us some of those negroes as hereinbefore described.
*******
And, in order that hereby no occasion be given to the Spaniards to
have much communication with our negroes in the colony, it would be
well to make the rule that when such Spaniards have any negroes as afore
said, they must bring them to the post at Moruca and there hand them
over, in return for payment of the established price, to a person to be ap
pointed therefor.

No. 319.
Extracts from Memorial of the Planters and Inhabitants of Essequibo and
Demerara to the States-General, June 10, 1785.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 586-587.]
*******
The extent, from the creek or river Mahaica, east of Demerara, to be
yond the creek Capoei, west of Essequibo, along the coasts and islands, can
1 For another translation of this document see page 244.

241
No. 319.
be put at about fifteen Dutch miles, which great basin or bay is mostly
provided with plantations, to which are then to be added those situated
within the mouths of the two rivers and on the creeks and canals, which,
particularly in Demerara, makes a great number.
*******
In the mean time, persons of enterprise, both in America and in Europe,
are immensely increasing by their cultivation the value of these lands;
witness, as regards this colony the incalculable augmentation of the in
trinsic value of the river Demerara and its districts from the first opening in
1746 to the present day; what a treasure of welfare, in every regard, does
not this cultivation bring into the bosom of the whole Republic! Of this,
one will become most strikingly convinced when in contrast one considers
what even at the present day the Fatherland and its inhabitants derive
from the possession of the as yet uncultivated river Pomeroon.
*******
And as for Essequibo, its western seashore is capable of cultivation
from below the creek Capoei (where as yet only very few plantations lie)
to the river Pomeroon, aye up to that of Moruca, and, if we should suc
ceed in making a cartel with respect to the negroes absconding to Orinoco,
no reason appears why both the river of Pomeroon and that of Moruca
might not with an increase of colonists be turned also into productive pos
sessions and changed in character in the same way as since the year 1746
has happened with Demerara.

No. 320.
Minute ofthe States-General, July 15, 1785.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 8, p. 192.]
Received a despatch from the Comte van Rechteren, their High Mighti
nesses' Ambassador to the Court of Spain, written at Aranjuez the 27th of
the previous month, making mention, inter alia, of the receipt of their
High Mightinesses' Resolution of the 30th May previous, containing their
High Mightinesses' reiterated order relative to the establishing of a Cartel
with the august Court in question for preventing the desertion of slaves
from the Colonies of Essequebo and Demerara to the contiguous ones of
the Crown.
And further, that he had now for almost two years allowed no oppor
tunity to pass by, either by speaking or writing, to bring about the con
clusion of a Treaty of this nature.
That he was steadily put off with favourable promises, and that they,
under all sorts of pretexts, had always avoided, not only to enter upon
negotiations, but also, after the fashion customary with the Ministry
there, even to give a written reply.

242 No. 320.
That he had continually been delayed an interview by them. That
then, two months previously, he had performed the duty which devolved
on him from new and pressing orders from their High Mightinesses, and
pursuant thereto had delivered a further Memorandum, a final and satis
factory reply to which then, not yet eight days previously, had been prom
ised him, copy of which Memorandum is forwarded with his despatch.

No. 321.
Extract from proceedings of the Court of Policy in Essequibo, 1786.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 591.]
******* [August 10, 1786.]
The Commandeur makes known to this Court that he has received a
letter from the Director-General, inclosing a letter from Wm. van Langen
berg to J. R. Gardner, which he lays before the meeting. Upon reading
it, it appears, particularly from Langenberg's letter, that the aforesaid
Langenberg had heard from Indians, who had come from Orinoco to warn
their friends, that Mateo was ready to come to Pomeroon to carry off the
Indians, also that the Spaniards had already seized and carried off some
Indians there, and, lastly, that he Langenberg had been warned by one
of the Indians who had been seized, and had escaped from his bonds, that
they (the Spaniards) would come to plunder the post, and also had their
eyes on the schooner of the aforesaid Gardner.

No. 322.

Extract from proceedings of the Court of Policy of Essequibo and
Demerara, June 9, 1789, as transmitted to the West India Company,
July 12, 1789.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 598.]
*******
Which having been heard and the Secretary having been thanked for
his communication, the proposed question was further discussed, and the
conclusion reached by this Court was that in view of the Secretary's com
munication, it should be tried whether through letters from the Governor
Marmion to the Court of Spain a like favorable resolution might not be
obtained as already existed with respect to the island of Trinidad; that in
case this should not succeed or were not to the taste of the States Gen
eral, there were no better means for preventing this running away than
to maintain and keep cruising, small armed boats, built like the Spanish
lanehas, namely very long, narrow, and shallow, to which the promise
should be given that all the runaway slaves they bring back will be bought

243
No. 322.
of them for the colony at their full value; this would greatly stimulate these
people and make them vigilant. These boats would also greatly contribute
towards protecting the post of Moruca and the Indians living there against
molestation by the Spaniards from the Orinoco.

No. 323.

Extract from Report of Commissioners W. A. Sirtema van Grovestins and W.
C. Boey, to the Prince of Orange, Stadhouder, on the condition of the
Colony of Essequibo and Demerara, July 27, 1790.1
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 601-602, 604.]
*******
The river of Essequibo is cultivated on the eastern side from Bourassiri2
to Bonnasigue, 3 and on the western side from the Toeloekaboeka4 to the
Supinaam Creek, being a distance of nine thousand six hundred rods.
However,. many more lands here could be brought under cultivation if the
vicinity of the river Orinoco did not prevent it, for the Spaniards there
sometimes come with armed boats, called lances [lanehas], as far as
Moruca and by force carry away the Indians who dwell there, enslaving
them, while on the other hand our negro slaves, when they run away, be
take themselves to Orinoco, where they are proclaimed free.
The colonies of Demerara and Essequibo therefore form a stretch of
twenty-four [Dutch] miles along the coast of Guiana; and, if means could
be found to facilitate the inland communication by appropriate canals
issuing into the rivers, both for the transportation of products and for the
drainage of the lands, this would increase incalculably the land fit for
cultivation. * * * * * * *
[The Commissioners suggest the following garrisons:]
In the capital, Stabroek, the staff and two hundred men. ..200
At the place up the river where the Sandberg is, on each
side twenty -five men  50
The fort WiUem Fredrik  25
On Coerabane [creek] fifty men  50
On Mahaica [creek] fifty men  50
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — These were the Commi.sioners sent by the Dutch Government for thorough
inquiry into the administration of the colonies by the West India Company ; and the sequel was the
assumption of the colonies by the State at the expiration of the Company's charter in 1792. Sirtema van
Grovestins became the first Governor under the new regime. This transcript is made from the official
original of the report, signed in autograph. There is also in the Archives another manuscript of it, a
copy, marked 2013.
2 Note by Prof. Burr.— I. .., Bourassiri Creek.
* Note by Prof. Burr.— Bonasica Creek.
4 Note by Prof. Burr.— Doubtless for Toeloekaboera (Tulucabura) Creek.

244 No. 323. [On] Abary [creek]  25
In [the] Essequibo, on Flag Island-  50
On Bonasica [creek]  -  25
On Leguane Island..  25
On Bourassiri [creek]  50
On the point of the west seacoast  25
On the Arabisi coast  -  25
600 men.
*******
It behooves here to say a word of the so-called Postholders. These are
employees of the Company who dwell on the various frontiers in order to
foster the good understanding with the Indians.
* * * * * * *

No. 324.

Extracts from copy of proceedings of West India Company (the Ten) Sep
tember 30, 1784, transmitted to the Commandeur and Court of Policy
in Demerara.
[Translated from pp. 34-35 of a record in the office of the Secretary of the Government, Georgetown,
entitled Orders and Extracts from Minutes of West India Co. sent to Director-General and Court of
Policy 1.83-1791.]1 * * * * * * *
Means must be devised to get possession of some of the negroes who
may have suffered most in Orinoco, and who have been there for some
time, that they may inform their companions of these circumstances, and
thereby discourage them by these means.
For this purpose it would be necessary to make a fund (of about 10,000
florins), with the object of persuading some Spaniards of the lower classes
to endeavor to procure some negroes like those already described, * * *
and in order that by this means not to give to the Spaniards any opportuity
of having much communication with our negroes in the Colony, it would
be expedient to give orders to said Spaniards, who might have any negroes
(like those before mentioned), to bring them to the post of Moroco, and
there to deliver them to a person appointed for that purpose, giving them
the price agreed.

No. 325.
Letter from Louis Chollet, Colonist and Land-Surveyor in Essequibo, to
West India Company (Amsterdam Chamber), 1791.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 607-608.]
Louis Chollet respectfully represents that he, the petitioner, for many
years a resident of the colony of Essequibo and Demerara, has among
other things applied himself there to the knowledge of the grounds and
1 For another translation of this document (from the original) see page 240.

245
No. 325.
lands which are situated under the jurisdiction of those colonies and might
yet be brought under cultivation. That he especially studied the whole
west seacoast, from Essequibo to the river of Pomeroon, and further
more the river of Pomeroon itself, as being of a nature probably to surpass
expectation when settlements and plantations are formed there.
That he has circumstantially embodied all this in a Memorial which he,
the petitioner, takes the liberty to inclose herewith, together with a map
drawn up by himself, beginning at the creek of Mahaicony and ending
with the boundary between the Spaniards and the colonies of the State,
on which map the river of Pomeroon with the adjoining lands is also rep
resented. 1
And, inasmuch as he would greatly like to establish himself in the
aforesaid river of Pomeroon and to lay out a plantation there, therefore
he hereby takes the liberty to apply to the Company, requesting that he
be granted in that river 500 acres of land, on such basis and in such way
as Your Honors shall see fit; or, in case Your Honors have already, con
trary to his belief, made dispositions concerning the lands in that river, in
such case a grant of 500 acres on the seacoast west of that river.
Wherewith, etc. Louis Chollet.

No. 326.
Extract from the secret proceedings of the Council of the Colonies of the
State in the West Indies,8 January 4, 1793.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 609-610.]
Private instructions for J. W. A. Sirtema van Grovestins, Governor-
General of Essequibo, Demerara, and appurtenant rivers and districts.
* * * * * * *
24. He shall as soon as possible send in to the Council a circumstantial
report of all the lands granted, adding to it an accurate list of lands not
granted, and how the river Pomeroon can be turned to account? and how
the interior lands? whether canals can be made thither, and how private
individuals can be stimulated thereto; and, in general, everything that can
in any way serve in making a system for future grants.
*******
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— For a reproduction of what is, almost undoubtedly, - copy of this map, Bee
atlas of the U. S. Commission, map 68.
_a Note by Prof. Burr.— With the close of the year 1791 the West India Company came to an end.
Its colonies passed into the hands of the State, which, until November, 1795, administered them through
a body called the " Council of the Colonies of the State in the West Indies."

246 No. 327.
Extracts from letter from W. A. Sirtema van Grovestins, Governor-General
in Essequibo and Demerara, to the Council of the Colonies of the State in
the West Indies, August 19, 1794.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 612-627].
Sirs: I have the honor to send you, accompanying this letter, the journal
kept of my voyage to the river of Pomeroon, to which are added a few
considerations concerning the nature of the grounds, what will be needed
for working them, and the advantages which may result therefrom to the
mother-land. At the same time I have thought it might be useful to make a calcula
tion, together with an estimate, of the sum to which will amount the cost
of making a coffee plantation, beginning with a small force of ten negroes.
Moreover, what heavy expenses must be incurred for making a sugar
plantation. And, lastly, a calculation of what the expenses will be for making a
cotton plantation, in the grounds that are fit for this, and how soon the
planters can have a yield therefrom.
And, the surveyor Louis Chollet having handed to me on the 1st July
of this year a memorial concerning the aforesaid river and coast of Pom
eroon, which was found by me to be exceedingly interesting, I could not
but join it hereto likewise, and bring it before you for deliberation. This
memorial, joined to my aforesaid journal, and the memorial of considera
tions which I have furnished to you with respect to the grounds along the
eastern seacoast of Demerary, and moreover my various dispatches dealing
with the regulations as to the granting of the grounds and with this matter
generally, will, I trust, give sufficient information for formulating regula
tions to apply to the grounds in the river and coast of Pomeroon. How
ever, if you should be pleased nevertheless to authorize me provisionally
to frame such regulations, taking account of the local circumstances, I
shall very gladly try to do so, the rather since very probably in course of
time certain circumstances will show themselves which must give rise to
some change, such as the local conditions will not fail to suggest.
Proceeding now to the map of the aforesaid river and seacoast of Pome
roon, furnished herewith1, I beg leave to draw your attention to the fact
that on it has been placed a canal which in course of time will have to be
made from the seacoast to the river of Pomeroon, it being marked with
the letters D D. between numbers 57 and 58.
I have asked the surveyor Chollet to consider whether it would not be
better to make a canal between numbers 75 and 76, but he answered saying
that, if the canal were made between numbers 57 and 58, it would be much
nearer and more conveniently situated for the inhabitants on the shore of
Essequibo, and also for those on the islands situated there; furthermore,
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— For this map see atlas of the U. S. Commission, map 69.

247
No. 327.
that farther on than the creek Corial-path, the waves there are high and
very dangerous as far as the mouth of the river of Pomeroon.
You will please notice, furthermore, that on the map after every four
plantations along the seacoast has been reserved a Company's path, which
will have a width of ten rods, large enough for placing a post there, while
several of these Company's paths can serve for draining off the forest-
water. The batteries along the mouth of the river, marked with the letter aa,
appear to me to be very well placed, and, as for the execution of this work,
it will have to be entrusted to a skillful engineer.
The reserved land from the point Cape Nassau to No. 98 along the sea
coast, as also in front in the river, is exceedingly necessary to prevent the
washing away of the grounds there.
The town, marked on the map with the letter A. is very well placed,
but it is easy to understand that it can only be inhabited by the officials of
the country so long as that colony brings forth no products; but, as soon
as this happens, doubtless sundry commercial houses will establish them
selves there, and it will be possible to sell every concession at a high price.
The aforesaid town will, according to the map, occupy 400 rods of front,
and thus be amply large enough; for other matters concerning it I respect
fully refer to my journal.
Before proceeding to the various applications for grounds, I take the
liberty to submit to jrou, as my opinion, that it would be of very great ad
vantage if you reserved to yourselves the lands from the river Moruca up
to the projected town, that is, from No. 1 to No. 19 inclusive.
For the rest I must remark that, the river of Pomeroon once having
been set going, there will appear various applicants desirous to obtain these
concessions, and I am honestly convinced that within the space of five
years planters will offer you for a concession there more than f. 10,000, the
more so because of the great advantage of these lands, namely that,
though on the mainland, they nevertheless get the benefit of the sea winds,
and run no risk whatever of any washing away; * * *
******* W. A. S. van Grovestins.
[Inclosure No. l.J
Journal of my visit to the river of Pomeroon; to which are joined sundry
recommendations.
On May 15, between 8 and 9 o'clock in the morning, I went on board
the cutter of Mr. Blair, whereupon we set sail, Mr. Smeer, Captain in the
Navy, going along at my request to make measurements at this oppor
tunity of the coast and of the entrance of the river Pomeroon.
And, in order more fruitfully to put my conclusions on paper, I gave
orders to the two surveyors, Messrs. Chollet and van den Burght, to go
with me.

248 No. 327.
After a very speedy voyage of 24 hours we arrived off the river Pom
eroon, and being not too well at home on that coast we were obliged to
stay at anchor over-night. In the morning at daybreak we went on as far
as the creek of Moruca, which up to now has been maintained to be the
boundary of our territory with that of Spain, upon what basis I do not
know. It will be exceedingly necessary to define that division-line once
for all.
The government's postholder Bartholy came to meet us with his canoe,
in which were fourteen Indians of the Warrow nation ; upon the advice of
the aforesaid postholder we sailed with 6 feet of water into the creek of
Moruca and thereupon went on shore at his place.
A very noteworthy thing is that in the rainy season the Spanish lanehas
come from Orinoco so far as Moruca by an inland way, passing from one
creek into another, and they transport in this fashion their horned cattle
and mules, and find on the way the necessary sustenance for the cattle,
both grass and water.
Those inland voyages are made though the following creeks and rivers:
from Moruca one comes into the creek Habon1 [Itaboe?] and Barimani,
then into the river of Waini, which, from the point where one reaches it,
is as large and deep as the river of Demerara. Two tides away from
the mouth of the river Waini, to wit, on the southwestern side, one finds
a creek named Moera,2 which one goes up a couple of hours, when one
passes into Eio Barima, about three tides from the mouth of the sea. That
river is much larger than Rio Demerara and is reckoned twenty hours dis
tant from the post of Moruca. From the mouth of Rio Barima to Rio
Orinoco one counts 3 [Dutch] miles distance; between these two rivers there
is again a creek named Amacura.
This report was made to us by the postholder Bartholy, who in former
times has made various voyages to Orinoco. The navigation of the Spanish
lanehas being disposed of, I shall again go on with my journal.

We should never lose sight here of gaining the Indians more and more
to our interests, especially at present, if we wish to enter upon the cultiva
tion of the river and coast of Pomeroon. Great advantage may be had from
them in felling the heavy timber; besides that heavy work they would be
a support for the whites there in case the slaves should grow discontented:
the negroes are naturally afraid of the Indians.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— The Governor-General probably first jotted down some form of the word
Itabo, or else himself misread that written word. How easily an II is mistaken for an H in the handwrit
ing of this period could be abundantly illustrated by example.
a Note by Prof. Burr.— The Mora passage.

249
No. 327.
Having investigated everything at the post of Moruca, we set sail on
May 17 to the river of Pomeroon, which by the guess of the surveyors is
distant from Moruca eleven to twelve hundred rods— it will be more ex
actly determined on the map. At the time when the wateris at its lowest
point we came into the mouth of the river Pomeroon, anchored there, and
found 6 or 7 feet of water; therefore, at spring tide, with high water, one
will find 14 or 15 feet, and when the grounds in that river are under culti
vation, the mouth will become considerably deeper, and also the two mud-
banks which lie in the sea on either side of the channel — these will moreover
wash away. The width of the river Pomeroon, formerly called a creek, must
be at the mouth 90 or 100 rods. At the beginning of flood-tide we sailed up
the river to before the creek Wacupo, being half an hour from the mouth,
and again anchored there; after this the surveyors went in a corial with the
compass to make their observations of the course of the creek.
W "K" W 7? 'TV 7V TV
Now that I am putting on paper my thoughts about the river Pomeroon,
I cannot omit to make my comments concerning those persons who already
have obtained grounds, and those who still ask for such, along the western
seacoast of Essequibo, otherwise called the Arabisi1 coast; this region is
situated between the river Pomeroon and the sea. The greater part of the
inhabitants flatter themselves that those grounds will be very good for the
cultivation of cotton, but the surveyors have assured me that beyond 200
rods in depth counted from the seacoast the grounds there are of the same
nature as those in the river Pomeroon; so those planters are again about to
work to their own disadvantage, not reflecting that the grounds are notably
higher towards the sea, and that they cannot be drained therefore on the
sea side.
In order to provide against the ruin of several planters, it would be very
necessary that the Directors stipulate in the regulations concerning the
grounds of the river of Pomeroon and also along the western seacoast, that
from No. 58 along that coast as far as Cape Nassau the grantees shall be re
quired to make the front of their plantations in the river of Pomeroon.
Thereby we get more certainty that the 100 rods of forest will remain stand
ing along the seacoast there, and by this precaution we also provide against
the washing away of that coast, which is exceedingly necessary for the
preservation of that part which in some places has so slight a depth before
reaching the river. 2 All this you will be able to study on the map, which
will be ready within a short time, and also to observe the lack of depth of
the grounds from No. 70 to 86, and the danger which might result there
from if the greatest part of that coast were inundated by the sea.
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — Or " Arabian " : the word is a misunderstanding of Arabisi.
8 Note by Prof. Burr.— _. .., where the neck of land between sea and river is so narrow. A glance
at the map will make this clear.

250 No. 327.
It is an advantage to the planters to make their plantations in the river
and to begin making them from the waterside; 5 or 6 rods should, however>
be reserved along the river for a public road. We must expect that, if the
government is not stubborn and gives all facilities, this river and seacoast
will be brought under cultivation within a few years, whereby the com
merce and navigation of our mother-land must flourish. Essequibo can
become a gold mine for our Republic.
* * * * * * *
The creek of Wacupo, on account of its course, which is more or less
straight, is very well adapted for making coffee plantations, except near
the mouth; on the other band, because of the breadth which it attains
there, the entrance of that creek is very favorable for the establishment of
a capital. The necessary requisites are at hand, firewood and fresh water;
besides, every merchant who might wish to establish himself there, can
receive by sloops the merchandise wbich is necessary for the warehouses.
On the map you can see the demarcation of the land which must be
reserved for the town.
After having examined the availability of that creek, we came in the
evening again on board the cutter, and thereupon sailed up with the flood-
tide to before the creek Ikiony, which lies 2 hours from the mouth of the
river; this creek is twice as broad as tbat of Wacupo.
On the 18th May at daybreak the surveyors went with the flood up the
aforesaid creek, in order to examine its course with the compass, and at
six o'clock we followed them.
We went up the creek with the flood, four or 5 hours up; the grounds in
it and the trees there are of the same nature as those in the river Pomeroon,
and the farther one goes up the creek, the more the heavy trees decrease,
and thereafter one finds a sort of undergrowth, and after that one comes
into the savanna.
While awaiting the ebb, in order to drift down again, we took our meal
in the forest with the Indians; it consisted of some cassava bread and boiled
and roasted crabs, very appetizingly prepared. After that we started upon
the voyage to the river of Pomeroon, and in the afternoon went on board;
shortly after this the surveyors came also, and reported to us that the
grounds in the savannas are of the same nature and very like those in the
creeks of the eastern seacoast of the colony of Demerara, being a land of a
fen-like soil.*******
That same evening we again sailed from the creek of Moruca, and the
following afternoon were again in the river of Demerara; there is no ex
ample of so favored a voyage, for ordinarily they count for the return from
Pomeroon to Demerara 2 or 3 times 24 hours.
Attractive though the grounds in the river of Pomeroon and on the
coast are for the speculators in new grounds, such enterprises nevertheless

251
No. 327.
are accompanied by great danger. One comes there into a wild land, with
out any aid or assistance; all the things needed for making a plantation,
all necessaries of life, must be fetched over a dangerous sea, the expenses
are enormously high as can be seen from the subjoined calculation for
making a coffee plantation.
No planter can for the present continue his work with any success with
out heavy loans and even then he is not assured of a good issue of his
enterprise; the disasters which one is exposed to are great and manifold; a
bad crop, the loss of slaves, the falling of the prices of the products, ill
management; any one of these bring him to a total ruin, and where does
one find money-lenders who are willing to advance their capital for so
many years without receiving interest?

No. 328.

Extract from proceedings of the Council of the Colonies of the State in the
West Indies, December 10, 1794.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 638-639.]
[Wednesday, December 10, 1794. J
* * * * * * *
The Committee on Military Affairs reported that, in pursuance of this
Council's resolution of the first of this month, it had examined what was
said by Governor-General van Grovestins in his letter of August 19, No. 93,
concerning the establishing of military posts in the river Pomeroon:
That, in the Committee's opinion, before it can enter into any de
liberations on this subject, it must await the advice of the Committee on
Policy, and the decision of this Council in relation to opening that river
and granting lands in the same.
And that, when the Committee has been informed on this point, it will
more fully offer its conclusions with respect to the defense of that river. 1

1 Note by Prof. Burr. — So far as the minutes show, the matter did not again come up in the Council,
which a few months later (November, 1795) gave place, under the new Batavian Republic, to a " Com
mittee on the Affairs of the Colonies . " In April, 1796, the colony passed into the hands of the British, and
remained in their possession until 1802. Meanwhile, with the beginning of 1801, the " Committee on the
Affairs of the Colonies " had been replaced by a new body, of but five members, called the " Council of the
American Colonies and Possessions of the Batavian Republic."

252 No. 329.
Extract from Report of G. A. W. Kuysch, Deputy of the Council of the
Colonies at the Congress of Amiens, to R. J. Schimmelpenmnck, Dutch
Plenipotentiary there, January 10, 1802.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p, 649.]
* * * * * * *
Our agricultural colonies are all situated on the mainland; nothing but
the shores of the sea and a small part of the rivers have been brought
under cultivation. Pushing by boat 100 [Dutch] miles up one finds on the
other side of the mountains the finest and most fertile lands of the world,
fit for products of the four quarters of the globe, mines of all kinds of
metal, a temperate and healthy climate. In case of revolt the blacks can
betake themselves thither, establish colonies, and, having become power
ful through time and quiet, disturb or annihilate the white people's colo
nies below: of this the colony of Surinam furnishes a striking example.

No. 330.

Extract from an anonymous Memorial regarding the Colonies of Essequibo
and Demerara. [1802?]1
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 652-653.]
* * * * * * *
When one casts the eye upon the map, and examines the extent of the
seacoast, one will find that from the creek Abary (being the boundary be
tween the colony Berbice and Demerara) to the river Pomeroon, which
belongs to the colony of Essequibo, its extent amounts to fully 25 hours'
march, and constitutes a continuous row of plantations, which is only
intersected by the intervening rivers and creeks; when at the same time
one bears in mind that that entire series of cultivated grounds lies close to
the sea, where an enemy can at high tide always land with armed boats;
and lastly, when one takes into consideration that wind and current are
almost always toward the coast, and thereby make a landing still easier;
then one will readily become aware of the impossibility of defending these
colonies against a foreign enemy. Por, assuming that entering the rivers
1 Note by Prof. Burr. — This document, which is undated, now lies loose in a volume of miscellaneous
papers relating to the colony of Essequibo from 1777 to 1779. Its contents, however, seem to show it to
belong to the year 1802, or possibly to 1803. It may be either of two or three such memorials mentioned
at this period by the minutes of the Council of the American Colonies. It is clearly the work of a
colonist.

253
No. 330.
may be made difficult to an enemy by strong fortresses placed within their
mouths, and by a couple of frigates stationed before and near them, this
would be a reason the more for the enemy to effect a landing along the
coast, anywhere where it seemed to him most convenient, and to penetrate
into the heart of the colonies, without troubling himself wilh the fortresses.
But even such fortresses as might be able to offer a formidable resist
ance are lacking there. In the river of Essequibo, on Flag Island (the
seat of the administration and of the officials of that colony; for the rest,
a small, barren patch of ground, on which there is not a single plantation),
there exists an old, rickety fort, named Zelandia, which has not been kept
in repair in order not to waste money unnecessarily ; it serves only to hoist
the flag there when ships are sighted which wish to go up the river, and
to lock up criminal negroes in. On the point of that island is placed a
small battery of about twenty rusty iron guns, which, without carriages
or rollers, are lying on logs and stones and at most are fit to make the flag
respected and to fire salutes. A formidable fortress there would at these
times, it is true, be without any notable purpose, for the most important
cultivation of the colony of Essequibo must no longer be sought in the
river of that name, but on its coast and on the Leguaan, Wakkenam, and
Arabisi islands, which lie in its wide mouth and cannot be covered, much
less defended, by the fort of Flag Island.

No. 331.

Extract from Journal of A. Meertens, Governor-General in Essequibo and
Demerara, December, 1802.1
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 655-666.]
[Tuesday, December 7, 1802.]
*******
The distribution of the troops has been determined on with Lieutenant-
Colonel de Milly, weak and sick though he is, according to the arrange
ments which I made with the proprietors and overseers of the plantations
where these are to be stationed, to wit, one company at Bourasiere on the
plantation " De Kinderen," belonging to the Boode estate, to be provision-
1 Note by Prof. Burr.— The Peace of Amiens, which restored the Guiana colonies to the Dutch, was
signed on March 26th, 1802 ; but it was several months before the Dutch assumed possession. Governor
Meertens arrived in Demerara on November 24th ; and the Court of Policy resumed its sessions on the
same day. The colony was again surrendered to the British, this time finally, on September 19th, 1803.

254 No. 331.
ally posted there, until we have an opportunity further to distribute them
along the west seacoast.
One company in Mahaica on the plantations " Lancaster " of the Phillips
estate and "Calaloo" of the Estate Nihiel [?], situated near together, in
order further to distribute them in Mahaicony and Abary.
One company on the Arabisi coast and Essequibo, which we have dis
tributed among three stations, to wit: One detachment at the station
on the Plantation "Zorg en Vlijt" of F. Broodhagen, one section of the
company at the Plantation "Adventure" of Sandfort, and the third sec
tion of the company at the Plantation " Ehrenbreitstein " of D. I. Sand-
bach; moreover, one detachment of twenty-four infantry, one corporal, and
six artillery, to Flag Island in Essequibo.
And, finally, one detachment to the post of Orinoco.1

No. 332.

Extract from letter from A. Meertens, Governor General in Essequibo, and
Demerara, to the Council of the American Colonies and Possessions of
the Batavian Republic, December 17, 1802.
[Reprinted from U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 657.]

While I am finishing this letter, the Postholder of the Post Moruca
comes to report that the detachment for that post arrived there three days
ago, but that everything is in ruins, and that the battery cannot stand for
six weeks more; that an entirely new dike of some sort must be made
there and all the buildings set back; that the few cannons found there are
lying flat on the ground; that the gun-carriages are rotten, and that the
English have cut and slashed everything to pieces; in a word, that things
are in a hopeless state. I have not yet received a report from the officer
who was ordered thither, and we shall have to await it; but according to
these details there is not much of good to be expected.

1 Note by Prof. Burr.— That this means the Moruca post may be seen from the following extract
(No. 332), which reports the arrival of this detachment there. This name for that post appears also in
the " Register of Responses and Orders given me by or through the Governor " of the Commandant, De
Milly, wherein, under date of March 4, 1803, is mention of " a ration-list for the post of Orinoco" (een
randsoen lyst voor de post van Oronocque).

APPENDIX PART 2
DOCUMENTS FROM SPANISH SOURCES
[TRANSLATIONS]

25?

No. 333.

Extract from Report by Captain Phelipe de Santiago, dated November 2,
1595, on the Navigation, etc., of the Biver Orinoco, made by Command
of Roque de Montes, Treasurer of Cumana, for the King of Spain.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp, 49-50.]
The mouths of the River Orinoco are situated on the coast of Terra
Firma, to the windward of the Dragon's Mouth, and part of them are op
posite the Island of Trinidad, and although the exact number of the said
mouths is not known with certainty, still some information exists concern
ing some of them, particularly those nearest to the said Island of Trinidad,
and which are most generally used for the navigation of the said river.
These are the Caroni, Merensa, Arantao, Macareo, and Capure. That of
the Capure is nearer to Trinidad than any of the others; indeed so near
that there is only a distance of three leagues between it and the said
island. There is another mouth, called the Manavo, by which it is known that
the Englishman Guat-erral {i. e., Walter Raleigh) entered the Orinoco in
the present year, [15] 95, after having caused much trouble and injury to
the Island of Trididad and its residents. He left two young Englishmen in
the Orinoco for the purpose of learning the language of the natives and ob
taining all information of the country, for on his departure therefrom, it
is said, he left with the intention of returning hither.
There is another mouth called Orinoco, the largest and most important,
and the most frequented, of all the others.
And on the banks of all these mouths mentioned an immense number
of natives of two great nations, known as the Chaguanes and Tivitives,
dwell. The land, however, is subject to inundations, and is marshy.
Entering by any of the above-mentioned mouths, and going up the
River Orinoco in the direction of the new Kingdom of Granada, various
territories of divers nations of natives are met with, such as the Aruacas,
Yayos, Sapoyos, Caribs, and Napuyos. On passing these the territories of
the Province of Guayana are reached, and one of them that is entered is
tbe Province of Moriquite. Having passed this province one arrives at the
large Indian town of the natives of Guayana, and in its extent and riches,
of which so much is heard, and of so favourable a character, that great
hopes are entertained of it.
These territories extend from the bank of the said River Orinoco along
the windward side as far as that of the Maranon, so that they lie between
these two immense rivers of so much fame. These territories are consid
ered to be very rich, for gold in some quantity is taken from them,
although with great caution and secrecy, for the Indians are very watch
ful, and always endeavouring to conceal it, and not discover where it is,

258No. 333.
for fear of the Spaniards, whom they fear and dislike, and much dread
they may settle there.
The best sites and lands, and most adapted for settling on the bank of
the Orinoco with the best conditions of great fertility, and an excellent
climate, in case your Majesty is pleased to command the said bank to be
settled, and the navigation of the said river to be continued, as well
ascending in the direction of the Kingdom from Trinidad, as descending
therefrom to the said island, appear to be the following:—
Entering the Orinoco by the mouth of the Caroni, and going in the
direction of the new Kingdom of Granada, on arriving at the territories of
Guayana, having passed the Province of Moriquite, some 2 leagues higher
up, on the left hand, on the side of the Maranon, there is a good site for
making the first settlement of Spaniards. They say that lower down
nearer the said mouth it cannot be made, on account of the land being
liable to overflow. And although there are various villages of the natives,
the Spaniards could not live there, nor preserve their lives in these parts.
Continuing the journey by the said river in the same direction towards
the new Kingdom of Granada, about 'TO or 80 leagues higher up, is the
Province of Caura, which is very fertile, and inhabited by a great number
of natives. Although Caribs, they are friendly towards the Spaniards, and
disposed to serve them, on which account it appears to be a good site for
the second settlement of Spaniards, by taking the country on the right
hand side in the Province of Caracas.
Following the same course, up stream, from the said Province of Caura,
still in the direction of the new kingdom, about the same distance, 70 or
80 leagues, the territories of the Amaivas are reached, where the Province
of Curuana is situated, which is very convenient for founding the third
settlement of Spaniards, for, besides that the land is very fertile, and the
climate good, there is an immense number of natives, and it is very richin
gold, although in this province the natives are very much persecuted by
the Caribs, who descend upon them in fleets every year, and also upon the
others inhabiting these territories in the neighbourhood of the new king
dom, &c.

No. 334.

Extract from despatch from Roque des Montes, Royal Treasurer of
Cumana, to the King of Spain, as to the Settlement of the South Bank
of the Orinoco, April 18, 1596.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 50-51.]
* ******
At the beginning of the month of the said year [15]95, Captain Phelipe
de Santiago, Lieutenant of the Governor, Francisco de Vides, departed
from this city for the Island of Trinidad, to whom was intrusted the

259
No. 334.
Commission of settling it, in which object he took with him a number of
soldiers, stores, and all necessary for the settling and defence of the new
town and the island.
On my side I have given every assistance in my power towards the set
tling of that island and of the new town, so that it might be carried into
effect as quickly as possible, on account of its great importance to your
Majesty's service, and that the said island may not remain deserted but in
habited, and in a manner capable of resisting and defending itself against
the great number of the enemy's privateers which generally surround and
molest it, as well English as Caribs.
And, among other things with which I charged and instructed Captain
Phelipe de Santiago for your Majesty's service was that he should, with
out loss of time, ascend the River Orinoco and apprehend the two
Englishmen which Guat-erral (Walter Raleigh) left there last year
[15J95, with the intention of returning and settling it, for the purpose of
becoming acquainted with the country and the best sites, and learning the
language of the natives.
And in like manner I instructed him that he should advise the Chiefs
of the Indian nations of that bank not to admit nor receive any strangers
in their territories, except Spaniards in your Majesty's service.
And according to a Report I have received from the said Captain
Phelipe de Santiago, he fulfilled his commission by going directly to the
said south bank of the Orinoco, ascending it as far as the Province of
Moriquite, where he took out of the power of the Indians one of the two
Englishmen above referred to, named Francisco Espari, and learnt that
the other had been devoured by a tiger; and he advised the Indians in con
formity to the instructions I gave him.
The young Englishman informed him that Guat-erral (Walter Raleigh)
departed with the intention of returning to the said bank during the month
of March of the present year; and the Indians declared that they were
awaiting him during the time of the moon of the said month of March.
But as it appears that he had suffered considerably after leaving there
and had a much less number of men and forces than when he sailed from
the Orinoco, owing to the victory we gained over him, I trust in the Lord
that his designs of carrying out his injurious promises and purposes may
be frustrated. On the said bank of the Orinoco Captain Phelipe de Santiago and the
Governor Antonio de Berrio met each other, where a serious difference
arose as to the right each maintained, according to the instructions and ob
ligations devolving upon them, to settle the Island of Trinidad. This was
finally arranged by the agreement that Antonio de Berrio should remain
with his people on the said bank, and Captain Phelipe de Santiago was to
proceed with his expedition to the said Island of Trinidad, where, in the
beginning of the month of January in the present year, he founded a set-

260 No. 334.
tiement in it on the south bank, 3 leagues distant from the sea and from
the port called "De Espafia," on a river they call San Phelipe de Montes,
as may more particularly be seen from the documents of proofs in posses
sion of the Governor Francisco de Vides, &c.
As it appears to me to be of the utmost importance to your Majesty's
service that the bank of the Orinoco be settled, I have considered it well to
push that matter forward, and in like manner the navigation of the
Orinoco, on account of the correspondence that will exist between it and
the new Kingdom of Granada, as well as the neighbouring provinces, as
whatever may be brought from Spain will go by that route; and the gold
and silver be brought down by the same river; and any other produce that
may be necessary to send down may go right on to Trinidad, &c. And
particularly in this matter important for the conquest and settlement of
the Provinces of Guayana, Caura and El Dorado, for this is the entry and
road to attain that which those provinces give promise of; and this will be
more clearly seen from the Report I am now forwarding to your Majesty
in reference to the navigation of the Orinoco, and the best sites on the
banks of that river.
And in like manner no opportunity will be given the eneni)' of settling
it, nor will they have any entry to it by any other way; for, according to
the intention of Guat-erral, who surveyed the whole of it in the past year,
it is to be much feared that he will keep his promise and carry out his bad
purpose, &c.

No. 335.

Extracts from Memorandum as to the state of Affairs in Trinidad and
Guiana, 1613-1614.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 203-205.]
In margin No. 1. Don Bernardo de Vargas, Governor of Margarita, in
a letter to His Majesty of the 10th July, 1613, reported that he had infor
mation (as also confirmed by another from an inhabitant of Trinidad, of
which he sent the original) that in the country of the friendly Indians, the
Aruacas, not far from Margarita, on the coast of the Mainland, some
English had settled, with the favour of the Caribs, with the intention of
cultivating tobacco, and begged leave of His Majesty to allow him to leave
a Lieutenant in his place while he went to subdue the Caribs, and drive the
English from their settlement.
In margin No. 2. In a letter of 12th July of the same year he gives
information of the settlements which are being made in the Island of
Trinidad and coast of San Thome of Guiana, where, with the friendship of
the Caribs, they are cultivating tobacco, and that they should be driven
out before they make fortifications, on account of the injury which may
be caused to the surrounding villages; for which reason it would be well if

261
No. 335.
the galleons which were going there in 1614 went to the said Island and
left there fifty soldiers, with arms and ammunition; that with fifty others
used to and well-acquainted with the coast that might attack them by
land— with the command of the Governor, who is to be made aware of the
undertaking — the said soldiers to be paid by the inhabitants of the two
cities, and if the matter were delayed, more expense and preparations
would be necessary to drive them out.
In margin No. 3. The " Cabildo " of Trinidad, in a letter of the 30th of
June, 1613, havinggiven His Majesty an account of the state of things in that
Island, where they are always persecuted by enemies, say, further, that at
that time a privateer was in the port attempting to anchor, and threatening
them that when other ships they were expecting should arrive they would
lay waste the city.
And that at this time Antonio de Muxica, Lieutenant of Santo Thome
de Guiana, in a letter of the 25th June, asked their assistance in ejecting the
English,who were making settlements on the rivers in union with the Caribs,
and sowing tobacco. And because of the mischief they do, the Indian Chiefs
came with a letter from the said Lieutenant (which is with the inclosed) to
ask for help, because the Flemish and Caribs steal the friendly Indians
and carry them to their settlements to employ them in cultivating tobacco.
That in the Florentines (Corentine) there are more than 50 married Dutch,
who commit insolent robberies, which must be put a stop to; and there
being but few people in that Island, they despatched Captain Andres
Garcia Pardo to get what arms and ammunition he could from
Margarita. In margin No. 4. Antonio de Muxica Buitron, Lieutenant of Guiana,
in the absence of Sancho de Alguisa, in a letter of the 30th of May,
1614, says that the insolence and ill-treatment which the Aruacas suffered
from the Flemish and Caribs were such that he proceeded to the river
called Corentine, 200 leagues from that city, where the Flemish and Caribs
have a fortress with artillery and swivel guns, taking with him 34
musketeers and 300 friendly Indians. Arriving at nearly midnight he
summoned them to surrender three or four times. They only replied with
jeers and ridicule, seeing which the Spaniards set fire to the fort, so that
not one of the Flemish escaped, but all were burned.
****** *
In margin No. 6. Don Juan Tostado, who, in the absence of Sancho
de Alguisa, governs the Island of Trinidad, in a letter of the 16th
June, 1614, relates that he hanged several Flemish, whom he had captured
in a small vessel, and delivered one of them to Don Geronimo de Portugal
in 1613, and that he has persecuted and given such ill- welcome to those
that have attempted to reconnoitre that port that they have never re
turned. For this reason the traffic has been ousted from all points of this
Island, and 60 leagues from that Government on the mainland at Santo

262 No. 335.
Thome which is called the River Orinoco of Guiana, will be [the centre of]
the traffic and the resort of foreign ships; and the Lieutenant of that place
shall give an account of the state of things there. In June of 1613 he of
Guiana on account of having, w7hile disarmed and [sailing] for a run along
the coast, encountered the Caribs and Flemings, sent to ask the assistance of
the "Cabildo " of Trinidad to go to occupy the settlement of the Flemings
which they had fortified, and were sowing tobacco, on one of the rivers of
his jurisdiction, and having received notice of that [occurrence] on the
coast thereupon they hastened back and assisted him with twelve soldiers
and a corporal and captain, without any expense to His Majesty. These
were the most suitable for the occasion that were to be bad, and with 22
more whom the Lieutenant of Guiana took with him they burnt the fort
of the Flemish and Caribs, and destroyed it. For this reason the 50 men,
and more, asked for by the Governor of Margarita for this undertaking,
were not necessary, and it would seem that he asked for them more on
account of the profit which might accrue to himself than for any other
reason. *******
Another report of five witnesses from the same Island says that the
captain and corporal who went with the twelve soldiers, and the others
joined with them, burnt all the Flemish who were in the fort near the
River Corentine, captured a long-boat and tender, and tore up all the
tobacco they had planted, so that their settlement was laid waste, and
what was done on this occasion made a very great effect.
* ******
In margin No. 8. In a letter of the 2nd of September, 1614, the " Casa "
made known what had been heard from the ship which came from that
Island, and sent its declaration, and stated that the Governor's Lieutenant
writes to them that there are no longer any Flemish ships to be seen, as
they have been frightened by his treatment of them, and also because there
is nothing in that Island but tobacco.

No. 336.

Extracts from Report accompanying Map of the Region between the Ports
ofthe River Amazon and the Island of Santa Margarita, 1615.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 206-20..]
******
The said Claessen started on the 30th of December, 1614, for the Hague
of Holland to petition the States to undertake the establishment of a
Colony in the ports of the West Indies, towards which, once started, he and
his company of Anabaptists would contribute 200,000 ducats. The said

263
No. 336.
States would grant him nothing in the matter, but ordered him by word
of mouth to have recourse to Reynor or Paulo, burgomaster of Amster
dam, who would give him a fair hearing. The latter told him by word of
mouth that the States could take no decision in the matter until it was seen
whether or no the truce was to continue; but that when the Ambassadors
of the Confederate Kings and Princes resolved as to the cessation or con
tinuation of the war of Juliers, a decision would also be arrived at as to
the breaking up or the continuation of the universal truce.
****** *
The Admiral and chiefs of the Fleet alluded to remain in possession of
the money for the crew and provisions, until it is known whether or no the
truce is to last.
It is also worthy of note that in Pernambuco, close to Brazil, there is a
very rich monastery possessing ten millions of gold, in gold and precious
stones, which those who have undertaken the populating of America have
the intention of sacking on their first arrival under the pretext that it is
situated past the equator, and they mean to do the same to a very rich
monastery close to Truxillo, past the Island of Margarita and the coast of
Havannah, as far as the said Captain can remember.

No. 337.

Official letter from the Duke of JJerma to the President of the Council of
the Indies, enclosing extract from letter from Holland with news as to a
fleet that, under the orders of Guillermo Uselinx, was to establish some
Dutch colonies in Wiapoco, Caena, Surenama and Essequibo, 1615.
[Translated from certified copy of original in Archivo General de Indies, Seville, Stand 147, case 5,
bundle 17.]
His Majesty, by way of Flanders, has received the inclosed informa
tion. His Majesty has ordered me to transmit it to your Excellency (as I
now do), so that the War Department of the Indies may be duly advised,
and may in due time adopt such measures as may be proper. God guard
your Excellency. Madrid, February 2nd, 1615. The Duke, President of
the Indies.
[Inclosure.]
A certain person, named Guillermo Uselinx, pretends to be a Com
mander and General of one hundred and twenty ships of war, armed with
six thousand soldiers, in addition to the necessary crew, to found and popu
late certain colonies at three or four places on the shores of America and
the West Indies which are called by the Indians, Wiapoco, distant one-
half of a degree from the equinoctial line; the second, Caena, distant four

264 No. 337.
degrees from the line; the third, Surenama, distant five and one-half de
grees from the aforesaid line; the fourth, Essequibo, distant about six and
one-half degrees, where there are some persons, from twelve to fifteen
Spaniards, who there till the soil to raise the root of Casavia, from which
bread is made for the Governor of Trinidad and Orinoco, Don Fernando
de Borrea.

No. 338.

Extract from Order of the King of Spain appointing Diego Palomeque de
Acuna Governor of Trinidad and Guayana, and Ordering him to try to
Dislodge the Enemy; December 12, 1615.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 210.]
Don Felipe de Biamonte y Navarra,
My Governor and Captain-General of the
Island of San Juan de Puerto Rico,
Considering how much it imports to my service that I appoint a person
for the Island of Trinidad and Guiana to govern that country and main
tain it in defence, I have, therefore, appointed as my Governor and
Captain -General, Diego Palomeque de Acuna, who will, with all despatch,
go to serve me in that post.
And, as it has been understood that in the region of Guayana the enemy
have made some settlements in which they are planting a very great quan
tity of tobacco, and to which ships go very commonly to be laden there
with, and on the wTay they traffic and do all the other injury they are able.
And as I desire that the said Governor be commanded to try to dislodge
[them] from here, by taking from them the said settlements, And it is
hoped that for that object he will do all in his power, and as it may be
that with the forces in the country he might not be able to put into execu
tion a matter which imports so much, it has appeared to me well to com
mand you, as I now order and command you, to place a garrison of fifty
men there, that will be sent in the fleet of New Spain, next year, 1616.
The number of three hundred effective men which belongs to the Garrison
will be filled up, And you will be able, without causing any want there, to
send to Trinidad from seventy to eighty soldiers; you will send them when
the said Governor requests you, sending you this despatch by means of a
person of confidence, that with them and the men of the country he may
be able to bring together he may try to do me this service, by taking the
necessary measures to extirpate the enemy from every point of that island
on which they have taken footing.
* * * ' * * * *

265
No. 339.
Extracts from an undated (circa 1621) manuscript account of the Destruc
tion of Santo Thome by Sir Walter Raleigh in January, 1618, and an
appeal for help.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 207-209.]
The City of Santo Thome and Island of Trinidad, of the Province of
Guayana and "Dorado," represents that in the month of January 1618
Guatarral (Walter Raleigh), an English pirate, with ten ships and
launches, ascended the River Orinoco to the said city of Santo Thome, 40
leagues from the sea, and disembarked 500 men about a league from it,
and the ships ascended to its port.
And the Governor, Diego Palomeque, who with all diligence put it in a
state of defense with the few solders he had, attacked him with very great
courage. And there being nothing else to be done, he engaged him at 11
at night in order to defend the city, seeing himself in want of men,
artillery and forces, they being very few, and the two forces began slaughter
ing each other, and the enemy remained in possession of the place for
twenty-nine days, during which time he succeeded in attracting to himself
the peaceful Guayana Indians nearest to the town, who at once rose in
rebellion, doiug much damage, in order to favour the enemy.
Captain Juan de Lezama remained governing as Alcalde ordinary, who,
by all the means he could, tried to prevent the natives from communicat
ing with the enemy. And he collected and closely united sixty and more
Indians, with their arms, to whom he explained how much it imported to
the service of your Majesty to drive the enemy out of the country. And
that for the future there would be help and great defence. And with them
and twenty-four soldiers, after twenty-six days, he attacked the enemy in
the town from different points from midnight to daylight, and he killed
many of their people. And having met the Indians with the enemy, they
discovered to him all that he wished to learn of those in the interior. And
on another day following, when a launch and small boat of theirs went to
the plantations on the other side of the river, the said Captain and six
soldiers, with thirteen or fourteen Indians, drew them into an ambush,
and there killed fourteen English, on account of which they soon embarked,
leaving the city, church, and monasteries [sic] burned to their foundations,
and carrying away all there was in it, and having excited and raised all the
native Indians in rebellion, at their pleasure, who dwell on the sea coast,
Amacas, Chaguanes, and Caribs of that province, who renounced obedience
to your Majesty.
The city was again begun to be rebuilt in the place where it was before,
and on account of the straits in which it was, it was ordered that the said
Captain Juan de Lezama should go to the Audience of the new Kingdom
of Granada for the purpose of giving an account of the event, and request

266 No. 339.
that the help of some soldiers should be sent for its defence. And this
having been done, it was provided that, in regard to the soldiers, they
should refer the matter to your Majesty, in your Royal Council of the
Indies. And the Governor, Don Fernando de Berrio, was ordered to go to his
Government, and on his arrival at the coast with forty-four soldiers he dis
patched forty of them last year, 1619, to the Province of the Aruacas,
which the enemy kept and keeps in rebellion on the sea-coast, to reduce
them to their former obedience to your Majesty. Among these Indians
there were six of the enemy's ships, trading and negotiating with them,
and doing all in their power to dissuade them from acknowledging your
Majesty's jurisdiction, and urging them to kill all the Spaniards of the
town, for a mighty fleet would be sent by them to settle and fortify them
selves therein.
There were five soldiers of the forty killed in the encounter they had
with the Indians; and the enemy carried off to England one named Alonzo
de Matos, who has come to this Court, and gives an account of all the
designs of the enemy; and that they were only awaiting the end of the
truce to return to the city and devastate it and fortify themselves therein,
which ought not to be allowed.
*******
With the help that is requested, a great number of natives in the said
provinces of Guayana would be restored; and, in the contrary case, there
would be no means of bringing them to a knowledge of the holy Catholic
faith; and numbers of Spanish villages would remain unpeopled where
there are very rich agricultural lands for cultivation and also for cattle-
breeding, with many other products, and a great quantity of gold in places,
which would be extracted by settling them; and the discovery of the
Province of Dorado, so much desired, would not take place, as the way
thereto is nearer and surer for it through the said Province of Guayana,
concerning which there are new reports, which the Indians of the Penoles
have furnished, a province which is near the said Dorado, according to a
letter in the possession of Captain Juan de Lezama, from the City of Santo
Thome, and the Governor, Don Fernando de Berrio, to whom is confided
the said discovery and settlement, cannot carry it out until he has placed
the city in a state of defence, so as not to leave it unprotected, for only
one ship of the enemy is enough to rob and ruin it, and as he must take
as many soldiers as possible in his company for the discovery, in which
he himself, his father, Governor Antonio de Berrio, and his uncle, the
Adelantado Don Gongalo Ximenez de Quesada, have spent more than
300,000 ducats, and the expense incurred will have been without result,
and the native Indians that have been converted to the Christian faith
will go over to the enemy, becoming heretics and continuing their old bad
ways, and all those souls will be damned which might be' saved by the
Royal protection of your Majesty.

26?
No. 339.
It will be very important to your Majesty's service that the Council of
War examine this request for help which is petitioned for and implored,
together with the papers that have been presented, dispatched, and for
warded by the Audience of the new Kingdom of Granada and from the
City of Santo Thome, with a map of the River Orinoco and its navigation,
and where the forts referred to may be built. And in case it be still con
sidered well to await the Governors' Reports before establishing the fort,
assistance ought to be sent in the meantime by dispatching 100 soldiers
from Puerto Rico, whose expenses might be defrayed from the account of
salary, or they might be sent from the Audience of the new Kingdom of
Granada, sending from these parts eight pieces of artillery with artillery
men, so that the enemy may fear him who defends the entrance which he
desires to pass, covetous of the gold there is in these provinces which he
has discovered, and carrying away with him barrels full of earth to Eng
land, from which they have taken very rich specimens.

No. 340.

Governors of Puerto Rico and Cumana Ordered by the King of Spain to
send help to Santo Thome, September 18, 1618.
[Reprinted from Blue Book No. 3, p. 211.]
I have been informed of your letter of the 26th January of this year,
in which you relate what happened in the taking of your city, and the
death of the Governor, Diego Palomeque de Acuna, and how badly situated
the inhabitants thereof have thereby remained. And I am particularly
grateful to so good and loyal subjects, for, being so few and unguarded,
you defended the place valiantly. And thus I charge you to continue to
do on all other occasions that may present themselves, For apart from the
fact of you, yourselves, being interested in fulfilling and complying with
such glorious ends, it is of the greater importance on account of it being
the Catholic religion opposed to heretical enemies; its cause will not remain
without satisfaction, and the matter is now being treated with the earnest
ness it demands.
And in regard to whatever may happen to you in this respect for the
future, you will correspond with the Governors of Puerto Rico and Cumana,
whom I have commanded to help you with men, And now for the present
the Governor of Puerto Rico will seDd you eight quintals of powder, twenty
muskets and as many arquebuses with all their appendages, and two
quintals of gun-matches and four of lead, which is what has appeared
necessary in conformity with the number of men that has remained, And
of these arms and munitions you will make use with the greatest care,
preserving them in some public place where they may be at hand at the

268 No. 340.
time of necessity, or delivering them to the account and care of those per
sons that appear the best for the defence [of the place].

No. 341.

Extract from Paper accompanying Report of the Council of War of the
Indies relative to the Establishment of a Dutch Colony at Cape Orange
on the Coast of South America, March 19, 1676.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Oocs., Vol. 3, p. 181.]
Most Excellent Sir: The States of the Province of Holland and
Westfriesland determined to establish a colony on the coast of the main
land at Cape Orange, between Surinantte and the Amazon river, in order
to hold the greater part of the coast from Trinidad to the Amazon river,
for they already have the settlements in Barbiche, Sequiebes, and Suri
nam tes. *******

No. 342.

Memorandum of those who left Catalonia for the Missions of the Island of
Trinidad, in the year 1680.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Eev. Joseph, s. J.). The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol., Rome, 1896, Appendix l,p. 65.]
1st. Father Thomas de Llupian, who died in the interior- of the Prov
ince of Guayana, while assisting in Indian settlement which he cared for in
1688. 2d. Father Arcangel de Barna, who died in Guayana Vieja in the year
1689. 3d. Father Basilio de Barna; died in Trinidad in the year 1689.
4th. Fr. Angel deLlavaueras; died in the year 1692.
5th. Father Ambrosio de Mataro; died in Guayana Vieja in the year
1604:.1 6th. Father Pedro de Aneto; died in the year 1698.
7 th. Father Felix de Moset; was killed by the Indians.
8th. Father Estevan de San Felix de Pelerols; was killed by the In
dians. 9th. Father Marcos de Vich.
10th. Brother Fr. Raymondo de Figuerola; nurse.
The last four met violent deaths at the hands of the Indians in the year
1699, in the Island of Trinidad.

1 An obvious imprint for 170..

269
No. 343.
Deed by which the Jesuits make over to the Capuchins of Catalonia the
Mission of Guayana, September 9, 1682.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Eev. Joseph, s. J.). The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol., Rome, 1896, Appendix 1, pp. 1-3.]
Decree. — In the City of San Joseph de Orufia, Island of Trinidad, on
the ninth day of the month of September of One Thousand Six Hundred
and Eighty Two, Don Tiburcio de Aspe y Ztiniga, Governor and Captain
General of this Island of Trinidad and Province of Santo Thome of
Guayana and its forces, on behalf of his Majesty.
Inasmuch as in the city of Guayana there are two villages of Indians
of the Pariagotos nation, Indians that have been converted from out of
those who lived in that neighborhood, and are subdued and peopled close
to the churches that were built to teach and instruct them in the things
of our Holy Faith, and were ministered to by the Fathers of the Company
of Jesus of the Province of the new Kingdom of Granada, who made it
their Mission, and for reasons which the Superior of the Province had,
they left said Mission, and at my request His Holiness in the Royal
Audiencia (Highest Court) of Santa Fe, entreated and commanded the
Superior of the Company on the tenth of June of one thousand six
hundred and eighty-one, to which Father Hernando Cavero, as Superior
of his Provinces, replied on the seventeenth of June of said year," and gave
up the Mission of Guayana, saying that he was short of people, and that
he could only attend to the Mission that there was in his Province in the
upper part of the Orinoco, and that it could be served by the Capuchin
Fathers who were doing mission work in the neighborhood, all of which
appears from the judicial proceedings of the Royal Audiencia (Highest
Court), extracting from the Royal Book of decisions, signed
by Don Juan Flores de Olaris, Secretary of the Chamber in
said Royal Audiencia. And in pursuit of the most convenient
means of rendering assistance to the converted Indians, as
also to minister to the neighboring ones, I consulted the Royal Audiencia
on the sixteenth of January of the present year,— eighty-two,— as to what
should be done to remedy the evil. And in view of my petition, by De
cree of sixteenth of April of the present year, at a general sitting of the
Courts, it was decided that I shall provide Ministers to go out to instruct
the Indians, with the salary assigned, as appears from the judicial pro
ceedings in my possession attested by Don Juan de Flores de Olaris, Lord
Secretary of the Royal Audiencia and Chancellorship of the City of Santa
Fe, in accordance wherewith, from the time I took charge of this Govern
ment, my greatest desire has been to procure ministers of the Gospel for
the conversion and advancement of the natives abiding in this island and
in Guayana, all in this jurisdiction, numbering more than twenty-four

270 No. 343.
thousand, and who communicate with us and serve us for certain small
presents that are given to them through pity; whose blindness continues
from the lack of ministers to instruct them in our Holy Faith; I proposed
in the year seventy seven to the Reverend Father Prefect of the Mission of
Terra Firma of Cumana, Brother Juan del Pobo, a Capuchin Friar,
whether it were possible to send out his friars to exercise their mission in
this Province, in view of the great service that thereby would be rendered
to His Divine and Human Majesty, to which he replied in a letter dated
December fourth, seventy-seven, that he had with him only eight priests
and that he was expecting ten from Spain, and that he would fain do what
was asked of him; albeit, that I should press upon the attention of His
Majesty the necessity of especially appointing missions that for their part
would do all in their power. In a letter from the Reverend Father Francisco
de la Puente, dated March twenty-second, seventy-eight, he assures me that
all the Capuchin Friars are anxious to lend their assistance for the conversion
of the natives of his Province, but that they have not a sufficient number of
friars to do it with, and by other letters from said Father, who is now Pre
fect of the Mission, I am informed of their desire to do mission work in
this Province. In view of tbe above facts, and to the end of achieving the
conversion of so many infidels and heathens, which would greatly redound
to the service of God and extend the dominions of His Majesty, the Indians
being aware of the kindness and love with which the Capuchin Fathers
treat them for the purpose of converting them, there is no doubt that the
desired object will be attained: while on the other hand, if the Indians who
are already converted, and those in the neighborhood who are yet to be
converted, see that there is no one to attend to them, it is not unlikely that
they may relapse into idolatry, when it will become more difficult to con
vert and catechise them, and they will give no heed to the main object of
Christianity, which should be attended to, aud sought by all suitable means,
as has been ordained by his Majesty (God preserve him) in frequent decrees
relating to the catechization, conversion and kind treatment of the Indians.
In compliance therewith every year up to the present, Capuchin friars have
arrived from the Province of Catalonia to do mission work with the friars
of the Province of Aragon to Terra Firma in the Province of Cumana, and
on the third instant there arrived at this port a vessel duly licensed and
registered from the Canary Islands, her Captain and Master being Martin
de Suybarria, and in said vessel there came two Capuchin friars from the
Province of Catalonia, one named Friar Angel de Mataro, and the other
Friar Pablo de Blanes, who go forth to join the priests of
the Mission of Terra Firma. Inasmuch as at the Mission to
which they are bound there is a sufficient number of friars, and consider
ing the urgent need of this Province, as also said assistance is highly
acceptable to both Majesties, I beseech and command said Fathers, on
behalf of His Majesty, while on my part I entreat them, to co operate to

271
No. 343.
the submission and conversion of the natives of Guayana and the preser
vation of those who are settled in the two villages, for a competent susten
ance will be forthwith assigned to them, with the salary of one hundred
and thirty-two pesetas, in conformity to what I am instructed by the
Royal Audiencia to give to each minister, and moreover I shall at the first
opportunity consult the Royal Audiencia upon the subject, and report
to His Majesty at the earliest occasion afforded, in order that he may
declare this Mission a special one, as being deeply interested in the
matter, he has given assurance of acting in accordance with his Royal and
Catholic zeal. In the meantime, for my part, I shall attend, as I am
bound to do, to everything that may offer itself, and shall also notify the
Father Prefect of the Mission of Terra Firma, in order that he may give
his sanction until His Majesty shall have ordained whatever may be his
Royal pleasure. I have thus provided and signed on the day, month and
year aforesaid. Don Tiburcio de Aspe y Zuniga.
On the aforesaid day, I, Captain Juan Monedero, Secretary of the Gov
ernment, communicated the decree herein to Fathers Friar Angel de
Mataro and Friar Pablo de Blanes, and they declared that they had heard
it and would reply, and I thereunto affixed my signature.
Juan Monedero y Urbina,
Secretary General.

No. 344.

Royal Cedula of the King of Spain, approving agreement between
Jesuits and Capuchins, February 7, 1686.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Rev. Joseph, <j. /.). The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol., Rome, 1896, Appendix 1, p. 5.]
Cedula op Foundation.
The King.
My Governor and Captain General of the Island of Trinidad, of Guayana,
at the urgent request and representation of Brother Feliz de Artezono, a
Capuchin Friar and Apostolic Missionary of the Province of Cumana: I
have decided to allow him to take thither twelve Friars of his Order for
that Mission; and twelve more for the new Mission which I have
resolved to have established in the villages of the District of your
Government, in view of the advantages that are to result from such
establishment, thus opening the accesses offered by the Orinoco River,
alike to the Province of Cumana, and of those of Caracas, Merida de

272 No. 344.
la Grita, and New Kingdom of Granada, being of opinion that at all
times that it may prove convenient it would be desirable that this Mission
should be distinct from that of Cumana, but with the condition that in
cases where Ministers be wanting in one, these be supplied by the other,
until a Mission is sent to supply those that may be wanting whereof I
have thought fit to apprise you, for your guidance and that on your part
you may render all the assistance possible to these Friars, helping them
in such a way as may best promote the object of so holy and important a
work, seeing to it that as fast as the Indians are subdued they be brought
together and incorporated in the Missions and Villages, in order that they
may live a political and civil life, you helping the Friars to attain this
object, while endeavoring to carry out such a serious matter by all the
means possible. And at the same time I command you to visit the places
and villages of the Jurisdiction under your government, and communicate
with the Indians, without allowing tbe residents to make use of them,
attending only to their instruction; for as they are weak, what they seek
to avoid with their flight, is not the Doctrine, but physical work, where
with they are generally disturbed ; regarding which matter I recommend
you to be unceasingly watchful, as you have been instructed to do by
various cedulas, it being a matter of such weight and conscience. And
I hope that you will act with it, I having discharged mine in yours. Done
at Madrid this seventh day of February, one thousand six hundred and
eighty-six. I, the King.

No. 345.

Extracts from Memorandum drawn up by the Council ofthe Indies for the
King of Spain as to his Territorial Extent and Rights in Guayana. (So
date.)
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 3, pp. 188-203.]
The Governor of Cumana, Don Joseph Ramirez de Arellana, having
reported in a letter of the 27th of March of seventeen hundred and five
that the French of Martinique have introduced themselves to trade on the
Guarapichi river, not only in woods, hammocks, birds and other commodi
ties, but even in Indian slaves of the said river and the coast of the main
land, considering them better than the negroes for work, endeavoring to
gild these insults with the pretext that because those shores were not popu
lated by Spaniards their inhabitants should be considered as savages of an
unconquered land, open to the trade of the French, the Council advised
His Majesty, on the sixth of October of the same year, of the injuries that
might grow out of consenting to these acts contrary to the law of Nations
and to the bonds and amity of both Crowns. For even though the banks

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No. 345.
of the Guarapichi were not populated by Spaniards, as they are very near
the Island of Trinidad and the Province of Cumana, the dominion and pos
session of those territories so legitimately acquired by His Majesty con
tinued firm, and the Indians inhabiting the same should enjoy the benefit
of his Royal protection.
* * * * * * *
2. The repeated abuses committed by the Carib Indians established on
the many islands formed by the Orinoco at its mouth, who, aided by the
Dutch, would go to the upper part of the narrows (Angostura) to make
prisoners of the Aruro Indians, at times to eat them, and at others to sell
them as slaves to the French, English and Dutch, gave rise to the proposi
tion (in the year sixteen hundred and ninety -four, when the Governor of
Trinidad, Don Francisco de Meneses, and the Prefect and Procurator of
those Capuchin Missions made known the discovery of the headwaters
of the Orinoco), to construct a fort on its banks to restrain the audacity of
the Caribs, as well as to prevent the entrance of foreign nations. And in
fact an order was issued on the twenty-fourth of August, sixteen hundred
and ninety-seven, to the President of Santa Fe, to have it built on the site
and in the manner that might be deemed most convenient.
TV W 7T Tr 7T W W
4. In the geographical description, and the notes added for an easier
understanding of the general map of the said Government of Cumana,
transmitted by its Governor, Don Joseph Diguja, in the year seventeen
hundred and sixty-one, it is also recorded that the boundaries of that
Province on the east are the mouths of the Orinoco, the Guarapichi river,
and Point Paria; on the north the same point, Cape Tres Puntas, following
the coast of Araya and Gulf of Cariaco, till it strikes the town of Pozuelos,
which is now of the Province of Barcelona; on the west, from said town
to the Guanipa tableland, whence it again runs to the east until it strikes
the Orinoco opposite Guayana.
5. That this Province of Guayana has as boundaries: On the east, all
the coast on which are situated the Dutch colonies of Esquivo, Bervis,
Demerari, Corentin, and Surinama; and further to windward, Cayenne,
belonging to the French; on the north, the banks of •the Orinoco, which,
separating the Provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas, Barinas, Santa
Fe and Popayan, forms a half circle, running back east to seek its head
waters in Parima Lake; on the south, the dominions of the Most Faith
ful King in Brazil, the frontiers of the latter, and the said Province of
Guayana being unknown, as also what the latter contains in the centre.
*******
That on the east and coast of Guayana are situated the Dutch Colonies
of Esquivo, Demerari, Bervis, Corentin, and Surinama, according to the in
formation secured by Don Juan de Dios Valdes, Commandant of Guayana.
That the Colony of Esquivo consisted of sugar plantations, which for the

274 No. 345.
distance of thirty leagues the Dutch had established on the banks of the
Esquibo river. And, finally, that the Dutch establishments were most
prejudicial to Guayana, especially that of Esquibo, because through the
nearness of the Orinoco, they went to the interior by this river, the Maz
aroni and Cuyuni, protected by the Caribs, to pillage and capture the
Indians of the former Province, frequently disturbing by their forays the
Missions of the Catalonian Capuchins, whose cowardly and pusillanimous
Indians took to the forest on the slightest news of Caribs.
6. Notwithstanding these constant acts, in the year seventeen hundred
and sixty-nine the Ambassador of Holland appeared, complaining of the
proceedings of the Spaniards established on the Orinoco, against the Dutch
colony of Esquibo; presenting, in support of his complaint, a memorial
referring to several letters of Lorenzo Horn, and van's Gravesand, Director-
General of the said colony, in which, supposing that from time immemor
ial the Republic of Holland was in possession not only of the Esquibo
river, and of many other rivers and streams emptying into the sea along this
portion of the coast, but also of all the branches and rivulets emptying into
the former, paiticularly the northern one called Cayoeni, or Coyuni, on
whose bank, considered as dominion of the State, they have maintained
a wooden cabin, guarded by a small vessel manned by some slaves
and Indians, he set forth that a Spanish detachment, coining from the
Orinoco, had attacked that post and taken many Indians, threatening
to return at the first ebb and visit another branch of the same river,
called the Maseroni, which lies between it and the Cuyuni, and com
posed part of the territory of the Republic. That although Gravesand had
taken all this as simple threats which would not be executed, he learned
afterwards that the Spaniards had constructed two cabins, guarded by
many troops, and one of them very near to the cabin on the Cuyuni river,
and had begun to take the Indians on the Maroca, taking possession of a site
near the rivulet to the south of the Weyne, between it and the Powaron,
where the Company had had from time immemorial a trading place be
longing, beyond contradiction, to the territory of the Republic. That,
moreover, they had committed other assaults, among them that of having
caused to be killed the guard of the Arinda cabin, belonging to its Com
pany, situated near the source of the Esquibo, as well as all the Caribs in
the neighborhood; and although the Company had taken steps to oppose
such undertakings, it thought it ought not to fail to notify the Republic,
and engage its attention, to the end that it might remonstrate against such
manifest wrongs of the State; adding that the Spaniards had commenced
some time back to dispute their right to fish at the mouth of the Orinoco,
and in the stretch of territory between the Marewigni river and the other
side of the Wayne, belonging to the State, as could be seen by the geo
graphic charts, especially that of Sefior Anville, one of the most esteemed,
owing to its accuracy; and that they had been disturbed in their fishing by

275
No. 345.
force, notwithstanding the long time they had enjoyed it quietly and
peacefully, and that it was of great profit to them by reason of the abund
ance of fish to be found there; and, finally, he stated that, in the face of
all treaties, and even against the Law of Nations, the Spaniards, to the
great prejudice of the planters, and even of the whole colony, retained the
slaves fleeing from the Dutch establishments, the most forcible arguments
and commissions looking towards their return to their owners not suf
ficing. 7. By Royal command of the tenth of September of the said year of
seventeen hundred and sixty-nine, Sir Knight Friar Don Julian de Arriaga
transmitted this memorial to the Council, to the end that with all possible
haste it should advise what it might deem proper with regard to the extent
of those boundaries and the right the Republic of Holland claimed to the
fisheries at the entrance of the Orinoco.
8. This question having been referred to the Attorney General with the
antecedents he missed some documents referring to the case, and, among
others, four letters of Rear- Admiral Don Joseph de Yturriaga, detailed on
the Orinoco boundary expedition, which it was said were received in the
years 1757 and 1758, and the report thereon made by Naval Captain Don
Joseph Solano, as also the reply of the Most Christian King, or the meas
ures that Court may have taken as a result of the communications sent in
the year 1750 by reason of the transgressions committed by the French of
Martinique on the Guarapiche river. All of which documents and others
which might throw light on the matter were requested of the office of the
Secret Archives through the advice given His Majesty by the Council
on the twenty-second of October of the same year; and in conse
quence, with an official communication of the twenty -second of
September of 1770, Sir Knight Arriaga transmitted the said letters
and report, with two other statements in which the Governors
of Guayana and Cumana, complying with what was ordered them in the
Royal command of the twenty- seventh of September of 1769, reported
(justifying the same) upon the acts of which the Minister of Holland com
plained, and a letter from the Prefect of the Catalonian Capuchin Missions
regarding what happened by reason of the ransom of three Indian women
who, with their children, had been enslaved by the Dutch; the Sir Knight
stating in his said official communication that the other papers wanting
had been requested of the office of the Secretary of State; but, not having
been found therein, he advised His Majesty thereof in another communica
tion dated the sixth of October following, so that in this intelligence the
Council might proceed to the consideration of the record.
9. Tturriaga's letters were written in Cabruta de Orinoco on the twelfth
and sixteenth of June, and the fifteenth of September of seventeen hun
dred and fifty-seven and the nineteenth of April of fifty-eight, and in the
first thereof the said Commissioner gave a description of the Apure river,

276 No. 345.
setting forth the condition of its missions, its settlements, inhabitants,
etc. 10. The second relates to the tearing down of the Castle of Araya, stat
ing that as it had been constructed to prevent the Dutch from taking ad
vantage of a salt mine contiguous thereto, the latter having been lost and
the Dutch having discovered others, it was no longer useful, and a great
tax on the Crown.
11. The third stated that having understood that the Dutch were con
structing a fort on the Maruca river, a short distance from the ship channel
of the Orinoco, he had ordered that a launch be sent there to investigate
the condition of the building, its size and artillery; and that, through a
letter written him by Don Juan Valdes (a copy of which he enclosed), he
had learned that the information was incorrect, and that there was no
news save that the Dutch wished to move the Guard, which, under the
name of Post, they maintained on the Maruca Channel, taking it down to
the mouth entering into the sea at a distance of six leagues; and that to
this end they had made many clearings for sowing, and built houses; and
that, as was reported, the purpose was to prevent the desertion of their
slaves to our dominions. Yturriaga added that from this report he inferred
that they wished to establish some sugar plantations and add to their
owners and slaves some Aroaca Indians, in wmorn they most confided, so
as to prevent the passing of the deserters; and it might be that to this end,
and to forestall any uprising among the slaves, they might wish to build a
small fort with two or three light cannons, and with from four to six men.
That the Dutch being allowed in Maruca, later perhaps they would pass over
to the Barima, which empties into the same mouth, and in time they would
extend over to the Aquiri, whose mouth was in the Orinoco itself. That
the Governor of Esquibo called himself, in his dispatches and passports,
Governor of the Orinoco— a title hardly agreeable— but that it was profit
able to them to have their Aroacas allowed to engage in the fishing of
turtle, in which, as he had understood, there was much toleration on the
part of the Commandant of Guayana, and even deference in granting li
censes to many vessels which came up for the purpose of carrying Caribs
and unknown Dutchmen who landed on the Caura river to buy Indian
slaves. *******
15. That notwithstanding the claims to Orinoco boasted by word of
mouth by the Governors of Esquivo, based on the plea that the evidences
of title given them by the Republic granted them this juridiction, he had
not learned that they had made any demands growing out of the seizures
from them by Trinitaries and Guayanese on the course of this river; nor
had they dislodged them from the out posts they had planted on the
Cuyuni river to protect the parties that went into the interior of Guayana

277
No. 345.
to buy Indian slaves, and much less could he understand upon what they
could base them; for although by the fifth Article of the Treaty of Munster
they were granted dominion over the countries, places, trading-posts and
others they owned at that time in America, on the Orinoco, neither they
nor any others save the Spanish had ever had up to the time or subse
quently any place, fort, stronghold, encampment, hunting grounds, fish
eries, or the enjoyment of its lands.
16. That they could not found such pretensions upon the tacit or ex
press permission that the Commandants of Guayana and Orinoco may
have at times given them to fish at the Boca de Navios and the Barima
and Aquire rivers; on the huts they may have built to salt and dry their
catch, nor on the navigation which may have been furtively allowed
them as far as Guayana or farther up; nor much less could they justify
the Post or Guard they maintained at Moruca, since in the Treaty
they are prohibited from erecting any new fortification under
any pretext, and that tbe only thing they could allege was the silence or
indifference with which the Commandants of Guayana had looked upon
this usurpation, taking advantage thereof to extend their dominion to the
main mouth of the Orinoco, and with easy navigation entering thereby,
and by the Apure, Meta, and other rivers to the Provinces of Barcelona,
Caracas, and Barinas, to the great prejudice of the Royal Treasury, the
advancement of the Spanish population and the propagation of the gospel;
because protected by that great river, and with the aid which the Dutch
interest furnished the Caribs, the latter turned a deaf ear to peace, disputed
its navigation by the Spaniards, and its passage to the missionaries, basely
advancing to the extent of taking the life of the holy fathers and of a great
number of godless Indians; and they would have caused their total
extermination had not the glorious predecessors of His Majesty succored
them with escort troops, and the mediocre protection of the garrison and
fort of Guayana. *******
17. The Commandant of Guayana, Don Manuel Centurion, in obedience
to the said Royal command, sent, together with a letter dated April ninth
of 1778, exemplified copies of the inquiries had regarding the acts com
plained of by the Director of Esquibo, stating, with reference to the results
thereof, that they were all false charges through which Gravesand had
endeavored to arouse the States-General against the proceedings of the
Spaniards, erroneously supposing that the Dutch had ever been in posses
sion of the rivers or rivulets that empty into the sea from the Esquibo to
the Orinoco, because they had there no establishment other than a straw-
thatched hut on the eastern bank of the Moruca, or Maroco, which had
been tolerated for forty years back, intended to prevent the desertion of
their slaves; which toleration degenerated soon into the iniquitous trade of
buying from the cruel Caribs the Indians they enslaved, surprising the
other nations subject to Spanish rule.

278 No. 345.
18. That neither were they in possession of the Maseroni and other
rivers that emptied into the Esquibo on its southwestern bank, and it was
expedient to disabuse them of this error upon which they founded their
complaints; because the Esquibo flowing, approximately, parallel with the
sea-coast from the vicinity of the Corentin until it emptied into the sea
forty-five leagues east of the mouth of the Orinoco, all the rivers having
their sources in the furthest interior of the Province of Guayana and flow
ing towards the coast lying between the mouths of the Corentin and
Esquibo came in contact with the latter which crosses and assimilates
them; so that if, as the Dutch supposed, the territory embraced by the
rivers feeding the Esquibo (and they are the Cuyuni, Maseroni, Mao,
Apanoni, Putara, and other minor ones, with their branches) belonged to
the dominion of the Republic, they would have in the Province of Guayana
more than the Spaniards; the case being, as appeared from the map he an
nexed, that the Dutch could only claim possession of the Surinam,
Cupernam, Corentim, Bervis, Demerara, Esqvivo and Powaron rivers.
*******
20. That the two garrisoned cabins which Gravesand alleged were in
the vicinity of his hut on the Cuyuni river, were two Indian settlements
founded by the Capuchins on the bank of the Yuruari, and with no gar
rison other than one soldier in each as escort of the missionary; that the
supposed proximity thereof to his hut was equally false, since they were
more than seventy leagues of bad road removed therefrom.
21. That the taking of Indians from Moruca by the Spaniards consisted
in that the Catalonian Capuchins having entered escorted, as was custom
ary, by a launch from Orinoco to the Barima river in search of Indian de
serters from their Missions, which were dispersed between the Guayne and
Moruca (a territory contiguous to the Orinoco and never occupied by the
Dutch) they reached the Moruca hut, the guard of which held in slavery
three Indian women and their children, kidnapped from the mouth of the
Orinoco, as they stated to the missionaries; and they brought these Indians
to the Missions without doing any harm whatever to the Dutch; but
rather, thinking to favor them, they had given them a certificate of the
affair to satisfy the Director of Esquibo.
*******
23. That on the Ouyuni river, called by the Dutch, Cayoeni, the latter
had no possession other than a plantation where it empties into the Es
quivo; for, although in the year seventeen hundred and fifty-seven they
attempted to establish themselves fifteen or twenty leagues higher up, for
the purpose of enslaving Indians through the Caribs, the Commandant of
Guayana, being informed thereof, sent a detachment which dislodged
them, burning the trading post, and bringing prisoners the Dutch, one
negro, and some Caribs, with the instructions and original statements,
which fully proved the infamous trade, which, by order of the Director of
Esquibo, and to his vile interest, the Guard of the trading post carried on.

279
No. 345.
24. That the post which Gravesand stated the Spanish took possession
of near a rivulet south of the Guayne river, where he supposed the company
had from time immemorial a trading place depending beyond contradiction
upon the Republic, must be, without doubt, the one which the intruding
Dutchmen on the Guarima river abandoned in the year seventeen hundred
and sixty-eight, so soon as they learned that our cruising launches were
patrolling that river, one of the largest emptying into the Orinoco, not
withstanding that Gravesand made it out a rividet, without venturing to
name it, so as not to declare himself a usurper. It is equally strange that
he should call this an immemorial establishment, when it had existed
barely for two years.
25. That they had never up to that time disputed the right of the Dutch
to the fisheries at the mouths of the Orinoco because they did not fish there,
as is proved by the fact that, having armed during the last three years
some cruising launches for this river, they had seized thirty-three foreign
vessels, but none of them engaged in fishing, nor was there even any in
formation that tbe Dutch were in possession of such fishing grounds;
and he had only been able to find one instance of having come across
and seized, in the year seventeen hundred and sixty, one small fishing
schooner and two launches belonging to that nation, at the mouth of the
Orinoco and the Barima river. But, nevertheless, it was thought that this
pretended right, which would easily degenerate into a disgraceful illicit
trade, difficult to stop and most injurious to our Provinces, should be
denied. * * * * * * *
All these documents, with many others annexed as antecedents, were
sent to the then Attorney-General, accompanied also by another record
which had already been considered by His Majesty, ever since the ninth of
May of seventeen hundred and sixty eight, relating to an official communi
cation from the Ambassador of England, referring to the return of the
negroes passing from her islands to ours of America; and the former
official having made known that the investigation and examination of such
a mass of papers was a very long task, on which he must of necessity con
sume a great part of the time needed to perform the other and important
business of his office, the Council ordered by its resolution of the first of
October of seventeen hundred and seventy-four, that it should all be
referred to the Relator, Counsellor Canet, in order that he make a brief of
all the matters in the record and its antecedents, which done, he should
return it to the Attorney-General for his opinion.
The matter remained in this condition up to the year seventeen hundred
and eighty-five, wThen, the brief having been made by the Relator and the
record returned to the Attorney-General, Don Antonio Porlier, he stated
in his reply of May twenty-seventh of the same year that at that time
there was no action required, since, more than fifteen years having passed
without any pressure being brought by the Minister of Holland in the

280 No. 345.
premises, it was natural to believe that the Republic, better apprised of the
want of just reasons for the demand it had made, had desisted therefrom.
That moreover, the papers annexed to his memorial, principally the repre
sentation of the Commandant of Guayana, Don Manuel Centurion, made
evident the want of reason with which the Dutch complained, and the
necessity for taking on our part the precautions he suggested in those
regions as very important for the State; but that as in the course of so
many years the circumstances of the Province may also have changed, the
examination thereof could not be entered upon without new and recent
reports of its present condition. By reason of all of which he felt that at
this time nothing should be done save to await until future developments
should demonstrate what had best be done; with which opinion the Council
agreed by resolution of June fourth of the said year 1785.

No. 346.

Letter, dated January 8, 1724, from Juan de la Tornera, Governor ot
Cumana, to King of Spain, suggesting that a Settlement be made at
Angostura.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. S, pp. 260-261.]
As soon as Iarrived in this Government I endeavoured to encourage the
Missions at Piritu of the Franciscan Fathers giving them an escort with
which they might penetrate among the infidel Indians to the Rivers Cari
and Orinoco, to preach to them tbe law of the Gospel, with the result that
the Mission of Saint Bonaventure is firmly established and those of Saint
Joachim and Saint Rose very much increased, mauy Indians being drawn
from the forest. News was frequently sent me that many foreigners, the
Dutch from Surinam, came to these places trading, in vessels, and pene
trated more than 100 leagues up the Orinoco, and more than 30 above
Angostura, the Fathers lamenting the trade carried on with the Caribs,
the sale of tools, stuffs, wine, spirits, guns, and other arms, which they
exchanged for a large number of Indian slaves. On account of which it
was resolved that they should explore the rivers and banks of the Caroni
and Orinoco and the whole country, which they did in two expeditions, for
which I gave them a sufficient force for their protection, and the accomplish
ment of their design. They sent me a description and journals of their
preaching and explorations on these two occasions, which I forwarded to
Your Majesty by Father Victoriano de Castejon, a Capuchin of the Mis
sions in this province, who went to Court to throw himself at the feet of
Your Majesty in November of last year, 1723, that Your Majesty might be
made aware of these things, and of the great evils which spring from the
toleration of the aforesaid commerce, which might be remedied and pre-

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No. 346.
vented by the missionaries making a settlement at the aforesaid Narrows
(Angostura) of the Orinoco, which is situated at the limit of their villages
at five days' journey distant, through prairie lands, with no large rivers to
prevent passage at any time, beiug the nearest to it, for, from the Fort of
Guayana it is a six days' journey up the Orinoco to the said Angos
tura, which cannot be accomplished by land on account of the River Caroni,
which flows into the Orinoco and is of equal magnitude. The Island of
Trinidad is distant 15 days' navigation, of which the greatest part lies
through this Government and the villages of the said missionaries. With
respect to Your Majesty having granted, by an Order of the 21st August,
1683, 30 soldiers above the seven allowed from Fort Clarines and having
ordered Don Francisco de Viveros Salinda, who was then Governor in
these provinces that he should establish them in an intrenchment (?) in the
most convenient place for the security and protection of the said mission
aries of Piritu, having no other duty than that of their guard. When he
failed to carry out this order Your Majesty ordered Don Gaspar de Acorta,
who succeeded him in the government, to carry out the aforesaid instruc
tions, by a " Cedula" of the 11th of November, 1687. And lastly, by an
Order of the 25th December, 1790 [1690], Your Majesty ordered Don Gappar
de Acorta to construct this fort, of protection for the missionaries, and as
signed the payment of its allowance to the Treasury of Panama, to be paid
at the same time as that of the Fort of Araya; which order was never car
ried out, with the result that these Missions of Piritu are often harassed,
notwithstanding that the Militia guard, and Indians granted them, have
formed three villages and spread over all the land, and discovered Angos
tura on the Orinoco. If Your Majesty is pleased to order that the 37
soldiers, with four or six more, with a captain, lieutenant, ensign, ser
geant, and corporal, with eight gunners for the management of the cannon,
be established at the said Angostura, and that the missionaries of Piritu
found a new Indian Mission there, as the territory is vast and very fertile,
the allowance of the infantry to be charged on the Treasury of Mexico, as
is that of the Fort of Araya, or on that of Sante Fe, as it defends the
entrance to the Orinoco, or that of Caracas as being nearer, by means of
this fort, Your Majesty will prevent tbe trade and commerce of foreigners
with the Caribs, making sure of this nation, who have no escape, and
securing the kingdom of Santa Fe from attack by way of the Orinoco. It
will also serve as a protection to the missionary Capuchins of this province,
as also to those of Caracas, the Franciscans being in the middle of the terri
tory to the east, the Capuchins of Caracas to the left in the same direction,
so that a fort will protect the three Missions on the side towards the
Orinoco, and the subjection of the Caribs will be brought about without
arms or bloodshed, and the Indians whom the foreigners remove to their
heretical colonies will remain in these provinces subjects of Your Majesty,
and enjoying the light of the Catholic Faith in a well-ordered and Christian
life. Sire, it seemed to me that I was obliged in conscience to render this

282 No. 346.
account to Your Majesty, that you might consider, determine, and com
mand thereon according to your good pleasure for the extension of these
Dominions. God preserve the Catholic person of Your Royal Majesty for the needs
of Christendom.

No. 34T.

Extract from the Consulta, dated 1733, of the Council of the Indies to the
King of Spain, as to the attempt ofthe Swedes to settle in Barima.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 64-65. 1
* * *****
And when that service had been performed, Juan Miguel Hernandez
was instructed to continue exploring the coasts; and the said Hernandez
has reported that, having sailed out of the River Orinoco by the Grand
Mouth, he noticed, in tbe creek called Barima, the place where the before-
mentioned Swedes were located, and that, according to the information he
received from the Carib Indians who dwell there, they had seen a number
of white men and a large schooner, who were looking for a convenient
place on which to settle, and making presents to the Caribs of hatchets,
knives, " matcbetes," and rum, with which they were much pleased, telling
them they would return in the dry season. And that these same Indians
declared that two launches with Frenchmen, and some fugitive negroes
who were trying to reach Guayana, having come to that creek, they killed
the Indians, and took the launches and the effects they contained.

No. 34S.

Order of King of Spain to the Governor of Cumana to report on the
rumored Swedish Settlement at Barima; March 13, 1734.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 224.]
To the Governor and Captain-General of the Province of Cumana.—
The Alcaldes of the City of San Joseph de Oruna of the Island of Trinidad
and of Guayana, charged with the government of the Province by the
death of the Governor, Don Bartolome de Aldunate, made known by a
letter of the 22nd of December, 1732, that the Lieutenant of tbe Province
of Guayana informed them that the Swedes were founding a settlement
in the Island of Tabaco, having already built houses, ploughed fields, and
established twenty-five families and a certain number of negroes. For
this reason the aforesaid Alcaldes resolved to send (which was done) Don
Felix Cresel, an inhabitant of the said city of San Joseph de Oruna, to find
out the truth of this report from the Indians who inhabit the northern
coast of the said Island of Trinidad. He reported that he coasted the
southern side of the Island as far as Point Galera, where found some In-

_ „

283
No. 348.
dians engaged in fishing, and one among them, called Antonio, told him
that some Frenchmen who passed that coast in a bilandra, told him that
they wished to make a settlement in the Island of Tabaco, where they
had already established themselves on the northern side, with their planta
tions, without possessing any slaves; that Monsieur Cornete, an inhabitant
of Martinique, was already named Governor, and they were awaiting
the result of an application to the Court of France to introduce settlers.
Not being satisfied with this report, the said Alcaldes resolved to send Juan
Miguel Hernandez to the said Province of Guayana to verify the statement,
and give tbe necessary orders. On his return he reported that he had
put to sea by the principal river of the Orinoco, and entered the creek
called Barima, where, according to the Caribs, the Swedes were established.
They said they had seen a number of white men seeking a place for their
settlement, and they had presented the Caribs with beads, knives, cut
lasses, hatchets, and spirits, and left them much pleased and expecting
their return the summer following, according to the account of the said
Caribs, who also declared that two long boats came to the creek full of
Frenchmen and negroes, fugitives on their way to the city of Guayana,
who were all slain by the said Indians, who took their boats and all they
had with them. That in the creek there was a Carib Chief, son of the
Chief Taguaria, who had more than two hundred Indians, with arrows,
guns, and broad swords, which force he kept, said the Indian, for the
whites of Guayana, because they hindered him taking the Indians of the
nations of the Orinoco and selling them to the Dutch. That these latter
told the aforesaid Indians not to show the Swedes a good place for their
settlement, and they themselves would give them all they required. Hav
ing considered this matter iu my Council of the Indies, and taken the
advice of my Attorney-General, and deliberated thereupon, seeing that the
information sent by the aforesaid Alcaldes, though not to be despised, is
not full enough to warrant my making any order in the matter, I have
resolved to command, and hereby do command, that so soon as you receive
these despatches you do forthwith verify the facts of the matter, and, in
case any orders should be necessary, you do forthwith make such orders as
you think advisable, giving me an account of your proceedings in this
matter with all dispatch, remembering that I have also instructed the
Governors of Caracas and Margarita by despatches sent this day.

No. 349.

Order of King of Spain to Governor of Cumana to prevent Swedes from
settling at Barima, December 16, 1734.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 224-225. ]
To Don Carlos Sucre, Governor and Captain- General of the Province of
Cumana.— In a letter of the 18th of July of the year before last Don Rafael

284 No. 349.
de Eslaba, President of my Royal Court of the City of Santa Fe in the new
Kingdom of Grenada, having communicated the representation made by
Father Joseph Gumilla, Superior of the Missions of the Orinoco, with respect
to the settlement which the Swedes were attempting to make in River
Barima, for whose suppression the Court of that kingdom had previously
taken measures; and as soon as the said President entered on his office, he
requested the said Father Joseph Gumilla to repeat his former information
that he might take the necessary steps; but thinking this a matter of con
siderable gravity he sends an account of it for his reassurance. Having
considered the matter in my Council of the Indies, and taken the advice of
my Attorney -General thereupon, I hereby command that with what people
you have and with the Capuchin Missions, you take all proper measures
to prevent the settlement attempted by the Swedish nation from being
established, and that you give me an account of your proceedings herein at
the first opportunity.

No. 350.

Extract from Precis of Despatch, dated August 13, 1737, from Governor
of Cumana, to King of Spain, asking help to prevent Foreign Settle
ments at Barima.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 225.]
[Under date] Cumana, August 13, 1737, the Governor, Don Carlos
Sucre: Represents to Your Majesty that as soon as he went from this city
to the River Orinoco, to carry out the operations for which he was ap
pointed, he reported to Your Majesty the condition of that fortress and
dependency, and also of the war which the Carib Indians, with other
allies, are making, causing death and torture among the Missionaries, and
other Spaniards; and that he was without adequate forces and means to
remedy such losses, and that not having had any reply or decision on the
important matters in these reports, he finds himself again compelled to
have recourse to Your Majesty on the same matter, pointing out the
weighty reasons which press for a speedy decision, especially as the North
ern nations have begun to settle at the mouth of the river, and sundry
families of Swedes are expected to come and settle in the Cafion of Ba
rima within the river of that name. This may result in the loss of those
Provinces and of that of Caracas and in the ultimate blocking of the road
to Santa Fe de Bogota.

285
No. 351.
Extract from Memorials of the Marquis de Torrenueva, as to the
Spanish and English Commission in Seville, 1737 to 1743.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, p. 69.]
******
And it merits equal attention the object with which the Dutch estab
lished themselves to the windward of the River Orinoco, in 5° north
latitude, and 325° nearly of longitude, according to Delisle, and from
the Island of Cayenne, and in 6° north latitude, and 320° 40' longitude,
with the two forts with the name ' Zelandeses,' between the rivers
named Surinam and Cupenam. And this could be no other than to get
nearer to the mouth and banks of the said river, and to found thereon
plantations, which might facilitate their traffic with the new kingdom,
and enable them to penetrate, by that part, to those territories and
places which their avarice might dictate, until they made themselves
masters of the mouth of the Orinoco, and the nations that dwell there in
a vast extent of 260 leagues, from there to the ' villa ' of San Juan de los
Llanos, of which mention has already been made. For from what Delisle
shows, it is considered navigable for small craft throughout its course.
And it being very necessary to preserve this mouth, as a safeguard of
that kingdom, it is no less necessary to restrain the Dutch from approach
ing its banks either by land or water, by means of the Vth and Vlth
Articles of the Treaty of Peace with that nation in 1648, and us the
month of the River Essequibo offers them facilities for carrying out
those designs, being situated, according to this geographer, in 6° 40' lati
tude, and 318° 10' longitude, and its source in 1° nearly of north latitude,
and 316° of longitude, whose situation in its whole extent forms a large
extent of country capable of having established in it a distinct province
with a separate Government from that of Cumana, for it contains
within its limits innumerable tribes of Indians, to be reduced, and who
would then serve as a barrier so that the Dutch might not pass to the
west of this river. Therefore, it would be convenient to occupy the
mouth of this river with a fort ; but with the object that the town that
might be built there should serve as a capital for the new province, and
the Caracas Company should be charged with the population, cultivation,
and development of it and its resources And if this be not feasible,
then it may be carried out by the settling therein oE Cathalans. For
although the climate is considered very hot, the fact of the Dutch hav
ing overcome that difficulty proves that the climate is not unhealthy,
and persuades one that the breezes from its mountain chains make it less
felt, or that the advantages they derive from those places are so great as
to counteract this inconvenience.

286 No. 352.
Extracts from various Records of a Visit to the Province of Ciuayana by
Governor Gregorio Espinosa de los Monteros in. 1743.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp.. Docs., Vol. 3, pp. 64-68, 77-80, 97, 101, 106-107, 139-144.]
[Pp. 64.-68.]
* *****
In the city of Santo Thome de la Guayana, on the 8th day of the
month of February of the year seventeen hundred and forty-three, Sefior
Don Gregorio Espinosa de los Monteros, Brigadier of the Armies of H.
M., Governor and Captain General of the Provinces of Nueva Andalucia,
Nueva Barcelona, Guayana, their coasts and Presidios, for the King our
Lord, said : That whereas, on this date his Honor has arrived at this
city of Cumana to make the visit thereto, its Royal fortress, and new
conversions of Indians, in compliance with his duty, and in execution of
the Royal Decrees.
* * * * * *
Therefore he should command and commanded that a review be held
of the infantry company [paid from the allowance] which garrisons the
Castle of San Francisco de Asis, and the new conversions of the Reverend
Capuchin Fathers and Jesuits of the upper Orinoco. That the Captain
commanding furnish a report as to the arms, military stores, munitions
and articles existing in the arsenals for the reserve supply, and the
sergeant of the artillery as to the cannons and swivel-guns with their
carriages, mounted or unmounted, giving their caliber, and advices of
the ready stores with which they are supplied, excluding the reserve
supplies, which reports they shall frame with, &c.
(Here follow the review of the military, their supplies, the examina
tion of officers, the armament of the Presidios of San Francisco de Asis
of Guayana, and of the Padrastro, reconnaissance of the Limones chan
nel, measurement of the artillery range, &c.)
******
"In the settlement of La Purisima Concepcion de Suay, on the
seventeenth day of the month of February of the year seventeen hundred
and forty-three, his Honor, the said Governor and Captain General of
these Provinces, said : That whereas in the prosecution of his visit he
has arrived at this settlement, where he must investigate how the In
dians are managed and governed, and whether they are aggrieved by
some persons in power, military officers or ministers of justice, giving
the Indians to understand the Royal recommendations to which they
are entitled by the Royal laws, in order that justice may be administered
to them ; that they may be supported, defended, and receive satisfaction
in cash indemnity for the grievances they may have suffered, and justice
above all, without any delay, to which end this visit, is made; and that

•287
No. 352.
his Honor is ready to hear and protect them, and the. form and policy
under which they are to live, and the advisability thereof for their pres
ervation. Their application to the tilling of the fields, for the increase
of provisions in their settlements, so advantageous to their progress,
and manufactures, which are commonly of hammocks ; and fishing, in
which they may engage for their profit ; the obligation they have to
attend church and learn the Christian doctrine, and be present at the
holy sacrifice of mass, and aid in the repair arid building of the material
church of the settlement, the mission house, and that which it is custom
ary to construct in all Indian settlements under the name of the Royal
house, for the care of travellers ; that each family shall live in a separate
house ; that they shall have a community farm of the most useful pro
ducts for the common needs, and that these products, owing to the little
capacity of the Indians, be distributed and sold with intervention of the
Missionary of the settlements for the benefit of the Indians, since there
are no councilmen in these settlements, as they are new settlements.
******
And as the latter [the Indians] are under the charge of the Reverend
Capuchin Fathers of the Province of Catalonia, appointed by H. M. for
the conversion of the Indians of this Province, his Honor prays and
charges the Very Reverend Father Prefect of the said sect to accompany
him. and that he also be pleased, to order the Teacher of this settlement,
as well as of the others, to exhibit the rolls of the Indians of both sexes
of these settlements, pursuant to which they will be reviewed at once,
and that they be filed, and that he furnish a report of the number of
houses composing it ; whether its site and waters are healthy and its lands
fertile ; what products are cultivated there and the greatest yield that
can be produced, and a list of the jewels and ornaments of the churches,
for a better knowledge of everything, &c.
(Here follow the returns and the presentation of the lists of enrolled
Indians of the Mission of La Purisima Concepcion de Nuestra Senora de
Suay and of Santa Maria de los Angeles de Amaruca, Province of
Guayana ; the list and rolls of the Indians of the Mission San Antonio
de Caroni ; the visit to said settlement ; the rolls of the Indians of Alta
Gracia, of the Mission of the Capuchin Fathers of Orinoco, from the
Province of Catalonia. Rolls of the Mission of Cupapuy. Same of the
Mission of La Divina Pastora del Yacuri).
******
"In the town of La Divina Pastora de Yacuri, on the twenty-second
day of the month of February, of the year seventeen hundred and forty-
three, Seiior Don Gregorio Espinosa de los Monteros, Brigadier," etc.
***** *
* * said ; That whereas before His Honor had appeared Don Juan

288 No. 352.
Guavurumay, chief of the Panacuyo nation, with two other chiefs of the
same nation ******
expressing in his language (as interpreted by Joseph, the Indian Captain
of the town of San Joseph de Cupapay), his wish to settle at the place
Cunury, ten leagues, more or less, distant herefrom, subject to the teach
ings of the Capuchin Missionaries of the Province of Catalonia, who are
evangelizing in this Province of Guayana, and as vassals of H. M.; and
that for the purpose he has, as a beginning, thirty-three men of arms,
married by contract, according to their custom, thirty-eight women,
twenty-three boys, and sixteen girls, all friendly and obedient to him,
requesting that he be received under the Royal protection and vassalage,
and be granted the site of Cunury for settlement.
******
Wherefore, in order to encourage them to settle there, he resolved
and ordered that the said Don Juan Guayurumay be appointed Found
ing Captain of the said Cunury settlement.
* * * * * *
Here follows the roll of the Indians of this Mission of Santa Barbara
de Guayarayma, Province of Guayana, and on page 73, reverse, is found
the visit to the town of Payaraima, and on page 78 appears the edict for
the recognition of the status of the new founding of the city of
Guayana. * * * * * *
[Pp. 77-80.]
In this Presidio of Santo Thome de la Guayana, on the second day of
the month of May, of the year seventeen hundred and forty-three, Senor
Don Gregorio Espinosa de los Monteros, Brigadier of the armies of H.
M., his Governor and Captain General of these Provinces of Guayana,
Nueva Andalucia, and their Royal lands, for the King our Master, said :
That whereas, his Honor, being engaged in the visit to this Province and
the Missions within its districts, at the same time seeing to the execution
of Royal Rescripts of H. M.
******
And he orders that upon his return to this Presidio there shall be held
a general meeting (without the participation of his Honor) of the Com
mandant of this Province ; the Reverend Prefect of Capuchins, and the
Assistant Father Friar Augustin de Olot, and Friar Benito de Moya ; the
Rev. Father Roque Lubian, Procurator-General of the Jesuit Missions,
elected with letter of credence, which he presented to his Honor, to
represent his Superior and Reverend community in this visit, meetings,
reports, and whatever else may be necessary ; Friar Diego Francisco
Ybanez, of the Franciscan order, Adviser, and the oldest priest in the
Missions of Piritu, with like credentials, both of which shall be entered

289
No. 352.
in these records ; the Captain of infantry of the Castle of this city, and
the Lieutenant of Royal officers.
And as it is advisable that their reports and whatever else may occur
to them at said meeting shall be framed after mature reflection, in order
that they may be examined and studied exhaustively, and meet the re
quirements of honor and conscience, as each one may find them best
adapted to the service of God and the King, the points to be treated and
deliberated in order to arrive at the most advisable solution, and report to
H. M. such as need his Royal decision, are now declared to be (and they
will be informed thereof), as follows, to wit :
******
The second is : The present condition of each community, and what
settlements they consider should be improved or founded.
******
The third is : What districts is each of the Rev. communities governing
at present, and what do the Rev. Franciscan Fathers propose doing with
the thirty-nine Evangelical workers who recently arrived to propagate
our Holy Catholic Faith in their respective districts ? They should all
endeavor to work incessantly in every way, since they are managed and
maintained at a heavy expenditure from the Royal Treasury and the Cath
olic zeal of the King our Master, without urging, in view of the grave
demands of the war, these expeditions such as that which has just been
effected in the sending of the thirty-nine Missionaries ; no doubt being
entertained of the abundant good results brought about by both,
which his Honor clearly recognizes, and for which he extends his
thanks. ****** [P. 97.]
Replying to the second point, it is stated that the present condition
of the Community of the Franciscan Fathers of Piritu is : There are
twenty-two settlement?, of which fifteen are already Christianized, di
vided into six parishes, and seven are new mission towns. Of these
seven towns, four are of Carib Indians, one of Cumanagoto Indians, and
another of Palenque Indians, and the Cumanagotos and Palenques lived
with the Caribs, and called themselves Caribs when they lived with
them ; and the other town is of Chaima Indians. Among these twenty-
two towns are distributed the priests who have recently arrived from
Spain and those of us who were already here.
* ***** [P. 101.]
Replying to the third point, it is stated : That the Franciscan
Father's intend this year to again settle the site of Mamo, having the es-
eort of thirty men, and at the same time to start another town of

290
NO. 352.
Guaraunos one day's journey distant from the site on the Limones Chan
nel, and, if it be possible, another town near this ; and they also intend
to found a city of Spaniards on the Pao river, near the Orinoco, if they
have another escort of thirty soldiers, and in its vicinity found one or
more Indian settlements. And they also intend this year to found a
settlement near Unare of some Indian families that are in several ranches,
and of others which are fugitives from the towns, some living in the
forest and others in the Province of Caracas. And they also intend,
should they have the escort of forty soldiers, to go over to found a city
of Spaniards on the Caura river, and such Carib settlements as they may
be able to in its neighborhood, without which escorts no start can be
o-iven to the settlements on the three sites mentioned— Mamo, Pao and
Caura. ****** [Pp. 106-107.]
{Page 13J/,.)—u With these we maintain and encourage the new settle
ment of San Ygnacio de Cabruta, against which the persecutions, not
only of the Caribs, but of other persons of distinction and quality have
been such that were it not for the work of God it would have been ruined
from its beginning, as is known to Y. H, under whose help and protec
tion it keeps on growing, and it offers much for the defence of the Orinoco
should it continue to grow. There are five other subjugations already
founded above Cabruta, four or five days' journey, and in winter a longer
time — the first, Nuestra Senora de los Angeles de Pararuma, the small
fort of San Francisco Javier de Marimaroto, with its town, Santa Theresa
de Carichana, all three settlements of the Salibas Nation ; San Francisco
de Borja, of the Jaruros ; San Joseph de Par u ate, which is now being
founded, and which is of the Mapoye Nation. In all the settlements
the office of prayer and the expounding of the doctrine is performed
every day — in the morning in their language and in the afternoon in
Spanish, the Missionary Father personally assisting and explaining. On
Sundays the eternal truth is preached and the Christian doctrine is ex
plained in their language ; and on the other principal feasts of the year
the Mystery of the day is preached to them.
"In each town there are boys' schools, where all learn to read, and
some to write ; they learn and are taught elementary singing, and the
diversity of harmony, by which means playing on the harp, guitar,
violin, and other instruments such as the trumpet and flute, gains much,
according as the settlement is new or older. All this is addressed to the
divine worship, teaching and police of the Indians, for which purpose
there is also a teacher who instructs them in dancing for the amusement of
the Indians, and for holidays. On some occasions they are accustomed
to represent some scenes on the mysteries of the faith, now in Spanish,
now in their own language, in order that all may understand.. These

.!__,__!

291
No. 352.
children are so advanced that they know the Doctrine in Spanish, with a
Very clear pronunciation, and it can be seen that they grasp the meaning,
because on being questioned they reply in their own language with
effect. ******
[Pp. 139-1U-]
Fourth Eoyal Decree.
"The King. Whereas Friar Francisco del Castillo, of the order of
St. Francis, prior and Apostolic Missionary of the new conversions of
Piritu, Palenque, Guarive, Cumanogoto, and Carib Indians, and other
heathens of the Province of Cumana, has represented to me that there
was concluded and executed in the city of Santa Thome de la Guayana,
on the twentieth of March of seventeen hundred and thirty-four, an agz'ee-
ment by the missionaries of the said order of St. Francis, the Jesuits and
Capuchins residing in the Missions and conversions on the banks Of the
Orinoco river, with the intervention of Don Carlos Sucre, my Governor
of the said Province of Cumana, through which agreement, setting forth
that the said holy men of the order of St. Francis had subjugated by the
fervor and zeal of their preaching a great number of Indians, and formed
with them twenty-two settlements, including the religious schools, on
this banks of the Orinoco river, where they entered to exercise their
Apostolic purpose pursuant to my Royal license, and there not remain
ing there any more Indians to convert, wishing to satisfy their indefatig
able desire, the said missionaries stipulated and agreed with the Capu
chins and Jesuits to allow them to preach and spread the Holy Gospel on
the other side ofthe said river, designating among each other the locality
where they were, without confusion, to practice their holy calling ; and
in order that what was agreed upon by and between the said three sects
may be perpetually firm and binding, he requested me to be pleased to
confirm in every respect the said agreement, the tenor of which is as
follows : " Agreement. {Page 198.)
" ' In the city of Santa Thome de la Guayana, on the twentieth day of the
month of March of the year seventeen hundred and thirty-four, Colonel
Don Carlos Sucre, Governor and Captain-General of these Provinces and
that of Dorado, and the others discovered and to be discovered on the
Orinoco river, of Nueva Andalucia, Nueva Barcelona, their coasts and
Presidios for the King our Lord, summoned and brought together in
this Government house, residence of his Honor, the Reverend Father
Joseph Gumilla, of the Venerable Society of Jesus, Superior of the Jesuit
Missions of this Orinoco; the Very Reverend Father Friar Agustin de
Olot, Prefect of the Capuchin Mission, situate on the said Orinoco; the Rev
erend Father Friar Thomas de Santa Eugenia, Friar Antonio de Vargas,
and Friar Benito de Moya, of the said holy order of Capuchin Apostolic

292 No. 352.
Missionaries ; the Very Reverend Father Friar Francisco de las Llagas,
of the regular order of our Father Saint Francis, and President of the
Mission of the missionaries of Piritu, and the Rev. Fathers Friar Fran
cisco Rodriguez de Ledesma, Friar Mathias Garcia, Friar Lorenzo
Algaba, and Friar Bernardino Camacho, of the regular order, and Apos
tolic missionaries of the conversions of Piritu.
"And their Reverences being met and congregated together, his
Honor proposed and said to them : That being about to cross over to this
Province from that of Cumana, not only because of the news of the dis
turbance of the peace committed by the Carib Nation to the great, spiri
tual ruin of the converted Indians and desecration of the temples, but in
the execution of some Royal commands, and being informed of the large
number of Indians there is to be converted on this Orinoco, of divers and
different barbarous nations inhabiting its territories ; in view of the
Royal authority granted by his Majesty (God preserve him) to the Rev
erend Franciscan Fathers, missionaries of Piritu, for the conversion of
the Caribs of this Orinoco, and there being a very great abundance of
this territory, and much heathenism therein to be converted to the fold
of the Church ; being apprised of the lack of workers for the purpose of
this said Orinoco, and recognizing also the great fervor in the propoga-
tion of our holy Catholic faith of the missionaries of Piritu, and that they
had not on the other side of the Orinoco (there being no Indians there) a
field to work, owing to the great spread of their conversions, and because
all those living on the other side of the said Orinoco have been settled in
twenty towns they have founded, with those already consecrated to the
Catholic religion and living in the Evangelical law ; in order that the
Royal will may be carried out by the increase of the conversions, and
that the said reverend missionary Fathers of Piritu may have where to
exercise their Apostolic zenl, he determined to bring with him the said
Reverend Father Friar Francisco de las Llagas with his four companions,
so that for the better service of both Majesties there be designated by the
said Very Reverend Father Joseph Gumilla and the Reverend Capuchin
Fathers, territories where they may on their part spread the preaching
of the Holy Gospel and labor in the vineyard of the Lord according to
their calling.
"'Which being heard bv the Reverend Jesuit and Capuchin
Fathers, they counselled and conferred thereon for a long time, and
having reflected on the case and what was the most advisable thing to
do, they agreed and stated that for the best service of both Majesties it
was necessary and very expedient to designate territories for them, to
gain time in the conversion and saving of souls, and they said unani
mously and of one accord that they designated, and at once did des
ignate, for the said Reverend Franciscan Friars, present and future, that
they may establish and found whatever settlements they could in this

293
No. 352.
part of Guayana, from Angostura on the Orinoco up as far as the banks
on this lower side of the Cuchivero river, making a straight line from the
banks of the said Orinoco to the Maranon, or Ama zon ; the Reverend
Capuchin Fathers, to encourage their conversions, remaining with the
territory and district lying between the said Angostura and the prin
cipal mouth of the said Orinoco, where the missionaries joining
them will distribute themselves ; and the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, from
the banks of the upper part of the said Cuchivero river, all the rest of
the Orinoco, going always np, and all limits or boundaries in a straight
line from the Orinoco to the Maranon, or Amazon.
" ' Which, having been heard and understood by the said Reverend
Franciscan Fathers, they unanimously and of one accord said that once,
twice, thrice, and as many times as may be necessary, for themselves and
in the name of their Prelate, the Very Reverend Father Commissary of
Piritu, Friar Francisco Rodriguez, and the other missionaries of the said
conversion of Piritu, present and future, they accepted and they did
accept the said territory so designated for them, and with demonstrations
of humility and gratefulness they extended repeated thanks to the said
Reverend Father Superior and Prefect and the other Capuchin Fathers,
each regarding the other and promising themselves great increase of
Christianity through the medium of so much union and fervor.
" ' After which they agreed, and said unanimously and of one accord,
that in order to prevent difficulties in the future that might disturb the
peace they desire to maintain, that they establish, and from the moment
stipulate and agree, that whereas there are several Indian Nations within
the limits designated, they declare that as regards the conversion of said
nations so situated within the limits, it is to be free for him who most
labors in its advancement; so that, without excepting any tribe, each
Mission may, on its o wn part, convert and advance as many as it can of
the nations within its limits; and the Indians once having been set
tled, they are to belong to the Mission of the sect settling them,
without being allowed to pass to another ; binding themselves recip
rocally, should they do so, to always return them to their possession,
which is established as a distinct article, to act contrarywise being pro
hibited now and forever — to which they agree.
" ' And his Honor, the said Governor and Captain General said that
he approved, and did approve, this compromise, convention and agree
ment, and that he therein interposed and did interpose his authority and
judicial decree that it may have force and effect now and at all times,
and that in the name of the King our Lord he extended thanks to the
Reverend Fathers for the Apostolic zeal shown in the increase of the
holy Catholic faith, and he ordered me, the Notary, to furnish their
Reverences with the exemplified copies they should request, and his

294 No. 352.
Honor with those necessary to report to H. M. ; and he signed it with the
Fathers— to which I certify.
******
"And it having been considered in my Council of the Indias, with
the opinion of my Attorney General, it has been resolved to grant this
request, and to confirm and approve in every respect (as by these
presents I do) the agreement aforesaid.

No. 353.

Extract from Report by Joseph Gumilla, S. J. to tlie King of Spain, as to
Means for Preventing Hostilities of Dutch and Caribs, [? 1745.]
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 262-263.]
The deplorable state of the Missions which the Province of the Society
of Jesus for the New Kingdom began to restore on the Orinoco in the
month of December, 1731, has obliged my Province to send me to this
Court (having regard to my twenty-two years' experience in missionary
life) to throw myself at the feet of Your Majesty, and as an eye-witness
to represent these grave evils, and beg their remedy from Your Royal
Benevolence, to the greater glory of God, the service of Your Majesty,
and increase of your Royal dominions, which not only the Jesuit mission
aries, but many apostolic men, Franciscans and Capuchins, will endeavour
to promote on the said Orinoco.
Sire, the harvest is great, the soil of many pagan nations well-disposed
and fertile for the reception of the Holy Gospel, and the labourers
(though few) would produce much fruit if the enemy of souls did not
avail himself of the avarice of the Dutch, and the bloodthirsty and in
human character of the Caribs, to destroy in a day the apostolic labour
of a whole year. They come up from the sea (both these nations) to rob
and burn the villages of the Missions and carry off as many captives as
they can, and sell them at Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam, colonies of
the aforesaid Republic established (not on the Orinoco), but a good dis
tance to the east of its mouths. Besides the profit from slaves the Dutch
are moved to keep up their strong alliance with the Caribs, by the value
of the balsam of Tolu (Aceite de Maria), and of a species of bixwort found
on the , Orinoco. To procure these some Dutch introduce themselves
among the 8eets of these Indians, painted according to the custom of the'
said savages, by which they encourage them, and add boldness to the
lamentable destruction which they work. Added to which, many Caribs
receive a great supply of arms, ammunition, glass beads, and other trifles,
with the understanding that they are to be paid for within a certain time

No. 353. 295
with Indians, which they must take prisoners on the Orinoco. And
when the time has elapsed, the Dutch creditors encourage and even
oblige the Caribs to their bloody raids against the defenceless Indians of
the Orinoco.
From this root sprang the first and second ruin of the Missions which
the Jesuits established with great labour and trouble in the years 1684
and 1693, when the Reverend Fathers Ignacio Finol, Ignacio Toebas,
Gaspar Bek, and Vicente Lovero gloriously shed their blood in defence
of their sheep, as did also Tiburcio de Medina, the Captain of the guard,
leaving the settlements once and again sacked and burnt.
But coming to our own times, from the same Dutch root springs the
pride of the Chief Tarieura and of the Caribs, his successors, and the
incessant evil which it has wrought us from the year 1733 to the year
1738 (and, as I hold for certain, even to the present day) in the colonies
on the Orinoco, with the death of many Indian catecumens, and the
captivity of many more. On the 31st of March, 1733, they burnt our
Colony of Our Lady of the Angels, and on the following day they came
down on that of San Joseph de Otomacos with twenty-seven war canoes,
and if the soldiers of the guard and the friendly Indians had not defended
themselves valiantly, they would have burnt and sacked the place and
taken my companions and myself prisoners, or killed us for their ban
quets, for this was the principal end of this and the following attacks,
which I will briefly touch upon.
In the year 1735 the said Caribs burnt the settlement of San Miguel
de Richado, and took a great number of Indians prisoners leaving many
others dead. On the 29th of September, 1735, they stormed the colony
of Mamo, which was under the care of the Franciscan Fathers. They
killed nearly all the Indians and two soldiers, and after having shot the
Venerable Father Andres Lopez through the body, and struck him on
the mouth with one of their wooden weapons, they hung him when half
dead, and returned with many captives to take the settlement of San
Antonio de Caroni, which belongs to the Capuchin Fathers, unawares ;
but God willed that the aggressors should be discovered, and they were
obliged to retire, and content themselves with having killed one of the
principal Indians of that Mission. Shortly afterwards they burnt the
colony of Conception of Uyapi, from whence the Franciscan Fathers had
recalled their missionaries of Piritu that their lives might not be uselessly
sacrificed. A few days afterwards they burnt the colony of San Joseph
de Otomacos, and we were obliged to fly with a few Indians to a more
secure and distant spot, where we were exposed to hunger and the total
want of all necessaries. Though here set forth in a few words, these are
bitter afflictions which have caused, and still cause, the missionary
Fathers many tears ; but their grief is no sooner grown more calm than
we seek places of more security, gather together the dispersed indians,
and form new Colonies, with the giievous obstacle of fierce and repeated

296 No. 353.
assaults from the Caribs on the small guard which assists us ; but with
the evident protection of God and the firm hope that Your Majesty's
pious zeal will put an end to these evils, the Jesuits, Franciscans, and
Capuchins still stand firm in Orinoco ; and though they know the bold
ness of the Caribs will be daily increased by the encouragement they
receive from the Dutch, the knowledge is so far from inspiring them
with terror that many others at the sight of their glorious labours desire
to bear them company.
Besides the aforesaid, I would also bring to the high understanding
of Your Majesty that this great River Orinoco is like an open door,
giving free access to the most interior provinces of Cumana, Caracas,
Maracaybo, and to all the New Kingdom of Granada. All these
provinces have their fronts (so to speak) protected by fortresses,
redoubts, &c, but their backs are unprotected on account of the free
access given by the Orinoco, a point worthy of all consideration, and of
notable consequence.
From whence it follows that we must look not only to the pacification
of the Orinoco and the forwarding of its missions, but also that this
great river shall have a door whose key is in the possession of Your
Majesty, that thus the three bodies of missionaries may continue to in
struct these uncivilized nations in peace, and that the back of the
adjacent provinces, which form such a considerable part of South
America, may be guarded and secured.
This was the aim of our province of the New Kingdom when in the
year 1719 they sent Fathers Juan Capuel and Juan Romeo to explore the
three hundred leagues of the Orinoco which flow from the River Meta to
Guayana, which they did with all exactitude, taking with them persons
well acquainted with the territory.

No. 354.

Extracts from description of the Lower Orinoco, movements of Caribs,
etc., by Ramon Simla Maria. From correspondence of Yturriaga,
1T47.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 3, pp. 184-185.]
******
Three leagues below the city that great river divides itself into three
large branches.' Two of these, which bend to the north and northeast,
separate into so many channels that they empty into the sea through
more than forty mouths. The third, which bends to the east, flows
almost whole for fifty leagues until it empties into the sea under the

297
Ho. 354.
name of ship channel {boca grande de Navois), because it is only
through this that small vessels of six guns can go up.
Following the large branch in its course to the sea, some rivers are
encountered which empty on the right hand, like that named the
Aquire, and a branch of the Barema river, which separates into many
other branches, the great windward point forming a labyrinth of islands
and channels. Through these channels, without going out to sea, one
can go in canoes up to the stronghold called the Post, which the Dutch
of Esquivo maintain with three men and two small cannons, sixteen
leagues from the Colony towards the ship channel, and this is the way
taken by the Dutch when they return from the Orinoco in small vessels, in
order not to expose themselves to the strong currents and winds which
retard and render dangerous the navigation outside.
******
The Caribs, which live within the Orinoco line, occupy about seventy
leagues of the southern bank from the mouth of the Caroni, distant six
leagues to the west of Guayana, up to the mouth of the Caura river.
Their audacity and superiority over other nations keeps them in con
stant action against the latter, however distant they be, to the end of
making them sfeves and selling them to the residents of the Dutch
Colonies of Esquibo, Berbice, Corentin and Surinam. For this trip they
have, besides the navigation of the Orinoco and the channels of the
Barima, a road on land which, crossing the Caroni above the Guajana
Missions, reaches the Aquire river, and they go down by this river to
near its mouth, when they act in concert with some vessel, which waits
on this river, and when not, they enter the Yuruari and follow it down
to the Esquibo.

No. 355.
Inventory of Stock etc., at the Cuyuni Post, 1747.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 33-34.]
In the year 1747 of the transfer of accounts to the former Postmaster
and stock of the same, as follows :
Nine yards of coarse cloth to buy casave (tapioca bread) for the people
of the Post's maintenance.
Fifteen knives for the same.
Eleven knives that were paid to the Indians for carrying a despatch to
the Governor.
A hatchet and short broadsword to buy a curiara (small Indian boat).
A looking glass to buy casave.

298 No. 355.
Four yards of new blue cotton cloth to buy casave.
Three pieces of iron utensils to buy casave.
Nine yards coarse cloth to pay the Indians for carrying several
despatches.
Eighteen knives for casave.
Nine knives for casave.
One bundle of beads for casave.
Eighteen knives to pay the Indians who were employed by the Post.
Three pieces of iron utensils for casave.
Four yards of coarse cloth for casave.
One bundle of beads for casave.
Four knives for casave.
Eight yards of coarse cloth to buy palm meal.
Three yards of coarse cloth for casave.
Four looking glasses for casave.
Five knives for casave.
Six coarse combs to pay the Indians for an errand on behalf of the post
master.
Four fine combs for casave.
Three looking glasses to pay the Indians who were sent \o the Governor:
Eleven knives for casave.
List of debts of the Master of the Post Tumfermant.
Yriveno owes eight slaves .

Tucunuara owes three slaves  3
Arinamene owes three slaves  3
Marayacano owes one slave  1
Aritamar owes two slaves  2
One more said Senor Buzon . —v . ¦;-.-.—.-.- -.-rr  1
Carinare owes two slaves to the Governor  2
Cumuara owes two slaves more to the Governor  2
Asavue owes one to the son of the Governor  1
Arimanaoa owes two slaves  2
Manarvay owes two slaves  2
Manarvay owes two slaves  2
Total   29
Hammocks due.
Caysamane owes three  3
Manayro owes eight  8
Canarua owes two  2
Other names of Caribs cannot be made out on account of the paper
being worn out, the total sum being  37

299
No. 356.

Extracts from replies to the orders given to Colonel Eugenio Alvarado,
by Jos, de Iturriaga, Rear-Admiral, as to the Secret mission in
Guayana, with replies, April 20, 1755.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp, 84-85.]

No. 8. This place {i. e., the cattle farm of Divina Pastora) is the best
for carrying out the investigations and commissions with which you are
charged. Reply.— In this instruction your Excellency gives me the name of the
cattle farm which you consider the best place for making the various
investigations ; but in view of the fact of its not being central in the
Missions, nor of there being any one here able to afford me the confiden
tial information required and vouch for the truth of the same., I was
obliged to forego my convalescence after my severe illness and ibetake
myself to other places, visiting_all parts, and personally making the
necessary investigations.
No. 10. At a distance of 3 leagues from the " cattle farm " (" hato ")
is the Mission of Capapuy, where mines are said to abound, and the
Father Missionary will be able to afford you all information concerning
them, as he has acquired considerable knowledge about them.
Reply. — The generic term your Excellency employs in this Article
[of the instructions] in regard to the mines of Copapuy I presume refers
to that known as the perfect metals, and not in a general sense, which
includes eight different minerals, &c.
I visited Copapuy, examined the two which they call gold mines, and
had a conversation thereupon with Father San Augustin de Olot, Presi
dent of that Mission, as your Excellency indicated to me, who found a
good lode, known to him and guarded for some years, and very desirous
of having in his district gold mining carried on, but possessing about as
much knowledge and the mode of working them as he does of the human
heart. * , * * * * *
Although your Excellency only wished me, according to this Article
of the instructions, to investigate what belongs to Copapuy, I offer no
apology for informing your Excellency of other mines existing in the
interior of the province, as well because so far no account has been
made of them, as that you may, if it appear well, inform our members
about them.
In the destroyed Missions of Cuniri, Tupuquen, Curumo, and that of
Miamo, which were swept away by the relentless fury of the Caribs, and
which is at present in charge of Father Moxo de Villazan, Missionary

300 No. 356.
Apostolic, of great energy, gold and silver are found, at every step, in
the districts of all.
******
The village of the Mission of Miamo is situated about 14 leagues from
the cattle farm of Divina Pastora, and, properly speaking, trends to
wards the south. It would, indeed, be the best place possible to enter
tain or make a fool of a miner.
******
The lowlands, or, better said, the sandbanks of the River Miamo,
from which the Mission takes its name, are as brilliant when pulverized
as particles of the gold mines of Copapuy. This is also the case with the
sands from the bed of the River Macarumee (which enters the Miamo),
and is different from that of the Curumo, of a gold colour like those of
Miamo. ******

No. 357.

Extract from a Precis for the Spanish Secretary of State, of Documents
as to the Boundary Commission, 1756.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 87-88.]
The expedition before leaving Cadiz was not in harmony ; and a dif
ference arose between Iturriaga and Alvarado.
Immediately on their arrival at Cumana, Iturriaga caused much dis
sension among his people, and separated himself from Alvarado, to whom
he would make no communication.
Alvarado is too sharp and forcible, and flnding himself alone and
neglected, and to revenge himself, he entered into friendship with the
Governor of [Cumana], the result of which was that both censured the
conduct of Iturriaga, as is seen from the notes sent now by him to Seiior
Arriaga. Here follows an account of the proceedings of the Governor of
Cumana, who, notwithstanding that Iturriaga had a Royal Warrant to
him, commanding him to supply the expedition with all it required,
refused point blank to give him "a farthing," though he provided
"boats, men, and munition, which he had at hand. * * * In this
manner a whole year was spent, and the supplies they took with them,
both plentiful and good, and sufficient to carry them to the end of their
journey, were consumed.
******

Sol
No. 358.
Extracts from letter from Jos. dc Iturriaga to Ricardo Wal, relating
to a New Dutch Fort on the Maruca (and containing letter dated
December 3, 1757, of Juan Valdes to Iturriaga on the same subject),
December 15, 1757.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol, 3, pp. 166-169.]
My Dear Sik : Having understood through the Capuchin Fathers of
Guayana that the Dutch were constructing a new fort on the Maruca
river, to windward and a short distance from the Boca de Navios of the
Orinoco, and being certain that the Commandant of Guayana would not
of his own motion take any measures to ascertain the fact, or the pur
pose, I requested him to send there, at my expense, a launch with pilots
to go up the passage exploring the river, and inspect the condition of
the building, its materials, dimensions, artillery, and garrison. And he
replied, under date of December 2, what Y. E. will learn from the
annexed copy.
What I understand from the report is that the purpose is to establish
some sugar plantations, adding to the owners and slaves a number of
Acowa Indians, who have their greatest confidence, to prevent the passing
of deserters, soldiers, and Indian slaves, by that passage.
It may be that for this purpose, and to defend the plantations against
the uprising of slaves of both kinds, they may build a small fort, with
two or three small cannons served by from four to six men.
* * * * * *
Tolerated now on the Maruca, they will next pass onto Barima, which
empties into the same mouth, and later on they will come to the Aquire
river, whose mouth is on the Orinoco itself, some leagues from the ocean.
By this river the neighborhood of the Palmar Missions is reached, and
by it they accomplish free communication with the other Missions in the
interior of the country, as they have already done owing to the indiffer
ence of Father Friar Bruno, of Barcelona, who for this reason was re
moved therefrom by his Prefect, and reduced to serve as a companion in
another Mission, and deprived of active or passive part in the meetings.
The request they make in writing of the Commandant of Guayana to
allow their Aroacas, who come to fish turtle, to go further up, is not very
much in keeping with their title of Governors of Esquivo and Orinoco,
but still necessary to their advantage, and I am assured that the Com
mandant not only yields, but that his permits cover the different boats
that go up for this purpose.
****** [Letter Inclosed.]
My Dear Sir : I inform Y. H. that I have performed the duty en-

302No. 358.
trusted to me to reconnoitre the waters of the Moroca channel, and the
fortification you were informed of, from which reconnoissance it results
that the information is incorrect, for on the whole of that channel and
the other channels communicating therewith there is no fortification to
be found, and all there is is the news that the Dutch of the Esquivo
Colony intend to move the guard which, under the name of post, they
maintain on the Moroca channel, taking it down to the mouth thereof,
emptying into the ocean, which will be about a distance of six leagues,
for which purpose they have cut down trees and made many clearings
for sowing that site, and built the houses necessary for the Aruaca
Indians and the Dutch, which news I have been unable to verify with
certainty, and I have only heard it said that the purpose is to prevent
the negro slaves of the Company and residents of the said Colony
from running away so easily to these Dominions, for the said guard
being at the month of the Moroca, it can watch the boats that, without
entering it, may pass by the coast to take the main mouth of this river.
The depth that the greater part of the above-mentioned river has is
from two-and-a-half to three fathoms at its fullest, and entirely free from
obstacles, as large feluccas and small schooners of ordinary draft
navigate it with the assistance of the tides.
They are unable to say at said post whether the Frenchman Ygnacio
passed by there or not, as he could have gone by the seacoast without
entering the said Moroca channel, as the sloops do, as do also the canoes
of the fugitive negroes and soldiers. All of which I bring to the notice
of Y. H. for your better information, and iu compliance with what was
entrusted to me.
God our Father preserve Y. H. many years. Guayana, December 2,
1757. Your most obedient and grateful servant kisses the hand of Y. H.

No. 359.

Letter from Juan Valdes, Commandant in Guayana, to Jos. Iturriaga,
Chief Spanish Commissioner of tlie Spanish-Portuguese Boundary
Commission, March 30, 1758.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, p. 91.]
In reference to yours of the 20th ultimo, concerning the commission
with which you charged me for the purpose of investigating and report
ing upon the settlement, fortification, and other matters of interest in
the River Moruca, I have now to state to you that the change of the
guard, under the name of post, which the Dutch of the Colony of Esse
quibo have at a distance of 20 leagues, more or less, from there, situated
in the said River Moruca, has had no effect. And that there was only a
house of 15 yards long, which they built at the mouth of the said river,

303
No. 359.
with a stockade and gates. This they say is for the use of those engaged
iu the trade of the before mentioned Colony, and for the purpose of
serving as a rest-house during the time the river is at its height or flood
until it falls. On this account the old guard or post is still maintained
without increase of the force, nor of artillery, there being only three
cannon, unmounted, of the calibre of 3-pounders, and a corporal with
two soldiers, so that the Aruaca Indians, dwelling there for the purposes of
trade, are divided into three settlements or villages, each of ten or twelve
small houses, for an Indian family. And the villages are separated the
one from the other by a distance of more than a league, and are situated
on the banks of the said River Moruca.
I believe I have now fully carried out your commission and instruc
tions, but well understood, however, that your Excellency is already
aware that the site is 7 leagues distant from the sea, more or less, and
that there are 12 or 13 leagues of coast between it and the Colony.

No. 360.

Letter from Fray Benito de Ia Garriga to Felix Ferreras, Commander
in Guayana, as to Dutch Slave Trade, etc., on the Cuyuni River,
June 9, 1758.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 3, pp. 3-9.]
Dear Sib : The Caribs from the mountains having killed the captain
and his companion of the Guayca Indian Station, who with their people
formed there a population upon good principles and with hopes of mak
ing it a large establishment on the banks of the Supama river, on the
Hauchica site, that settlement has now been lost on account of the
above deaths. The Guaycas have therefore again taken to the woods,
and as other folks of the said tribe there may be yet found in the Mis
sions of the Yuruario, they are oftentimes clamorous for vengeance ; but
the Father of that Mission, with his usual prudence, has made me
acquainted with the fact, and that he had persuaded,them to stop, fear
ing still worse misfortunes. I requested the Commander, Don Juan
Valdes, to be kind enough to make himself available to Your Honor with
his long practice and experience abont these Indian affairs, in order to
proceed, with proper directions, farther in the interior of the country,
and investigate and discover the reason of that slaughter, and if possible
to find out the names of the offenders. You have carried out the direc
tions of the Commander and made the necessary inquiries and investiga
tions contained in the information you rendered to me about your inquest.
Having been as far as the Miamo, Carapo and Yuruario Missions, and
fully investigated the case about the middle of May of last year, it was

304 No. 360.
found that they had carried away a wife to be sold at Esquivo. It was
found out besides that the murderers were certain Caribs from the settle
ment of Tupuquen, who had rebelled in the year 1750, commanded by
the Indian Cayarivare, who had been an Alcalde at Tupuquen and
headed the ringleaders of said rebellion who were staying at the time in
the interior of the Cuyuny river, at the mouth of the river Corumo, which
empties into said river, and where a few Hollanders of the Esquivo
Colony were purchasing Poytos Indians and carrying them away. The
principal cause for their having killed the captain was on account of his
settlement in the above mentioned site of Auchica, closing thus their way
to the Usupama river, preventing their coming out without being discov
ered. By word of mouth as well as by letters from the Reverend Fathers,
your Honor has been made acquainted with the permanence of the said
Hollanders, in company with the Caribs at the mouth of the river
Corumo, buying Indian slaves.
Now, by your letter of the 30th of May, your Honor kindly requests
me to make an accurate statement, informing your Honor whether the
Hollanders remained at the same site or at any other parts around there,
if they continue their trade in dry goods, hatchets, etc., and in what
consists their means of defence ; if they keep any artillery, and its caliber,
so that Your Honor, as commander ad interim, may send in proper time
a suitable report to the Superior Government.
My answer, as well as that of all the Reverend Fathers of our
Missions the nearest to the frontiers, and that of the Father Presidents
of those of Miamo, Carapo, and Yuruario, will be that the Caribs of the
Miamo very often have asked the Father of that place to allow them to
go and arrest and kill those Hollanders at the mouth of the Corumo, who
make ransoms for the purchase of Poytos, as they were informed by the
Barinagotes of Yuruario. Very often they had heard that the Holland
ers had threatened to set fire to the Mission settlement on account of
being an obstruction in their way to Yuruario. The Caribs from Carapo
reported to the Father that a negro who was at Cuyuni went to the
Mission and out of fear came back again. The Caribs have advised re
peatedly that three white Hollanders and ten negroes, with many Caribs,
were building houses and clearing the woods so as to establish settle
ments on the Cuyuni, but they do not know whether they had cannons.
They have, however, large blunderbusses and many carbines. They like
wise employ Aruaca Indians from Esquivo to fell very large trees, involv
ing a great deal of work, which the Caribs avoided by running away. Of
this case we have no more news than what has been conveyed lo us hy
the Indians, such as has been represented to me by several other persons
of the Mission. It is not unlikely that the Hollanders stopped their pur
chase of Poytos at Cuyuni, because they do nothesitate to continue doing
this illicit trade in the neighborhood of the Missions. Your Honor
knows well that Captain Bonalde, within a day's journey from the Mis-

305
No. 360.
sions, arrested a Hollander who used to buy Poytos or Indians, who were
sold to them by the Caribs, and although he was not actually found
in the Carib' s house, three Indian Poytos were rescned and several
machetes and bugles were found in his ranch and distributed among the
Miamo Indians. We know, besides, that very often the Hollanders pass
by Paraba, Caura, and the sources of the Carony. They do that every
year, and there is no need to mention in particular these things, which
your Honor knows very well, after having resided for a long time in these
Missions, and travelled several times through these mountains. I have,
however, to say that a large number of young Indians are carried every
day to foreign colonies by Caribs and Hollanders. Taking into consid
eration that the Caribs keep an active trade for the purchase of Poytos,
in exchange for iron tools, dry goods, knives, beads, looking glasses,
fire-arms, and many other things, it will not be an exaggeration to esti
mate the yearly sale by the Caribs at more than 300 young Indians, kill
ing the old ones, over 400, which are not salable to the Hollanders,
because they run away, as we know they do, through some of the fu
gitives found in the Missions and recognized by the brand that a great
many of them have painted on their bodies, as the Esquivo Company
orders that all the Indian slaves be iron-branded, under penalty of for
feiture. I am not able to name all the tribes that are persecuted by the
Caribs to be made slaves, save those that we have near our fron
tiers well known to the Barinogotos, Maomacos, Amarucotos,
Camaracotos and Aiiaos, Parabinas Guaycas, etc. The Hol
landers and Caribs, in order to reach these tribes, go to the
Esquivo river for about 20 leagues, up to the point, where there
is a station. As there is a deep cataract on the way they take their
boats by land, and resume the navigation up the river until they reach
Rio Negro on the upper Esquivo, taking on the right side of the river
Aripamury, up to a place where there are a few small lagoons, after going
up the Aripamury as far as possible, having to carry the boats for a
distance through land for about half a league, where said lagoons form
the river Mao, through which they meet Rio Negro, and going down
through the latter on the left they reach the Amazonas, and going up
wards enter the river Orinoco. I have made this statement so as to show
that the Esquivo navigation was the way of communication of the Hol
landers in their trip, both to Barinas and to Paraba at the sources of the
Carony. As this is a long and tedious navigation from the Esquivo they
enter Corony and Paraba, as all these rivers are in communication with
the Esquivo, which receives the waters of the Coyuny, Yuruama,
Supama and Yuruario.
And this Yuruamata has many brooks and thickets of (Moriche)
palm-trees that reach Carony. We know also that many Hollanders,
besides those going up Paraba, remain to make purchases of Poytos

306
No. 360.
among the tribes of Tacupo, Capi, and Paraman. These sites inland are
about three and four days' journey from the last Missions. They are in
the mountains and run as far as the plantations on the Esquivo, where
there is no more level ground. In these places there are generally Hol
landers who purchase from the Caribs the Poyios which are carried
there, and several horses, as was the case in the year 1749, when a large
quantity of mules were purchased from them at the Esquivo, which is
seldom the case, as there is no forage for keeping them around those
mountains, where the purchasers have to lose them. Purchasers from
the Esquivo come to these sites of Tacupo and Paraman by land, making
the Indians carry, on their shoulders, the baskets containing the ran
soms for Poytos, or else they go through Esquivo, Coyuny and Corumo.
This Litter is a river that before joining the Coyuny carries the waters of
the rivers Tucupo and Marenambo, all navigable, during the rainy
season, for a short distance only, having no means of navigation to reach
their sources for any longer than four or five days, enough for the enemy
to penetrate conveniently through our land, and the traders in Poytos
reach likewise the Tupuco tribe through the river Moruca, in which the
Esquivo station is situated, or through the river Vaini, all of which^come
out near the mouths of the Orinoco, and follow their navigation up to
the river Paraman, in which the Caribs are found in abundance at
Moruca and Rainy. The traders in Poytos come likewise through the
Orinoco as far as Aquire, Carapo, and although they have no fixed time
to undertake their trips, they come and go always whenever they please,
but it is known that for the most part of the year they keep about there,
sometimes for as long as ten years, among the Caribs, keeping the trade
in Poytos, and sending them to the Esquivo in charge of their agents, in
quest of other ransoms to continue the purchase from the Caribs. At
least they stay there from one to three years.
This trade in Poytos keeps the Caribs busy all the time, with
out any other attention than that of going and coming to resume
the war, sell and kill the Indians of the above tribes, not only
in the mountains but even those in the Missions, who cannot be
kept away from them. Many run away to meet them. It is easy
to shut the doors to these enemies, so as to prevent their
communications with the Hollanders and from joining Caribs
from the Esquivo, Coyuny, Yuruario, Carony with those
tribes, forming a people, which, if it cannot be Spanish, ought to be of
select Indians, which under ten soldiers at least keep continually at the
mouth of the Corumo or the islands of Cuyuny, in a post duly provided
with swivel guns, so as to close the entrance to the Yuruama and Yuru
ario, and consequently succeed iu stopping their communication and
keeping them away from Corumo.
These people will command the respect of the Hollanders, preventing

307
No. 360.
them from trading in Poytos at Tucupo, no matter how near it is.
The Indians of said place will be soldiers, and it will be convenient to
keep them away from enemies coming through these rivers, and from
the Caribs from Miamo, Carapo and Connry descending the Esquivo with
Poytos. I think the Missions will be kept safe by cutting their com
munication with the Caribs from Conuny and Esquivo. If it is not
closed, we may soon lose the pacific tribes which, if persecuted as they
are now, will be carried away as slaves. It would be a sad thing to see
these Indians carried away as slaves from the Yuruario. I believe the
Hollanders are in earnest trying to buy Poytos. Therefore it is more
difficult to convert the Caribs, while under the advice of the Hollanders,
in order to avoid their staying in the place. Many go back to the
mountains, and through the bad advice of the Dutch, ran away from the
Missions in the year 1750, when they had four settlements rebelled, on
account of having been told that if they settled in the villages the
Spaniards would make them slaves, preventing them from going to war
and trading with the Flemish.
I have to inform Your Honor likewise, that I have heard from Moyo
N., that while he was coming from Esquivo to become a Christian here,
after he was baptized, he told me that he had brought many papers
from Esquivo, among them a chapter, in which the Governors had de
lineated their jurisdiction, which he said extended as far as the mouth
of Aquire, and from said mouth a straight line drawn towards the
south, making the boundary line for the Governor, so that said line
reaches as far as the skirts of the last prairies (savannahs) of our Mis
sions of Miamo, etc.
Said line goes through Tucupo and Curumo, reaching the above-men
tioned Aripanury, and- 1 think the above news to be true, and if so, the
Governors yonder have suited themselves to the best of their ability, by
robbery, so as to give their permits under those limitations.
Whatever I have stated heretofore is well and publicly known, and
it is a pity that the purchasers of Poytos are never severely punished
when His Majesty recommends to all the justices to endeavor to extend
the best treatment to the reduced Indians and to those who have peace
ful intercourse with the Spaniards, taking care to* defend them from
those waging war against them. All the above-mentioned nations are
in such a condition that if they had sufficient help they could go and
bring many of them to the village, as it is done already with the Bari-
hagotos. The hatred is such that the Caribs call all these tribes Guaycas
Poytos, Barinagotos Poytos, Amarucotos Poytos, and they are all Poy
tos before they are caught, etc. All these nations would be glad to know
how the Spaniards defend them by arresting their purchasers ; it is true,
however, that it will be advisable to seize them in order to prevent the

308
No. 360.
long delay in their conversions, and if Your Honor follows this plan
think it will be a great service to God and to the King.
God preserve Your Honor many years.
I remain Your Honor's most obedient servant.
Fray Benito de la Gariga.
To Don Felix Ferreras, Infantry Ensign of His Majesty and Commander ad
interim of this station and the Province of
Guayana.
Suay, June 9, 1758.

No. 361.
Order, dated July 27, 1758, by Felix Ferreras for Arrest of the Dutch
slave trader, Jacob, in the Cuyuni river.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 10-11.]
Ruling— Whereas I have received news from the island of Carama-
curo, in the river Cuyuny, in the interior of this Province, stating that
there is there a Hollander by the name of Jacob, and a colored man of
the same nation, living in permanent houses and making the inhuman
trade of Indians enslaved, purchased from the Caribs in exchange for
coarse cloths, hatchets, knives, ammunitions of war, and other kinds of
ransoms ; whereas such a commerce is forbidden by law and repeated
cedules, for the enforcement of which fortresses have been erected and
kept under proper custody of a detachment of troops, so as to protect
the Missions of the Reverend Capuchin Fathers, who have sustained, and
are in fear of sustaining the total loss of their settlement through such
an obnoxious traffic kept up and maintained by the Hollanders and other
foreigners, who incite the gentile Indians against the establishment of
those settlements — the result being that the Gospel is not more extended
in this Province. Therefore in order to stop these injurious difficulties,
and carry out the good intentions of His Majesty and prevent the Hol
landers from encroaching every day, more and more, upon this part of
His Majesty's dominions, I ordain and command, Don Santiago
Bonalde, in the first place, and in the second place, Don Luis Lopez
de la Puente, to depart to-day for the interior, in the direction of the set
tlement of Yuruari, and embark there on the vessels found in said river
with their crews, provisions, ammunitions of war, and the soldiers which
will be enlisted and placed under them, with the ablest and most trust
worthy pilot. They will march towards the said island of Caramacuro
and apprehend said Hollander and all those persons besides, who may be
found with them, whether Caribs or from any other nation, and bring

309
No. 361.
them as prisoners well secured to this garrison, leaving in the hands of,
and under the Reverend Father Prefect, all the Indians that they may
have found enslaved.
In order to succeed in the object of this expedition on the part of. the
King our Lord, I pray and commend the Reverend Father Prefect, and
the other Fathers of his Holy Community, to give all the necessary aid
to the above-mentioned Don Santiago Bonalde and Don Luis Lopez de
la Puente, as they have been accustomed to do, with a holy zeal on every
occasion ; and I order and command that the soldiers and the other peo
ple who are going in the same vessel, keep themselves under the orders
and pleasure of the above-mentioned chief tans, alternately, an d it will
be the same with all the Indians through the settlements they visit,
being well aware if they fail to obey their orders that they will receive
the corresponding punishment. Wishing the best success to this expe
dition, under the arrangements made by said Don Santiago Bonalde and
Don Luis Lopez de la Puente, with the instructions that will be fur
nished them, expecting, from their well-known love of the Royal service,
that they will acquit themselves with the present commission, I grant
them every power necessary for their full discharge.
Dated in this garrison of La Guayana, on the 27th day of the month
of July, in the year 1758.

No. 362.
Juan Taldes Appoints __uis de Aleman and Francisco Xavier Filgueyra,
as Witnesses, in proceedings following the Arrest of the Dutchmen
on the Cuyuni, 1758.
[Reprinted from Ven: Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 13-i4.]
In the city of Santo Thome de Guayana, on the 27th day ofthe month
of October, in the year 1758, Senor Juan de Dios Valdes, Castillian cap
tain of the fortresses of His Majesty and Commander-in-Chief, said :
That in order to make and institute a summary information, according
to the chapter of instructions from his Honor, the Captain General and
Governor of these Provinces, upon the secret expedition and the result
of the apprehension of two Hollanders, with their- wives and a negro
slave, in the river Cuyuni, and as one of the Chiefs in command of the
expedition is the Notary Public of this city, Don Luis Lopez de la
Puente, not able to act as such in this matter, it has become necessary
to appoint two satisfactory persons highly trustworthy, so as to make
them witnesses in all the acts corresponding to this subject, and •these
circumstances concurring in the persons of the Ensign of Infantry, Don
Luis de Aleman and the Cadet, Don Francisco Xavier Filgueyra, I

310 No. 362.
ought to appoint, and do appoint the same, so as to act as witnesses,
after having been notified for their acceptance and the oath of office;
first, and before everything else, they must faithfully attest to all the
acts that will be performed in their presence, and then it will follow
every other act in the same manner.
It was so ruled and signed.

No. 363.
Instructions of Felix Ferreras to Santiago Bonalde and Luis Lopez de
la Puente for their guidance in Arresting the Dutch Slave Trader in
the Cuyuni River, July 27, 1758.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 11-13.]
Instructions to be observed in the first place by Don Santiago Bonalde,
and in the second by Don Luis Lopez de la Puente, in the entrance to
the island of Caramucuro to the station occupied by the Hollanders
therein established, making the trade of ransoms in Indians, which they
enslave. 1. They will set out to-day for the settlement of Yuruario, where they
will find the necessary vessels, furnished with crews, stores, ammuni
tions of war and soldiers, and without detention they will pass in review
everything, and if anything else is wanted they will ask for it from the
Reverend Father President of the settlement, and they will continue
their march towards said island, having all the vessels united, without
advancing or going behind, giving to the cockswain of each the order
which they have to carry out.
2. If on their way they meet Indian vessels they will seize and carry
them along with them, finding out every particular upon the subject of
their march which they can possibly acquire, keeping them as guides
with all the necessary precautions, so as to avoid their desertion and
secure the end of their journey.
3. They must employ the best means to ascertain how the Hollanders
keep their establishment ; if they have their houses barricaded in the
lower or higher part ; if they have any cannons or light guns, or either
class ; under what kind of people ; if the Indians accompany them under
arms ; in which way they may be reached without being perceived, so as
to take them unawares by surprise ; if they keep stakes around, and
whether the ends of said stakes are poisoned ; if they are disguised with
false floors in the transit ; if they keep lookouts, in which places, and
how they can be caught.
4. When everything has been found out they will advance towards
the houses of the Hollanders at daybreak, and not by night, to avoid the

311
NO. 363.
risk of offending one another, and the protection of the obscurity and
the knowledge of the ground enabling the offenders lo escape. But, in
case that a night advance be required, to have every one of the party
under a white device, covering their heads, so as to recognize each other.
5. The prisoners once well secured, if there is any information about
other Dutch places on the lower or upper portion of said river Cuyuni,
and if there is a certainty of their apprehension, they shall go after them,
proceeding with the same precautions observed in regard to the others,
and with the same security they shall be brought to this garrison, as
well as the Carib Indians found with them, and the Poytos, which must
be treated with love and charity, and delivered to the Reverend Father
Prefect, Fray Benito de la Gariga.
6. As said Reverend Father Prefect has had the first information upon
this painful subject and the serious injury done to the success of their
holy administration, a conference must be had with said Reverend Father,
so as not to make any mistake. The war instructions already mentioned
will be carried out by said Bonalde and Puente as it may be found
proper. 7. If the Carib Indian named Bumuro be found, he must be secured,
as I am informed he controls all the Indian settlements of his tribe, and
imprisons those of other tribes, to be sold to the Hollanders, as well as to
other Indians employed in similar negotiations, taking from him all the
slaves that he may have in his possession and delivering them to the
order of the Reverend Father Prefect, for their Christian instruction
and settlement.
8. If it happens that during the navigation they are attacked from
the banks of the river by any enemy, embarrassing their way and desti
nation, and that the same vessels are not suitable for returning the fire
with advantage, they will leave them in custody, so as to be able to land
and charge the enemy until every one be apprehended.
9. Everything will be carried out as directed by the above-mentioned
Don Santiago Bonalde and Don Luis Lopez de la Puente, whose valor
and zeal for the Royal service promise the best success under these in
structions, to which they will adjust their conduct in everything con
nected with their orders, in virtue of the present commission intrusted
to them.
, Guayana, the 27th day of July, 1758. Felix Ferreras.
The greatest care will be taken so as to secure the ransoms and all
the articles of commerce which may be seized, making an inventory of
everything, and not allowing anything to be taken out and kept in the
vessels in which they make the commerce,

312 No. 364.
Deposition made October 1, 1758, by Juan Jos6 Fragas as to the Arrest
of two Dutchmen on the Cuyuni.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 21-22.]
On the same day, month and year, [Oct. 31, 1758,] in compliance with
the preceding rule of his Honor, the Commander, there appeared before
him and the witnesses of this act Juan Jose Fragas, a military man of this
castle, who was duly sworn by his Honor indue form, and under the
strength of his oath he promised to tell the truth of all that he might know
and was interrogated, and having been questioned by his Honor, he
answered about the time of departure following the expedition, the point
of destination reached by his company and the events of the expedition,
saying : That he left the settlement of Yuruario under the command of
Don Santiago Bonalde and Don Luis Lopez de la Puente, at the head of
the party, and followed them down to a certain place (the name of which
he does not recollect), where they meta white Hollander, who, without re
sistance or attempt to run away, let us apprehend himrand from thence
they left, in company with some Indian Caribs, until they reached the
ranch they had in said river Cuyuni ; that before reaching there the
chiefs in command stopped cautiously at a place, in the immediate
neighborhood of said ranch, and there awaited until seven or eight
o'clock of the evening, when they advanced toward said hut, where they
met a white Hollander and a negro that seemingly was lying in a ham
mock, and at the rumor of the barking of a dog he rose, and having been
assailed by all at once, so as to secure his person, I heard the firing of
four musket shots without knowing then who fired them, and he could
only understand (when he saw it) that one of the shots was fired by the
military man Pedro de Rojas, outside of the house, aiming at a negro,
who was found in company of the Hollander, because he ran away, and
after they had all quieted from the first assault, he heard Don Santiago
Bonalde say that when he left the boat he had cocked the two triggers,
and one of them went off, in the act of apprehending the said Hollander,
and that he did not know whether it had been himself the author of the
death occurred ; that in regard to whether there are or not other ranches,
he does not know of any ; and that from the Cuyuni river they returned
to the Mission wherefrom they had departed, taking twenty-two days on
their way back ; that he has nothing else to say than what he has already
answered under oath, and that he ratifies and will repeat it over if neces
sary ; that he is twenty-four years old, and signs with his Honor and the
witnesses who certify to this act.

313
No. 3 65.
Order given by Juan Valdes, October 30, 1758, that the two Dutchmen,
Arrested on the Cuyuni, be sent, together with their papers, to the
Governor.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 8, p. 241.]
The translations of the document and two passports that were brought
by the two Government officers who came in the vessel from the Colony
of Essequibo having been seen by the Sefior Commandante, Don Juan
Valdes, and his Excellency having studied their contents, and taken
note of the demand made by the Governor of the said Colony with re
gard to giving satisfaction for certain injuries done, and the remission of
the two Dutch subjects seized in the River Cuyuni by the secret expedi
tion, together, with the various other events resulting therefrom, it ap
peared from the said letter that his Excellency should come to a decision
abontthis affair, and he did resolve that the said passports and document,
together with their respective translations, and the report of the inspec
tion made by the Lieutenant of the Royal officials be united, and that as
this was a matter which solely concerned the Captaincy-General of these
provinces, the two Dutchmen should be sent to the Captaincy-General,
together with a copy of the various reports of steps taken in connection
with their visit and of all the remaining documents which have been
drawn up so far in regard to the matter, leaving the proofs in the hands
of his Excellency the Governor and Captain-General, for his superior
judgment, so that he may come to any decision which he may consider
best. For this purpose I hereby decree and command it to be done, and
I sign the same.

No. 366.
Order given by Juan Valdes, October 30, 1758, to take Testimony as
to the Arrest of two Dutchmen on the Cuyuni.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 14-1,5.]
In the city of Guayana, on the 30th day of the abovemonth and year
of the Lord [1758] Don Juan Valdes, Castillian Captain of His Majesty and
Commander in Chief of this Province, said : That, in order to proceed
and substantiate these proceedings according to law, he ought to com
mand and does command to have at the head of them the letters of the
most Reverend Prefect of these Missions, which were the motive of the
sending and organizing of the above-mentioned expedition, together with
the instructions and appointment of the chiefs in command, signed by
the Ensign Don Felix Ferreras, who, in his absence, was the Comman-

314 No. 366.
der ad interim of this place ; and afterwards the above-mentioned wit-
nesses, Don Santiago Bonalde and Don Luis Lopez de la Puente, the ap
pointed chiefs, will be summoned to appear at eight o'clock to-morrow
morning before his Honor, said Commander, to render their sworn affi
davit about all the incidents, acts and resistances on the part of said
Hollanders opposed to them, exhibiting the papers that they may have
found with them, and stating distinctly which of them was the aggres
sor who took the life of one of the soldiers of said expedition and badly
wounded another in his arm, answering to all the questions of his Honor
from the beginning to the end of the above-mentioned expedition until
their return to this city. To the same end several other soldiers who
went in the expedition will be examined, and after their affidavits have
been taken, the declarations of the two prisoners, the Hollanders, will be
heard, and they shall be brought under a suitable custody to the pres
ence of his Honor, so as to state the reasons for their sojourn and busi
ness in those places, by whom they were posted there, and for what
purpose ; all of which being accomplished, the other necessary acts con
nected with these proceedings will follow.

No. 367.
Certificate of Summons on Bonalde and Lopez de la Puente,
Oct. 30, 1758.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 15-16.]
Summons.— Following in order, we, Don Luis de Aleman and Don
Francisco Xavier Filgueyra, the witnesses appointed to substantiate these
acts, called at the residence of Don Santiago Bonalde and Don Luis
Lopez de la Puente and summoned them, as ruled by the above act, for
to-morrow morning at 8 o'clock, in person. We certify to the same.

No. 368.
Deposition, made October 31, 1758, by Santiago Bonalde, as to Arrest
of two Dutchmen on the Cuyuni river.
[Reprinted (with correction) from from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 16-19.]
In the above city of Guayana, on the 31st day of October, in the year
1758, appeared before his Honor, Seiior Don Juan Valdes, and the wit
nesses, Don Santiago Bonalde, in order to render his affidavit in com
pliance with the above rule as one of the chiefs appointed for the secret
expeditionary force that was sent to the Cuyuni river, and after having

No. 368. St&
been duly sworn in the proper form, and promising to. state the truth
of all that he knew, and upon which he would be interrogated, and
being questioned, he said as follows :
1. That having departed from this city with the order and instruc
tions that he shows to reach the settlement of Yuruario, where he found
the armed people ready, and that he reviewed immediately and examined
their arms, stores and vessels, and finding everything in proper shape
and ready for the march, he gave orders to the coxswains and peo
ple to embark and have the vessels to proceed in good order one after
another, 2. In regard to the second chapter of his instructions, he said that he
had failed to carry out its directions as to apprehending and carrying
along with him those Indians that he would meet, because he thought a
more convenient policy to attract them with friendship and affection, so
as not to frighten them, which policy proved correct, as he succeeded in
securing their help in everything that was wanted. If he had seized
and tied them, after apprehending them, a few at least, he was afraid,
would have rebelled and brought about mischief, as they are numerous
and their fields afforded no facilities for any defence.
3, That in regard to the third chapter, he performed with every pos
sible skill everything therein expressed, and did not find any old houses
staked in, nor any other kind of ambush.
4. That in regard to the fourth chapter, he said that in order to avail
himself of the occasion he got some of the Caribs who infest those
places to befriend and lead him, without being noticed, until he reached a
place, the name of which he does not bear in mind, where a white Hollander
was found at noon and made no resistance, nor attempt to run away
when he was apprehended. From that place they continued their
march, in company with the Indians, as far as the hut where said
Hollander lived. Said hut was covered with palm leaves, without
any walls. They spent two days in reaching the same, going down the
river. When they were near the said hut they stopped until it Avas
dark, as he thought the darkness favorable for an advance; that he
disposed his men in the best possible order at the time suggested by
the Caribs, and at about eight o'clock in the evening, or it may have
been seven o'clock, he undertook the assault with his men on the said
hut, and found one Hollander, who seemed to be lying on a ham
mock, and warned by the barking of a dog he arose, and they all fell on
him so as to prevent him from reaching any arms that he might have had
there. At this time four or five gun shots were heard, and they were
not able to find out who fired them ; that he found out that his own
went off accidentally, and that a soldier that had fired his blunderbuss
said it was on a negro who accompanied said Hollander and was running
away from the hut ; that he could not find out who fired the other, that

316 No. 368.
he only heard the voice of one of the soldiers, while struggling with the
said Hollander, in order to tie him, saying, simultaneously with a pistol
shot, "This rascal has killed me " ; and without minding who it was we
endeavored only to secure the person of the Hollander, and having suc
ceeded he found out, on inquiry, that one of his soldiers had been killed,
and another badly wounded in an arm ; that he immediately tried to
find the arms held by them, and found two pistols already emptied and,
a musket in the hands of the Cm ribs ; and having upbraided the Hol
lander for his having fired, he answered that he had not, that it might
have been the negro who was with him.
5. As to the fifth chapter, he followed his instructions and found out
that there were no other huts or ranches up or down the river.
6. That he followed the sixth chapter just as it is.
7. In regard to the seventh chapter, he found it was better to let the
Caribs come freely, as they promised and did so, as otherwise he could'
not have succeeded, on account of their large number. Many of them
are found already in the Mission of the Reverend Capuchin Father. In.
regard to the Indian Tomuto, he had no news whatever.
8. As to the eighth chapter, he found nothing new in its contents.
9. As to the ninth instruction, he followed everything as directed.
In regard to ransoms, he found only twelve dozens of knives, seven of
hatchets, and remnants of cloth that he distributed among the Caribs, so
as to keep them well pleased and safe ; that the ten dozens of said
knives and seven of hatchets he delivered to the Reverend Father Fray
Thomas de San Pedro, as he could not bring them to this city on account.
of the long delay and fatigues of the road ; that he did the same with
five guns and a pistol taken from the Hollander, to whom he asked who
had placed them in that station and for what purpose, and he answered
that they had been placed there by the Governor of Esquivo, without
saying anything else in reply to the other questions ; that in a little box
he found certain papers having the appearance of instructions, and that
he delivered them on his arrival to this city in the hands of the Ensign
of Infantry, Don Felix Ferreras ; that from the place where they found,
the ranch on the river Cuyuni, to the Mission, wherefrom they had de
parted, the journey took twenty-two days, thirteen1 of which in the
navigation up the river and the remainder by land ; that this is all that
he knows and what is contained in his notes, and the truth under the
oath that he has taken, and that he affirms and ratifies the same, and
will assert again if wanted ; lhat he is thirty-four years old, and signs
with his Honor and witnesses.

1 As to this see TJ. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 1, p. 329, note 4.

317
No. 369.
Deposition, made October 31, 1758, by Luis Lopez de la Puente as lo
the Arrest of Two Dutchmen on the Cuyuni river.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 19-21.]
On the same day and year [Oct. 31, 1758J there came before his Honor,
the Commander Don Juan Valdes, and the acting witnesses, Don Luis
Lopez de la Puente, one of the chiefs appointed for the secret expedition,
who was duly sworn by his Honor in the usual form (as already given),
and promised to tell the truth of all that he knew, and was interrogated
as it was done in the order of his instructions, and he said : That having
left this city with the order and instructions shown him, he took his
departure for the settlement of Yuruario, and there found the soldiers,
and that every thing was ready ; that he examined the arms and took to
the boats, which left as directed.
2. In regard to the second chapter of instructions, he said : His com
rade did not think it was a good policy to do the least harm to the In
dians which they met on the way, and thought best to treat them kindly,
so as to deserve their favor, as it was done successfully ; that on account
of this circumstance he did not carry out the letter of instructions of
this chapte r.
3. In regard to this chapter, he endeavored to find out and ascertain
the points mentioned, as directed, and he could not find nor ascertain
the places, or any case of ambushes.
4. In regard to this chapter, he said : After eight days' navigation he
arrived at an Indian ranch of the Caribs, and there found out that a Hol
lander by the name of John Baptist used to come and visit another
ranch of Caribs, and he sent from there the pilot, directing him that in
the event of finding said Hollander in that ranch to notify his party, as
it was done on the following day, when the Hollander was apprehended,
without opposing any resistance to follow them as far as the site where
they found the straw-roofed house ; that they made a stop in
order to reach it by night, as it was done at seven or eight o'clock;
that their approach was anticipated by the barking of a dog ;
that on account of that circumstance they entered the house in haste to
secure the person of the Hollander, who seemed to be lying down on a
hammock and was already standing, at the time of being seized by a
soldier ; Francisco Roblez fired a pistol shot, which caused him to ad
dress the said Roblez the words : " This dog has killed me" ; that hear
ing at the same time three shots more he ascertained that one of them was
fired by a soldier called Pedro at a negro who was running away, and
the other shot was fired by Don Santiago Bonalde without knowing how
or at whom; that the other shot, he never knew who fired it ; that he
found out through the interpreter that the said Hollander thought that

318; No. 369.
they were Caribs, and for that reason he fired, and the wounded man
could not give any explanation.
5. In regard to this chapter, he tried to find out whether they had
some Poytos, or other ranches ; that none were found, nor any news of
having any either up or down the river.
6. That this chapter was carried out as it is, without doing anything
to the contrary.
7. That in regard to the seventh chapter, they found no Indian there
by the name of Tamuto, nor any other employed in taking Indians to-
make them slaves.
8. That in regard to this chapter he said : That there was nobody
against whom, to take any precautions, as nobody was found.
In regard to the last chapter, he said : That everything was carried
out as directed, with the greatest zeal for the service of both Majesties ;
and that in regard to ransoms, they found only twelve dozens of knives,.
seven bf hatchets, three swords, one kettle, five muskets, three pistols, and
a large number of cloth remnants, that were distributed among the Caribs
accompanying the party, and the distribution was made by his comrade,
who was the principal chief, and likewise a few papers which were
taken and delivered to the Ensign, Don Felix Ferreras; that it took
twenty-two days to make the return journey to the Mission from where
they had started ; and that he has nothing else to depose on the sub
ject, and thus ended his statement, in which he affirms himself and
ratifies, and if necessary will renew the same under his oath; that he is
thirty-three years old, and signs herewith with his Honor and the wit
nesses who certify to the act.

No. 370.
Deposition, made November 2, 1758, by Segundo de la Cruz as to the
Arrest of two Dutchmen in the Cuyuni.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp,22, 23.]
In the city of Guayana, on the second day of November, 1758, in
order to carry out the preceding rule, appeared before his Honor the
Commander, Don Juan Valdes, and witnesses, the military man, Segundo
dela Cruz, whom his Honor had duly sworn, and promised to tell the
truth of all that he knew and was to be questioned. He was asked.
wherefrom did he depart on the secret expedition and where he went
with his company, whom he met and whether they apprehended any
body, and what the events were on that journey, and he answered :
That he left the settlement of Yuruario, in company with the troops
commanded by Don Santiago Bonalde, the first chief, and Don Luis

319
No. 3*0.
Lopezde la Puente, the second ; that, he followed them down to a place
(the name of which he does not know) and there apprehended a white
Hollander, who made no resistance, and was carried in his company until
they reached a ranch in which another Hollander resided ; that they
assailed the place all at once, because they were heard, on account of the
barking of a little dog found there ; that there were several shots, one of
which killed a companion and badly wounded the deponent in his arm,
which is paralyzed, and that he does not know who fired on account of
the obscurity, but heard saying, while suffering pain, that Don Santiago
Bonalde' s gun went off on account of one of the triggers having been
cocked, it was a double barreled musket, and he did not know whether
any harm had been done. He affirms his statement that said Hollander
did not fire, nor were any arms found with him, as he was the first that
seized him by the breast, and that in regard to the other shots he cannot
give any explanation, for the reasons already explained of having been
wounded ; that he does not know anything else on the subject, beyond
what he has already asserted under ..oath,, and that he will, if necessary,
repeat again ; that he is twenty-five years old, and did not sign, as he did
not know how. His Honor signed with the witnesses of the act, and cer
tifies to the same.

No. 371.
Deposition, made November 2, 1758, by Pedro Arocha as lo the Arrest
of two Dutchmen on the Cuyuni.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 23-24.]
In the said city of Guayana, on the same day, month and year [Nov.
2, 1758] pursuing the same investigation, appeared before His Honor Don
"Juan Valdes, Castillian Captain of His Majesty, another witness summoned
to appear,' the military man Pedro Arocha, who being duly sworn, pro
mised to tell the truth of all he knew, and was questioned, and having been
asked wherefrom he departed, with what people and in virtue of what order,
for what purpose and where did he go, and whom he met, what houses
he saw and what events took place, he said : That he left the settlement
of Yuruario in company with the other military men (the number he
does not know) in virtue of orders made known to him by the Ensign
of Infantry, Don Felix Ferreras, and Don Santiago Bonalde, first chief,
¦and Don Luis Lopez de la. Puente, second; that he knew they were
.ordered to apprehend a few Hollanders, and descended the river Cuyuni;
that they found a Hollander who made no resistance when apprehended,
and was carried by his company up to the. neighborhood of a little ranch,
.where they awaited the night in order to advance, following the order of
the chiefs as it was carried out, between seven and eight o'clock in the

320 No. 371.
evening ; that there were a few shots tired in the disorder in which the
advance was made, and that he is not aware who were those who fired
the same nor who killed the man who died, nor who wounded the other •
he heard Don Santiago Bonalde say that his gun went off and that it
might have been the cause of the mischief ; and he heard somebody else
among the soldiers say that he fired his blunderbuss in the air, and that
was outside of the ranch ; that he knows that no arms were found with
said Hollander, nor did he fire any; that he had no news of any other
ranch up or dowai the river ; that he came back to the Mission from which
he departed, taking twenty-two days on his return, suffering many hard
ships ; that he has nothing else to say about the matter, and that he has
stated the truth under his oath, and will be ready to repeat it if neces
sary before any other tribunal ; that he is twenty-eight years old, and
does not sign, as he does not know how to do so.
His Honor signs, and the witnesses of the act certify to it.

No. 372.
Deposition of John Baptist Brum, Soldier at the Slave Trading Station
on the Cuyuni, November 3, 1758.
[Reprinted, (with corrections,) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 29-31.]
On the same day, month and year [Nov. 3, 1758], in the same city of
San Thome de Guayana, his Honor caused the appearance before him and
the witnesses under a proper custody, of John Baptist Brum, whom his
Honor had sworn in due form according to his faith, by raising two
fingers of his right hand and promising to tell the truth of what he knew
and were asked of him, and having been asked by said Commander,
through the interpreter, he answered the following questions ;
1. What is your name? Where are you a native from? Where is
your residence . What is your trade . And he answered : That his
name was John Baptist Brum, a native of the States of Flanders, and a
resident in the colony of Esquivo; that he is a tailor by trade.
2. Asked what he was doing in those places, he answered: That he
was there as a soldier of the post, placed by the Governor of Esquivo,
under Stephen Hiz, the head of said post.
3. Asked what reason the Governor had for keeping a guard there, he
answered : In order to apprehend the fugitive negro slaves who run away
from the Colony, and to prevent the Carib tribe from making any mis
chief to the domesticated Indians.
4. Asked what reason he had to be away from the site where the Post
is kept, at two days' distance, as stated by the Spaniards who appre
hended him, he answered : That by the direction of his superior he had

No. 372. 391
come to said place in quest of a few Indians to help the work of a farm
they were opening, and that shortly after being there the Spaniards
arrived and tied him, without his opposing any resistance or defense, and
was carried away in their company up to the neighborhood of the house
he had.
5. Asked whether he knew or has any notion of who wounded one of
the Spanish soldiers and who killed the other, he answered : That he
knew nothing, and could give no account of anything, as he was left
behind and tied up at a distance from the house within a gunshot, when
they advanced, and from there he had to continue the way under said
Spaniards to this city.
6. Asked what arms and defenses they had, he answered : That only
five muskets, belonging to the Company of Esquivo.
7. Asked what was the name of the site where he had his ranch, and
what river is near the same, he answered : That the site is called Cuiba1,
and empties into the Cuyuni river.
8. Asked how long he had been there and whether he had made any
purchases of Poytos, he answered : That he had been there eight months
and never had anything to do with such purchases.
9. Asked how far is it from that site of Cuiba to the Esquivo
Colony, he answered : Three days, more or less, being understood that
the navigation could only be carried on with the tides, when the chan
nels were flooded.
10. Asked whether he knew if the above-mentioned place is within
the jurisdiction of Esquivo, and whether the Governor had kept that
guard there for a long time, he answered : That he did not know, and
that the guard had been kept there for many years.
11. Asked whether that site is fit for farming, he answered: No, on
account of its being swampy land, but that in the upper part there are
found portions of good land, but the Governor does not allow it to be
tilled nor permit any one to stay there.
12. Asked whether the negro was a slave he answered: JNo; but he
was placed there by the Esquivo Company and is bound to serve for a
compensation. 13, Asked what other trade he was pursuing, what his instructions,
verbal or written, were, and to tell the truth, he answered : That he does
not know or had any knowledge of anything else, except what he had
stated under oath, according to his faith, and which he ratifies and will
assert again if wanted ; that he is forty-eight years old, and is not able to
sign, not knowing how to do so.
Signed by his Honor and certified by the witnesses of the act.
lAs to the spelling of this word, seeU. S. Commission Report, vol. 1, p, 326, Note 3.

522 No. 373.
Deposition of Stephen Hitz, the Dutch Slave Trader on the Cuyuni,
November 3, 1758.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs. Vol. 2, pp. 26-29.]
¦' In the same city of Guayana* on the 3d day of November, in the
Tyear 1758, Don Juan Valdes, Castillian Captain of His Majesty, made
ai>pear before him and witnesses, one of the two Hollanders now impris
oned in the castle of San Francisco de Asis, and, after being sworn
according to the rite of his religion (he said he was a. Lutheran), he
raised two fingers of his right hand, and was examined as follows :
- 1. Asked wherefromhe was a native, his name and occupation, he
answered : That he is a native of the States of Holland and his name is
^Stephen Hiz; and a laborer in mines.
: 2. Asked what he was doing in those places, he answered : That he
was placed there by the Governor of Esquivo as the head of a fixed
-guard kept there. ; :
;;' 3. Asked how many men composed the guard and the reason why he
occupied that post, he answered : That the, guard is compQsed.of four
tmen, including the two white Hollanders and" two Indians, and that he
keeps there in order to apprehend the negro fugitive slaves leaving the
.Colony of Esquivo and tp restrain the Carib tribes, so as to prevent them
from making any mischief, either to said Colony or the neighboring
.Spaniards or to the domestic Indians, as shown by the -chapter pf the
instruction that was seized from him by. the chief of the Spaniards who
apprehended him.
4. Asked why he took arms against the Spaniards and fired on them,
he answered : That he had done neither one nor the other,. nor could he
do so, as he was alone and the Spanish people were too many, and that
when they advanced towards the house he was actually asleep in a
hammock and at the trampling and noise made he awoke, attempting to
¦get up and run away, thinking that they were Caribs, and in his surprise
and fright hedid not do so, nor did the Spaniards allow him to do so,, as
he was immediately seized and tied.
t- 5. Asked how it was that if he, did not fire, a Spaniard, was killed- and
another badly wounded, he; answered : That he is persuaded that the
Spaniard was killed by his own companions,; and that the, other waslike-
wise wounded in the act of entering and trying to /tie him, when; the
Spaniards commenced to fire within his house. . -;
6. Asked what arms and defence they had in that post and .what is
the name of it and what river is near by, he answered:, He had five
mnskets, three sabers, three pistols, a flask of powder, and piece oMead
for ammunition, and of these arms only two muskets were his own prop
erty and the rest were furnished by the Company ; that the post is called
Cuiba and close to the banks of the river Cuyuni.

323
No. 373.
7. Asked what goods or ransoms were seized by the Spaniards when
he was apprehended, and if he had them for the purpose of negotiations
and purchases, he answered : That they seized fourteen dozens of knives,
eighteen pieces of iron utensils, like hatchets, machetes, and two pieces
of calico, nine bundles of glass beads, and a dozen small looking glasses,
twenty-four yards of skirting, twenty of coarse blue cloth, all for the
purchase and maintenance.
8. Asked how long had he been kept there and what had become of
the farms, how did he carry out his trade, he answered: That it was
eight months since he came there as a head man, and was commencing to
til la short piece of ground so as to plant it with the yucca or tapioca plant, "
and has not carried out his trade.
. 9. Asked whether they had given him goods for the purchase of
Poytos and how many had he sent to the Colony of Esquivo, he^
answered: That in the short time that he had been there he hadn<_t!
made any such purchases, nor had he been given any ransoms for them ; -
that he bad only in bis charge the collection of what was due to- his*
predecessor, as it will appear by the said papers.
10. Asked how far is said post from the Colony of Esquivo, he
answered : It is only a short distance, although they take three natural :
days to make it, as it is only navigable in keeping with the tides, and the '¦
navigation is performed through creeks. . -;
11 . Asked if he knew those lands, where he was found, belong to
the jurisdiction of Esquivo, and if for many years they have kept those
posts, he answered : That he does not know whether it is or not under
the jurisdiction of Esquivo, and that for many years they kept the post
in that place.
12 Asked if said site is fit for the cultivation of cane and other plants
he answered : That they are not fit for that purpose, as they are swampy,
but where the post is maintained, and farther upwards, there are places
fit for the cultivation of said plants, but there is an express order from
the Governor to prevent the passage upwards fo any person whatever.
13. Asked whether the negro who is in his company in the prison is a'
slave, he answered: No; but he. is bound and dedicated to servile occu
pations under the company who keeps him there.
- 14. Asked what other order he had and what other trade he kept and-
what general news he knew about there, he answered : That he does not
know, nor any news; that that is the truth under his oath, according to-
his religious faith, and that he affirms and ratifies his statement and will'
make it again if needed; that he is forty-eight years old and signs with
his Honor, after being duly certified.

324 No. 374.
Extract from letter from IVicholas de Castro, Provisional Crovernor
of Cumanft, lo Governor ol Essequibo, November 9, 1758.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 248-249.]
The Commandant of Guiana has forwarded to me, among other docu
ments, a letter which you sent him claiming the two Dutch prisoners, a
negro slave and a half-breed woman with her children, whom the guard
dispatched from that fort seized in an island of the Eiver Cuyuni,
established there in a house, and carrying on the unjust traffic of slavery
among the Indians, in the dominions of the King my Sovereign. As this
same Eiver Cuyuni and all its territory is included in those dominions,
it is incredible that their High Mightinesses the States-General should
have authorized you to penetrate into those dominions, and still less to
carry on a traffic iu the persons of the Indians belonging to the settle
ments and territories of the Spaniards. I therefore consider myself justi
fied in approving the conduct of this expedition.
* * * * *
For these reasons I do not consider myself at libery to condescend to
return the prisoners which you demand until the question is decided
by my Sovereign, to whom I shall render full account of all that has
happened, supported by all the necessary documents.

No. 375.
Letter from IVicholas de Castro to Storm van's Gravesande, Director-
General in Essequibo, November 10, 1758.
[Re-printed from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 113.]
Cumana, November 10, 1758.
Monsieur : The Commandant of Guiana has sent me, with other
papers, a letter which you have written to him, demanding the delivery
of the two Dutchmen, a negro, and a creole, with their children, and of
all that was found by the guard in command there on an island in the
river called Cuyuni, which is, with its dependencies, a part of the
domains of His Catholic Majesty, my Master, and on which these prison
ers publicly kept up an illicit trade with Indians, Poytos, although it is
incredible that their High Mightinesses, your masters, should have
authorized you to enter the said domains, or to treat with these Indians
in order to make slaves of them. This being so, and our action being a
justifiable one, I cannot consent to the restitution of the prisoners whom
you demand until I know the will of my Master, to whom I have made a
report of all that has passed, with papers in justification of my action.
In the meantime, I offer you my services, and pray God to preserve you
many years.

325
No. 376.
Letter from Fr. Joseph de Therriaga to Fr. Benito de la Garriga on the
niission of murucuri, December 12, 1758.
[Translated from Copy printed in Strickland (Rev. Jos. s-j.). The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol., Rome, 1896, appendix I, pp, 6-7.]
Eight Eev. Father ; Sir : I received two (letters) from your Eev
erence dated the 13th and 21st of November, dictated by the love and
charity you are wont to show me, your Eeverence, with your venerable
community. I give your Eeverence many thanks for the hundred loads
of casave and twenty-six bushels of rice, which your Eeverence ordered
to be sent to the house of Don Felix Fereras, and I feel certain that had
not the crop of corn turned out so badly, your Eeverence would have
assisted me with this product.
Don Felix tells me that he had ordered a house to be built at the port
of Cacagual, in order to attract Indian peons, rowers and loads of pro
ducts that might be sent hither from there, and to avoid the dangers of
the bad summer harbor of Guayana. Your Eeverence may ordain what
ever he deems best.
It is well that the Caribs should keep withdrawing from the Cuyuni,
even if it be through fear of the Dutch. With them your Eeverence will
form new villages; if they could only be few and large, so that they
might be attended to by Missionaries, when their short number does not
reach above one for each village. Those expected by your Eeverence
will have employment from time to time. Would that they came soon,
so that the land and water might be peopled within a brief period. Your
Eeverence should feel no apprehension about the Dutch ; they are not in
condition of doing us any harm. The movement of the Governor of
Esquivo was only a spark of his rage. I cannot persuade myself that
it will meet with the approval of the States General of Holland.
I have written in urgent terms to his Excellency, the Governor, upon
the projected village of Guaycas, with a stronghold and garrison, and a
favorable answer can be expected to the representation of Your Eev
erence. The absence of. Father Prospero is to be regretted, as also that of
Father Fidel, on account of the illness of Father del Hato. Please God
that he may soon recover and come to the assistance of your Eeverence.
I am aware that Father Guardia has established at Caravaschi a great
rogue of a Car_b. I should like to see at the Angostura de Arimnawa a
settlement of good Guayanos, though only of some fifteen or twenty
families from Copapui, accompanied with a few soldiers, to guard tbe
pass with swivel guns or small cannon, placed in a sentry-box.
I renew my obedience to your Eeverence, and pray God preserve
your Eeverence many years.

326 No. 376.
Cabruta, December 12th, 1758.
Your Eeverence will please inform me whether the women of the
Caribs captured by the boat which took the Eight Eeverend the Bishop
to Guayana, are in Murucuri, and how many they are.
I kiss your Eeverence' s hands,
Your obedient servant,
Fr. Joseph de Therriaga.

No. 377.
Report, dated December 28, 1758, of Counsellor Julian Padilla y Moron
on the Arrests in Cuyuni.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 249.]
The Counsellor has seen these documents, and says that whereas the
foreigners to which the above documents refer were apprehended, whilst
acting as a guard, by order of tbe Governor of the Colony of Essequibo,
within the limits of the jurisdiction of that Government for the purpose
of apprehending fugitive negro slaves deserting from their masters who
may pass by those places, committing the impious act of purchasing
many Indians to work on their farms, and subjecting them to perpetual
slavery, ns is shown by the account which the aforementioned foreigners
presented for the recovery of certain slaves, and also by the instructions
issued by the Governor of that Colony, by which the said guard is
charged to procure the Indians ; and whereas by the said account it is
further shown that the soldiers of the guard did carry on that traffic,
thereby depriving the natives of their natural liberty, which they should
be allowed to enjoy, without instructing them in our holy Catholic
faith ; in opposition to His Majesty's commands, as ordered and decreed
in various Eoyal Decrees, in which His Majesty (whom God preserve)
expressly recommends that the Indians be well treated, not deprived of
their liberty, and receive proper instruction in our holy faith ; therefore,
as this is an affair of the greatest importance, and worthy of the Royal
consideration, and in order that His Majesty may determine and make
known his Eoyal pleasure in regard to it, so as to stop this traffic, and
hinder, as effectually as possible, the said foreigners- from enslaving
Indians and condemning them to perpetual labor and exile, it is my
opinion that the said documents be forwarded to His Majesty in original,
and accompanied with a legalized copy of the same for the King in his
Supreme Council of the Indies, in order that His Majesty may issue His
Eoyal commands as to the matter.

327
No. 378.
Order by Juan dc Dios Valdes to Juan de Dios Gonzales de Flores to
arrest Dutch, French, Spanish and Carib Slave Traders at mouth oi
Barima; September 7, 1760.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Ven. Sp. Docs. Vol. 2, pp, 36-38.]
Don Jnan de Dios Valdes, Castillian Captain, by His Majesty, General
Judge for the revenues of this Province of Guayana arid Commander
of the arms of the same, etc.
Whereas, on account of a report received from the Most Eeverend Pre
fect of the Missions of this Province, I have become aware of the informa
tion received by him from four fugitive Poyto Indians about the tyrannic
power of the Hollanders inhabiting the neighboring Colonies of Esquivo
and Surinam, at the mouth of the Barima creek, coming out from this
river, where five Hollanders from said colony are staying and carrying
out the inhuman and lucrative commerce they maintain with the wild
Indian tribes who trade in the Orinoco, buying from them the infidels
taken in their wars, making them prisoners and trading them for iron
utensils, clothing, and muni tions of war ; and as said Hollanders are
awaiting for a party of Indians, they have sent Carib agents to purchase
said Indians and bring them to their Colony.
Such an illicit traffic in human beings is already going on. The four
Indians who escaped were included as victims and came in quest of pro
tection to the s.iid Missions. As the service of our Lord and of His
Catholic Majesty requires the stopping of this illicit trade, and the pun
ishment of the Hollanders of the above-mentioned Colony, restraining
them within their own possessions (if they had any right for this kind of
possession), they ought not to be allowed to communicate through the
rivers and dominions of the King. Therefore, in virtue of the powers
granted to me, I order and command that the Lieutenant of Infantry and
second officer of this place, Don Juan de Dios Gonzales de Flores, with
out any delay whatever, depart on board the Eoyal vessel that he wiil
find in Port Eoyal with a crew ot ten men and manned in the ordinary
way, armed with two light guns and the necessary stores for twenty-
days. He will take Spanish river pilots and the fugitive Indians, and
go to the place where said Hollanders are staying. He will proceed
straightway, navigating night and day, and as soon as he reaches the
place, he will attack the ranch, after having surrounded it. He will
imprison the Hollanders, French, and Spaniards found there, at the
words, "Long live the King ! " and will employ his arms in punishing
and apprehending the same persons, as well as the Caribs that he may find
in their company, carrying out this inhuman trade. He will likewise
seize every vessel he may meet, going up or down the river, and the for
eigners as well as Spaniards unprovided with the lawful and proper

328 NO. 378.
papers of navigation. The masters and crews of the same will be brought
along to this place, well secured. The full cargoes as well, without al
lowing the least fraud or disorder by the troops of his command. It is
expected from his fidelity and zeal a satisfactory discharge of his duty ;
that no doubt it will be performed with the greatest zeal for the Eoyal
service and personal disinterestedness, availing himself of his good judg
ment and experience. I grant him all the powers necessary for the best
service of both Majesties.
Dated at Guayana, on the seventh day of the month of September,
in the year seventeen hundred and sixty.

No. 379.
Report of Juan de Dios Valdes and Lorenzo Coronado as to Seizure (on
September 11, 1760), of a Schooner and Two Launches at Barima ;
September 27, 1760.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, p. 38.]
In the city of San Thome de la Guayana, on the twenty-seventh day
of the month of September, in the year seventeen hundred and sixty,
Don Juan de Dios Valdes, Castillian, Captain of his Majesty, and Don
Lorenzo Coronado, Lieutenant Eoyal Officer, said that the war schooner
commanded by Lieutenant of Infantry, Don Juan de Dois de Flores, has
just arrived at the principal port of the city; that he was sent in order to
stop the inhuman commerce of the Hollanders and Carib Indians in the
sale of human beings, from the other gentile tribes, seizing them in war
and reducing them to slavery, at the price paid by said Hollanders, of a
few ransoms or trifles; that this information was conveyed to the Com
mander by the most Eeverend Father Prefect of these Missions, through
four fugitive Indian Poytos, who asserted that the Hollanders with some
meicbandise were at the mouth of the Barima creek, as it is stated in the
aforesaid order. As a consequence, said Lieutenant Don Juan de Flores
has seized and brought along with him a schooner and two launches
which were anchored under the artillery of the Castle of San Francisco
de Asis, which is the chief port of this city. In order to take the neces
sary steps, the visit of said vessels will be ordered, therefore they ought
to command and did command the search of said vessels, in the presence
of the Notary Public for this act, taking an inventory of the cases,
trunks or other things on board, and making a full statement of all the
circumstances connected with the seizure of said vessels.
It was so ordered and attested by the Notary Public.

329
No. 380.
Inventory of Schooner and Launches, seized in Barima, September
27, 1760.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, p. 39.]
On the same day, month and year [Sept, 27, 1760], in compliance with
the above rule, their Honors, in company with the acting Notary Public,
visited the vessels lying at anchor in the Port of the Castle of San
Francisco de Asis, in order to examine everything found on board and
make a regular inventory of the contents found-
In the first place, there was a schooner with her main and foremast,
and rigging without sails.
One small anchor, with its corresponding rope.
Five barrels of salt fish.
One launch, with a mast, canvas shrouds and a round sail of coarse
cloth. Four barrels of powdered salt.
One curiara (a small Indian boat) for the service of the launch, with
wash boards. Six hatchets, ten short coarse Indian drawers, eight
knives, six bundles of beads and an old case.
Another launch, with its mast, canvas shroud and a round sail.
A small anchor with its corresponding hemp rope.
One curiara, answering as a boat.
And having found nothing else we closed the inventory, and their
Honors ordered the discharge of everything, so as to be kept at the
Treasury Office ; aud that in regard to the fish, the Eoyal Treasury
Lieutenant will find out a suitable administrator to sell the same, and
carry a regular account of the sales at fair prices, deducting a suitable
commission in the usual current money.
It was so ruled and provided by their Honors, who signed before me,
the Notary Public.

No. 381.
Deposition, made September 29, 1760, by Yana, an Aruaca Indian (alias
Juan Bautista, a Mustcc), as to the Seizure ot a Schooner and launches
at Barima by Juan de Flores on September 11.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 45-46.]
In this city of Santo Thome de la Guayana, on the same day, month
and year [Sept. 29, 1760], their Honors, in order to improve the preced
ing investigation, made appear before them and me, the Notary Public,

330No. 381.
one of the prisoners brought by Lieutenant Don Juan de Flores, who
being asked by his Honor if he was a mustee, and of what religion,
where was he born, and what was his name, what business brought him
to the Orinoco, and by whom he had been sent, he answered : That he
was an Aruaca Indian, from a father and mother also Indians ; that
they have no religion whatever ; that he was born in Guacapou, near
the Esquivo Post; that his name is Yana; that he came to the river
Orinoco for fishing, and that he was sent by a Hollander called Fordull.
Asked what was the nature of his cargo and to whom did the
schooner and launch seized belong, and for what purpose they came to
the river, he answered : That his cargo was only a little barbasco (a vege
table fish poison) and a barrel of salt ; that the schooner belongs also to
the Esquivo Colony, and is the property of a Hollander called Monk ;
that the launch likewise belongs to the same Colony, and was sent by a
Hollander by the name of Bobre, and that both came on to do the same
business of fishing.
Asked if he knew whether in the Barima creek there are any Hol
landers purchasing Poytos, and if so, at what distance were they from
the place where the schooner was seized, he answered : That he knew that
in the said creek of Barima there are four Hollanders purchasing Poytos,
and that in their company there are many Carib Indians ; that from the
place where the schooner was seized, to where they are, there is a distance
of five or six days' navigation ; that the creek where said Hollanders are
found is very narrow, as he understands by the information he has from
other Indians of his own tribe, and that no large vessels can go through ;
that the Hollanders that purchased Poytos do not belong to the Esquivo
Colony, but lo that of Surinam, because in that of Esquivo the Governor
does not allow any Hollander to come out and make this kind of trade.
This deposition being finished, the deponent said he could not tell how
old he was, and did not sign, as he did not know how to do so.
Signed by their Honors before me.

No. 382.
Deposition of Juan de Dios, Flores, made September 29, 1760, as to
Seizure of Schooner and Launches, at Barima on September 11,
1760.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 40-41.]
In the city of Santo Thome de la Guayana, on the 29th day of said month
and year, [Sept. 1760] in pursuance of the investigation to be made about the
seizure of the vessels, their Honors met at the Eoyal Treasurer's Office,
and summoned to their presence the Lieutenant of Infantry, Don Juan
de Dios Flores, who, after being duly sworn, and promising to tell the

331
No.:382. truth of what he knew and were interrogated, he was asked where
he had seized said vessels, how and what resistance was opposed with fire
arms, and where were the people of the crew, and he said : That having
left this port under orders of the Commander, to proceed to the Barima
creek, and having reached and tacked about the mouth of it on the
eleventh instant, at about four o'clock in the afternoon, he descried a
sail towards the point of Guani, that was coming in the direction of the
mouth of the Orinoco, and he went after it, and having met her and fired
a small gun, she stopped immediately, and having boarded her he found
ten Aruaca Indians who came from the Esquivo Colony.to fish in the
river, three of whom ran away, throwing themselves into the river,
and on the following day he continued his journey and went through
the mouth of Barima, going up the creek for about three leagues, when
he descried a vessel that was left aground by the low tide, at a long
distance, finding no means to reach on board the same, until it was full
tide, when he could draw near. The people and the crew on board, as
they had seen and recognized his vessel, had left theirs, carrying away
their sails and cutting the best part of the rigging. Although he tried
his best to reach them, he could not succeed. Through the Aruaca
Indians who had been seized he was informed that that schooner
belonged to the Esquivo Colony, and came there for the purpose of fish
ing ; that finding himself with these two vessels without any crew, he had
only four men in their charge, two men in each one ; that he had only six
men left, and being informed that five days at least were necessary to
reach the place where the traders in Poytos were reported it to be, it was
natural to suppose they had been warned of his visit by those who had
left the vessel; that he found necessary to return at once, as he did, find
ing that his order was only to reach the same mouth (Barima); that on
his return up the river he met another launch, which he had heard before
was to be found there; that he sent Pedro de Salas in a curiara (small
Indian boat) with orders to seize everybody found on board, without
allowing any one to escape; he did so in regard to the launch, but not
the people who had taken to the woods where they had a ranch, and
they could be seen; that from there he continued his journey up to
the principal port of this city, where he anchored with the three vessels
seized; that that is the truth in virtue of his oath, and affirms and ratifies
his statement, and will make it again if wanted; that lie is thirty-nine
years old, and signed with his Honors, of all of which I attest.

332 No. 383.
Deposition made September 29, 1760, by Pedro de Salas, a Soldier, as
to Seizure of Schooner and two Launches at Barima.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 251-252.]
On the said day, month and year, [Sept. 29, 1760] in order to draw up
the report which is in hand, their Honours caused to appear before them
selves and before me, Pedro de Salas, a soldier from these forts, to whom
their Honours administered an oath which he made by God our Lord, and a
sign of the Cross, under obligation whereof he promised to tell the truth
in what he might know and might be asked, and having been questioned
by their Honours, he declared : That having sailed from this port in the
armed schooner they reached the front of the mouth of Barima, arid
while tacking therein, they saw a vessel which they approached and fired
a shot at, whereupon she surrendered at once, and having boarded her
they only found a few Aruac Indians, who said that they came from the
Dutch Colony of Essequibo to fish ; that on the following day they
entered the mouth of the Barima, and going about three leagues up the
creek they saw a schooner, which, owing to low water, was aground at a
very long distance, and so they could not go on board until the tide came
up, when they approached it and did not find a single person, for during
the time that they could not go on board, the crew succeeded in escaping
into the woods, carrying off the sails and some of the tackle and cutting
up some of that which remained on board ; that they were informed by
the pilot that it took five days to go up to the place where the traders
were, for which reason, and because a large portion of the crew was
engaged in the captured vessels, and likewise because they were informed
that in going up to the place where the said Dutch were, the creek nar
rowed considerably, and no ship of any size could pass, his Lieutenant
resolved to turn back up the river, which he did, and hearing that there
was a launch at anchor in a creek with a hut on shore, his Lieutenant
despatched him with four men in a canoe to seize it and arrest its crew ;
that having gone on board and found nobody, he proceeded to examine
the hut, and not finding anyone there either, he concluded that they had
fled to the woods, and came back and delivered up the said launch to his
Lieutenant ; and from there they continued to go up stream until they
reached the chief port of this city, where they cast anchor.
That this is the truth under obligation of the oath which he made,
which is affirmed and ratified therein, and that if necessary he will repeat
it ; and that he is 44 years of age, and has signed it jointly with their
Honours, whereunto I certify.

333
No. 384.
Deposition, made September 29, 1760, by Jos, de Sosa, a Soldier, as to
Seizure of a Schooner and two Launches in Barima.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 252.]
In this fortress of Guiana, on the said day, month and year [Sept. 29,
1760], in execution of the report which is being drawn up, their Honours
caused to appear in this Eoyal "Contaduria" before themselves and before
me, the Notary, Joseph de Sosa, a soldier from these forts, whom they ad
mitted upon oath which he made by God our Lord and a sign of the cross,
underobligation whereof he promised to tell the truth concerning what he
might know and might be asked, and having been questioned by their
Honours, declared: That he went from this port in the armed launch under
Infantry Lieutenant Don Juan de Flores, and arrived at the mouth of the
Barima, where in order to make it they began to tack, and, while doing
so, saw a vessel come into the river, and followed it at once and made it
heave to by firing a shot, and upon going on board they only found ten
Aruac Indians, of whom three escaped, who, being examined by his
Lieutenant, said that they came from the Dutch Colony of Essequibo to
fish in the Eiver Orinoco; and directly they had secured the vessel by
putting two soldiers on board, they continued their course, and on the
following day entered the said mouth of Barima, and went up the creek
for about three leagues, where they saw a schooner which the ebb had
left stranded at a very considerable distance from the stream, for which
reason they could not board it until the tide rose, when they approached
and went on board but found nobody, because while they were waiting
for the tide to come up the crew of the said schooner took the oppor
tunity to escape, carrying off the sails and a portion of the tackle and
cutting up some of the remainder; and that notwithstanding all the
efforts which his said Lieutenant made to capture the crew he was unable
to do so, and that the Aruacs (whom they had previously captured) at
once said that the schooner had come from the Colony of Essequibo with
the same object of fishing, and that upon asking the pilot whereabouts
the Dutch traders in "Poitos" were camping, he said, they were at five
days' distance from that spot, and that the vessel they were navigating
could not enter the creek where the traders were, because it was ex
tremely narrow and only navigable by canoes; that for this reason, and
because some of the soldiers they brought were divided among the vessels
captured, and likewise because the said Dutch would be warned of their
approach by the crew which had escaped from the schooner, his Lieu
tenant determined to withdraw, which they did, and in going npthe
river they received information that a launch was lying at anchor in a
creek, and his Lieutenant forthwith despatched Pedro de Salas in a canoe
to seize it, ordering him to let none of its crew escape, and accordingly

334 No. 384.
he seized it and brought it back, saying that he had found no one
therein, nor in the hut on the shore, and that he thought they had fled
directly they perceived them, and that they continued their voyage
thence to the chief port of this city, where they cast anchor; that this is
the truth, under obligation of the oath which he made, which is affirmed
and ratified therein, and that if necessary he will repeat it; and that he
is 27 years of age and has signed it, together with his Honour, whereunto
I certify.
No. 385.
Deposition, made September 29, 1760, by Antonio Ravelo, a Soldier, as
to Seizure of a Schooner and Two Launches in Barima.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 253.]
On the said day, month, and year, [Sept. 29, 1760] for the
purpose of the report which is being drawn up respecting the
seizure of three vessels, their Honours caused to appear before
themselves and before me, the present Notary, Antonio Eavelo,
a soldier from these forts, whom their Honours admitted upon
oath by God our Lord, and a sign of the cross, under obligation
whereof he promised to tell the truth in what he might know and
might be asked, and having been questioned by their Honours he de
clared: That having gone from this port in the armed launch under the
Orders of his Lieutenant, Don Juan de Flores, they descended to the
front of the Mouth of the Barima, where, in order to make it they began
to tack, and then perceived a vessel coming into the Eiver Orinoco,
which they followed, and, having come up with it and fired a shot, she
surrendered at once ; that they boarded her and only found ten
Arnac Indians, whom his Lieutenant examined, and who said that they
came to fish in the said river ; That from there they went again in search
of the mouth of Barima, and on the following day they entered it and
went about three leagues up the creek, where they saw a vessel which
the ebb had left stranded at a considerable distance from the stream, for
which reason they could not board it until the tide came up, when they
approached it and went on board, but found no one, because while they
were waiting for the tide to rise, the people of the schooner took the op
portunity to escape and to carry off its sails and part of the tackle ; and
that while there his Lieutenant enquired from the pilot who was with
them whether the Dutch traders in "Poitos" were very far off, and he
replied that it would require five days' sailing to reach them, but that
with the vessels they were navigating they could not enter the Creek be
cause it was very narrow and only canoes could pass; for which reason,
and for want of men, because the greater part of the crew had been dis-

__ _._,„ 335
No. 385.
tributed in the captured vessels, and likewise seeing that the said Dutch
would be told by those who escaped from the schooner, his Lieutenant
determined to withdraw; and going up the river they were informed that
a launch was lying at anchor in a Creek along which they were passing,
whereupon his Lieutenant despatched Pedro de Salas in a canoe with
four men, under orders to seize and bring it together with all its crew,
without letting one escape ; and having succeeded in capturing it he re
turned saying that he had found no one therein, nor in the hut which
was on the shore, and that he concluded they had gone into the woods as
soon as they saw them ; That they continued their voyage from there
until they arrived and cast anchor in the chief harbour of this city ; That
this is the truth under obligation of the oath which he had made which
is affirmed and ratified therein, and that if necessary he will repeat it,
that he is forty-two years of age and has signed it together with His
Honour, whereunto I certify.

No. 386.
Summons ordered to issue for the halfbrced (mustee), Yana, September
30, 1760.
[Reprinted From Blue Book, No. 3, p. 253.]
Having seen the foregoing declarations Their Honours said that, in or
der to draw up these reports more adequately, they would summon the
half-breed whom Infantry Lieutenant Don Juan de Flores captured with
the Aruac Iudians, in order that he and the other Arnac Indians should
give evidence respecting the particulars about which Their Honors should
consider it desirable to question them, and hereby Their Honors, have
thus provided, ordered and signed on the 30 September of the said year,
whereunto I certify.

No. 387.
Deposition, made September 29, 1760, by Simaracuri, an Arawak In
dian, as to Seizure of a Schooner and two Launches in Barima.
[Reprinted From Blue Book, No. 3, p. 254.]
In the said City of Santo Thome de Guayana, on the said day, month
and year [Sept. 29, 1760], for the purpose of the report which is being
drawn up, Their Honours caused to appear before them, and before me, the
present Notary, one of the Indians, sufficiently conversant with Spanish,
from among those seized by Lieutenant Don Juan de Flores, and he

336No. 38 7.
was asked by their Honours where he was born, what was his name, for
what purpose he came to the Eiver Orinoco, and by whom he was sent ;
and he replied that he was a native of Muruca, a place where the Post
of Essequibo is situated, that his name was Simaracuri, an Indian of the
Aruac nation, that the purpose for which he came to the Eiver Orinoco was
to fish, that he was sent by a Dutchman called Fardull,and that the cargo
consisted of a small quantity of salt; being asked if he knew to whom the
other vessels which were seized belonged, he replied that the schooner
belonged to a Dutchman called Monk, and the launch to another called
Bobre, and that they also came for the purpose of fishing. Being asked if
he knew whether there were any Dutchmen buying "Poitos," and in what
places they were to be found, he replied that he knew there were four
Dutchmen in the Creek of Barima with a number of Carib Indians, carrying
on this traffic, that they were from the Colony of Surinam, and that it
was impossible for a large vessel to enter the part of the said Creek
where these traders were, as it was much higher up and very narrow ; and
that this is what he knows in reply to the questions, that he does not
know how to give any account of his age or to sign; so their Honours
signed it, whereunto I certify.

No. 388.
Order of Juan Valdes and Lorenzo Coronado as to Record of Seizure
of Schooner and Launches in Barima, September 11, 1760, and as lo
Disposition of Yana and the perishable Cargo; October 1, 1760.
[Reprinted trom Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, p. 47.]
In the city of Santo Thome, in the Guayana, on the first day of Octo
ber, in the year seventeen hundred and sixty, the Castillian Captain of
His Majesty, Don Juan Valdes, and the Eoyal Lieutenant, Don Lorenzo
Coronado, said : That the foregoing acts being sufficient, aboutthe seizure
of one schooner and two launches, belonging to the Esquivo Colony,
introduced in this Orinoco river on the pretext of fishing, but in reality
to go on practicing the illicit commerce and the purchase of Poytos from
the Carib tribe, we rule that an authentic copy of these acts be made and
the originals be sent to the Superior Tribunal of the Treasury ; and that
in regard to the mustee, Jean Baptista, well known, although in his con
fession he denies his name and to be a mustee, calling himself an Indian
of the Aruaca tribe, and dyeing himself red with annotto, maliciously,
so as not to be recognized, his Honor the Commander, ordered that he be
kept secure in irons in the Castle until further orders from his Honor,
the Governor and Captain General, furnishing him the daily ration of a
dime, as the Eeverend Father Prefect refuses to admit him, on account

337
No. 388.
of the serious evils brought about among the people by the mustees
whom they have received before, and who had run away afterwards, car
rying along with them several persons of those already settled ; that in
regard to the Indians, he ordered to have them sent to said Eeverend
Father Prefect, so as to be distributed among the several settlements
under his charge, and increase the population in the way that has been
regulated ; that in regard to the part of the cargo consisting of fish, the
Eoyal Lieutenant will be in charge of the sale on account of the Eoyal
Treasury, as this is a kind of article that loses in weight and quantity.
It was so ordered, and signed before me by their Honors.

No. 389.
Verification by Juan Valdes and Lorenzo Coronado of Inventory of
Schooner and Launches seized at Barima on September 11,1760;
October 1, 1760.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 48-49.]
Don Jose Diguja Villagomes, a Colonel of the Eoyal Armies, Com
missioner of the Eoyal Expedition of Boundaries, and Captain Gen
eral of these Provinces of New Andalusia, Cumana, New Barcelona,
the Main-land and Guayana, its coasts and fortresses, Superintendent
in the same, and of the branch of crusades by the King, our Lord ; Don
Pedro Luis Martinez de Gordon y Lugo, Accomptant, and Don Antonio
de Alcala, Eoyal Official Treasurers of His Majesty, etc.:
Whereas the preceding acts refer to the seizure of a schooner, two
launches, and two curiaras (small Indian boats), made by the Lieutenant
of Infantry, Don Juan de Dios Gonzales de Flores, in the Barima Creek,
at its mouth, we have definitely ruled that the same, with the inventory
contained therein be inserted to the letter, and they are as follows :
Inventory. — On the same day, month and year [Oct. 1, 1760], incom
pliance with the above rule, their Honors went on board the vessels, lying
at anchor in this port, at the Castle of San Francisco de Asis, in order
to pass the visit of said vessels, and being on board, tha following in
ventory was made of everything found by them on board :
Firstly. One schooner, with main and foremasts, with its shrouds
without sails.
A small anchor and hemp rope.
Five barrels of salt fish.
One launch, with mast and canvas shrouds, and a round sail of coarse
cloth .
Four barrels of powdered salt.

338 No. 389.
One curiara, answering for a small boat to the washboarded launch,
six hatchets, ten short, coarse, Indian drawers, eight knives, six bundles
of beads, and an old case.
Another launch, with mast, canvas shroud and a round sail.
A small anchor, with hemp rope.
One curiara, answering for a small boat.
And having found nothing else, the inventory was finished, and their
Honors ordered the discharge of everything at the Eoyal Treasury stores ;
and in regard to the fish, the Eoyal Lieutenant Officer will find a suitable
person to sell it, keeping a regular account of the sale, and allowing the
usual commission to the agent for his trouble.
It was so ruled and provided by their Honors, signing before me, the
Notary Public.

NO. 390.
Extracts from an Account, dated February 26, 1761, of the Capueliin
missions, by Fidel de Santo, Prefect.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 269-270.]
It is true that ever since the year 1724 the Indians of the Province
of Guayana began to show some perseverance in the Catholic Faith
preached to them by the Capuchin Missionaries of Catalonia, and it
may therefore be said that their true foundation dates from that time.
Although the preaching of the Gospel in that Province was not begnn
in that year, it may be inferred from the old register of Baptisms that
trom the year 1664 various priests at different times attempted their paci
fication and conversion: such were Father Joseph Sampayo, a Domini
can, Father Manuel de la Purificacion, barefooted Friar of the Order of
Saint Augustine, the priests, Don Francisco de Eoxas, Don Miguel
Buenaventura de Angulo, Don Joseph de Figueroa, and the Prebendary
Don Andres Fernandez; the Jesuits Juan de Yergara, Dionisio Mesland,
Francisco de Mauri, and Ignacio Cano ; the Capuchins of Catalonia,
Father Angel de Mataro, and Father Pablo de Blanes.
The Jesuits solemnly renounced these Missions in favor of the two
aforesaid Capuchins and others on the authority of the Governor of
Trinidad, Don Tiburcio Arpe y Zuniga, in the year 1681, and he in
trusted them to the aforesaid Capuchins of Catalonia, being commis
sioned by the Eoyal Audiencia of Sante Fe to provide missionaries for
the Province of Guayana, as appears from the Decrees which remain in
the Government Office of Trinidad, as also the Eoyal "Cedulas" of the
7th of February, 1686, and 29th April, 1687, by which His Majesty
grants the Missions of the Provinces of Guayana to the said Catalonian

339
No. 390.
Capuchins, who took charge of them from thenceforth ; but the pov
erty, misfortunes, and many deaths among the missionaries, it being
impossible to succour them in their abandonment, or to send mission
aries to replace those who were constantly dying, were the cause of long
intervals, in which the Apostolic ministry was at a standstill and in
which all the progress made in the conversions and pacification of the
natives was lost.
* * * * * *
Eight Missions lost since the year 1724 :
1. The first Mission which was lost was Santa Maria de Yacuario in
the year 1728, which had been founded two years previously, and was
composed of 120 souls of the Pariagoto nation. The cause of its loss was
an outbreak of small-pox.
2. The second Mission lost was San Miguel de Unata, composed of
Guarauno Indians, founded in the year 1735 ; it consisted of 149 souls.
It was destroyed by the Caribs, who burnt it.
3. In the year 1740 the Mission of Payarayma was lost by the inva
sion of the English. It was composed of Arhureas, Saliba, and Guarauno
Indians, to the number of 298 souls.
4. In the year 1742 the Mission of Tipurua was lost by the rebellion
of the Asayma Indians, 115 in number.
5. In the year 1750 the Mission of Cunuri, composed of Caribs, was
lost; they rebelled and killed six Spaniards, the missionary barely es
caping. Tlie Mission was composed of 300 souls.
6. Iu the same year and day the Mission of Tupuquen, composed of
230 Caribs, was destroyed by the same cause as the two preceding— the
rebellion of the Indians— with loss of several Spaniards ; and the mis
sionary escaped miraculously, though they had already bound him
with the intention of killing him.
7. The same misfortune from the same cause was suffered by the
Mission of Cummu [? Cumamo], also composed of Caribs, to the number
of 180, in the same year 1750.
8. In the year 1758 the Mission of Terepi was also lost. The Caribs,
of whom it was composed, 48 in number, had fled the preceding year,
but were retaken, and showed signs of perseverance. They were estab
lished in the same place ; but moved by their inconstant character, they
again fled. ***** *

340 NO. 391.
Schooner and Launches seized in Barima Sept. 11, 1760, declared lawful
prize and ordered to be sold at auction; also disposition made of
parties arrested ; April 24, 1761.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 49-51.]
Final rule. — In the city of Cumana, on the twenty-fourth day of
April, seventeen hundred and sixty-one, Don Jose Diguja Villagomez,
Colonel of the Eoyal Armies, Commissioner of the Eoyal Boundary Ex
pedition, Governor and Captain General of these Provinces and of New
Andalusia, Cumana, New Barcelona, Main-land, and Guayana, their
coasts and fortresses, and in them Superintendent of the branch of Cru
sades by the King our Lord ; Don Pedro Luis Martinez de Gordon and
Lugo, accomptant, and Don Antonio de Alcala, Treasurer, and both
Officers of the same by His Majesty, alter having seen these proceedings
by Don Juan de Dios Valdes, Captain Commander, and Don Lorenzo
Coronado, Lieutenant of their Honors in the fortress of Guayana, about
the seizure effected by the Lieutenant of Infantry, Don Juan de Dios
Gonzales de Flores, of one schooner, two launches, two curiaras, and sev
eral other articles contained in their inventory, at the Barima Creek, at
its mouth, in virtue of the order and power allowed to him by said Com
mander, Don Juan de Dios Valdes, Judge General of the revenue, with
the opinion given to them by the Licenciate, Don Jose Fernando Espin
osa de los Monteros, a lawyer of the Eoyal Audience and Chancellor of
the District ; and taking everything into consideration, their Honors have
agreed to conform themselves, as they do, with the above opinion, hold
ing tbe same as good, and declaring forfeited and to be a good prize the
already mentioned schooner, two launches, two curiaras, and the other
articles, and as such belonging all to the Eoyal Treasury, to be divided
and apportioned and applied according to the law eleventh, book eighth,
title seventeenth, of the laws of Indias, and to the model sent for their
observance, with the Eoyal cedule of the nineteenth of February of the
year seventeen hundred and fifty seven, ordering that letters rogatory be
forwarded, with insertion of the inventories, and of this commission, to
said Commander and Lieutenant, so as to proceed to appoint two experts
of conscience and intelligence ; that after having accepted and being
sworn, apprize the same and bring them to public auction, after pro
claiming the sale through the public crier in the customary manner for
the term of four days consecutively, so that the sale and award to the
highest bidder or bidders be closed on the fourth day, and the proceeds
be delivered and entered, by way of deposit, in the Eoyal Treasury, and
the original acts about the same matter be forwarded to this Superior
Tribunal, with a sworn statement of the legitimate and true costs ex
pended in the seizure of said vessels and effects, in order to liquidate said

341
No. 391.
confiscation, preceded by a statement made by the present Notary Pub
lic of the costs incurred. And as the Aruaca Indians seized at the mouth
of said creek have been delivered to the Eeverend Fathers of those Mis
sions, so as to people the same and distribute them, his Honor ought to
rule, and did rule, that said Indians be kept for the above purpose in the
said Mission ; and that the mustee Jean Baptist, who, as it is very well
known, will be kept in prison until the end of this process, the said Com
mander, Don Juan de Dios Valdes, before a Notary Public of that city,
will make a summary investigation to find out his name, country, origin,
the religion he professes, the trade in which he occupies his time, and the
offences he has committed, and if he is shown to be guilty his case must
be substantiated and tried according to law, and if it turns out to be inno
cent he will be sent to the remotest Mission existing, so as to be cate
chized, and for that purpose his Honor empowers said Commander to fol
low the present instructions on separate acts, the heading of which will
be a true copy, duly authenticated, of this rule.
So was ordered and ruled as a final decision— signed before me.

No. 392.
Extracts from Notes by Jose Diguja, Governor of Cumana, to accompany
a General Hap of Cumana, and sent by him to the King of Spain,
December IS, 1761.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. I., pp. 212-215, 220-226.]

[Pp. 818-816.']
Dutch Colonies — Esquivo.
To the east, on the coast of this Province, are situated the Dutch
Colonies of Esquivo, Demerari, Bervice, Corentin, and Surinam. Ac
cording to the reports obtained by Don Juan de Dios Valdez, Commander
of the fortress of Guayana, a person of information and ability, the
Esquivo Colony consists of several sugar-cane plantations that the Hol
landers have planted for a distance of 30 leagues on the banks of the
Esquivo Eiver, beginning from its mouth, and likewise several islands
formed by said river with lands fit for plantations. The greatest part of
those plantations are of sugar-cane, with dwelling-houses and grinding
mills at a distance of about two or three leagues from each other.
The Esquivo River and continuation of details of the Colony.
The Esquivo river, from which the Colony takes its name, at its
entrance into the sea is one of the important rivers of America. The
source of its waters is to the south, and its bed diminishes in proportion

342
No. 392.
to its approximation to said source. It is navigated by launches for a
distance of about six days' journey up the place where its waters
diminish and are divided into various rapid streams, with many islands
amongst them ; and up to the present time there is no Hollander who has
ever been at its source, and the only report they hear is from the Carib
Indians, saying that its sources originate from the great lagoon of
Parima.' This river receives other very important rivers, especially those
called Mazaroni and Cuyuni, that enter together into the Esquivo, at a
distance of 8 to 10 leagues from its mouth, the reason why it is so bulky,
when it reaches the sea, where it empties its waters through five mouths,
and in every one of them with a sufficient channel for the navigation of
sloops and schooners, but not of larger vessels. In two of its islands
formed by its mouths there is a plantation in each one of them, with
several houses for negroes and Indians. Every owner has a group of
those, resembling small villages, and the same appearance is noticed at
the plantations on the river banks. On the third island, more to the
east, they have about twelve houses erected for the residence of the
Governor of that Colony, the Captain of the troop, and the Surgeon, that
of the Secretary, minding the interests of the Company, two or three
inns, two blacksmith shops, a few stores and lodgings for the negroes of
the Company, besides the church or place of worship. This small
number of houses form the only population of the Colony. On the
highest spot of the island, close to the house of the Governor, stands the
fort, Zeeland, built upon stakes on muddy ground, beaten by the river
and the sea at high water, a reason why they very often have to under
take new repairs. Besides this fort there is a horizontal battery on the
level of the water of both river and sea, with twelve pieces of artillery of
24-caliber. ******
Injuries occasioned by the Dutch Colonies, especially that of Esquivo,
in the Province of Guayana.
The Dutch Colonies are very injurious to the Province of Guayana,
especially that of Esquivo, as the nearest to the Orinoco river.
They go by this river and those of Mazaroni and Cuyuni, protected
by the Carib Indians, pillaging and capturing the Indians that are not
Caribs, from this Province, and reducing them to slavery, in the same
way as they do with the negroes, and sell them and employ them in their
plantations and farms. In order to seize them they employ every device
that tyranny and avarice can suggest, keeping in close friendship with the
Caribs, a ferocious and warlike tribe overrunning all this extensive Prov
ince and part of those of Barcelona, Caracas, and Santa Fe, in persecu
tion of other Indians, on whom the Caribs hold control, on account of
their peaceful and gentle character, being continually assaulted in their
ranches or grounds ; the old Indians are killed and the young^and the

343
No. 392.
women captured to be reduced to slavery. These incursions disturb very
frequently the Mission of the Eeverend Catalan Capuchin Fathers, not
quite so well established, enticing away their Indians who take to the
woods at the least news of the approach of the Caribs, in srjite of all steps
taken by the Missioners to stop them, in consequence of their cowardly
pusilanimous disposition, which may sometimes be overcome by the
presence of Spanish escorts in the settlement to which they resort for
protection and defence. The native Hollanders of those Colonies who
accompany the Caribs, teach them how to manage the arms, and they are
even more inhuman than the Caribs themselves, so that a close watch is
necessary to stop them and defend the Missions which they procure to
destroy in order to remove that obstacle from their Colonies, as shown in
the map. Settlements of the Guayana Province.
All this extensive Province contains no more Spanish settlement
than the fortress, known under the name of the City of Santo Tliome de
la Guayana, for although the Chief of squadron, Don Joseph de Itur
riaga, tried to establish the cities of Eeal Corona and Ciudad Eeal,
neither the one nor the other has been successful, as will be explained,
but there are sixteen settlements of Missions under the Eeverend Catalan
Capuchin Fathers, four settlements likewise of Missions under the Eev
erend Jesuit Fathers, and three more under the Eeverend Franciscan
Fathers and Missioners of Piritu.
****** [Pp. 880-886.]
Bodies of Missioners Spreading the Gospel in Guayana.
Three bodies of Missioners spread the Gospel in this Province of
Guayana. They belong to different orders, to wit : The Eeverend Catalan
Capuchin Fathers : the Eeverend Father Jesuits of the Province of Santa
Fe, and the Eeverend Observant Fathers of Piritu, under whom are the
Missions and ecclesiastical settlements of the Province of Barcelona, as
heretofore explained.
These three bodies of Missioners and the settlements under their
charge, as well as the progress obtained, will be the subject of a separate
note. Catalan Capuchin Missioners.
The Capuchins of the Catalan Kingdom keep in this Province a com
munity of Missioners, who at the expense of the Eoyal Treasury are
transported from their Province, until incorporated in this Mission ; all
those existing in it appoint their Prelate every three years, under the
name of Prefect, but neither the community nor the Prefect are subor
dinated to the Provincial Prelate of the Catalan kingdom, but to that of

344 No. 392.
the Province of Andalusia, their only Superior Prelate. This community
performs the duties of their ministry with wonderful diligence, good
order and success, without sparing labors, and due to these circum
stances are the happy progresses accomplished by the Missions in their
charge. Beginning of the Missions.
They were established in the year 1724, notwithstanding that other
Missioners had undertaken the same work before. This conclusion is
derived from the contents of a book of baptisms, showing that from the
year 1664 several other Priests at different times had tried the pacification
and reduction of these Indians, such as Father Joseph Sanpayo, a Eev
erend Father of the Dominican order, and Father Manuel de la Purifica
tion, of the Bare-footed order (descalzos) of Saint Augustine ; the Clergy
men Don Francisco de Eojas, Don Miguel de Angulo, Don Joseph de
Figueroa, and the ration canon, Don Andres Fernandez ; the Father
Jesuit Jnan de Vergara, Dionisio Mestand, Francisco de Ellauii and
Ignacio Cano, the Catalan Capuchin Father Angel de Mataro and Father
Pablo de Blanes, the Capuchins and others. The Fathers of the Com
pany made an assignment of said Missions, and the act was authorized
by the Governor of Trinidad, Don Tiburcio de Harpe y Zuniga, in the
year 1681, as shown by the Eoyal Cedule of the 7th of February, 1686,
and the 29th of April, 1687, by which His Majesty approves the assign
ment made by the Jesuits, and sends the Catalan Capuchin Fathers to
attend the Missions of the Province of Guayana. These two Cedules
are kept in the Archives of the Community. From said year 1687 they
took charge of the Missions and commenced their work, but the miseries
and deaths, without any help in their wants, were so discouraging, hav
ing nobody to replace those who died, many long interruptions of the
Apostolic ministry followed, losing at the same time whatever advance
ment had been made previously for the good of the souls and the pacifi-
tion of the natives.
In the year 1723 the Mission of Guayana was in want of Father
Missioners and without means to bring the few that might have been
obtained, for want of provisions and the necessary alms for their support;
but during that year several pious persons, especially the Missioners of
Piritu, gave and facilitated the transportation of 100 head of cattle,
which have kept on the increase and are to-day the support of the
Missions in all the extreme necessities of the Indians, for want of meat,
whenever they were to be attracted to the townships, as this element is
an inducement securing exemption from famine and want.
First Settlement in 1724.
Upon this basis, in 1724, the first Mission was founded, under the
name of Concepcion de Suay, two leagues inland from the City of

345
No. 392.
Guayana, and to-day they have planted 16, as it will be shown, going
inland about 40 leagues to the south of said city, situated at that distance
from the Mission of Avechica, as it is shown in the map.
Besides the 16 Missions existing, 8 previously settled have been lost,
on account of the misfortunes of the pestilence of smallpox and measles,
besides the invasions of the Caribs, and the hostilities of the English in
the year 1740, with the loss of over 1,000 Indians, several settlements
and their furniture.
****** The Sixteen Existing Mission Settlements.
The 16 Missions established at present are those of Capapui, Alta
gracia, Suay, Amaruca, Caroni, Arepuco, Aguacagua, Murucuri, San
Joseph de Leonisa, Guarimna, Carapu, Miamo, Guazapati, Palmar,
Avechica, and Piacoa, as shown in the map, in the corresponding state
ment of the men of arms, families, souls, houses, and churches existing
in every one of the said 16 settlements.
Men of Arms, Families, and Souls.
One thousand and eighty- one men of arms ; 1,031 families ; 4,392
souls ; 408 houses ; and three churches.
Lands of the Missions.
These Missions are most of them situated in very fertile lands, fresh,
salubrious, abounding in water and well provided of all the necessary
products fit for the maintenance of the Indians, except those of Suay,
Arepuco, Caroni, and Piacoa, that are not salubrious nor abundant in
eatables on account of their proximity to the Orinoco river and sandy
ground. The houses of all the settlements are built with symmetry in
extension and sufficiently convenient for the Indians. The three churches,
although poor, are very clean and capacious, the same as the house of
the pastor close to the church. Near the patsor's house there is a sort
of tower built of timber and mud, covered with straw, and they keep
two or three swivel guns. The tower, house and church are defended
by a round fence of stakes so as to take care of the Caribs if they do not
come in company with the Hollanders, for whom the swivel guns, if
there are experts in the population to handle them, the noise alone may
impose fear on the Caribs, who would not dare to reach the settlement
and much less the palisade defended by the tower, where the women and
children and even the Indians take refuge, in case that the enemy's
forces are superior and do not allow sufficient time for the use of arrows
in their defence. Education of the Indians.
The education of the Indians is not the same in all the settlements ;
in some of them they are not all baptized, when just taken out of the

346 No. 392.
woods, incapable of a Christian education, and only in cases of need they
are baptized, but this sacrament is administered to all their children
born in the settlement and the infants arriving from the woods.
Other Indians are already Christians, but without having forgotten
the crowd of vices so common with them, and both sexes remain
ing naked, out of their natural rusticity and habit, as well as the
impossibility to pay for clothing. The Fathers try their best to pro
vide them with iron utensils for the cultivation of their fields. In four
or five of the oldest settlements they are dressed, in keeping with the good
government of the Missioners, who gather with the greatest care and
keep an account of the casave, superabundant with them, send it to the
city of Guayana where there is a demand, and out of the proceeds buy
clothing for the people in return for their casaves. This recourse is not
available for those who are at a greater distance from the fortress, on ac
count of the cost of transportation wiping out any possibility of profit.
The Indians of these five settlements are well instructed in the Christian
doctrine and sufficiently conversant with the Castillian language. Many
of them learn music and play several instruments skilfully, and most of
them are applied to the service of the Church, where the solemn func
tions are carried out with really edifying ceremonies. Indeed, all these
Missions are proportionately well established, and governed with very
particular harmony, economy and education, so that in the visit of the
same I had nothing to observe that was not highly laudable, a reason
why, in the name of the King our Lord, the government rendered thanks
to the community, encouraging them in the continuation of their holy
ministry, as it is shown in part third of the acts of the visit to said
Missions. Reverend Fathers present at the time of the visit.
The fourteen Eeverend fathers and one layman, making in all fifteen,
were present at the time of the visit. The layman attends to the sick,
and this number is very limited, considering the amount of work they
have to perform taking care of the settlement and new conversions for
new establishments. ****** Cattle estate of the Missions.
The same certificate shows that the cattle estate of the Community
contains from 14,000 to 3 6,000 head of bovine cattle for the maintenance
of the settlements and the Missioners. The cattle has been placed on
new grounds in proportion of its increase, and to-day it is kept in the
Mission of Guarimna, where the fields and mountains are most abundant
in grass and water, in a cool climate. On account of these circumstan
ces, the multiplication of the cattle has been incredible.
High convenience of the expected help to this Community.
If His Majesty kindly assigns the payment of these alms to the Mis-

347
NO. 392.
sioners at a Eoyal Treasury's Office, where they do effectively pay,
enough to maintain 25 or 30 Fathers, allowing this Mission the bells and
ornaments established by law, and an escort of 25 to 30 men, in a very
few years a great increase should be noticed and many more, if as the
Community desires, His Majesty applies similar alms for six or eight lay
Brothers, good carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, and weavers, so as to
teach these trades to the Indians, especially weavers, of which they
might avail themselves for the use of the large amount of cotton which
they may gather, and is not fully used in the manufacture of hammocks
done by the Indians, and taking a long time and labor for want of instru
ments. These Missions are most important to the service of God and the
King. Besides the spiritual advantage obtained by the natives, they
help the fortress of Guayana with their provisions and interposition be
tween the same and the Hollanders, who by all means endeavor to enter
inland in this Province and the mouth of the Orinoco, the key to these
dominions — upon the subject of which the necessary reports are sent to
His Majesty. ****** Settlements of the Jesuits in Guayana.
Encaramada, Uruana, Carichana, and Eaudal belong to the Province
of Guayana, although they have been established and reared by the
Jesuit Fathers. The four settlements are very poorly situated, on ac
count of the sandy ground and little fertility of the banks of the Ori
noco, and on account of its proximity they are not salubrious ; but the
necessity of temporizing with the Indians who are settled in them does
not allow, for the present, anything better.
The distance of these settlements from the communication and treat
ment of the Spaniards keep them totally ignorant of the Castillian
language, but they are in everything else well instructed with that pro
fusion of the Missioners, as far as permitted by the recent date of these
four Missions.

No. 393.
Notes by Francisco Antonio Moreno Escandon, relating to Map of the
Viceroyalty of Santa Fe, drawn by Juan Aparicio in 1762.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 258-259.]
The statistical particulars that are on the margin of the map of the
Government of Cumana, drawn by Juan Aparicio in 1762. The said
statistics show the actual position of the cities, towns, posts, and other

348 No. 393.
places of the Spaniards, learned foundations, Missions of the Indians,
number of men capable of bearing arms, families, individuals, houses,
farms, churches, contributions of the Indians.

* *

[The said map is to accompany " the Eeports of the visit made by
the present Governor, Colonel Don Joseph [Diguja] Villagomez."]

Men

Missions in the Charge o£ the Eeverend Fathers
the Catalonian Capuchins of Guayana.
capable of
bearing Arms.
Families.
Souls.
Houses.
Planta tions.
Churches
Of Capapui
159
1B9
634
97
1
" Alta Gracia
122
122
4H9
86
1
" Suay
72
72
224
51
1
" Amaruca
65
65
230
,,
a
' ' Caroni
60
60
225
34
<o
" Aripuco
42
2
K
" Aguacaua
21
_9
87
12
_
a
o
" Murucuri
70
70
329
" S. Jph. de Leonisa
103
66
271
20
" Guarimna
60
60
219
'3
" Carapu
71
62
291
i
" Miamo
147
146
517
64
" Guaseipati
310
24
" Palmar
99
98
350
" Ave-Chica
191
18
" Piacoa
33
32
73
[Note. — Column of reference to folios omitted.]
The foregoing Tables are taken from the respective part of the folios
and Eeports that are mentioned, and are transmitted to His Majesty the
King in Eoyal and Supreme Council of the Indies.
No. 394.
Extracts from Report of Jose Diguja, Governor of Cumana, to the King
of Spain, December 15, 1763.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 1, pp. 7, 18-22, 45-49, 53, 84-85,
95, 98-99, 106, 112-113, 166-167, 198-199.]
[P. 7.]
2. The Eoyal Order, issued at Aranjuez on May 27, 1762, contains
several instructions, the most important of which refers to the decision
which His Majesty was pleased to make in regard to the city of Guayana.
His Majesty directed the said city to be moved and transferred to a place
called La Angostura, 34 leagues above the Castle, where the Orinoco
has a width of only 800 yards. But I, after having given to this grave
349
NO. 394.
subject, as to all the others of the said Eoyal Order, the most serious
attention, have acquired the conviction that said moving will be attended
by irreparable injury to our Holy religion, to the service of the two Maj
esties, to the Eoyal Treasury, and to the inhabitants of those countries.
1 am fully aware of the fact that insuperable difficulties will have to be en
countered in the execution of the said Eoyal Order, and that even with
out counting these difficulties, not less than 25 or 30 years, and three or
four hundred thousand dollars, shall be necessary to carry the whole
plan into effect, sacrificing many lives, and causing all these Provinces
to be at the mercy of the enemies of the Eoyal Crown. I feel, therefore,
that it is my duty, as a loyal subject, and as Governor of these
Provinces, to take advantage of the authority granted by Law 24, Title
1, Book 2, and request His Majesty, with all due respect and assurances
of obedience, to be pleased to reconsider the subject, and direct the exe
cution of the said Eoyal order to be suspended until His Majesty, upon
further investigation, might be pleased to decide as proper.
TV T& •K TV TV TV
[Pp. 18-88.]
12. All my predecessors, from Don Gregorio de Espinosa down, were
particular in taking measures to insure the safety and proper develop
ment of these Provinces. As for myself, I can say that the steps I have
taken, after my general visit, specially for the good government and the
proper treatment of the Indians, have not been few. To remedy the evil
effects of intoxication in the Caribbean Missions on the banks of the
Orinoco, I gave the local authorities of Barcelona, Aragua, Pao, and
Guayana such instructions as were deemed necessary to secure their ap
pearance in the respective places of their territory, as soon as some dis
turbance occurred. I also made arrangements by virtue of which the
said local authorities, and all other officials of the Government, were en
abled to assist each other whenever necessary. All of this will appear
from the elaborate statement of the General Eesults of my visit, sub
mitted by me to His Majesty through his Eoyal and Supreme Council of
the Indies. The fact is, that owing to these measures taken by myself,
and to those which my predecessors had taken during their respective
terms of office, communication can now be had without risk between all
places of the territory, whether on the plains or in the mountains,
belonging to the Provinces under my command. Any man can now go
alone to Guayana, and come back, without fear of molestation of any
kind. Twenty years ago no man could think of making such a journey
without a strong escort. No foreigner, allied to the Caribbean Indians,
is now seen in the country; nor can any Caribbean Indian himself be
seen outside the [owns. The same safety is to be noticed in the com
munication by water. The navigation along the sea coast, through

350 No. 394.
Golfo Triste, the mouths of the Orinoco, and up the river, is freely
made, and those engaged in this business can go and come without dis
turbance. There are excellent pilots, perfectly well acquainted with
every locality in the whole Northern Coast, the Guarapiche Eiver, the
Channels of Santa Isabel, Teresen, and Coiguar, the Coast of Paria, and
the Labyrinth of the mouths of the Orinoco.
13. At the time of my visit there were in the Province of Barcelona
121 ranches, which, according to the statements of their owners, contained
from fifty to fifty-five thousand head of cattle. This secured for the
Province a revenue of 25 or 30 dollars per year, as shown in note No. 13
of the Book of Notes. The number of ranches is becoming every day
larger and larger ; and this fact, the abundance of cattle, and the in
crease of the number of Indians who become civilized and devote them
selves to the cultivation of the lands, have rendered the capital of Bar
celona four times better and more advanced in every respect than it was
in 1720. Now, as far as the comfort of the inhabitants is concerned, the
said capital is the best city in this'Government.
14. The same increase in the number of houses, population and
wealth of the inhabitants which has been noticed in the capital of Barce
lona, has also been noticed in the capital of Cumana and in all other
cities and towns of this Government.

1. It cannot be doubted that the repeated measures, more or
active, taken by my predecessors, have caused the very noticeable devel
opment of the cities and towns of this Government ; the exploration of
the vast territories which pertain to it ; the pacification of the Indians
who inhabited its mountains and forests, and are now reduced to live in
proper settlements the life of civilization ; the expulsion of those for
eigners who, in union with the Indians, overran these Provinces and har
assed their inhabitants with the intent of establishing themselves in
their territory ; the discovery, safety and good arrangements of the road
ta Guayana, which facilitates the communication with that place ; and,
as a consequence of all these facts, the occupation and settlement of
those hitherto unexplored Provinces and vast territories by Spanish peo
ple, who formerly had been compelled to live in the arid and barren
lands which lie in close vicinity with the establishments on the coast.
None of these measures, however, would have amounted to anything, if
their execution had not been secured and fostered as it was by the mis
sionary bodies, engaged in the evangelization of the Provinces of
Cumana and Barcelona, namely : The Aragonese Capucins in Cumana,
as explained in Note No. 4, and the Franciscans of Piritu in Barcelona,
as explained in Notes No. 7 and No. 10. The territory in which their
missionary work is done is marked in the General Map.
******

351
No. 394.
Lately, when reporting the results of my general visit, I called his
Majesty's attention to the present needs of the two missionary bodies
above named, and also to the needs of the other body of Catalonian
Capucins of the Province of Gaayana.
******
The fact is acknowledged that the missionary work is no longer
carried out with as much Zealand efficiency as in former times, or as it is
now carried out in Guayana by the Catalonian Capuchins.
******
4. These two missionary bodies are certainly the cause of the pacifi
cation of these provinces. With no little difficulty, and incurring grave
risks, they have subdued the Indians, and succeeded in establishing 79
Indian villages, the town of Aragua, and the settlement of El Pao. , In
the villages aforesaid they have congregated from 26,000 to 27,000 natives,
most of whom have been converted to our holy religion. In the Carib
bean villages of the neighborhood of the Orinoco, where there are no
missionaries to attend to the education of the inhabitants, or where the
missionaries, if any, sent there have not been given such an escort as was
necessary to their protection, heathenism still prevails. The inhabitants
are baptized only in case of necessity, but they do not refuse this Holy
Sacrament to be administered to them, when in condition to receive it, or
to their infant children.
* * * * *
[Pp. 45-49.]
1. As the Aragonese Capucins and the Franciscan Fathers of Piritu
pacified the Provinces of Cumana and Barcelona where they are engaged
in evangelical labors, they having been instrumental to the settlement by
Spanish people of the vast territories of said Provinces, and to the found
ation of the town of Aragua and the villages of Concepcion del Pao, Eio
Caribe and Carupano, as stated in the proper place, so also the Catalonian
Capucins of the Province of Guayana, pacified its Indians; reduced to
subjection a great number of them ; prevented the Dutch from settling in
the interior of the Province ; assisted the Presidio and city of Santo
Thome ; caused things there to have reached the state in which they are
now ; closed the Orinoco to the inhuman commerce of the Caribbean
Indians and of the Dutch ; prevented the latter as well as other foreigners
from running through the country freely, as they used to do in former
times in the Provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas, Varinas and
Santa Fe; did what never could have been done before in spite of the
measures taken ever since 1694 ; caused the Presidio to be a serious
establishment ; improved the fortifications of the same ; secured thereby
the settlement and population of the Province ; established in Guayana
sixteen Missions; and founded, eight leagues towards the interior, the

352 No. 394.
new town of San Antonio de Upata, which will hereafter secure respect
to those places.
* * * * *
I said that in the year above-mentioned, those Fathers founded a
Mission, which was the first, and which they named " La Concepcion del
Suay." I also stated that at the time of my visit the number of the Mis
sions founded by themhad grown up to sixteen, without counting eight
more, which had been founded during the same intervening period, but
had been disorganized and disbanded. And I gave furthermore a detailed
explanation of the condition in which the said Missions were at the time
of my visit, and of the causes which had produced the loss of the estab
lishments of the same kind which had been ruined.
* * * * *
4. The growth of the Presidio and the fact that its establishment has
become day by day more permanent and important, have permitted it to
provide the missionaries with such escort as they needed to continue
their explorations southwards, and found, among others, such villages
as El Hato, El Yuruario and Ave Chica, the latter at about 40 or 45
leagues from the Presidio, all of them on the banks of rivers which
empty into the Cuyuni, as can be seen in the General Map. By means
of these Missions, serving as advance posts, the Dutch and their assist
ants, the Caribbean Indians, have been prevented, to a great extent,
from reaching the interior of the country through the Cuyuni and the
Mazaroni Eivers, committing acts of hostility, kidnapping Indians, not
belonging to the Caribbean tribe, and starting some settlements of their
own in the center of this Province. Several expeditions, the last of
which was organized in 1758, have been fitted out, at diverse periods, to
frustrate those invasions. The expedition last mentioned succeeded, as
before stated, in possessing itself of the fortified place which the invaders
had built on the banks of the Cuyuni Eiver, which fact had been reported
by the missionaries, upon information furnished them by the Indians
inhabiting villages in the neighborhood of said river.
*****
7. The provisions with which the Presidio is daily supplied consist
of casabe, corn, rice, fruit and poultry. All the soap consumed at the
Presidio is also given to it. But all of this is furnished, not by all the
villages, but only by four or five out of their number, which are sur
rounded by fertile lands, and are inhabited by Indians already civilized
and educated, whose effects are managed by the missionaries with great
order and economy. These natives are, therefore, well dressed and
supplied with everything necessary, including tools and implements for
agricultural and other purposes. Some other Missions might be able to
do the same as the five just referred to, because of their enjoying identical
advantages as to the fertility of the land; but so far they are prevented

363
No. 394.
from contributing, as explained, owing to the recent date of their found
ation, to the fact that the Indians who have settled in them are not as
yet fully accustomed to work, to the great distance which separates them
from the Presidio, which, together with the difficulty of communication,
increases the cost of transportation, and deters the Presidio from looking
to them for its supplies, except in cases of extreme necessity.
8. The Missions in the neighborhood of the Orinoco can not furnish
anything to the Presidio, owing to their being located on sandy ground,
of no fertility at all, and to the fact that their inhabitants, as I have said
in note No. 10, above cited, are rather fishermen than agriculturists.
***** [P. 53.]
3. I said then : that the defences {Presidio) and City of Santo Thome
are situated at eight degrees seventeen minutes north latitude and three
hundred and fourteen degrees seventeen minutes and a half longitude.
I have nothing lo add on this point. I said likewise that it was the
capital and only settlement of this unknown Province; not consider
ing as cities those of Eeal Corona and Ciudad Eeal, for the reasons I ex
posed in the last chapters of the ninth and tenth notes, and here I will
show likewise that after said visit, and without any cost to the King, the
new population of San Antonio of Upata has been founded, being situ
ated inland, at a distance of eight leagues from the fortress and between
the Missions of Alta Gracia and Copapui, as shown by the general map,
that I will explain in due time.
***** [Pp. 84-85.]
1. The more or less estimation of a settled place is regulated by the
commerce and wealth it contains, its strength, extent, and usefulness of
the territory defended. Those are the reasons that recommend Havana
and Yera Cruz, without controversy, the most important held by the
King in America.
2. The fortress of Guayana has no claim to any estimation by its con
tents, as they are miserable, as shown by the exposition of the preceding
chapters, being of considerable more value in this respect the fortresses
of Carthagena, Panama, La Guaira, Puerto Cabello, Buenos Aires, and
all the rest held by His Majesty, with the exception of Puerto Bello, with
which Guayana may be compared.
3. The stronghold of the garrison can not be taken into consideration
at present, although the castle of San Francisco, in point of situation, re
sistance of its walls, difficulty for an attack and other circumstances ex
plained in the foregoing chapter is a somewhat regular fortification, be
comes useless by the want of defence of the Padrastro, from where a
dozen muskets may surrender it, as has been already stated.

354 No. 394.
4. On account of the extent and value defended by the fortress, no
other of the many held by the King, except Vera Cruz, can compete
with it, because all the other fortresses protect ports, but do not prevent
the landing on the coast nor the entrance of the enemies, introducing
their commerce in diverse Provinces more or less indefensible. On the
contrary, the fortress of Guayana is the key to the defence of its own
Province and those of Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas, Barinas, Santa Fe,
Popayan and Quito, countries under the control and traffic facilities of the
grand Orinoco Eiver, having no other defended or fortified place so ad
vantageously situated as this fortress is to-day. If it is abandoned or
lost, the nation holding it might control freely said Provinces and that
of Guayana. The enemy could never succeed in doing so while the fort
ress is held and well fortified.
* * * * * *
[P. 95.]
30. And in reference to the greater utility and preference which I give
to the fortress of Guayana over all the other fortresses kept by the King
in America, I do not say so without being well posted, for I have seen at
the South Pacific those of Valdivia, Conception and Valparaiso in Chile,
and those of Callao, and I have a sufficient notice of what are those of
Panama, Acapulco and Sonsonate. On the Atlantic I have seen those of
Buenos Ayres, Montevideo, Carthagena, La Havana and Cumana, at
present in my charge, and I have a fair knowledge of those of La Guaira,
Puerto Cabello, Maracaibo, Puerto Bello and the Windward Islands, and
taking all in all, I have come to the conclusion that none could bring as
great loss as that of the fortress of Guayana, and that if the enemies
would take it, their possession would be far more valuable than that of
Sacramento, held by the Portuguese on the La Plata Eiver, which I have
likewise seen, and 1 know in what its commerce consists.
* * * * * s ;
[Pp. 98-99.]
8. The situation of the city of Guayana is in the best place, and as
well ventilated as that place permits.
******
9. The population has not only 450 persons, including the troops, as
they have informed His Majesty, but 535, as shown in my first part,
Chapter 9, No. 91.
******
12. His Majesty has not been informed with more accuracy in regard
to the garrison of said castle, as it does not consist of one Castillian cap
tain, one lieutenant, two standard bearers, and 100 men, but one Castil
lian captain, one lieutenant, two standard bearers, one constable, one
chaplain, two sergeants of fusileers, two corporals, 12 artillery men, one

355
No. 394.
drummer, and 77 soldiers, making in all 100 men, who receive salaries
and are employed, according to my exposition, in the first part of Chap
ter 9, No. 89.
****** [P. 106.]
27. In the year 1541, according to Father Gumilla, folio 8 of the
" Orinoco Illustrado," the first Spaniards were located in the Orinoco
Eiver. For their first establishment the Angostura was not selected nor
the Island of Fajardo, nor Guayana, it was the mouth of the Caroni
Eiver, marked in the accompanying map, undoubtedly for the want of
knowledge of the river and its more advantageous grounds. They sub
sisted in their first settlement until the year 1579, when the Hollanders
destroyed it by fire, its inhabitants already familiar with the Orinoco,
setting aside Angostura and the Island of Fajardo, were located 7 leagues
below, from there, in that gorge of said river, where for the second time
the breadth of the water is reduced to 1,400 or 1,500 yards, and there
they founded the city of Santo Thome of the Guayana, and as they found
it possible, they fortified the rock that forms to-day the Castle of San
Francisco, the ground of which is so hard, and they kept it, until the
year 1720, with Constance, exposed to destitution, as shown in Chapter
6, No. 1.
****** [Pp. 118-113.]
50. Evident as it is by the contents of Chapters 2 and 7 that the tran
quility of said Provinces, most of them inhabited by Indians, except the
unknown parts of the Guayana, has been secured, and the Caribs are
bringing no more trouble, except once, and then on account of intoxica
tion. From said Caribs several settlements have been established in the
Province of Barcelona under the Father Observants of Piritu. The same
thing has been done in the Province of Guayana, under the Catalan Ca
puchins, where the gentiles and inhabitants are in the vicinity of the
Dutch Colonies, shown in the general map, and in fear, and discouraged
from entering into the Orinoco, nor in the Province of Guayana, but very
seldom and with the utmost precautions. The care taken with them
leads to their withdrawal, and facilitates the work of the Catalan Capu
chin Missioners, as shown in Chapter 8, followed likewise by the estab
lishment of the new settlement of San Antonio de Upata, as shown in
Chapter 9, Nos. 101 to 105.
51. That in none of said Provinces are noticed at present any foreign
ers going around as enemies, nor inducing the Carib Indians to hostili
ties, except the Hollanders, their allies, who purchase from them all the
Indians that are not Caribs. There are no foreigners navigating the Ori
noco, that is above Guayana, for at their mouth and in the neighborhood
of said fortress they do so freely, but without being able to land, in any

356 No. 394.
of the above quoted Provinces, nor do any more trade than the fortress
allows, and within the terms exposed in my note 13,of my memorandum of
news, and without said condescendance, nothing at all can be done, as
the remedy to this short and despicable injury will be exposed on the
third part. There is no case of foreigners travelling through the Orinoco
since 1746, except the case of a Frenchman, called Ignace, a great expert,
who navigated the Orinoco in the year 1752, up to the mouth of the
Apure Eiver, where he took a stand, as shown on the back of folios 84 to
86 of the accompanying proceedings, but his vessels were seized then, and
on two other occasions in which he tried to do the same ; and being thus
undeceived and rich in troubles and misfortunes, he desisted from un
dertaking similar enterprizes, and no other persons have been willing to
try the experiment of like misfortunes, imitating said Frenchman Ignace.
All these facts are true, and subject to no contradiction. It is likewise a
fact that, during the tranquility of these Provinces, several settlements
of Spaniards and natives have been established in the plains of Caracas
and Barcelona, and the fields contain now large herds of cattle, yielding
positive advantages and profits to all the inhabitants, as shown by Chap
ter 2, Nos. 11 to 14.
52. The pacification and settlements of the Indians of this Province is
due to my predecessors and to the bodies of Missioners spreading the
Gospel throughout, as stated in all of the Chapters 3 to 8.
****** [Pp. 166-167.]
126. The Mission of Suay is situated 2J leagues to the south of the
Guayana fortress, has no cattle, and, as the rest of them, in charge of the
Catalan Capuchins, is supplied from the cattle estate known as the prop
erty of the Mission, situated 50 leagues inland, as I have already stated.
It draws its subsistence from their farms in poor lands, such as those of
Piacoa, Aripuco, Caroni, and Aguacagua, that do not render any help in
the way of provisions to the fortress. It is the oldest settlement, and
was founded in the year 1724, as shown by Chapter 8, No. 2. Their
natives are smart and well educated. It is one of the three Missions
where to the present time they have not been able to build a church.
Their municipal house is held by the community, with a library and the
archives. They have a good jail and hospitium for the inland Indians
bringing provisions to Guayana by way of said Mission. From there
they go to the city and leave their loads in the hands of the Syndic, re
turning on the same day to Suay. If this settlement is removed the
communication and commerce with the inland Missions will suffer a seri
ous interruption, as the nearest stopping place at the south, through
which the city is supplied, is that of Alta Gracia at a distance of 10
leagues from the fortress.

357
No. 394.
[Pp. 198-199.]
1. I have shown in Chapter 3 of part first, that although the bodies of
Missions spreading the Gospel through the Provinces of Cumana and
Barcelona have been always in want of more Missioners to make up their
corresponding numbers, and deprived of sufficient alms for their subsist
ence and ornaments, images and bells for their Churches in their new
settlements, without sufficient escorts to keep and improve them, it is
due to them the pacification of these vast Provinces and the establish
ment of sixty-nine townships, containing from 26,000 to 27,000 Indians ;
and the village of Aragua, the settlement of Pao, Eio Caribe and Caru
pano of the Spaniards, besides other improvements known and already
explained, that without these bodies of Missioners should have ren
dered useless all the measures of the Governors on the subject.
In Chapter 8, I have explained that to the Mission of the Catalan
Capuchins, spreading the Gospel in the Province of Guayana, is due the
establishment of 24 settlements, although only 16 are now in existence.
The fortress of Guayana has been formed and brought up to its present
condition, which could never have been obtained or subsisted without
the help of the Missions, and lately the establishment of San Antonio
de Upata is due to said Mission. In consequence of my general visit, I
submitted to His Majesty the condition ofthese bodies of Missions, their
wants, and the abuses introduced, making impossible the collection of
the alms assigned to them ; the necessity of more Missioners as well as
ornaments, images and bells for the new settlements, and sufficient es
corts for the protection of those established already and the future
settlements. The great convenience to the Eoyal service for the safety
of those extensive dominions and the spiritual benefit of so many poor
Indians spread throughout them, require the support of these bodies of
Missions and their progress, going farther inland through the extensive
Province of Guayana, as shown by the copies of said communications
and other documents therein quoted at folio 247 of the proceedings ac
companying the present report. * * * *

No. 395.
Extract from letter from Fray Joseph de Guardia, Prefect of the Ca
puchin missions in Guayana, to Fray Estevan de Olod, Provincial of
the Capuchins, on the State ot the Mission of Guayana ; June 20, 1765.
[Translated from copy printed in Strickland (Rev . Joseph S. J). The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896, A-ppendix 1, pp. 9-10.]

We shall not be long in having again to ask for Friars, as those who

358 NO. 395.
lately came over, will soon be employed. We have three new Missions
to provide with Fathers, namely, la Soledad del Cavallapi, San Eay-
mundo de Caravaxi, and San Felix de Villacova, besides these there are
two others begun, devoted to female Caribs, one in charge of Eev. Father
Benito de la Garriga, and the other in charge of Father Alexos de Vil-
lajar ; another of Arawaks in charge of Father Buenaventura de
Santa Coloma ; another of Guaycas in charge of Father Thomas de San
Pedro ; another for Guarano Indians, in care of Father Manuel de
Greixana ; another for Cachiricotos, in charge of Father Eaymundo de
Olod, and another of Pariagotos, in charge of Father Mariano de
Sabadel. These Pariagotos we took out of the Cupapuy Mission, which,
on account of its numbering nearly 800 souls, cannot be well attended to,
nor instructed in our Holy Catholic Faith, and we put them in a place
shut in by the Carony river which serves us as a stopping place for a great
number of Nations. All these incipient Missions, within a year and a
half at most, will have to be provided with Priests. Whence you will
infer that it will not be long before we are all occupied, and there will
not be enough.

No. 396.
Seizures from the Dutch at Barima in 1768, by Francisco Cierto, Captain
of Pioneers.
Order for sale, Apr. 9, 1768  359
Notice of sale, Apr. 11, 1768  ,359
Sale, Apr. 14, 1768  360
Declaration of F. Cierto as to seizure, Apr. 18, 1768  360
Declaration of M. Cubas as to seizure, Apr. 18, 1768  361
Declaration of J. F. Eodriguez as to seizure, Apr. 18, 1768  362
Declaration of J. G. Gomes " " Apr. 18, 1768. .363
Proceeeds of sale forfeited to Eoyal Treasury, Apr. 19, 1768  364
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No, 3, pp. 274-279.]
In the year 1768. Copy of the "Autos " made on the seizure of the
utensils and implements, taken from the Dutch foreigners in the Creek
of Barima by the Captain of Pioneers, Don Francisco Cierto.
A list of the effects which Don Francisco Cierto has on this day deliv
ered to this Eoyal warehouse under my charge, and which are as
follows : * * *
So that the effects enumerated above are the same which are under
my charge to await the disposalof the Commandant-General. And for
its validity I have signed it in this city of Guayana on the 11th February,
1768, __

359
No. 396.
" Auto'''' ordering the sale of the effects.
In this City of Guayana on the 9th of April, 1768 ; We, Don
Manuel Centurion Guerrero de Torres, Captain of the Eoyal Artillery
Corps, Commandant-General of this Province, and Don Andres de Oleaga,
Eoyal Accountant therein ; having seen the entries contained in the fore
going Inventory of articles which the coa^t guard vessels of this said
Province under the Captain of the Company of Pioneers, Don Francisco
Cierto, seized in the Creek of Barima from the Foreigners who had estab
lished themselves clandestinely in the said Creek, for trade and exporta
tion of woods and other products. Wherefore we had to order and do
order that, being for the greater part spoiled from exposure to damp,
they be sold by public sale without delay, being first valued and cried,
in order to place the amount produced in the Eoyal " Contaduria " ; and
therefore that the declarations of the said Captain of Pioneers and others
of the crew be taken as required. For all which, and in order that they
may not further decrease in value, we appoint as Third Valuers, Estevan
Arnaud, Master-Blacksmith, and Diego Marino, of the " Plateria,"
inhabitants of this city, to whom the present witnesses, with whom we
are acting for want of a Notary, shall communicate this order, so that
each one for himself may undertake to execute faithfully the office with
which they are entrusted. And in like manner they shall summon the
said Captain Cierto to be present at the act of valuation, and at whatso
ever else may be required until the sale. And by this "Auto" which
we have drawn up we thus command and sign, together with the afore
said witnesses, on ordinary paper, stamped paper not being current,
whereunto we certify.

First Notice [of Sale].
On the 11th day of the Month of April, 1768: I, Don Andres de
Olega, Eoyal Accountant of this Province :
Being with the undersigned Witnesses in the chief door of this Eoyal
Contaduria which opens into the street, about four o'clock in the after
noon, I ordered that by the voice of Francisco Moreno, a slave who acts
as crier in default of a regular one, the first announcement should be
given of the goods and utensils contained in the foregoing valuation,
which are the same that were seized by the Captain of the Pioneer Corps,
Don Francisco Cierto, by means of the revenue vessels and men under
his command, from the foreigners clandestinely settled for commerce and
traffic in the Creek called the Creek of Barima, Jurisdiction of this
Province ; and although the announcement was repeated several times in
a loud voice by the same crier, no bidder appeared, and consequently it

360 No. 396.
was ended until the morrow : and in token I have signed it with the said
witnesses, whereunto I certify.

Sale.
In this City of Guayana on the 14th April, 1768. We, Don Manuel
Centurion Guerrero de Torres, Captain of the Eoyal Artillery Corps,
Commandant-General of this Province ; and Don Andres de Oleaga,
Proprietor, Eoyal _\.ccountant, constituting a tribunal therein, at the
principal door of this Eoyal Contaduria which opens into the public
Eoad, and accompanied by the witnesses with whom we act in default of
a Notary, in order to make a sale and auction of the implements and
other utensils and articles which are entered in these "Autos" and
which have been valued by intelligent and conscientious persons, do
command that by the voice of Francisco Moreno, a slave who fills the
office of crier in default of a regular one, an announcement be made ;
stating the implements, utensils and other things which were seized from
the foreigners who were clandestinely settled in the Creek of Barima,
Jurisdiction of this Province, for the purpose of exporting woods and
other products ; and the articles valued are a clock at 35 dollars, a grind
stone at 6 dollars * * *

[The same articles enumerated again for sale, and again as sold or re
served ; with names of purchasers and prices given.]
And the amount of the said items was paid at once and each [buyer
paid] separately in current money, and I, the said accountant, received
the said moneys into the Eoyal Contaduria from the said auctioneers,
wherewith I am content ; and the said moneys were given against deliv
eries of the articles specified ; and in this same act we, the said Com
mandant General and Accountant, caused to appear before us Nicolas
Martinez, Constable and Warehouse Keeper of this Fortress, whom we
ordered to take under his charge, in his said warehouse, the articles
ordered to be reserved for His Majesty's Service, which are a grindstone,
two slates, &c. * * *
And the said Warehouse Keeper took them into his charge and under
took to give due account of them whensoever it might be demanded, and
has signed this, together with us the auctioneers and witnesses, who act
in default of a Notary ; whereunto we certify.
Declaration of First Witness, Francisco Cierto.
On the 18th April, 1768: We, Don Manuel Centurion Guerrero

361
No. 396.
de Torres, Captain of the Eoyal Artillery Corps, Commandant-General
of this city of Guayana and its province, and Don Andres de Oleaga,
sole Eoyal Accountant therein ; in continuation of what we have ordered
in the "Auto" made on the 9th of the current month, being in the
tribunal of this command, have caused to appear before us Don Fran
cisco Cierto, Captain of the Company of Pioneers, and consequently of
the Coast Guard which protects the ports of this said Pre vi nee, who
was admitted upon oath which he made by God our Lord and a sign
of the Cross, under obligation whereof he promised to God and the
King to tell the truth so far as he might know and might be asked, and
having been questioned according to the tenor of the foregoing and
above mentioned "Auto," he declared : That the Commandant-General
there present having received information that in the Creek called the
Creek of Barima, which is close to the great mouth of the Eiver Orinoco
and falls into it, sundry Dutch families were established, despatched
him with instructions to warn them once, twice and thrice to quit the
whole of that territory because it belonged to the said Province, in virtue
whereof the Declarant went in his vessel, with another accompanying
him, in search of the said Creek, and having arrived at the mouth he
saw several Indians of the Carib nation, and these, before the Declarant
could reach the establishments and farms of the said foreigners, gave
them intelligence, and thereupon they took to flight without giving an
opportunity for the notification ; and they only found the deserted
houses and the effects, implements and utensils contained in the
inventory, which they put on board the two vessels and then set fire to
the said houses, in order that they should not form settlements in future,
and destroyed the farms as far as they possibly could. And this is all
that happened, and that he can declare under obligation of the oath
which he has made, wherein it is affirmed and ratified, and if necessary
he will repeat it, and he is 47 years of age, more or less, and has signed
this with ns, the Commandant-General and Accountant, and with the
Witnesses, with whom we are acting in default of a Notary, on ordinary
paper, because stamped paper is not current, whereunto we certify.
Declaration of Second Witness, Manuel Cubas.
On the same day, month, and year [Apr. 18, 1768] : We, the Command
ant-General and Accountant, caused to appear in this same
tribunal Manuel Cubas, Mariner of the Coastguard Vessel of
this Province, in order to take his declaration, whom we admitted
upon oath which he made by God our Lord, and a sign of
the Cross, under obligation whereof he promised to God and
the King to tell the truth in what he might know and might be
asked; and having been questioned according to the tenor of the foregoing
"Auto," he declared: That having gone, as Mariner, down the river in the
Coastguard Vessel, under orders of the Captain of the Company of

362No. 396.
Pioneers, Don Francisco Cierto, without any knowledge of whither they
were going, upon arriving at the mouth of the Creek of Barima, which falls
into the Eiver Orinoco close to the great mouth, they made a stop, and
the said Captain told them that on behalf of the Commandant-General
present he was under orders to give warning once, twice, and thrice to
the foreigners settled in the said Creek to quit it, seeing that it is
territory belonging to this said Province, and no stranger is permitted to
settle there ; and while this took place they saw a body of Carib Indians.
who at once gave intelligence to the said foreigners, for when the
Declarant and the others reached the place they did not find a single
person, but only deserted houses and the implements shown in the
Inventory, which implements they took on board, and afterwards set
fire to the said houses and likewise destroyed the farms as far as they
could ; and having performed these duties they returned immediately
up the Orinoco and anchored at the Fortress of old Guayana. And this
is all that occurred, and that he can declare under obligation of the oath
which he has taken, wherein it is affirmed and ratified, and if necessary
he will repeat it, and he is about 21 years of age, and has signed it with
us, the Commandant-General and Accountant, and the Witnesses with
whom we act in default of a Notary, on ordinary paper, because stamped
paper is not current, whereunto we certify.
Declaration of Third Witness, Juan Francisco Rodriguez.
On the same day [Apr. 18, 1768], for the certification of that which we haye
commanded in the foregoing "Auto ;" we, the Com mandant -General and
Accountant, caused to appear in this tribunal Juan Francisco Eodrignez,
Seaman of the Coastguard Vessel, who was admitted upon oath which
he made by God our Lord and a sign of the Cross, under obligation
whereof he promised to tell the truth concerning what he might know
and might be asked; and upon being questioned according to the
tenor of the foregoing "Auto," he said : That as one of the crew of the
Coastguard Vessel under the Captain of the Company of Pioneers, Don
Francisco Cierto, he went therein down the Orinoco, withont knowing
whither they were bound, and as soon as they reached the Mouth of
Barima, which falls into the said Orinoco close to its great mouth, the
said Captain made them a long speech, saying that he was under special
orders and instructions from the Commandant-General present to give
warning once, twice, and thrice to the foreigners who were settled in the
said Creek of Baiima, lhat they should depart immediately, as it was
not permitted to establish any Colony in this Province ; and being ready
to enter the said Creek they saw a canoe of Carib Indians going before
them to give intelligence to the said foreigners, who in consequence of
the intimation they received completely abandoned their houses and left
the implements contained in the inventory ; and when the Declarant and

363
No. 396.
the others reached the dwellings they did not find anyone, and conse
quently they only remained a short time in order to take on board the
said implements and to set. fire to the houses, and directly they had done
it they turned and went out of the said Barima into the Orinoco and
came to the fortified settlement of old Guayana. And this is all that
happened, and that he can declare under obligation of the oath which he
has made, wherein it is affirmed and ratified, and if necessary he promises
to repeat it, and he is about 25 years of age, and has not signed it
because he said that he did not know how to do so ; we, the said Com
mandant-General and Accountant, have signed this, together with the
witnesses, with whom we are acting in default of a Notary, whereunto we
thus certify. Declaration of Fourth Witness, Joseph Gregorio Gomes.
And on the same day [Apr. 18, 1768], We, the said Commandant-
General and Accountant, did, for the same purpose, cause to
appear Joseph Gregorio Gomes, one of the crew of the Coastguard
Vessel of this Province, who was admitted upon oath which he
made by God our Lord and a sign of the cross, under obligation
whereof he promised to tell the truth in whatsoever he might
know and might be asked, and having been questioned according to the
foregoing " Auto," he said : That having gone in the cruiser of this
Province under Captain Don Francisco Cierto without knowing whither
they were bound, as soon as they approached the mouth of the Creek of
Barima, which falls into the Eiver Orinoco, the said Captain ordered
them to stop, and making a long speech to the Declarant and the others,
told them that, by special command of the Commandant-General present
he was to give warning once, twice, and thrice to the foreigners settled
within the said Creek of Barima, to quit the whole of that territory ; and
during this speech they saw a canoe rowed by Carib Indians, which was
going up at full speed to give them intelligence, and in consequence of
this intimation they all took to flight without leaving a single person ;
for when they arrived at the dwellings they only found the cabins
deserted and the implements left behind, which implements they brougt
back, as shown in their inventory inserted in these "Autos" ; wherefore
they only stayed for the short time necessary to burn the said houses
and to put the implements on board, and having performed this duty
they returned to the fortified settlement of Guayana. And this is all
that occurred, and that he can declare under obligation of the oath which
he made, wherein it is affirmed and ratified, and if necessary he promises
to repeat it ; and he is about 21 years of age, and has not signed it,
because he said he did not know how ; we, the said Commandant-General
and Accountant, have signed it, together with the witnesses with whom
we are acting in default of a Notary, on ordinary paper, because stamped
paper is not current, whereunto we certify.

364 No. 396.
"Auto."
In this City of Guayana on the 19th April, 1768, We : Don Manuel
Centurion Guerrero de Torres, Captain of the Eoyal Artillary Corps and
Commandant-General of this Province, and Don Andres cle Oleaga, sole
Eoyal Officer therein, proprietor having seen these "Autos" and the
result of the four Declarations therein, and whereas the Dutch have unwar
rantably sought to take possession of the Territory of Barima, Jurisdic
tion of this Province, where they had established farms and houses to
carry on the exportation of woods and other products in a clandestine
manner, for which purpose, according to information received, they had
likewise gathered together certain runaway slaves, fugitives from the
Provinces of Cumana and Caracas, to act as pilots, and point out the law
less Spanish subjects who onty occupy themselves in carrying on clan
destine exportation along the creeks and landing-places which are out of
the way and unknown ; Wherefore, and also seeing that by various laws,
and the most recent "Cedulas" issued by His Majesty, it is forbidden
under any pretext whatsoever to suffer or permit foreigners to exercise
the freedom of establishing themselves in these dominions by establish
ing new colonies, considering the importance thereof, and the repeated
pragmatic Cedulas which prohibit it, we have had to declare and do de
clare that the said Dutch by the crime they have committed, and the pen
alty they have incurred, must forfeit the implements and other things
which they were found to possess, and which were brought by the Cap
tain of the Coastguard Vessels, and that they be devoted to the Eoyal
Treasury ; therefore we order that their amount of 386 dollars, after de-
ductins; the costs, the assessment of which is entrusted to Don Diego
Azero, a Eesident of this city, be distributed according to Laws No. 11
of Book 8, Title 17, and in view of the Eoyal Cedula dated in Aranjuez
on the 14th June of the year 1764, with the instructions ("demostraeion
practica") issued out in the year [17J62 ; and by this "Auto" which we
have drawn up, we thus declare and pronounce definitely, signing it to
gether with the witnesses present, on ordinary paper, because stamped
paper is not currrent, whereunto we certify.
* * * * * *

No. 397.
Extracts from Report to Ihe Council of the Indies on the State ofthe Gov
ernment of Cumana and of the Province of Guayana (circa 1769).
[Translated from Copy printed in Strickland (Rev. Joseph, 8. J). The Boundary Question Be
tween British Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896; Appendix 1, pp. 17-19]
* * * * * *
The Province of Guayana is situated on the other side of the Eiver

365
No. 397.
Orinoco. Its boundaries are : On the east all the coast on which are
the Dutch Colonies of Esquibon, Berbis, Mesari, Carentenand Surinama ;
and more to the windward the Cayanne belonging to the French ; on the
north the banks of the Orinoco, which, dividing the Provinces of
Cumana, Barcelona, Santa Fe, Caracas, Barinas and Popayan, describes
a semicircle, returning to the east in the direction of its headwaters in
the Lake of Parimas ; on the south the dominions of Brazil ; the boun
daries between these and said Province of Guayana being unknown, as
also what the latter contains in the interior.
This Province has for its Capital Santo Thome de Guayana. Its climate
is warm. It is situated on the margin of the Orinoco at the narrowest
part of this river, whose width here is a quarter of a league, its depth
being from 70 to 80 fathoms. The soil is not very fertile. It has several
fortresses, namely, the Castle of San Diego and San Francisco, and a
neighboring hill fort Padastro, and opposite that of San Fernando which
is not yet finished. In this city and its fortifications the King main
tains a Captain Commandant, a Lieutenant, 2 subaltern officers, a Chap
lain and a Surgeon, and 77 soldiers ; and the expense made by the King
every year with these troops amounts to 13,994: pesetas which sum is re
mitted by the Eoyal Houses of Santa Fe. There is in addition a com
pany of militia, consisting of 58 men, who receive no pay except when
they are on active duty.
The population of this city, including the troops, is 540 souls. For
their supply of victuals they have 20 plantations under cultivation which
provides the requisite food.
The Eear Admiral Don Joseph Iturriaga, founded two cities further
up than Guayana ; of these one is called Eeal Corona and the other
Cindad Eeal. He settled these cities with poor people from the Viceroy-
ship of Santa Fe and Province of Caracas; and his Majesty endowed
them with horned cattle, mares, horses and implements for tilling the
field. Their condition is not known since the death of their founder.
The principal villages in this Province are those founded by the
Catalonian Capuchin Fathers who are established in that part of
Guayana entitled to have Missions, and they have 16 important villages
with abundance of provisions, due to the fertility of the soil and the
great number of streams that wash them.
There are 15 Friars who are assisted by the King with a yearly con
tribution of 150 pesetas, paid them through the Eoyal Houses of Caracas.
These Missions own a ranch having from 15 to 16,000 head of cattle from
which they supply the Friars and Indians every week with the men t
required for their subsistence. The cattle in this part of the country are
generally the largest in all the Orinoco, and their hides are as heavy and
large as those of Buenos Ayres, and some of them even larger. The

366 No. 397.
Indians raise cotton, sugar-cane and other products with which they
supply some villages ou the other side of the Orinoco.
* * * * * *
The way the Missionaries have for gathering the heathen, is to arm
their lay brothers, who, led by the Captain of the squad and the Mis
sionary, march to the place where the Cacique or Chief of the savages, is
to be found. Upon meeting him, the Missionary has a parley with him,
and offers to give him lands wherein to establish a village, together with
implements for cultivating the soil, and also to teach them the use of
hooks and fishing tackle, and to supply them with cattle for a ranch.
As a rule the Indians are satisfied, and being brought to the villages
already subdued, they are instructed in the Christian religion and how
to take out from the earth everything that is necessary to support life.
In this manner all the large Provinces of America have been formed,
and the Indians in care of these Friars are the best for cultivating the
fields, the products of which command suitable prices.
* * * * * *
On these margins of the Orinoco there are four other Missions,
namely, Encaramada, Vruana, Carichana and Eaudal with from 1,400 to
1,500 souls. The King maintains there a Captain with a salary of 995
pesetas, and 48 soldiers each of whom receives the pay of 132 pesetas.
Since this post was established the Carib Indians have been restrained,
who formerly were wont to insult the villages situated on the banks of
that. Eiver.

No. 398.
Certificate by Andres de Oleaga, Royal Accountant in Guayana, of Seiz
ures, 1767-1769, by Spanish Officials, January 28, 1769.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 3, pp. 205-207.]
Don Andres de Oleaga, Official Eoyal Accountant of this city of Guayana
and its Province for His Majesty (whom God preserve), etc.
I certify in the best manner I can, for whatever purpose, and before
the Sefiores that may see it, how, after the arrival of Senor Don Manuel
Centurion, Captain of the Eoyal Corps of Artillery, and Commandant
General of this said Province, pursuant to his great energy and zeal in
the Eoyal service, the following confiscations and seizures were made:
On the twenty-seventh of January of the past year of seventeen hundred
and sixty-seven, in a closed port of the Presidio of old Guayana, a launch
coming from Esquivo, Dutch Colony, with two slaves and cargo of Taphia
ram and merchandise, from Don Vicente Franco. On the sixth of
March of said year, at the same Presidio, various goods from Bernardo

367
No. 398.
Montes, who was coming from the same Colony in a felucca. On the
eleventh of April of the said year, on the land within the said Presidio,
four mules loaded with different kinds of foreign clothing, without
permit or license. On the twenty-second of said month and year, above
the port of this city, different articles, without permit or license, from
Lorenzo Yeguas. On June sixteenth of the said year, at the Presidio
aforesaid of old Guayana, sixteen kegs of brandy, from Master Gaspar
Vidal, who was introducing them clandestinely and left them buried on
an islet in the Orinoco. On September twenty-eighth of the same year,
at the port of Piacoa, below the aforesaid Presidio, a canoe laden with
Dutch goods from Esquibo, from Pedro Sanchez.
And by the Sergeant of the Company of Pioneers, Ciprian Maiorga,
with the pirogue he commanded, one of the Orinoco canoes from the
aliens engaged in the clandestine extraction of mules, horses, cattle
and other products, through the Guarapiche and Theresen rivers, which
empty in the interior of the Golpho Triste dela Paria. An English sloop
named the Seirillan.a; a Spanish schooner, ths Esperanza; two launches,
also Spanish; an English boat with four lately-imported negroes, some
animals, and different foreign articles, besides (in the same campaign and
before returning to this city) a French schooner named Maria Louisa,
with two newly-imported negroes ; two barrels, one of claret and the other
of Taphia rum, and ten arrobas (250 lbs.) of cTdnchorro thread; and,
also, on the same occasion, in company with the cruiser armed at the
Island of Trinidad, a French sloop and schooner with various goods and
newly-imported negroes, of which, after deducting all expenses and the
sixth part, which the officials retained, they delivered to him the half,
which amounts to seventeen hundred and ninety-two pesos, twenty-four
maravedis, which brought in this place two- thousand and eighty-five
pesos, three reals, one and two- fourths maravedis. Which seizures were
declared to be legal and belonging to His Majesty on March twenty-sixth,
April thirtieth, and July twenty-ninth of last year— seventeen hundred
and sixty-eight.
And besides the confiscations and seizures mentioned, I also declare
that the Captain of the Company of Orinoco Pioneers, Don Francisco
Cierto, with the two cruising launches of this rivef, sent by the said
Sefior Don Manuel Centurion, arrested the foreigners that were estab
lished on the Barima Channel, jurisdiction of the same Province, two
boats and several tools and agricultural implements, which, in an edict
issued on the nineteenth of April of the said last year, sixty-eight, were
also declared confiscated, and all are recorded in this Eoyal Account
ant's office in ten edicts, and therein the total value of seven thousand
pesos, one real, five and two- fourths maravedis, of which, in the way of
Royal duties, His Majesty received two thousand seven hundred and
ninety-five pesos, seven reals, thirty -three maravedis. And, lastly, the

368 No. 398.
said Captain, from the thirteenth day of October of last year to date,
with the said cruising launches under his command, and sent by the
aforesaid Commandant General of Orinoco, has seized on the said Guara
piche and Theresen rivers a Spanish launch with twelve heifers, an Eng
lish sloop with eighty mules, six horses, and five negroes, two columpos,
or large sloops, one English and the other French, three English schoon
ers, one small Bermuda sloop, of the same nation, one Spanish launch,
with seven horses, some goods and implements, against which proceed
ings are now pending.
And in order that it may go on record, at the verbal reqnest of the
said Commandant General, Don Manuel Centurion, I issue this for all the
legal and necessary effects.
Done in this Eoyal Accountant's office of Guayana, on the twenty-
eighth day of January, of the year seventeen hundred and sixty -nine.

No. 399.
Certificate of Capuchin Fathers as to a visit by them to the moruca ; Feb-
ruary 28, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No 3, p. 163.]
WE, the Undersigned, certify, as by mandate of our Superior and
permission of the Honourable Commandant-General of the Eiver Orono
que, Don Manuel Centurion, that we have passed into Maruca in search
of the Indians belonging to the Missions of the Capuchin Fathers of Cat
alonia, and by authority of the Fathers we give these presents the 28th
day of February, 1769.
On behalf of the above-mentioned Fathers, we sign it.
Bko. F. DE CAEEADTAC.
Bro. JPH A. DE CEEVERA.

No. 400.
Extract from letter from Fray Benito de la Garriga, Prefect of the
Capuchin Missions of the Lower Orinoco, to the King of Spain, ex
culpating himself lor having sent Missionaries under his charge to
take Indians from Point Barima and the Rivers "Wayne and Moruca ;
July 6, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 117-118.]
Fray Benito de la Garriga, Prefect of the Missions of the Capuchins, of
Catalonia, of the Province of Guayana, most humbly and reverently, and
with profound respect, represents and makes known to your Majesty that
some Aruaca and Guarauno Indians, having fled from our Missions of

369
No. 400.
Piacoa and San Joaquin, I sent two missionaries of our religious to col
lect them ; and they went with an escort of soldiers and a launch, to
gether with some other assistance, which your Commandant-General, Don
Manuel Centurion, gave me, as he is accustomed to do.
They entered from the Orinoco by the Barima to the savannah which
extends between the Eivers Wayne and Moruca, and which, as I under
stand, is territory of the jurisdiction of this province.
The missionaries there collected 140 Indians, besides some wild men
of the said villages, and other Gentiles. And they found in the power
of the Dutchman, living in the post of Moruca, three Indians with their
children, whom he had enslaved and taken from the mouths of the
Orinoco, as they explained to us, and from the Eiver Maseruni. These
the religious took away, together with others above mentioned, without
violence or causing any injury to the Dutch.
And now the Governor of Essequibo finds in this a motive for com
plaining of your Commandant-General, charging him with the infraction
of Treaties, outrages, and offences, being indignant because the same
Commandant-General should have dislodged the people which he had
surreptitiously in Barima last year.
The Commandant has replied to him, and among other things has
said that the religious did not go by his orders, but by those of their
Prefect, as is quite true, although they (the religious) did not act well in
mistakingly giving to the Dutchman of the post a certificate (" papel-
ito"), in which they stated that they were sent by order of the above-
named Commandant, when it was by my order.
I am sure that I would not have complied with my obligations and
the duty of my office if I had not sent the said religious on that commis
sion, and as to what they have done in bringing the Indians to the Mis
sion, I consider it is very lawful in my judgment.
And if the said Governor, without any reason, complains, I declare,
for the reasons that I here give, that during the twenty-two years of my
missionary office I have seen, and long beforehand, and in all the three
chapters of the prefecture I hold, that the Dutch always have compelled
me to be very vigilant, like my predecessors, to prevent the injuries they
cause to our Missions.
The practice of those foreigners is now, as always, to penetrate to the
interior of this province in order to kidnap and enslave Indians, your
Majesty's vassals, and take them to their colony ; their practice is as
common as it is authorized by the Governor of Essequibo, and thus I
understand it from the licences and passports which the said Governor
gives, under his own hand, to the persons leaving the Colony for this
traffic of enslaving Indians, until, without respect, they enter our Mis
sions.

370 NO. 401.
Complaint of Minister from Holland, referred to Manuel Centurion, Com
mandant of Guayana, for report, September 23, 1769.
[Reprinted from Blue Boot, No. 3, pp. 280-281.]
The Minister of Holland has presented a note complaining of the pro
ceedings of the Spaniards established on the Orinoco against the Colony of
Essequibo, as stated in detail in the annexed paper. By order of the King
I send you this document in order that, in view thereof, you may, with all
possible despatch, and with all the necessary proofs, report what may have
occurred in reference to the acts mentioned therein, and what may suggest
itself to you on the subject for the information of His Majesty.
May God preserve you many years!

No. 402.

Indorsements on file of Papers relating to Complaints by Dutch Minister,
showing action taken and reference to the Fiscal for report, October
25, 1769. [Reprinted from Blue Book, No. S, p. 314.]
For the Council:
"Expediente" called for by the Dutch Minister, wishing to allege right
and dominion in the Colony of Essequibo and fishery in that part of the
River Orinoco, and that your Majesty's subjects trouble and unjustly
disturb it.
The Senor Fiscal, in the inclosed answer of the 6th of the present
month, August, requests that the whole affair maybe handed over to some
persons chosen by the Council to draw up a detailed report of it, and an
abstract of all the previous papers, and whatever there may be thereto
relating at the present day, and let the whole be returned to him for his
opinion thereon.
.v, R«vy °f the FiS°al °f the 17th 0ctober> in which he says to deal with
the Expediente " in reference to the representation of the Dutch Minister,
alleging the right of fishing in the Orinoco (upon which affair His Majesty
has commanded to be informed), there are wanting documents, and re
quests that a search be made in the correspondence division (Secretaria) of
rvew Spain, or, failing that, in the " Via Reservada."
Note. -Having made a search in the " Secretaria " referred to for the
papers mentioned in the reply of the Fiscal, the only ones found are those
relating to the [official] visit of tbe Province of Cumana, drawn up by the
Governor, Don Joseph Diguja, in 1761, the map which accompanied this
Report being m the Council Chamber, by virtue of their command.
To the Fiscal for report.
Council, October 25, 1769.

371

No. 403.

Judicial Proceedings in 1770, resulting from the Complaints hy the Minis
ter from Holland.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 280.]
Year 1770. . Judicial proceedings instituted in the Tribunal of the Com
mandant of Guayana concerning the affairs in the matter of the com
plaint made by the Minister of the Republic of Holland to the King our
Sovereign in regard to the proceedings of the Spaniards of Orinoco against
the Colony of Essequibo.

No. 404.

Order of Manuel Centurion, Commandant of Guiana, that Complaint hy
Holland be Judicially Investigated and Reported on; March 24, 1770.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 281.]
In the City of Guayana, on the 24th of March, 1770, I, Don Manuel
Centurion, Lieutenant- Colonel of Infantry and Commandant General of
Orinoco and of the Province of Guayana, together with judicial witnesses
in default of a no.tary; declare that for the more exact and punctual fulfil
ment of the Royal Order, which, under date of the 23rd of September last,
His Excellency Friar Don Julian de Ariaga, Knight of Malta, communi
cated to me, together with a copy of another, extracted from the Book of
Resolutions of their High Mightinesses the States- General of the United
Provinces, presented by the Minister of Holland, complaining of the pro
ceedings of the Spaniards established on the Orinoco against the Colony of
Essequibo, in respect whereof His Excellency directs me, by order of the
King, to report with all possible despatch and witb all necessary proofs
what may have occurred in reference to the acts mentioned therein, and
what may suggest itself to me on the subject for the information of His
Majesty; therefore I must order, and do order, that, placing at the head of
these papers the said Royal Order and tbe document sent with it, there be
drawn up and made in this tribunal a judicial report of the acts which the
annexed note of the States-General recites in detail: and that for this pur
pose the most creditable and truthful witnesses who may be found to have
knowledge of the said acts in this city and its environs do make formal dep
ositions upon oath. Thus I have decreed, ordered, and signed together
with the undersigned witnesses, whereunto we certify.

372 No. 405.
Extracts from Deposition of Friar Benito de la Garriga, ex-Prefect of the
Catalan Capuchin Mission of Guayana, as to the Complaint of the
Minister from Holland ; March 24, 1770.
[Reprinted (wilh corrections) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 18.-192.]
On the same day, month, and year [Mar. 24, 1770], in order to carry out
the investigation to be instituted, in compliance with the above rule the
Tribunal had before it the Reverend Father ex-Prefect of the Catalan
Capuchin Mission of Guayana, Fr. Benito de la Garriga, to whom the Com
mander-General administered the oath in legal form, tacto pectore in verbo
sacerdotis, and promised to tell the truth of everything that he knew and
was interrogated, and having been examined by the tenor of the above
paper, presented by the Minister of Holland and inserted in folios 1 to 6 of
this proceeding, which was read to bim literally, he said:
That the Hollanders are not nor have ever been in possession of the
rivers or rivulets emptying into the sea, from Esquivo exclusive down to
the mouth of Orinoco; that they had been only tolerated, on that side, to
have a small guard of two Europeans and a few Indians at a Barrack
called the Post, on the eastern margin of the Moruca river, called by the
Hollanders Maroco; that this establisment is not of "an almost immemo
rial time," because none of the Colony is so, for we know that said Colony
commenced to exist towards tbe year sixteen hundred and fifty-nine.
That it is not true that the Hollanders had had, nor have now possession of
the Cuyuni river (called by them Cayoeny), because when they established
a guard and Barrack, like that of Maruca, in the year seventeen hundred
and forty seven (1747), to facilitate the inhuman traffic and capture of In
dians, whom they surreptitiously enslaved, within the dominions of the
King our Lord, for the culture of the plantations and improvement of
their Colony, as soon as it came to our knowledge, in the year seventeen
hundred and fifty-seven (1757), they were dislodged from there, so that
neither in the Cuyuni, Maserony, Apanony nor any other rivers emptying
into the Esquivo, have the Hollanders any possession; nor could it be toler
ated that they should have it, because those rivers embrace almost all the
territory of the Province of Guayana in their course from their western
termini, where their headwaters originate, down to the eastern limit emp
tying into the Esquivo river. From tbat fancied possession it should
result that the Hollanders would be the owners of the extensive Province
of Guayana and that we, the Spaniards, had no more part of it than the
said margin of Orinoco which is an absurdity.
That they are merely tolerated on the banks of the Esquivo river, run
ning from southeast to northwest, almost parallel with the ocean coast,
the eastern terminus of this Province of Guayana, the interior of which is
left free to the Spaniards, their lawful possessors.
That he does not know, nor ever heard that the Spaniards have built
any stronghold on the Cuyuni river nor in its vicinity, with a few nor

373
No. 405.
many troops, but he suspects that Mr. de Gravesand may have imagined
to be so the two Missions or Indian settlements founded by the Catalan
Capuchin Fathers in the years seventeen hundred and tifty-seven and
seventeen hundred and sixty, one of them on the northern margin of the
Yuruari river, a tributary of the Cuyuni, seventy leagues distant from the
Dutch Barrack, which was destroyed.
That the reason he has to think so is because there is no other establish
ment in that vicinity and in that direction.
That although there are no more troops than one soldier in each one of
said settlements as an escort to the Missionaries, the Caribs, whom Mr.
Gravesand seems to believe, as he states in his report, may have deceived
him with this story as well as several others which abound in his non
sensical report.
That it is true that in February of last year the witness, as Prefect and
Superior of the Missions, allowed permission to the Reverend Fathers Fr.
Josef Antonio Cervera and Fr. Felix de Tarraga to go down to the mouth
of Orinoco and the Barima rivers to gather the fugitive and wild Aruaca
and Guarauno Indian deserters from the Missions, under their charge; that
these Reverend Fathers, with the launch and escort which carried them,
found their dispersed Indians between Guayne and Moruca, and while
gathering them they reached a Post where there was a Hollander who
had three Indian women with their children whom he had enslaved and
taken from the mouth of Orinoco, as said women reported to the Fathers,
who delivered them to the Missions, without offering any violence nor
harm whatever to the Hollanders.
That in regard to the Post and commercial house that Gravesand sup
poses to have been possessed by the Dutch Company, between Guayne and
Powaron, the deponent does not know anything, nor has he heard of such
an establishment. That he has not heard of the death of the Corporal of the Arinda bar
rack towards the source of the Esquivo, nor even of the existence of the
same. *******
That the deponent has never seen nor heard that the Hollanders had
any fisheries at the mouth of the Orinoco, nor that tbe Spaniards had to
stop them; that he does not understand that the Hollanders want auy
such fisheries at the mouth of the Orinoco, because they have plenty of
fish much nearer to Esquivo; that the Most Reverend Father is persuaded
that now, under pretext of fisheries, they want to establish themselves
freely with their vessels on the mouth of the Orinoco, to re-establish and
facilitate the furtive shipments of mules from Guarapiche and Guaruapo,
and Barinas tobacco, hides, and other products of the Spanish Provinces,
which improved considerably their colony when the Orinoco and its creeks
were not guarded as they are now.
This novelty and the want of commerce is the true cause of the de-

374 No. 405.
cadence of Esquivo and the resentment of Mr. de Gravesand, the first mer
chant, and always the most interested in the illicit commerce of the
colony. That the statement is equally false that said fisheries had been stopped
likewise by the Spaniards on the territory of what Gravesand calls of his
State, extending the same to the river Mareguine, down to this side of the
Guayne, very near the mouth of the Orinoco; said supposition the depon
ent calls an intolerable error.
That in regard to the slaves, deserters from Esquivo, the deponent says
that there are two kinds, one of negroes purchased in Africa, and the other
of Indians taken by the Hollanders cruelly and unduly, by means of the
Caribs their allies, from our dominions, through the rivers Moruca and
Guayne, emptying their waters into the sea, and in communication with
Orinoco, or else through the rivers Cuyuni, Maserony, Apanony, and oth
ers running through the innermost territory of this Province and empty
ing into the Esquivo; tbat in regard to the retention of the latter, the rea
son is plain, because being the vassals of the King and criminally enslaved
by the Hollanders, who keep this inhuman commerce with the Caribs,
against every law, we could not and we ought not to return them to slav
ery, whenever they are happy enough to elude it, and return to enjoy the
protection of the ministers of their lawful Lord and Sovereign.
*******
That neither the Indians nor the fugitive negroes from Esquivo have
ever been induced by the Spaniards to run away, so far as he knows, nor
is it likely that they would attempt to do so.
That it is true that the Colony of Esquivo is being apparently ruined,
from the time when the doors have been closed to it for the illicit trade
they used to carry on with Orinoco, and the Poytos or Indian slaves have
found the way to become free, when they escape from said Colony.
He finally deposes that it is absolutely false that the Spaniards may
have killed the Dutch Guardman or Guardmen, or attacked any other
Post than that of the Cuyuni, in the year seventeen hundred and fifty-
eight, when only one man was killed, and that was a Spanish soldier; and
he adds, that in twenty -three years, during which he has been an Apostolic
Missionary in this Province, having been Prefect three times, his long ex
perience has shown him that it is on account of the suggestions of the
Esquivo Hollanders, and their detestable commerce in Poytos, that the
whole of the Caribs have not been already settled in our Missions, as well
as many other savage tribes, and that said Caribs, under the advice of
the Hollanders, work continually in the destruction of the new settle
ments, through various means, burning them as they did in seventeen
hundred and fifty, attacking them by open force, or making them revolt
by using diabolical arts, so that during the time deponent has been kept
working on these Missions, the Hollanders united with the Caribs have de
stroyed seven settlements already organized, as may be seen by the legal

375
No. 405.
investigation instituted on the subject, without counting those settlements
under the Jesuit Missionaries, which they burned and destroyed, when
they killed many Reverend Fathers.
That the above statements are the truth under the oath that he has
taken; and that he ratifies and affirms the same, and will do it again if
necessary, and that he is fifty- eight years old.
Having read his deposition, he said that it is the same that he had
stated, and that it is well and faithfully written, and has nothing to add
or withdraw from the same, and signs it with the Commander General,
and ourselves the witnesses of the act, certifying to the same.
Don Manuel Centurion— [here is a flourish].
Fr. Benito de la Garriga,
ex-Prefect — [here is a flourish].
Diego Ignacio Marino— [here is a flourish].
Estevan Martinez — [here is a flourish].
[To the same effect are the depositions of various other witnesses,
which, to avoid repetition, are not printed.]

No. 406.

Deposition made March 24, 1770, by Thomas de San Pedro, Capuchin
monk, as to Complaints hy the Dutch Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 283-284.]
On the said day, month, and year [Mar. 24, 1770], in order to continue the
report ordered to be drawn up in the foregoing papers, there appeared in
this tribunal the Eeverend Father Friar Thomas de San Pedro, Capuchin
monk, and missionary in this Province of Guayana, whom the Sefior Com
mandant-General admittted upon oath which his Reverence took according
to law, by God our Lord, tacto pectore in verbo sacerdotis, and promised to
tell the truth in what he might knowT and might be asked: And being in
terrogated according to the tenor of said note presented by the Minister of
Holland, which runs from leaves 1 to 6 of these papers, and, for his better
understanding, it having been read to him word for word, he declared:
That the Dutch are not, nor ever have been, in possession of the rivers
or creeks which drain into the sea from the Essequibo, exclusively, up to
the mouth of the Orinoco: That they have only been permitted to have
in that part, a small guard of two Europeans and some Indians in a bar
rack which they call the Post, on the eastern bank of the River
Moruca which the Dutch call Moroco; and that this settlement has
not existed from time quasi-immemorial, because the whole of the Col
ony is not so, and we know that it began in the year [1]659:
That it is untrue that the Dutch have held or do hold possession
of the River Cuyuni (called by them Cayoeny), for, having established

376 No. 406.
thereon a guard and barrack like that of Moruca in the year [1]747, to
facilitate the inhuman traffic and seizure of Indians, whom they enslave
surreptitiously in the dominions of the King our Lord, for the cultivation
of the plantations and advancement of the Colony, directly it came to our
notice in the year [1]757, they were dislodged therefrom, and so neither on
the Cuyuni, Maseroni, Apanoni, nor the other rivers which disembogue in
Essequibo do the Dutch hold any possession, nor is it permissible that they
should hold it, for since the said rivers include between them almost all the
territory of the Province of Guayana running from its western boundary
in which they rise to its eastern boundary where they fall into the River
Essequibo, it would result from the supposed possession that the Dutch
were owners of all the vast Province of Guayana, and that we, the Span
iards, held nothing therein except the worthless banks of the Orinoco,
which is an absurdity: That the only place wherein the Dutch are tolerated
and established is on the banks of the River Essequibo, which runs from
S. E. to N. E. [? N. W.] almost parallel to the sea coast, the eastern ex
tremity of this Province of Guayana, and leaves the interior thereof free
to tbe Spaniards, its legitimate possessors: That the declarant does not
know, nor has ever heard, that the Spaniards have built a fort on the
Cuyuni or in its vicinity, with many or few troops; but that he is persuaded
that Mr. de Gravesand has taken for such the two Missions or villages of
Indians, which the Catalonian Capuchin Fathers founded in the years
[1]757 and [1]761 on the northern bank of the River Yuruari, a tributary of
the Cuyuni, and at the distance of 70 leagues from the demolished Dutch
barrack, and that his reason for believing this to be the case is that we
have no other establishments in that part, and that although in the said
villages there are no more troops than one soldier in each, as escort for the
missionary, the Caribs, to whom Mr. de Gravesand gives easy credence, as
shown in his report, must have deceived him with this tale just as it ap
pears from others with which he has filled his extravagant report: That it
is a fact that in February of last year the Reverend Father Prefect of the
Missions gave permission to the Reverend Fathers Friar Joseph Antonio
de Zervera and Friar Felix de Tarraga to go down to the mouths of the
Orinoco and River Barima to fetch back the Aruaca and Guarauno run
aways or deserters from the Missions under our charge, and these Religious,
with the boat and escort which conveyed them, finding their Indians scat
tered between Guayne and Moruca, took them and arrived at the post,
where there was a Dutchman who had three Indian women with their
children, whom he had enslaved and seized from the mouths of the Orinoco,
as they declared to the Fathers, and the latter brought them to the Mis
sions, but without violence or doing any damage to the Dutch. And that
as regards the post and commercial establishment which Gravesand sup
poses the Dutch Company held between Guayne and Powaron, the declar
ant neither knows, nor has heard speak, of such establishment:
*******

377
No. 406.
That the declarant has never seen, or heard say, that the Dutch have
conducted a fishery in the mouth of the Orinoco, nor that the Spaniards
have found it necessary to put a stop to it: neither does he perceive that
the Dutch have any necessity for such fishery in the mouth of the
Orinoco, seeing tbat they have places from which to provide themselves
with fish much nearer to Essequibo ; and that the most Reverend
Father is persuaded that at the present time, under pretext of fishing,
they wish to establish themselves freely with their boats in the mouths
of the Orinoco, to re-establish and facilitate the clandestine shipments
of mules from Guarapiche and Guaruapo, and tobacco from Barinas,
hides and other products of the Spanish Provinces, with which they used
to benefit their Colony considerably when the Orinoco, with its creeks, was
not so well guarded as now; which new measure and want of commerce is
the real cause of the decay of Essequibo and of the resentment of Mr. de
Gravesand, the chief trader and always the most interested in tbe illicit
commerce of the Colony: That it is an equally false statement that they
have also been prevented by the Spaniards from carrying on the said
fishing in the territory which Gravesand calls territory of the State itself,
which, he says, extends from the River Mareguine up to this side of the
River Guayne, very near the mouth of the Orinoco, which supposi
tion, the declarant says, is an insufferable error: With respect to
the slaves who have deserted from Essequibo, the declarant says
that they are of two races, either negroes purchased from Africa
or Indians whom the Dutch unjustly and cruelly seize, or cause
to be seized, by the Caribs their allies, from our dominions along the
Rivers Moruca and Guayne, which run into the sea and communicate with
the Orinoco, or along the Rivers Ouyuni, Maseroni, Apanony, and others
which run through the further interior of this Province and discharge
themselves into the Essequibo : That if there is any question about our reten
tion of these, our reason for it is clear; for being subjects of the King
criminally enslaved by the Dutch, who maintain this inhuman traffic with
the Caribs contrary to all law, we cannot and must not restore them to
slavery when they have the good fortune to escape it by again availing
themselves of the protection of the officers of their legitimate Lord and
Sovereign: If the negroes are in question, the declarant says that Sefior
Gravesand is wanting in truthfulness; for although we know that two
negro slaves, fugitives from this city to the Colony of Essequibo, were sold
there by the said Gravesand, although their owners, Don Thomas Franquis
and Catalina de Arocha, inhabitants of Guayana, have claimed them back
and have not obtained any satisfaction; several times when Gravesand has
here claimed deserters from Essequibo, and their owners have agreed that
they should be sold, this has been done in Guayana, and the money pro
duced taken to Essequibo, excepting only those slaves who made their
escape to obtain the benefit of the Catholic Eeligion, for these have been
declared free according to the King's command: and that the declarant

378 No. 406.
does not know that either the Indians or negroes, fugitives from Esse
quibo, have been induced to escape by the Spaniards, nor does it seem
to him likely that any one has engaged in such actions: That it is a
fact that the Colony of Essequibo is going visibly to its ruin since the
gate has been closed for the illicit traffic which it previously carried on
in Orinoco, and the poitos or slaves have found that of their liberty
open, so that they can escape thence; and, finally, he says that the state
ment is absolutely false that the Spaniards have killed any Dutch guard
or guards, or have attacked any other post of theirs except that of the
Cuyuni in 1758, in which action only one man died, and he was a soldier
of the Spaniards; and he adds that he has been for 23 years Apostolic
Missionary in this Province, with which experience he can and ought to
say that the manoeuvres of the Dutch of Essequibo, and their detestable
traffic in poitos, is the reason why all the Caribs in our Missions, and
many other nations of savages, have not yet been settled, and why they
labour continually, under the direction of the Dutch, in the destruction
of our villages by various means, at one time burning them as they did in
1650 [?1750]: at another attacking them by main force, and at another
raising rebellion by diabolic craft and policy. In such wise that in the period
alone in wbich the declarant has worked in these Missions, the Dutch,
together with the Caribs, have destroyed, as may be seen in the " Autos"
of the matter, seven of our established villages, without counting those
which they burnt and destroyed belonging to the Jesuit Missionaries and
to the Observants, likewise killing many Eeligious; and that what he has
declared is the truth under obligation of the oath which he has taken.
That he ratifies and affirms what is therein, and if necessary will repeat it;
that he is 53 years of age: and having read this his Declaration he said that
it is the same which he made, that it is well and faithfully written, that he
has nothing to add or subtract therein, and has signed it with the said
Commandant-General and us the judicial witnesses whereof we certify.

No. 401.

Deposition, made March 26, 1770, hy Josef Antonio de Zervera, Capuchin
monk, as to Complaints hy the Dutch Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 284-286.]
On the 26th day of the said month and year [Mar., 1770], in order to con
tinue the report ordered to be drawn up in the foregoing "Auto," there ap
peared in this tribunal the Reverend Father Friar Josef Antonio de Zervera,
Capuchin Monk and Missionary in the Province of Guayana, whom the Senor
Commandant-General admitted upon oath which his Reverend Paternity
took according to law, by God our Lord, tacto pectore in verbo sacerdotis,
and promised to tell the truth in what he might know and might be asked;

379
No. 407.
and being interrogated according to the tenor of the said note presented by
the Minister of Holland, which runs from folios 1 to 6 of these "Autos,"
and, for his better understanding, it having been read to bim word for
word, he declared: That the Dutch are not, nor ever have been, in posses
sion of the rivers or creeks which drain into the sea from the Essequibo
exclusively up to the mouth of the Orinoco: That they have only been per
mitted to have in that part a small guard of two Europeans and some In
dians in a barrack which they call the post on the eastern bank of the River
Moruca, which the Dutch call Maroco; and that this settlement has not
existed from time quasi immemorial, because the whole of the Colony is not
so, and we know that it began in the year [1]659: that it is untrue that the
Dutch have held, or do bold, possession of the River Cuyuni (called by
them Cayoeny), for, having established thereon a guard and barrack, like
that of Moruco, in the year [1]747, to facilitate the inhuman traffic and
seizure of Indians, whom they enslave surreptitiously in the dominions of
the King our Lord, for the cultivation of the plantations and advancement
of the Colony, directly it came to the notice of the Spaniards, in the year
[1|757, they were dislodged therefrom, and so neither on the Cuyuni, Mase
roni, Apanony nor the other rivers which empty in Essequibo, do the
Dutch hold any possession, nor is it permissible that they should hold it,
for since the said rivers include between them almost all the territory of
the Province of Guayana, running from its western boundary in which
they rise to its eastern boundary where they fall into the River Essequibo,
it would result from the supposed possession that the Dutch were owners
of almost all the vast Province of Guayana, and that we, the Spaniards,
held nothing therein except the worthless banks of the Orinoco, which is
an absurdity: That the only place wherein the Dutch are tolerated and
established is on the banks of the River Essequibo, which runs from S. E. to
N. E. [?N. W.] almost parallel to the sea coast, the eastern extremity of this
Province of Guayana, and leaves the interior thereof free to the Spaniards,
its legitimate possessors: That the declarant does not know, nor has he ever
heard, that the Spaniards have built a fort in the Cuyuni nor in its neigh
bourhood, with many or few soldiers; but he is pursuaded tbat Mr. Grave
sand has imagined as such the two Missions or villages of Indians that the
Catalonian Capuchins founded, in [1]761, on the north bank of the River
Yuruari, an affluent of the Cuyuni, and at a distance of 70 leagues from the
destroyed Post of the Dutch and that the foundation which he has for thus
believing is that we have no other establishments in tbat part, and that
although in the said villages there are no more troops than one sol
dier in each as escort for the Missionary, the Caribs, to whom Mr. de
Gravesand gives easy credence, as shown in his report, must have de
ceived him with this tale, just as it appears from others with which he
has filled his extravagant report. That it is a fact that in February of last
year the Reverend Father Prefect of the Missions gave permission to the
Reverend Father Friar Felix de Tarraga and the declarant to go down to

380 No. 407.
the mouths of the Orinoco and River Barima to fetch back the Aruaca
and Guarauno runaways or deserters from the Missions under his charge,
and that with the boat and escort which conveyed them, finding the said
Indians scattered between Guayne and Moruca, they took them and ar
rived at the post, where there was a Dutchman who had three Indian
women with their children whom he had enslaved and seized from the
mouths of the Orinoco, as they stated, and they took them to the Missions
without violence or doing any damage to the Dutch; but, on the other
hand, to gratify the Dutchman, the Chief of the said post, who knelt
down and, with tears, asked the declarant and the Monk his companion
for love of God to give him a certificate for his exculpation, with which to
satisfy the Governor of Essequibo; the declarant and his companion, with
out perceiving the craftiness of this pretension, took pity on him and gave
him such a full certificate that they went too far in saying therein that
they had a permit from the Sefior Commandant General of Orinoco and
Guayana to enter as far as that spot, which was not the case; for the
passport held by the master of the boat which conveyed them was ex
pressly for tbe mouths of the Orinoco, and beyond it they had no further
permission nor other orders beyond those of their Prelate; and that as
regards the Post and commercial establishment which Gravesand supposes
the Dutch Company held between Guayne and Povaron the declarant
neither knows nor has heard speak of such establishment.

* * *

That the declarant has never seen, or heard say, that the Dutch have
conducted a fishery in the mouth of the Orinoco, nor that the Spaniards
have found it necessary to put a stop to it, neither does he perceive that
the Dutch have any necessity for such fishery in the mouth of the Orinoco,
seeing that they have places from which to provide themselves with
fish much nearer to Essequibo; and that the most Reverend Father is per
suaded that at the present time, under pretext of fishing, they wish to es
tablish themselves freely, with their boats, in the mouths of the Orinoco
to re-establish and facilitate the clandestine shipments of mules from
Guarapiche and Guaruapo, and tobacco from Barinas, hides and other prod
ucts of the Spanish Provinces, with which they used to benefit their Colony
considerably when the Orinoco, with its creeks, was not so well guarded as
now; which new measure and want of commerce is the real cause of the
decay of Essequibo and of the resentment of Mr. de Gravesand, the chief
trader, and always the most interested in the illicit trade of the Colony:
That it is an equally false statement that they have also been prevented
by the Spaniards from carrying on the said fishing in the territory which
Gravesand calls territory of the State itself, which, he says, extends from
the River Mareguifie up to this side of the Guaine, very near the mouth of
the Orinoco, which supposition, the declarant says is an insufferable error:
With respect to the slaves who have deserted from Essequibo, the declar
ant says they are of two races, either negroes purchased from Africa or

381
No. 407.
Indians whom the Dutch unjustly and cruelly seize, or cause to be siezed,
by the Caribs their allies, from our dominions along the Rivers Moruca and
Guayne, which run into the sea and communicate with the Orinoco, and
along the Rivers Cuyuni, Maseroni, Apanoni, and others which run
through the further interior of this Province and disembogue in Essequibo:
That if there is any question about our retention of these, our reason for it
is clear; for being subjects of the King criminally enslaved by the Dutch,
who maintain this inhuman traffic with the Caribs contrary to all law, we
cannot and must not restore them to slavery when they have the good
fortune to escape it by again availing themselves of the protection of the
Ministers of their legitimate Lord and Sovereign: If the negroes are in
question, the declarant says that Sefior Gravesand is wanting in truthful
ness, for although we know that two negro slaves, fugitives from this city
to the Colony of Essequibo, were sold there by the said Gravesand, although
their owners, Don Thomas Franquis and Catalina de Arocha, inhabitants
of Guayana, have claimed them back and have not obtained any satisfac
tion; several times when Gravesand has here claimed restitution of the
deserters from Essequibo, and their owners have agreed that they should
be sold, this has been done in Guayana, and the money produced taken to
Essequibo, excepting only those slaves who made their escape to obtain the
benefit of the Catholic Religion, for these have been declared free according
to the King's command: and that the declarant does not know that either
the Indians or negroes, fugitives from Essequibo, have been induced to
escape by the Spaniards, nor does it seem to him likely that anyone has en
gaged in such actions: That it is a fact that the Colony of Essequibo
is going visibly to its ruin since the door has been closed for the illicit
traffic which it previously carried on in Orinoco, and the poitos or slaves
have found that of their liberty open, so that they can escape thence: and,
finally, he says that the statement is absolutely false that the Spaniards
have killed any Dutch guard or guards, or have attacked any other post of
theirs except that of the Cuyuni in 1758, in which action only one man
died, and he was a soldier of the Spaniards: and he adds that he has been
for nine years Apostolic Missionary in this Province, with which experience
he can and ought to say that the manoeuvres of the Dutch of Essequibo,
and their detestable traffic in poitos, is the reason why all the Caribs in our
Missions, and many other nations of savages, have not yet been settled,
and why they labour continually, under the direction of the Dutch, in the
destruction of our villages by various means, at one time burning them as
they did in 1750: at another attacking them by main force, and at another
carrying them off by diabolic craft and policy: in suchwisethat in the period
alone in which the Religious brethren of the declarant have worked in
these Missions, the Dutch, together with the Caribs, have destroyed, as
may be seen in the "Autos" of the matter, seven of our established
villages, without counting those which they burnt and destroyed belonging
to the Jesuit Missionaries and to the Observants, likewise killing many

382 No. 407.
Religious. And what he has declared is from his own knowledge and from
what be has heard from the Reverend Fathers and the senior Missionaries
and other persons of the highest credit, and in this belief and assurance
the declarant states it under obligation of the oath which he has taken:
that he ratifies and affirms what is therein, and if necessary will repeat it;
that he is 49 years of age, and this his declaration having been read to him,
he said: That it is the same which he made, that it is well and faithfully
written, that he has nothing to add or subtract therein, and has signed it
with the said Commandant-General and us the judicial witnesses whereof
we certify.
No. 408.
Deposition, made March 26, 1770, hy Felix de Tarraga, Capuchin monk, as
to Complaints hy the Dutch Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 286-288.]
On the said day, month, and year [Mar. 26, 1770], in order to continue the
report ordered to be drawn up in the foregoing " Auto," there appeared in
this tribunal the Reverend Father Friar Felix de Tarraga, Cupuchin Monk
and Missionary in this Province of Guayana, whom the Sefior Commandant-
General admitted upon oath which his Reverence took according to law
by God our Lord, tacto pectore in verbo sacerdotis, and promised to tell the
truth in what he might know and might be asked: And being asked ac
cording to the tenor of the said note presented by the Minister of Holland,-
which runs from folios 1 to 6 of these "Autos," and for his better un
derstanding, it having been read to him word for word, he declared: That
the Dutch are not, nor ever have been, in possession of the rivers
or rivulets which drain into the sea from tbe Essequibo, exclusively,
up to the mouth of the Orinoco: That they have only been permitted
to have in tbat part a small guard of two Europeans and some Indians,
in a barrack which they call the Post, on the eastern bank of the
River Moruca, which the Dutch call Moroco; and that this settlement
has not existed from time quasi-immemorial, because the whole
of the Colony is not so, and we know that it began in
the year [1]659: That it is untrue that the Dutch have held, or
do hold, possession of the River Cuyuni (called by them Cayoeny), for
having established thereon a guard and barrack like that of Moruca in the
year [1]747 to facilitate the inhuman traffic and seizure of Indians, whom
they enslave surreptitiously in the dominions of the King our Lord, for
the cultivation of the plantations and advancement of the Colony, directly
it came to the notice of the Spaniards, in the year [1]757, they were dis
lodged therefrom; and so, neither on the Cuyuni, Maseroni, Apanony, nor
the other rivers which disembogue in Essequibo, do the Dutch hold any
possession, nor is it permissible that they should hold it for since the said
rivers include between them almost all the territory of the Province of

383
No. 408.
Guayana, running from its western boundary in which they rise to its
eastern boundary where they fall into the River Essequibo, it would result
from the supposed possession tbat the Dutch were owners of almost all the
vast Province of Guayana, and that we, the Spaniards, held nothing
therein except the worthless banks of the Orinoco, which is an absurdity:
That the only place wherein the Dutch are tolerated and established is on
the banks of the River Essequibo, which runs from S.E. to N.W. almost
parallel to the sea coast, the eastern extremity of this Province of Guayana,
and leaves the interior thereof free to the Spaniards, its legitimate pos
sessors: That the declarant does not know, nor has he ever heard, that
the Spaniards have built a fort in the Ouyuni nor in its neighbourhood
with many or few troops; but he is persuaded that Mr. de Gravesand has
imagined as such the two Missions or villages of Indians that the Catalo
nian Capuchins founded in [1]757 and [l]77l, on the north bank of the
River Yuruari, an affluent of the Cuyuni, and at a distance of 70 leagues
from the destroyed post of the Dutch; and that tbe foundation he has for
thus believing is that we have no other establishments in that part, and that
although in the said villages there are no more troops than one soldier in
each, as escort for the Missionary, the Caribs, to whom Mr. de Gravesand
gives easy credence, as shown in bis report, must have deceived him with this
tale, just as it appears from others with which he has filled his absurd re
port: That it is a fact that in February of last year the Reverend Father
Prefect of the Missions gave permission to the Reverend Father Friar
Josef Antonio de Zervera and the declarant to go down to the mouths
of the Orinoco and River Barima to fetch back the Aruaca and Guar
auno, runaways or deserters from the Missions under his charge, and
that with the boat and escort which conveyed them, finding the said
Indians scattered between Guayne and Moruca, they took them and ar
rived at the post, where there was a Dutchman who had three Indian
women with their children, whom he had enslaved and seized from the
mouths of the Orinoco, as they stated, and they took them to the Mis
sions without violence or doing any damage to the Dutch. But, on the
other hand, to gratify the Dutchman, the Chief of the said Post, who
knelt down and, with tears, asked the declarant, and the monk, his com
panion, for love of God to give him a certificate for his exculpation,
with which to satisfy the Governor of Essequibo, the declarant and his
companion, without perceiving the craftiness of this pretension, took
pity on him and gave him such a full certificate that they went too far
in saying therein that they had a permit from the Governor and Com
mandant-General of Orinoco and Guayana to enter as far as that spot,
which was not the case; for the passport held by the master of the
boat which conveyed them was expressly for the mouths of the Orinoco,
and beyond it they had no further permission nor other orders beyond those
of their Prelate.

384No. 408.
That the declarant has never seen or heard say that the Dutch have con
ducted a fishery in the mouth of the Orinoco, nor that the Spaniards have
found it necessary to put a stop to it, neither does he perceive that the
Dutch have any necessity for such fishery in the mouth of the Orinoco,
seeing that they have places from which to provide themselves with
fish much nearer to Essequibo; and that the most Reverend Father is per
suaded tbat at the present time, under pretext of fishing, they wish to
establish themselves freely, with their boats, in the mouth of the Orinoco,
to re-establish and facilitate the clandestine shipments of mules from
Guarapiche and Guaruapo, and tobacco from Barinas, hides and other
products of the Spanish Provinces, with which they used to benefit their
Colony considerably when the Orinoco, with its creeks, was not so well
guarded as now; which new measure and want of commerce is the real
cause of the decay of Essequibo and of tbe resentment of Mr. de Grave
sand, the chief trader, and always the most interested in the illicit trade
of the Colony: That it is an equally false statement that they have
also been prevented by the Spaniards from carrying on the said fishing
in the territory of the State itself, which he says extends from the
River Mareguina up to this side of the Guaine, very near the mouth of the
Orinoco, which supposition, the declarant says, is an insufferable error:
With respect to the slaves who have deserted from Essequibo, the declar
ant says they are of two races, either negroes- purchased from Africa, or
Indians whom the Dutch unjustly and cruelly seize, or cause to be seized,
by the Caribs, their allies, from our dominions along the Rivers Moruca
and Guayne, which run into the sea and communicate with the Orinoco, or
along the Rivers Cuyuny, Maseroni, Aponony, and others which run through
the further interior of this Province and disembogue in Essequibo; that if
there is any question about our retention of these, our reason for it is clear,
for being subjects of the King criminally enslaved by the Dutch, who main
tain this inhuman traffic with the Caribs contrary to all law, we cannot
and must not restore them to. slavery when they have the good fortune to
escape it by again availing themselves of the protection of the officers of
their legitimate Lord and Sovereign: If the negroes are in question, the
declarant says that Sefior Gravesand is wanting in truthfulness; for
although we know that two negro slaves, fugitives from this city to the
Colony of Essequibo, were sold there by the said Gravesand, their owners,
Don Thomas Franquis and Catalina de Arocha, inhabitants of Guayana,
have claimed them back and have not obtained any satisfaction; several
times when Gravesand has here claimed restitution of the deserters from
Essequibo, and their owners have agreed that they should be sold, this has
been done in Guayana, and the money produced taken to. Essequibo, ex
cepting only those slaves who made their escape to obtain the benefit of
the Catholic Religion, for these have been declared free according to the
King's command; and that the declarant does -not know that either the
Indians or negroes, fugitives from Essequibo, have been induced to escape

385
No. 408.
by tbe Spaniards, nor does it seem to him likely that any one has engaged
in such actions; that it is a fact that the Colony of Essequibo is going visibly
to its ruin since the door has been closed for the illicit traffic which it previously
carried on in Orinoco, and the poitos or slaves have found that of their
liberty open, so that they can escape thence; and, finally, he says that the
statement is absolutely false that the Spaniards have killed any Dutch
guard or guards, or have attacked any other post of theirs except that of
the Cuyuni in 1758, in which action only one man died, and he was a
soldier of the Spaniards; and he adds that he has been for five years Apos
tolic Missionary in this Province, with which experience he can and ought
to say that the manoeuvres of the Dutch of Essequibo and their detestable
traffic in poitos is the reason why all the Caribs in our Missions, and many
other nations of savages, have not yet been settled, and why they labour
continually, under the direction of the Dutch, in the destruction of our
villages by various means, at one time burning them as they did in 1750,
at another attacking them by main force, and at another carrying them off
by diabolic craft and policy; in such wise that in the period alone in which
the Religious Brethren of the declarant have worked in these Missions, the
Dutch, together with the Caribs, have destroyed, as may be seen in the
"Autos " of the matter, seven of our established villages, without counting
those which they burnt and destroyed belonging to the Jesuit Missionaries
and to the Observants, likewise killing many Religious. And what he has
declared is from his own knowledge and from what he has heard from the
Reverend Fathers the Senior Missionaries and other persons of the highest
credit, and in this belief and assurance the declarant states it under obliga
tion of the oath which he has taken: that he ratifies and affirms what is
therein, and if necessary will repeat it; that he is 34 years of age; and this
declaration having been read to him, he said that it is the same which he
made, that it is well and faithfully written, that he has nothing to add or
substract therein, and has signed it with the said Senor Commandant
General and us the judicial witnesses whereof we certify.

No. 409.

Deposition, made March 26, 1770, hy I/ieut. Felix Ferreras, as to Com
plaints hy the Dutch Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 288-290.]
In this said City of Guayana on the 26th day of the said month and year
[Mar., 1770], in order to continue the report ordered to be drawn up in the pre
ceding "auto, "there appeared in this tribunal Don Felix Ferreras, Lieuten
ant of Infantry, of the garrison of this Province of Guayana, whom his Lord
ship, the Sefior Commandant-General admitted upon oath, which he took
according to law, by God our Lord, and promised upon his word of honour
to tell the truth to the King in what he might know and might be asked:
And being interrogated according to the tenor of the said note, presented by

386 No. 409.
the Minister of Holland, which runs from folios 1 to 6 of these Autos, and,
for [his] better understanding, it having been read to him word for word:
He declared that the Dutch are not, nor ever have been, in possession of
the rivers or creeks which drain into the sea from Essequibo, exclusively up
to the mouth of the Orinoco: That they have only been permitted to have in
that part a small guard of two Europeans and some Indians in a barrack
which they call the Post, on the eastern bank of the River Moruca, which
the Dutch call Maroco: And that this settlement has not existed from time
quasi-immemorial, because even the said Colony is not so, and we know
that it began in the middle of the last century.
That it is untrue that the Dutch have held or do hold possession of the
River Cuyuni (called by them Cayoeny) for, having established therein a
guard and barrack like that of Moruca in the year 1747, to facilitate the in
human traffic and seizure of Indians whom they enslaved surreptitiously
in the dominions of our Lord the King, for the cultivation of the planta
tions and advancement of the Colony, directly it came to the notice of the
Spaniards in the year 1757, the declarant being Deputy Commandant of
Old Guayana, they were dislodged therefrom; and so neither on the Cuyuni,
Maseroni, Apanoni, nor the other rivers which disembogue in Essequibo,
do the Dutch hold any possessions, nor is it permissible for them to hold it,
for since the said rivers include between them almost all the territory of
the Province of . Guayana, running from its western boundary in which
they rise to its eastern boundary where they fall into the River Essequibo,
it would result from the supposed possession, that the Dutch were owners
of almost all the vast Province of Guayana, and that we, the Spaniards,
held nothing therein except the worthless banks of the Orinoco, which is
an absurdity: That the only place wherein the Dutch are tolerated and
established is on the banks of the River Essequibo, from its mouth up to
that of the Cuyuni, where they have a post which they call Old Castle.
That the Essequibo runs from S.E. to N.W. almost parallel to the sea
coast, the eastern boundary of this Province of Guayana, and leaves the in
terior thereof free to the Spaniards, its legitimate possessors: That the
declarant does not know, nor has ever heard, that Spaniards have built a
fort on the Cuyuni or in its vicinity, with many or few troops; for in that
part we have no other settlements than the two Missions or villages of
Indians, Guazcipati and Cavallapi, which the Catalonian Capuchin
Father, founded in the years [1]757 and [1J761, on the northern bank
of the River Yurruari, an affluent of the Cuyuni, and at the distance of
70 leagues from the demolished Dutch barrack, and that in the said Mis
sions there is no more than one soldier in each, for au escort to the Mission
ary; that concerning what happened in B'ebruary of last year, at the Post
of Moruca. the declarant knows nothing, seeing that at the said time he
was on service in the Rio Negro.

387
No. 409.
That the declarant has not seen nor heard say that the Dutch have con
ducted any fishery iu the mouth of the Orinoco, not that the Spaniards have
found it necessary to put a stop to it, but only that in the year 1760 Lieu
tenant Don Juan de Flores seized a schooner and two boats from Essequibo
in the River Orinoco and Barima its tributary, while going in pursuit of
some Hollanders who were purchasing poitos from the Caribs along those
channels, and that the said vessels were declared confiscate in the govern
ment of Cumana to which Guayana was then subject; but that the pretence
of this fishery by the Dutch in the mouth of the Orinoco appears suspicious
to the declarant, for they have other places from which to pro
vide themselves with fish much nearer to Essequibo, and that
he is persuaded that, under pretext of fishing the Dutch wish to es
tablish themselves freely with their boats in the mouth of the Orinoco, to
re-establish and facilitate the clandestine shipments of mules from Guara
piche and Guaruapo, and tobacco from Barinas, hides and other products
of the Spanish Provinces, with which they used to benefit their Colony
considerably when the Orinoco, with its creeks, was not so well guarded as
now: which new measure and want of commerce is the true cause of the
resentment of M. Gravesand, Director of Essequibo, and the most interested
in the illicit trade of the colony: That it is an equally false statement that
they have also been prevented by the Spaniards from carrying on the said
fishing in the territory which Gravesand calls territory of the State itself,
which, he says, extends from the River Mareguifie up to this side of the
Guayne, very near the mouth of the Orinoco, which supposition, the de
clarant says, is a serious error: As regards the slaves who desert from Es
sequibo, the declarant says that they are of two races, negroes bought in
Africa, or Indians whom the Dutch unjustly and cruelly seize, or cause to
be seized, by the Caribs their allies, from our dominions along the Rivers
Moruca and Guayne, arms of the sea communicating with the Orinoco, or
along the Rivers Cuyuni, Maseroni, Apanoni, and others which run
through the further interior of this Province and empty themselves in Es
sequibo: That the latter have never been claimed back by the Dutch, who
well know the guilt of their acquisition; for in this inhuman traffic they
cause many innocent persons to be slain in order to enslave others contrary
to the law of -nations; and with respect to the negroes, the declarant
says that Sefior Gravesand is wanting in truthfulness, for although we
know that two negro slaves, fugitives from this city to the Colony of Es
sequibo, were sold there by the said Gravesand, although their owners, Don
Thorns Franquis and Agustina Catalina de Arocha, inhabitants of Guayana,
have claimed them back and have not obtained any satisfaction; several
times when Gravesand has here claimed restitution of some of the negro
slaves, deserters from Essequibo, and their owners have agreed that
they should be sold, this has been done in Guayana and the
money produced taken to Essequibo, except only those slaves
who made their escape to obtain the benefit of the Catholic Religion;

388 No. 409.
for those have been declared free according to the King's command; and
that the declarant does not know that either the Indian or negro fugitives
from Essequibo have been induced to escape by the Spaniards, nor does it
seem to him likely that anyone has engaged in upon such actions, with the
risk of being hung in Essequibo: that it is a fact that the Colony is going
to its ruin since the door has been closed for the illicit traffic which they
carried on previously in Orinoco, and the poitos or slaves have found the
door of their liberty open, so that they can escape therefrom, and, finally,
he says that the statement is absolutely false that the Spaniards have killed
any Dutch guard or guards, or have attacked any other post of theirs except
that of the Cuyuni in the year 1758, in which action only one man died,
and he was a soldier of the Spaniards: and he adds that he has been resi
dent for thirty-three years in this Province, and that with this experience
he can and ought to say that the manoeuvres of the Dutch of Essequibo,
and their detestable traffic in poitos, is the reason why all the Caribs in our
Missions, and many other nations of savages, have not yet been settled;
and they labour continually, under the direction of the Dutch, in the de
struction of our villages by various means, at one time burning them as
they did in the year 1750, at another attacking them by main force, and at
another carrying them off by diabolic craft and policy, in suchwise that
during the period alone in which the declarant has been acquainted with
the Missions of the Catalonian Capuchin Friars of this Province, the Dutch,
together with the Caribs, have destroyed nine of their established villages,
without counting those they burnt and destroyed belonging to the Jesuit Mis
sionaries and to the Observants, likewise killing many Religious and sol
diers, and that among almost all these savages Hollanders have been found
naked and painted like Caribs, and that what he has declared is the truth,
under obligation of the oath which he has taken. That he ratifies and
affirms what is therein, and if necessary will repeat it: that he is fifty-seven
years of age: And this his declaration, having been read to him, he said
that it is the same that he had made, that it is well and faithfully written,
that he has nothing to add or subtract therein, and has signed it with the
said Commandant General and us the judicial witnesses, whereof we
certify, &c.

No. 410.

Deposition, made March 28, 1770, hy Santiago Bonalde, Citizen ofthe
City of Guayana, as to Complaints hy the Dutch Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 290-291.]
On the 28th day of the said month and year [Mar., 1770], in order to con
tinue the report ordered to be drawn up in the foregoing "Auto," there ap
peared in this tribunal Don Santiago Bonalde, citizen of this city, whom the
Commandant-General admitted upon oath, which he took according to law,

389
No. 410.
by God our Lord, and a sign of the cross, under obligation whereof he
promised to tell the truth to the King in what he might know and might
be asked: and being interrogated according to the tenor of the said note
presented by the Minister of Holland, which runs from folios one to six of
these " Autos," and for his better understanding, it having been read to
him word for word, he declared: that the Dutch are not, nor ever have
been, in possession of the rivers or rivulets which drain into the sea from
Essequibo, exclusively, up to the mouth of the Orinoco; that they have
only been permitted to have in that part a small guard of two Europeans
and some Indians in a barrack which they call the Post on the eastern
bank of the River Moruca, which the Dutch call Maroco, and that this
settlement has not existed from time quasi-immemorial, because even the
said colony has not either, and we know tbat it began in the middle
of the last century; that it is untrue that the Dutch have held, or do hold,
possession of the river Cuyuni (called by them, Cayoeni), for having estab
lished therein a guard and barrack, like that of Moruca, in the year [1]747,
to facilitate the inhuman traffic and seizure of Indians whom they enslave
surreptitiously in the dominions of our Lord the King for the cultivation
of the plantations and advancement of the colony, directly it came to the
notice of the Spaniards, in the year [1]757, they were dislodged therefrom
by the declarant, who was despatched with some troops for this purpose
by the Deputy Commandant of old Guayana, and so neither on the Cuyuni,
Maseroni, Apanoni, nor on the other rivers which disembogue in Essequibo
do the Dutch hold any possession, nor is it permissible that they should
hold it, for since the said rivers include between them almost all the terri
tory of the Province of Guayana, running from its western boundary in
which they rise to its eastern boundary where they fall into the River
Essequibo, it would result from the supposed possession that the Dutch
were owners of almost all the vast Province of Guayana, and that we, the
Spaniards, held nothing therein except the worthless banks of the Orinoco,
which is an absurdity; that the only place wherein the Dutch are tolerated
and established is on the banks of the river Essequibo, from its mouth up
to that of the Cuyuni, where they have a post which they call Old Castle;
that the Essequibo runs from S. E. to N.W. almost parallel to the sea coast,
the eastern boundary of this Province of Guayana, and leaves the interior
thereof free to the Spaniards, its legitimate possessors; that the declarant
does not know, nor has ever heard, that the Spaniards have built a
fort on the Cuyuni or in its vicinity, with many or few troops, for in
that part we have no other settlements than the two missions or
villages of Indians, Guazcipatti and Cavallapi, which the Catalonian
Capuchin Fathers founded in the years [1]757 and [1J761 on the
northern bank of the River Yuruari, which falls into the Cuyuni, and
at the distance of seventy leagues from the demolished Dutch barrack, and
that in the said missions there is no more than one soldier in each for an
escort to the missionary; that concerning what happened in February last

390 No. 410.
at the post of Moruca, the declarant only knows that the Capuchin
Fathers who made that incursion, brought the Indians fugitives from their
villages, who had withdrawn to the channels and plains between Guaine
and Moruca, and that having reached the barrack established by the Dutch
and found therein, enslaved by the Dutch Chief, two or three Indians,
natives of our dominions, they brought them to the Missions, without
having committed any injury or act of hostility against the Dutch; and
with regard to the post and commercial establishment which Gravesand
supposes that the Company held between Guayne and Povaron, the
declarant neither knows nor has heard speak of such establishment;
*******
that the declarant has not seen, or heard say, that the Dutch have conducted
any fisheries in the mouth of the Orinoco nor that the Spaniards have had
to prevent it, but only that in the year 1760, Lieutenant Don Juan de Flores
seized a schooner and two boats from Essequibo in the river Orinoco and
the Barima its tributary, while going in pursuit of some Hollanders
who were purchasing Poitos from the Caribs along those channels, and
that the said vessels were declared confiscate in the Government of Cumana,
to which Guayana was then subject; but that the pretence of this fishery by
the Dutch in the mouth of the Orinoco appears suspicious to the declarant,
for they have places from which to provide themselves with fish much nearer
to Essequibo, and that he is persuaded that under pretext of fishing, the
Dutch wish to establish themselves freely, with their boats, in the mouths
of the Orinoco, to re-establish and facilitate the clandestine shipments of
mules from Guarapiche and Guaruapo, and tobacco from Barinas, hides
and other products of the Spanish Provinces, with which they used to
benefit their colony considerably, when the Orinoco and its creeks were
not so well guarded as now, which new measure and want of commerce is
the true cause of the resentment of Monsieur de Gravesand, Director of
Essequibo, and the most interested in the illicit trade of the Colonv; that
it is an equally false statement that they have also been prevented by the
Spaniards in the territory of the state itself, which, he says, extends from
the river Mareguine up to this side of the Guayne, very near the mouth of
the Orinoco, which supposition, the declarant says, is a serious error. As
regards the runaway slaves from Essequibo, the declarant says that they
are of two races, negroes bought in Africa, and Indians whom the Dutch
unjustly and cruelly seize, or cause to be seized by the Caribs their allies,
from our dominions along the Rivers Moruca and Guayne, running into
the sea and communicating with the Orinoco, or along the rivers Cuyuni,
Maseroni, and Apanoni, and others, which run through the further interior
of this province and empty themselves in Essequibo; that the latter have
never been claimed back by the Dutch who well know the guilt of their
acquisition; for in this inhuman traffic they cause many innocent persons
to be slain in order to enslave others contrary to the law of nations; and
that with respect to the negroes, the declarant says that Sefior Gravesand

391
No. 410.
is wanting in truthfulness, for although we know that two negro slaves,
fugitives from this city to the Colony of Essequibo, were sold there by tbe
said Gravesand, although their owners, Don Thomas Franquis and
Augustina Catalina de Arocha, inhabitants of Guayana, have claimed
them back and have not obtained any satisfaction, several times when
Gravesand has here claimed restitution of the negro slaves, deserters
from Essequibo, and their owners have agreed that they should be
sold, this has been done in Guayana and the money produced taken to
Essequibo, except only those slaves who made their escape to obtain the
benefit of the Catholic religion, for these have been declared free as the
King has commanded. And that neither the Indians nor the negroes,
fugitives from Essequibo, have, to the knowledge of the declarant, been
induced by the Spaniards to escape, nor does it seem to him likely that any
one has engaged in upon such action with the risk of being hung in Esse
quibo; that it is a fact that the Colony is going to its ruin since the door has
been shut for the illicit traffic which it carried on previously in Orinoco,
and the Poitos or slaves have found the door of their liberty open so that
they can escape from there; and finally, he says, that the statement is ab
solutely false that the Spaniards have killed any Dutch guard or guards, or
have attacked any other post of theirs, except that of the Cuyuni in the
year 1758, in which action only one man died and he was a soldier of the
Spaniards; and he adds that he has been resident for twenty-seven years in
this province, and that with this experience be can, and ought to say, that
the instigations of the Dutch of Essequibo and their detestable traffic in
Poitos is the reason why all the Caribs in our Missions, and many other
nations of savages, have not already been settled, and why they labour
continually, under the direction of the Dutch, in the destruction of our
villages by various means, at one time burning them as they did in the year
1750, at another attacking them by main force, and at another carrying
them off by diabolic craft and policy; in such wise that during the period
alone in which the declarant has been acquainted with the missions of the
Catalonian Capuchin Friars of this Province, the Dutch together with the
Caribs have destroyed nine of their established villages, without counting
those they burnt and destroyed belonging to the Jesuit and Observant Mis
sionaries of Orinoco, likewise killing many fathers and soldiers; and that
among almost all these savages, Hollanders have been found painted like
Caribs; and that what he has declared is the truth under obligation of the
oath which he has taken, which is ratified and affirmed therein, and if
necessary he will repeat it. That he is forty-six years of age; and this
declaration having been read to him, he said that it is the same that he
made, that it is well and faithfully written, that he has nothing to add or
subtract therein; and being blind, has ordered his eldest son, Santiago, to
sign for him as he did with the said Sefior Commandant-General and us the
witnesses, whereof we certify.

392 No. 411.
Cipriano Maiorga summoned to Testify as to Complaints hy «he Dutcb
Minister ; March 29, 1770.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 291.]
The judicial witnesses summon before this tribunal Cipriano Maiorga
in order that, by taking down his declaration, the requirements of the
declarations of the Capuchin Fathers, Friar Joseph Antonio de Zervera and
Friar Felix de Tarraga, Missionaries of this Province, may be completed.
Thus Sefior Don Manuel Centurion, Commandant-General of this Province,
provided and ordered in this city of Guayana on the 29th of March, 1770,
and signed it in the presence of us the aforesaid witnesses, whereof we
certify.

No. 412.
Return of summons for witness Cipriano Maiorga, March 29, 1770.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 292.]
The same day [Mar. 29, 1770] we the judicial witnesses call upon Cipriano
Maiorga, as Captain of the launch in which, during the month of February
of last year, the two Capuchin Missionary Fathers, Friar Joseph Antonio de
Zervera and Friar Felix de Tarraga, went to fetch Indians from the mouths
of the Orinoco, and not having found him in the whole of this city we have
ascertained that he is absent with the cruiser under his charge: which in
fulfilment of the foregoing " Auto," we put for due form and certify.

No. 413.
Deposition made March 30, 1770, hy Thomas Franquiz, as to Complaints
hy the Dutch.Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 292.]
In this aforesaid city on the 30th of the said month and year [Mar., 1770]
in order to complete the requirements of the foregoing declarations in respect
to Don Thomas Franquiz, he appeared before us the judicial witnesses in
the tribunal of Government, and being admitted upon oath, which he
duly made by God our Lord, and a sign of the cross; he promised the
King to tell the truth in what he might know and might be asked; and
being interrogated by the Sefior Commandant-General in the matter of
the flight of one of the slaves of the declarant, who is said to be in the
Colony of Essequibo, he declared: that it is true that about the end of last
year 1776, * a negro slave of the declarant, called Ambrosio, fled from this
1 An obvioua error. It should be 1766; see deposition of de _.rocha below.

393
No. 413.
city to the Colony of Essequibo, accompanied by another named Francisco,
belonging to Agustina de Arocha; and from various deserters who after
wards came from Essequibo to this city, the declarant has learned that
his negro and tbe one belonging to Agustina de Arocha have been sold in
Essequibo to a Lutheran schoolmaster, by the Government [Governor] of
that colony, after having kept them at work in his own plantation, and
that they escaped from him, and he had to come down to the mouths of
the Orinoco to recapture them: that this is as much as he knows, and can
say in this matter, under the oath which he has taken, wherein it is rati
fied and affirmed, and if necessary he will repeat it; that he is twenty-
nine years of age, and this declaration having been read to him, he said
that it is the same that he made, that it is well and faithfully written,
that he has nothing to add or subtract therein, and has signed it together
with the said Sefior Commandant-General and us the witnesses, whereof
we certify.

No. 414.

Deposition made April 2, 1770, hy Agustina de Arocha, Inhahitant of
Guayana, as to Complaints hy the Dutch Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 292.]
In this said city, on the 2nd of April, 1770, there appeared in this tri
bunal before us the judicial witnesses Agustina de Arocha, inhabitant of
Guayana, cited in the foregoing declarations, whom the Sefior Command
ant-General admitted upon oath which she took according to law, by God
our Lord, aud a sign of the cross, under obligation whereof she promised
the King to tell the truth in what she might know and might be asked;
and being interrogated in the matter of the slave of the declarant, who, it
is stated, ran away from this city to the colony of Essequibo, where he now
is, she said: that it is true that towards the end of the year 1766 a negro
slave belonging to the declarant deserted from this city to the colony of
Essequibo with another belonging to Don Thomas Franquiz, the former
named Francisco, and the latter Ambrosio, and that-from various deserters
who afterwards came from Essequibo to this city, the declarant has learned
that her negro and the one belonging to Franquiz have been sold in Esse
quibo to a Lutheran schoolmaster by the governor of that Colony after he
had kept them at work in his own plantation, from which they escaped,
and he came to recapture them in the mouth ofthe Orinoco; that this is as
much as she knows and can say in the matter, under obligation of the oath
which she has taken, wherein it is ratified and affirmed, and if necessary
she will repeat it: That she is forty-three years of age, and this her decla
ration having been read to her, she said that it is the same that she made,
that it is well and faithfully written, that she has nothing to add or sub-

394 No. 414.
tract therein, and has not signed it because she said she did not know how
to do so; at her request Don Francisco de Amantegui signed it with the
said Sefior Commandant-General and us the judicial witnesses, whereof we
certify.

No. 415.

Order of Manuel Centurion, Commandant-General of Guiana, concluding
investigation of Dutch Complaints, April 4, 1770.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 293.]
In the city of Guayana on the 4th of April, 1770, Sefior Don Manuel
Centurion, Commandant-General of this province, being in his tribunal
with us the judicial witnesses, he declared that having seen the declara
tions and inquiries whereof these " Autos " consist, he approved them and
considered them sufficient for the proofs which by order of the King he
has been instructed to draw up respecting the complaints made to His
Majesty by the Minister of Holland concerning the proceedings of the
Spaniards of Orinoco against the Colony of Essequibo, and therefore
ordered that a complete copy of this report being taken by us the wit
nesses, the original should be sent to the King our Lord by the hand of the
Excelentisimo Senor Bailio Friar Don Julian de Arriaga, and thus the said
Sefior Commandant-General decreed and signed it with us the aforesaid
witnesses, in default of the notary, and on ordinary paper because stamped
paper is not current in this Province, whereof we certify.

No. 416.

Extracts/from Report of Manuel Centurion, Commander in Guayana, as to
the Complaints ofthe Minister of Holland, April 5, 1770.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 172-179.]
Dear Sir: The two judicial documents accompanied will show Your
Excellency, duly proved, that the Director of the Esquivo Colony, Lorenzo
Horm van Gravesand, has intended to alarm the States-General with the
impostures on which the Republic of Holland has founded its complaints
through its Minister in Madrid, on account of the conduct of the Spaniards
of Orinoco against that Colony.
As it appears in part No. 1 of the proceedings, the Hollanders are not,
nor ever have been, in possession of the rivers nor rivulets emptying their
waters into the sea from the Esquivo to the Orinoco, nor have they any
other establishment than a Guard at a straw-roofed Barrack on the eastern
bank of the Moruca (Maroco) river that has been tolerated for the last
twenty years, so as to enable them to prevent the desertion of their slaves;

395
No. 416.
this pretext has degenerated immediately afterwards into the most iniqui
tous commerce carried on by the barbarous and cruel Caribs, from whom
they buy the Indians enslaved, by means of surprising and killing the other
tribes living freely and peacefully within the King's our Lord's dominions.
At the Cuyuni river, called by the Hollanders Cayoeny, they have no other
possessions than a plantation at its mouth in the Esquivo, as they were
stopped when they intendedan establishment fifteen or twenty leagues farther
up said river in the year 1747, erecting a Barrack and Guard Post to enslave
the Indians of our territory by means of the Caribs. As soon as our Mis
sionaries were satisfied of the fact they submitted .the case to the Com
mander of Guayana, and this officer had them dislodged from there on the
following year of 1757, by means of a detachment, who set fire to the Bar
rack and brought as prisioners the two Hollanders, the negro, and the
Caribs that he found there, with the instructions and original report show
ing the infamous commerce that by orders of the Directors of Esquivo, and
for a vile consideration, was carried out by that Guard, such as it is done
by all the other advanced Barracks from the Colony, bleeding to the heart
the centre of the Province of Guayana. Part No. 2 shows the details of
this journey, by which it is plain that there was no more blood shed than
that of two of our soldiers, one of whom was killed and the other wounded.
Part No. 1 shows, likewise, that the Hollanders are not in possession of
the Maserony nor of the other rivers emptying into the Esquivo on the
southwestern bank; and it is important to remove this error, forming the
basis of their unfounded complaint, for as the Esquivo runs in a direction
about parallel with th'e coast of the ocean from the neighborhood of the
Corentin until it reaches the seashore forty-five leagues to the east of the
Orinoco, all the rivers having their sources in the interior of our Province
of Guayana, and following their direction to the coast, between the mouth
of the Corentin and Esquivo, meet precisely this last one, which runs across
and takes their waters. So that if, as the Hollanders suppose, that terri
tory embraced by the rivers emptying into the Esquivo, such as Cuyuni,
Maserony, Mao, Apanony, Putara, and other minor rivers with their
branches and rivulets, were territory of the Republic, the strangers would
have a larger portion than the King our Lord in the Province of Guayana,
as shown by the accompanying sketch that I have drawn with every pos
sible accuracy, to go with this report, pointing out in yellow what part in
my judgment may the Hollanders pretend by right of possession of any
kind acquired until to-day.
The Spanish detachment that Gravesand claims having advanced last
year from the Orinoco to the Post of Cuyuni and taken many Indians,
threatening to return and go to the Maserony river, to arrest a party of
Caribs, go down the river and there visit the Barrack of the Company, is
undoubtedly a story of the agents in Poytos kept around there by the Hol
landers, deeply regretting to see that some savage Indians, both Caribs and
Guaicas, living in that neighborhood, come and settle in our Missions; as

396 No. 416.
from here no detachment whatever has left for those rivers, and I know-
that tbe Catalan Capuchin Fathers have received in their settlements, dur
ing the last few years, several Indians from the mountains between Cuyuni
and Maserony, at the solicitation of the same Caribs, of whom we have about
five thousand in our settlements, not knowing for the last twenty years of
our Missions until now that this numerous tribe belonged to the Dutch, as
Gravesand says, nor that those mountains form a part of the territory
of the Republic, because they have always been the site for the settle
ments under the Catalan Capuchin Father Missioners at Guayana.
The two houses guarded by many troops, Your Excellency will see by
part No. 1, tbat consists of two Indian settlements founded by the Cata
lan Capuchin Fathers by the side of the Yuruari, united to the other
Missions and without any other Garrison than one soldier to each one, for
the escort of the Missioner; being likewise false, the supposed proximity
to the Barrack of the Company, distant over seventy leagues of a bad
road. The seizure of the Indians from Moruca by the Spaniards, consists in
the fact that two Catalan Capuchins, escorted as customary, entered with
their launch from the Orinoco to the Barima river, its confluent, in quest
of Indian deserters from the Mission in their charge, and having' found
them dispersed through those creeks, between the Guayne and Moruca (a
contiguous territory to the Orinoco never occupied by the Hollanders)
gathering Indians, they reached the Post or Barrack of Moruca, where
they found a Dutch Guard who had enslaved three Indian women with
their children, who had been taken away through the mouths of the
Orinoco; that they so represented the case to the Reverend Fathers, who
brought them back to the Missions without the least harm to the Holland
ers. On the contrary, thinking that it was a favor to the man on duty at
the Guard, who asked for a paper to satisfy the Director of Esquivo of the
case, they gave him a certificate, being moved by pity, exceeding, indeed,
the terms of my permission to enter that port, which was not true, as the
passport I gave to the pilot of tbe launch was not extended any farther
than the mouth of the Orinoco, as shown by Part No. 1.
The Post claimed by Gravesand to have been seized by the Spaniards
near a rivulet to the south of the Guayne river, between the latter and
the Povaron river, where he supposes that the company had been for an
immemorial time in possession of a place of commerce and Post, depend
ing likewise without any contradiction from the territory of the Republic,
I think is the one abandoned by the intruding Dutchmen at the Barima
river, in the year 1768, when they ascertained, through their friends, the
Caribs, that our corsair launches were inspecting that river, as one of the
most important flowing into the Orinoco, although in order to diminish its
importance they call it a rivulet, and the Director of Esquivo does not
dare to name it, so as not to declare himself a usurper; for that same
reason he makes himself so poor in memory that he calls immemorial this

397
No. 416.
establishment only two years old. See the evidence of this fact in Part
No. 3. ****** #
The Spaniards never have disputed the Hollanders' right to fish at the
mouth of the Orinoco, because they never have attempted it before. Dur
ing the past three years, in which I have built three corsair launches for this
river, twenty-three foreign vessels have been seized, but none of them
while fishing, certainly not to our knowledge. I have not heard that the
Hollanders have had possession of such a right of fishing, as it is shown in
part No. 1. I have found only one instance of a small schooner and two
Dutch launches, fishing at the mouth of the Orinoco and the Barima rivers,
which were seized by the Spaniards in the year 1760, as shown in Part
No. 4.
I am of the opinion that the Hollanders must be refused and prevented
from fishing, on account of the abuse liable to follow by turning the fran
chise into an illicit traffic, difficult to stop and most injurious to the Spanish
Provinces. *******
As His Majesty calls for my opinion on the subject, I shall have to state
that the most precious possessions of any country are the sea coasts, and
more especially so in their dominions across the sea, that might be worth
less without the means of disposing of their inland products. In the vast
Province of Guayana, so fertile and advantageously situated, all the coasts
are occupied by strangers, and there is only left for the Spaniards, at one
end of the same, the mouth of the Orinoco to reach the sea. Tbe Hol
landers are in possession of the handiest coasts of this extensive country,
because they receive the waters of the navigable rivers reaching the inner
most and most productive part of Guayana. Therefore our policy ought
to aim at the destruction of the Dutch Colony, beginning by that of Esquivo
and then following with Demerari, Berbis, Corentin, up to Surinam.
There are two efficient ways to attain that end.
*******
The second is to organize a fixed batallion of infantry, to build strong
holds along the frontier and rivers emptying into the Esquivo.
*******
Among the fortresses that must be built one must be erected at
Barima, to the windward of the mouth of Navios, fronting tbe north
with a wooden lodging-house, very high, of the kind of the Balize at the
Mississippi, as the land is low and marshy. From this establishment in
effective possession we will keep a closer lookout for the Hollanders. We
will stop them by all means, and we shall have a good watch on the sea,
and a sentinel on the Barima river, the chief avenue of the Esquivo Colony
to Orinoco. £. Balize is necessary to enable our vessels to ascertain the

398No. 416.
location of the large mouth of Orinoco, concealed by the sea for want of
proper marks, and the occasion for painful and difficult tackings, on ac
count of the strong current of those waters to the leeward that cannot
be ascertained by navigators unacquainted with said mouth always, for
fear of the low ground and perils of that coast outside the channel of the
river. Finally, such a Post will make useless the one held by the Hol
landers at Moruca, for the purpose of preventing the escape of the Poytos
or slaves, by arresting those coming after them in their escape, who
sometimes reach as far as the Orinoco, under the impression that we are
forty-nine leagues away from the mouth, as it is the case at present.

No. 417.

Memorandum on Condition of the Missions of the Catalonia Capuchin
Fathers in Guiana in 1770 hy Friar Bruno de Barcelona, Prefect of Mis
sions ; Septemher 12, 1770.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 263-269.]
State of the Missions of the Reverend Catalan Capuchin Fathers of the
Province of Guayana, founded since the year seventeen hundred and
twenty-four, with others of new foundation by the Commander General of
this Province Don Manuel Centurion, shown by the actual Reverend
Father Prefect Fr. Bruno de Barcelona, in compliance with the Cedule from
the Buen Retiro in the year of seventeen hundred and one. To this end a visit
was made in tbe present year of seventeen hundred and seventy. This state
agrees with the matricula sent by the Most Reverand Fathers of the
Mission of the Immaculate Conception from Caroni to their President,
Father Manuel de Preixana and the Most Reverend Father Prefect.
1. The Indians of this Mission are Guayanos; they were transferred
from tbe Mission of Suay (by order of the King), in which they had been
founded in the year seventeen hundred and twenty-four. Baptized, 1,151;
married by the Church, 301; deaths, 777; existing, 388.
2. Mission of our Father San Francisco de Alta-gracia; President, the
Reverend Father Felix de Villanueva.
The Indians of this Mission are Guayanos, and all baptized. They were
founded in the year seventeen hundred and thirty-four. Baptized; 1,552;
married by the Church, 306; deaths, 620; existing, 540.
3. Mission of Saint Joseph of Cupapuy; its President, the Reverend
Father Joachin Maria de Martortorel.
The Indians of this Mission are all baptized, and from the Guayanos
tribes. It was founded in the year seventeen hundred and thirty-three.
Baptized, 1,470; married by the Church, 366; deaths, 664; existing, 403.

399
No. 417.
4. Mission of Santa Maria de los Angeles de Yucuari; its President,
Father Raymundo de Olot; his companion, Fr. Carlos de Barcelona, who
attends to the sick.
The Indians of this Mission are nearly all baptized; a few are Guay
anos, others Caribs, and others Panacayos. These Indians were trans
ferred from the Missions of Amaruca, founded in the year seventeen hun
dred and thirty, on account of the bad climate. Baptized, 799; married by
the Church, 363; deaths, 690; existing, 259.
5. Mission of the Divine Shepherdess of Yuruari; its President, Father
Antonio de Martorell.
The Indians of this Mission are all baptized, and of the Guayanos tribe.
It was transferred from the site of the Yuruari, on account of better con
venience for the cattle, in the year seventeen hundred and seventy. Bap
tized, 374; married by the Church, 92; deaths, 234; existing, 290.
6. Mission of Saint Joseph de Leonisa de Ayma; its President, Reverend
Bernardino de Berdu.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Guaicas tribe and from the
Camaragotos; most of them are baptized. It was founded in seventeen
hundred and fifty -three, but in the year of seventeen hundred and sixty-
seven they all took to the woods on account of the earthquakes, but after
wards most of them came out, and, with other arrivals, there are already
three hundred and eighty-eight. Baptized, 599; married by the Church,
44; deaths, 198; existing, 388.
7. Mission of Our Lady of the Rosary of Guazipati; its President, the
Reverend Father Benito de la Garriga.
The Indians of this Mission are of the Carib tribe. It was founded in
the year seventeen hundred and fifty- seven; nearly all are baptized.
Baptized, 316; married by the Church, 16; deaths, 104; existing, 370.
8. Mission of San Miguel del Carapo; its President, Father Thomas de
Mataro. The Indians of this Mission are from the Carib tribe; most of them are
baptized. It was founded in the year seventeen hundred and fifty- two.
Baptized, 606; married by the Church, 30; deaths, 204; existing, 410.
9. Mission of Our lady of La Soledad del Cavallaju; its President,
Father Geronimo de Vallfogona.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Guaico tribe. It was founded
in the year seventeen hundred and sixty-one. At the beginning of the
year seventeen hundred and sixty-nine they took to the woods, on account
the measles; about one hundred and twenty have been recovered since.
Baptized, 208; married by the Church, 11; deaths, 70; existing, 120.
10. Mission of Our Lady of Monserrate del Miamo; its President, Father
Buenaventura de Santa Coloma.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Carib tribe. Most of them are
baptized. It was founded in the year seventeen hundred and forty-eight.
Baptized, 733; married by the Church, 60; deaths, 312; existing, 501.

400 No. 417.
11. Mission of Saint Michael of Palmar; its President, Father Francisco
de San Julian.
The Indians of this Mission are Guayanos and Caribs. It was founded
in the year seventeen hundred and forty-six. Baptized, 510; married by
the Church, 108; deaths, 264; existing, 380.
12. Mission of San Antonio; its President, tbe Reverend Father Mariano
de Savadell, accompanied by Father Domingo de Arbucies.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Guayanos tribe, all baptized;
they were founded in the year seventeen hundred and sixty-five. Baptized,
287; married by the Church, 64; deaths, 47; existing, 248.
13. Mission of Saint Raymond de Carauaci; its President, Father Pedro
de Fugarola. The Indians of this Mission are Caribs and Cachigarotos. Founded in
the year seventeen hundred and sixty-three. Baptized, 83; married by the
Church, 1; deaths, 20; existing, 130.
14. Mission of Santa Eulalia de Murucuri; its President, Father Thomas
de San Pedro.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Carib tribe, and most of them
are baptized. It was founded in the year seventeen hundred and fifty-four.
Baptized, 403; married by the Church, 40; deaths, 220; existing, 368.
15. Mission of the Calvary; its President, Father Joseph Antonio de
Cervera. The Indians of this Mission are from the tribes of Guaraunos and
Salivas, most of them are baptized; they were founded in the year seven
teen hundred and sixty-one. At present they have already two Missions, and
the latter, by order of tbe King, is placed in the Cardonal. The Com
mander, General Don Manuel Centurion, in order to facilitate their trans
lation, and in consideration of their poverty, supplied them, at his own
expense, with many iron utensils and other alms for the purpose of plant
ing new grounds, in seventeen hundred and sixty-eight. Baptized, 387;
married by the Church, 15; deaths, 125; existing, 206.
16. Mission of Santa Ana; its President, Father Felix de Tarraga.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Aruaca and Guarauno tribes,
most of them are baptized and united from two Missions of San Joaquin
and San Felix. They commenced their transfer by order of the King our
Lord at the beginning of the present year, seventeen hundred and seventy.
The Commander General, Don Manuel Centurion, in order to facilitate
their transportation, made a present to both tribes of a large amount of
iron utensils, axes, machetes, and other articles. Baptized, 639; married
by the Church, 18; deaths, 250; existing, 446.
17. Mission of Our Lady of Los Dolores de Puedpa; its President,
Father Mariano de Zervera.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Aruacas and Chimas tribes;
they were founded in the year seventeen hundred and forty-nine, most of
them ran away the latter part of February of the present year of seventeen

401
No. 417.
hundred and seventy, some have been recovered, and in a short time will
be entered. Before they ran away they numbered in all one hundred and
seventy, brought from Moruca, where two Reverend Fathers went after
them, well escorted and provided with vessels and the necessary stores,
supplied by the Commander General, Don Manuel Centurion. Baptized,
56; married by the Church, 0; deaths, 3; existing, 52.
18. Mission of Santa Rossa de Maruanta; its President, Father James
de Puigcerda. The Indians of this Mission are from the Guaraunos tribe. It was
founded by the above-mentioned Commander General, Don Manuel
Centurion, with Guaraunos Indians, whom he personally went after, and
brought along with him to the lower Orinoco, as may be seen in his letter
asking the Reverend Father Prefect to send one of the Fathers to attend to
the spiritual wants of said Indians, a fact well known to all the inhabitants
of this city; a few of said Indians are baptized. It was founded in the
year seventeen hundred and sixty-nine, and is in our charge. Baptized,
30; married by the Church, 0; deaths, 9; existing, 286.
19. Mission of the Immaculate Conception of Pana-pana; its President,
the above-named Father Fr. James de Puigcerda.
The Indians of this Mission are from the Carib tribe, and it was founded
likewise by the same Commander General, Don Manuel Centurion, in the
year seventeen hundred and sixty-nine, as it appears by the letter ad
dressed by his Honor to the Most Reverend Father Prefect, asking for a
Missioner to attend the said Indians, and it is improving with new arrivals
of Caribs with embarkations, troops, arms, and stores, and every other
necessary thing at the expense of the Commander General and in company
of the Reverend President. Baptized, 8; married by the Church, 0; deaths,
0; existing, 97.
20. Mission of Saint Felix de Topoquen, under Father Manuel de
Preixana. The Indians of this Mission are from the Carib tribe, a few are baptized,
it commenced under Father Manuel de Preisana in the year seventeen
sixty-seven. Baptized, 56; married by the Church, 0; deaths, 5; existing,
110. 21. Mission of the Cumamu, under Father Buena Ventura de Santa
Coloma. The Indians of this Mission are from the Carib tribe, a few are baptized;
it was founded in the year seventeen seventy-seven. Baptized, 47; mar
ried by the Church, 0; deaths, 5; existing, 106.
22. Village of Upata and San Antonio— all Spaniards; its President,
Father Pedro Martin de Ribas.
This village was commenced to be founded at the expense of the Rev
erend Community, in the year seventeen hundred and sixty-two, with ten
Spanish families. Baptized, 69; married by the Church, 23; deaths, 20;
existing, 152.

402 No. 417.
Note.— About the latter part of last year tbe fortress of Hipoqui was
commenced with six officers and an officer Cadet of the troop, by allow
ance of the Commander General, Don Manuel Centurion, with six swivel-
guns, balls, powder, and military armaments, said community paying for
the provisions of beef and casave for the vessel. Two Reverend Fathers
were sent to promote the success of said expedition, they planted the cross
and began the Mission at the mouth of La Parana. Said Castle of Hipoqui
remains as a constituted Spanish village by the pleasure of His Majesty,
and the approval of the Commander General, with some expenses to the
Reverend community. Said village is called Barceloneta. Now it consists
of twelve Spanish families (with a few Indians) freely supplied with
transportation and other expenses by the same Commander, showing his
earnest desire to give ample population to these lands, and conquer souls
for the Lord and vassals for our King.
At the same time three other Missions have been commenced under the
names of Guri, Aripuana, on the banks of the Caroni river, and on the
straight road to Nre Barceloneta; and the third, called Garumopati, on the
bank of the Parana river.
The Reverend Missioners are no more nor less than twenty, besides the
two above-mentioned in these places.
We are daily awaiting the arrival from our Province of the eleven
Fathers and a nurse that we have requested for the past few years, with
the approval of the Commander General of this Province.
Total— Baptized, 10,360; married, 1,754; deaths, 4,842; existing, 6,246.
The Indians from the tribes, whose reduction we are still wanting, and
that we discover every day, are as follows:
Maceronis Caribs, Guaicas, Guapisanas, Paravaxanas, Arivas, Machua-
canes, Tarumas, Gumaripas, Parauyanas, Tuyanas, Hipuragotos, Aturayas,
Cumuxis, Papavenas, Camaragotos, Quiriquiripas, Hifiaus, Cucuipcotos,
Arianas. In testimony whereof, I give the present letters signed by me and sealed
with the grand seal of our office, countersigned by our Secretary, in this
Mission of the Immaculate Conception of Caroni, on the twelfth day of
September, in the year of seventeen hundred and seventy.

No. 418.

Extracts from Beport of Manuel Centurion, Commandant in Guayana, dated
April 20, 1771, as to the Province of Guayana, in answer to the second
Command ofthe King of Spain.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 120-122.]
In your Lordship's letter of the 18th September last you informed me
of an Order of Council that I should communicate to them the result of

403
No. 418.
my observations with regard to the removal of the four villages of Piacoa,
Vyacua, Tipurua, and Unaba. I was to report, upon their tranquility, per
manence, and progress, and on other points which I might think worthy of
mention, so that this Council might have full information to enable them to
deliberate properly. I, wishing to fulfill to the letter the superior orders of
the Council, and in order to give them all due information, proceeded at
once to inspect the two villages of Santa Ana and Monte Calvario, situated
to the west of the River Carony, to which the people of the four villages
mentioned above emigrated together. I found 715 inhabitants, in good
health, cheerful, well nourished, and industrious, in place of the 350 souls,
sick, sad, hungry, and idle, who made up the population of the four villages
in question before their removal.
This increase of numbers, their good health, their pleasure in life, and
the abundance of their harvests assure more than ever the tranquility and
settlement of the population, and prove the wisdom of their removal, and
even its advantage to the Guarauno and Aruaca Indians themselves.
*******
Notwithstanding these difficulties, I have been able, by incessant work
and at some expense, to bring within the pale of civilized and Christian
society 1,170 Guaraunos, whom I have settled in the outskirts of this
capital in the villages of Orocopiche, Maruanta, and Buenavista, and the
towns of Borbon and Carolina, where they are well contented with the
good treatment they meet with and the education their children receive
from the Spaniards. Thus, helping each other, all are benefited, the
Indian by the material reward he receives from the industry and religion
learned from the Spaniard, and the Spaniard by the labour of the Indian's
hands, which he rescues from idleness and applies to labour and agricul
ture. This plan is most useful for the population of the desert country
round this capital, and there are no wild Indians, except the Guaraunos,
for more than 100 leagues. This district is the most important in the
province, as being the healthiest and the best suited to trade with many
other provinces of America and with the kingdoms of Spain.
*******
In order partly to avoid these grave disadvantages, 1 have thought it
necessary, in those towns where there is an officer or soldier as escort to
the missionary, and there cannot be a Royal official, with ability, talent,
and good conduct, capable of governing the place by himself as regards
political matters, it should be done by that officer or soldier, under the
orders of the District Judge Commandant, acting in concert with the
missionary, as is explained by the inclosed instructions. At the
same time, I have arranged thirty-five marriages between Spaniards and
the principal Indian women of the newly-converted tribes of Cariva,
Guayea, and Guarauna. By this alliance we are being united to a won
derful degree with these and other tribes, so that even the Indians who
formerly heard the name of Spaniard with the greatest horror, now come

404 No.~418.of their own free will out of the woods where they have, up till now, been
kept as if buried by fear, and they have a kind of safeguard in the knowl
edge of my love for all of them, and are tempted by my liberality to come
in troops more than thirty days' journey to see me, and ask me to give
them implements to enable them to settle on their lands. Some have
wished to remain in this neighbourhood to enjoy at closer quarters the ad
vantages of trade and intercourse with the Spaniards.
By these efficacious methods, which are honest (though not much to
the taste of all the missionaries), I have succeeded, during my tenure of
office, in creating thirty-two new settlements of Indians and Spaniards in
this province, with 8,271 inhabitants; 1,407 "fauejas"of land have been
brought into cultivation, and there are 29,787 head of cattle more, as well
as many houses and buildings of stone and mortar, wThich before had never
been known in this country; indeed, the capital itself consisted but of fifty
cabins or'straw huts.

No. 419.

Extracts from letter from Manuel Centurion, Commandant-General in
Guayana, to Julian de Arriaga, Complaining of conduct of Capuchin Mis
sionaries; July 29, 1771.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 294-296.]
In reference to what I have already represented to your Excellency
under date of the 20th June last, I must now add that the Capuchin
Fathers of Catalonia, Missionaries of this Province, always insisting that
the Government, Civil and Financial, of the Indian villages which they in
struct is their particular privilege, have continued their resistance and op
position to the establishment of the Territorial Judge, and a Military Chief,
whom I commissioned for the purpose of governing the four villages of the
Caroni, with the authority of Military Commandant and "Corregidor," as
being the office most known, and employed among the Missionaries, and
the most significant and intelligible, so that the Indians may recognize him
as their Chief. But this measure, in itself, is odious to these Missionaries,
who wish to command in everything. But although I have explained
to them its importance for the defence of this Province, its safety
and trade, they,— having observed that the Commission of that official is
a warrant of the Military authority, and is not of the form which corre
sponds to the office of "Corregidor," as is shown in the copy, legalized No.
1,— have been so stirred up, and have raised frivolous objections to such an ex
tent on this question of name, that not only have they imagined that my in
tent is to ruin those villages, as the Prefect states in his letters,marked Nos. 3
and 5, but also, as appears from the report, marked No. 13, have managed to
excite the Indians to rise in rebellion, with this species of sedition, ordering
them not to receive a " Corregidor," and not to obey any other orders than
those of the Father Prefect, who by force wishes that I should prefer the

405
No. 4 Id.
imaginary privileges of the Missionaries to the better service of the King
and the public weal. And they put forward certain Royal "Cedulas"
which the Reverend Father alleges in their favour, but does not give, nor are
they to be found in these Archives. And these Fathers understanding not
the Royal Laws, which charge the Governors and Justices, of these King
doms with the conversion, settlement, instruction and government of the
Indians, argue with me strongly that Governors are prohibited from pro
viding " Corregimientos." But as the Viceroy and Audience to whom this
matter belongs are more than five hundred leagues distant from here, too
far for communicating with them, at this time, the case is urgent: lam
Commandant-General of New Settlements, and not strictly and exclusively
Governor of this Province, nor is the person I have appointed strictly a
"Corregidor," but a simple Lieutenant or Judge of Commission, whose
powers are limited according to what may be acquired, and who is recalled
or placed there according to necessity. I do not consider well founded the
reasons which these Fathers allege, in opposition to the municipal laws,
which authorize me to command and direct the new settlements and
villages of the Indians, and to the powerful and special motives I have for
taking upon myself the political government of these four villages indicated,
as set out in the justificative documents accompanying my said representa
tion of the 20th June last.
Nor, still less, can I, in the present circumstances, concede to these
Missionaries the permission they request of me in their letters, Nos. 6, 8
and 10, to send as Procurators to Spain the two Fathers, Fray Jaime de
Puigcerda, and Fray Joaquin Maria de Martorel. For, besides the notable
want of Religious from which these Missions actually suffer, as I told them
in my letters Nos. 7, 9 and 11, the two named are wanting in all the
requirements which the laws prescribe for such permission. For, from
letter No. 12, your Excellency will see that the first-named is a froward,
rebellious man, even from the point of view of his Ministry; the second is
the same. Both are those very two famous fanatics, who in the time of
my predecessor, Don Joaquin Moreno, were here as parish priests. They
insulted him so much, and conspired so openly against [the Government
of] this city for having, against their will, removed the Reverend Capu
chin Community to Angostura on the Orinoco, that it is here believed that
they were the authors of the great fire of twenty-two houses that were
burned down one night in 1766, concerning which it appears that my
predecessor drew up a judicial report for transmission to Your Excellency.
What is quite certain is that these Fathers proceed in all without
obedience and humility, for they always oppose the orders of the Governor-
General of this Province. They will not even submit to those of the Dio
cesan Ordinary, not even when they reside here as parish priests and
chaplains, as appears from the document and letters No. 14, handed to me
by the Ecclesiastical Vicar.
Although in the letters they write me they affect a great respect for the

406 No. 419.
orders of the King, they have no such, except in so far as may suit them.
For having sent them by Royal order of the 5th June, 1762, a command to
remove the village of Suay to the neighbourhood of Angostura, when the
city of Guayana was removed to this place, they resisted so much that they
actually hindered the removal of that village, so necessary for the progress
of Angostura, by alleging that the place was unhealthy; that there was no
wood for building; and tbat in this neighbourhood there were no lands
adapted for cultivation for an Indian village (and now there are four at a
distance of one, two, and four leagues, without any detriment of Spanish
inhabitants dwelling in this city; and two others before reaching Caroni).
In virtue of what was provided in the said Royal Order of instructions
I exhorted them to remove the four villages of Unata, Uyacoa, Tiparua,
and Piacoa, which in direct violation of the spirit of these instructions they
had founded on the banks of the Orinoco, below this city and even of the
fort, without license, nor knowledge of the Government: And, in like
manner, they resisted, wishing to deceive the King by a diffuse representa
tion full of imaginary statements and exaggeration which His Majesty in
a Royal "Cedula" of the 16th May, 1769, rejected, commanding that the
change I proposed should be carried out.
In the same manner these Fathers refused to serve the chaplaincy ofthe
forts of Guayana, allotted to them in the military regulations of this prov
ince, approved by the King; and now, in order to have more stipends, they
esteem it, and are content to remain with it, as there is no secular priest
for the duty. They do not confess the men of the garrison, not being will
ing to subject themselves in any way to the Ordinary.
*******
Although we should charitably like to attribute all these vices to the
effects of some iron wills, without malice, it cannot be the case, because
we see that, notwithstanding that the prelate and all the community know
the perverse spirit of those two Religious, whom he has appointed as his
Procurators and Attorneys for Spain, yet he wishes to make use of such
men for the purpose of surprising and embarrassing the best and most
respectable Tribunals by tbe cunning and hypocritical aspect of these
Capuchins, without taking into account that in the meanwhile they
abandon many villages, leaving them without any instruction or spiritual
food. Thus one is compelled to believe that they proceed deceitfully and in
bad faith, and not, as they state, for the greater glory of God, service of
the King, and the good of souls.
All this, Sefior, arises from the absolute independence in which up to
now the Reverend Community has lived on account of the deserted condi
tion of the country; and the little appreciation it was held in when under
the jurisdiction of the Government of Cumana. At that time there was
no other Royal official than a simple Governor of the Fort, whom the
Capuchins of Catalonia made and unmade without any more trouble than
writing a letter or making a visit to the Governor in order that he should

407
No. 419.
sacrifice the poor Commandant, and leave them free to dispose, at their
pleasure, of both the spiritual and temporal.
From that time to now no official had the courage to oppose them; and
thus they consider themselves masters not only of all the villages which
they instruct, for there are some tbat were founded in the last century, and
even these they do not wish to see taken over [? by the Government], nor
hand them over to the Ordinary, unless on the understanding that, as con
stituting an ecclesiastical administration, they are allowed to manage and
freely apply to their own use the produce of the plantations and the Indian
communities without the knowledge of the Government, nor giving any
account to anybody of these properties.
They possess a cattle farm with more than 50,000 head of cattle, horses
and mules, and nearly the entire property and wealth of the villages of the
territory of their Missions, which is far greater than that of all the rest of
this province. And finding themselves, by these means, so powerful, they do
not wish that anyone should have any authority or jurisdiction over them,
fearful, as the Royal Official says in his certificate No. 16, lest they should
be obliged to make use of these goods in the conversion and settlementof
the innumerable Indian heathens, who dwell in the forests of the interior
of this province; and lest they may have to leave the villages situated in
the vicinity of the Orinoco, where these Missionaries already do nothing
else than carry on in them a traffic in the cattle and produce they possess,
to the prejudice of the State.
The corporals and soldiers of the escort are those who really manage
the conversion of the Indians, and work at their settlement, and until there
exist therein produce, cattle, houses, church, and everything else necessary
to live comfortably, the Missionaries scarcely allow themselves to be seen
by the Indians; whom they afterwards claim to be theirs, and then they
declare that they have converted them and settled them with their labour
and the sweat of their brow.
They make use of the Indians without paying them just as if they were
slaves. And they make it appear that they are the defenders of their
liberty. And if the Commandant-General, in fulfilment of his duty,
desires to be informed of anything for the purpose of correcting abuses,
and do what he ought in the service of the King, these Capuchins rise up
against him with contemptuous and fanatical declarations in order to make
him appear odious to the public.
This is substantially what passes here, and which with the greatest re
spect, and proper proof, I bring to the knowledge and high consideration
of Your Excellency, so that my reasons being weighed in the balance of
justice with those of these Religious, Your Excellency may determine
whatever may be of your best pleasure, understanding that they state that
they will carry their clamours even to the throne.

408 No. 420.
Extract from letter from Fidel de Santo, Procurator of the Capuchin Mis
sions, in the Court of Spain, to the Provincial of the Catalan Capuchins,
on the intention of Manuel Centurion to interfere in the government of
the Capuchin Missions, August 8, 1771.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Eev. Joseph, s. J.) The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896, Appendix 1, pp. 22-23.]
*******
Wherefore he distorts and shuffles everything, with the view that no
work of the Capuchin Missions, &c, should be reported in Court. It is
not possible to give Your Reverence in writing an exact idea of these per
secutions whereof we are every day the victims of this Minister, and there
is yet more than a year to run of the five in which they usually remain in
the Government. Add to this that he now wields absolute power, with no
subordination to that of Caracas; what will he not do? And all this under
the pretext of its being for the best service of the King; his sole object is
to get great credit for himself at our cost and to our detriment.
I enclose the correct note of what the King used to give to the Missions
in Cadiz (since I now find it among my papers) as it may serve to further
your Reverence's ideas, as also a statement of the condition of the Missions
when I was their Prefect; remarking that since then they have been in
creased with the following new villages: 1st, Caballapi; 2nd, Caranaxi;
3rd,Oratuyma; 4th, Tripurua; 5th, Casacoyma; 6th, Curumo; 7th, Cumamo;
8th, Tavaxi; 9th, Sant Antonio; 10th, Nuevo Tupuguen; besides two others
that I cannot remember, and I think that the' Rev. Father Benito de la
Garriga wrote to me about it in a letter wThich I also handed Your Rever
ence on the occasion of your visit. We have also founded since then the
Village of Spaniards called St. Antonio de Hupata at a great cost to the
Missions, but said Commandant Centurion has endeavored to destroy it
under various pretexts and to disquiet the residents thereof, in order to
draw them to his simulated settlements.
Your Reverence may command my true obedience and affection which
I pray * * *

No. 421.

Extract from letter ofF. Felix.de Villanueva to F. Jayme de Puigcerda as
to Indian attack on two missionaries on the Parime, June 20, 1772.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Eev. Jos., s. _.). The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896, Appendix l,p. 24.]
* ******
The Rev. Father Benito de la Garriga with Father Thomas de Mataro
are on an exploration of the Parime. While four days distant from there
a great number of wild Indians carne out upon them with firearms; at the
first discharge a negro from Upata, who was with them took to his heels

409
No. 421.
and said that he was sure- all our people would be killed. Some Caribs
from our Missions, who were also in the fight, have arrived and they say
that some of our band are killed, but they are unable to give further par
ticulars. The fact is, that there is no letter from the Fathers, and this a
bad sign.

* *

No. 422.

Extract from letter from Benito de la Garriga to P. Mariano de Sebadel,
Prefect ofthe Capuchin Mission of Guayana, as to the Missions of Cura
and the Dutch Colonies of Essequibo, October 29, 1782.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Rev. Joseph, s. /.) The Boundary Question between
British Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896, Appendix 1, p. 43.]
I received your esteemed letter, and in view of the papers sent by His
Excellency the Governor, with regard to the Village of Cura I must say
that, the stream thereof does not afford a passage to Esquibo; said stream
is in the Yeruario river and has other streams, although this river becomes
dry during the summer time, it flows into the Cuyuni river, and the latter
into the Esquibo; into the Cuyuni, according to reports, no deep river
empties, and it is well that all this should be told to the Governor, as also
that Don Santiago Bonaldes can best inform his Excellency, he having
sailed over the Yeruario and Cuyuni, when he went out to take the Dutch
outpost; and knows the days he employed in the navigation, and that from
the place of said outpost to the Dutch Castle, of the Governor, there re
mained about three days. Pursuant to the order given us to push forward
toward the South, for the purpose of preventing the French of Surinama
from approaching us, I posted Indians at Cura, as it is impossible to make
any progress toward the South without building Villages ou the way, &c.
This can be reported to the Governor so as to dispel his doubt about Es
quivo; as also that it is necessary to stock the savannahs of Cura with 15
or 20 thousand cows in order to draw the wild cattle, as otherwise the herd
cannot be formed, but must be taken away and removed to another place,
according to the opinion of everybody. As to the number of residents, I
beg to say that those who agreed to the Contract were only the ten families
that first settled the place and those known as slaves were not yet there.
Whenever they have come to the Missions and Indian settlements, food has
been given to them free, and often on their return each has been presented
with some calf or more; that their families, during their absence, I know,
were given meat by the priests, who likewise gave them to eat whenever
they asked for it, as also their peons, all gratuitously.

410 No. 423.

Extract from Letter from Manuel Centurion, Commandant in Guayana, to
His Excellency, Julian de Arriaga, November 11, 1773.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, p. 235.]

And in compliance with the directions of the above Royal cedule I
send your Excellency a copy of the report that I have sent to the Council,
with the corresponding justification upon every particular. In doing so
I have the pleasure to show to your Excellency, not only that I have suc
ceeded in giving this Province the consistence and considerable increase of
population of forty-three Spanish and Indian settlements, containing over
two hundred families of the former, brought from the neighboring Prov
inces, and about eight thousand of the latter, brought from the forests
and rescued from idolatry to civilized and Christian society, besides the
construction of over seven hundred houses, about three thousand farms,
and the breeding of over one hundred thousand head of cattle and horses,
but likewise I have contributed, for that purpose, with the amount of over
seven thousand dollars, out of fees and established dues, on account of my
office, that I might have retained since my assumption of this general
command, and that I have waived voluntarily in the service of the King
and the population of this Province, as is shown by authenticated docu
ments accompanying said report, and particularly the two certificates,
Nos. 3 and 8, from the Collector of Revenues and the Royal Officer of this
city.

No. 424.

Extracts from Report of Manuel Centurion, Commander in Guayana, to
Fray Julian de Arriaga, on the progress, population, etc., of Guayana;
November 11, 1773.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Does., Vol. 2, pp. 237-238, 240-241, 243].
******* [Pp. 237-238].
And in compliance with the orders of His Highness I say that this
Province of Guayana is the most eastern part of the dominions of the
King in meridianal America, on the northern coast, and that the bounda
ries are, on the north, the lower Orinoco river, the meridianal boundary
of the Provinces of Cumana and Caracas; on the east, the Atlantic Ocean;
on the south, the great Amazon river; and on the west the Rio Negro and
the Casiquiari creek and Upper Orinoco; the boundary of the eastern and
unknown part of the Kingdom of Santa Fe.

411
No. 424.
In the circumference and precinct of the vast continent of this Prov
ince, the Frenchmen and Hollanders occupy all the seacoast with their
colonies; the former in Cayena, near the mouth of the Amazon river, and
the latter in Surinam, Bervis, and Esquivo, fifty-five or seventy leagues
from the large mouth of Orinoco.
On the margin of the Amazon river and on those of Rio Negro up to
San Joseph of the Marivitanas (thirty- five leagues below the mouth of Casi
quiari and thirty-two from our settlements and strongholds of San Car
los and San Felipe), the Portuguese are established, and our effective pos
sessions are reduced to one part of Rio Negro, all the Casiquiari, tbe upper
and lower Orinoco, and the new establishments that we are founding in
the interior of the country by the rivers Caroni, Paragua, Aroy, Caura,
Erevato, Padamo, Ventuari, and others, going from the unknown centers
of Guayana to Orinoco. This river is divided in branches, forty-one
leagues before reaching the sea, and receives its water through number
less mouths, in the space of seventy leagues of clusters of mangroves, all
flooded from the point of Barima to Guarapiche.
The chief and most eastern of all is the one called large mouth or
mouth of Navios. This one is eighteen miles broad and has a channel of
two leagues, in the middle of the Barrack, with four fathoms of water
down to the sea at high water; the bottom is muddy, the coast low, and
the clusters of mangroves are all flooded ; the sea is very quiet, especially in
the months of February up to October; the tides are lively, of about one
fathom deep of salt water, that stop and salt the waters of the Orinoco as far
above as seventeen leagues from the mouth. The other mouths only per
mit the entrance of launches and piraguas, forming a labyrinth of inun
dated islands and creeks, emptying into the Triste Gulf, opposite the island
of Trinidad; and among them those better known and practicable are the
Manamo, Macaredo and Pedernales.
Through the large mouth, or the mouth of Navios, vessels can enter
and navigate with fair weather in the Orinoco river and upwards, without
any hindrance, and at all times frigates of forty-four guns can go up to
the mouth of Caroni or the Fajardo Island in the months from May to
October, when the river is full; and they can go farther up, but slowly,
on account of the strong current and light winds of the season, to
Angostura, where the capital city of the Province is situated at present,
eighty-three leagues distance from the sea.
From Caroni to the mouth of the Orinoco there is a distance of fifty-
eight leagues without any population on either side of the river (indeed, it
is a pity to have it abandoned, as it is the best soil in the world for agri
culture and commerce; though there is now and then a sickly place, being
amongst them the old city of Guayana, nine leagues below the mouth of the
Caroni, and eight above the place where the Orinoco is divided into sev
eral branches, as it has been stated.)
*******

412 No. 424. [Pp. 240-241. J
As this country, from the last century, has been receiving population
and requires tbe reduction of the Indians, the three Missions, one under the
Catalan Capuchin Fathers from the Island of Trinidad, another under the
Franciscan Fathers from Piritu, and the third under the Jesuits of Santa
Fe, with the exception of the first, were inactive, until the year 1732,
when the distribution amongst them of this vast territory, even before it
was known or explored, except the banks of the lower Orinoco, was made
in the following form :
The Catalan Capuchins, situated until then around the city of Guayana,
took charge of the eighty-three leagues of territory between the mouth of
the Orinoco and Angostura, and thence drawing a line up to the Maranon
or Amazon rivers. The Franciscan Observant Fathers took the one hun
dred leagues from tbe Angostura to the mouth of the Cuchivero river,
with their corresponding land between them and the Amazon river; and
the rest, to the sources of the Orinoco (then unknown), was taken in
charge by tbe Jesuits, but as it was discovered afterwards that the upper
Orinoco, Rio Negro, and Casiquiari are in reciprocal communication, tbat
territory was found to be too extensive for only one Mission, and leaving
to the Jesuits the one hundred leagues which they had assigned as far as
the rapids of the Ature and Maipure, and dividing this river into upper
and lower Orinoco, His Majesty sent the Andalusian Capuchins to attend
to the reduction and conversion of the Indians of the upper Orinoco and
Rio Negro, and afterwards they took, likewise, provisional charge of cat
echising the settlements left by the Jesuits of Orinoco, and everything
was afterwards abandoned, as I stated to your Highness on the 17th of
September, 1771, by means of your Secretary, Don Pedro Garcia Mayoral.

[P. 243. J
At the beginning of the following year of 1767, Don Josef de
Iturriaga withdrew on account of sickness to the Island of Marguerita,
leaving me in charge of the General command of the settlement of the
Orinoco, with the same power granted to him by the King, as it is shown
by tbe appointment or title of my commission, signed by him on the 28th
of January, 1767, confirmed by the Royal cedule of the 5th of May of 1768
(Annex No. 2). Consequently, I tried to be posted in regard to the state
and circumstances appertaining to my jurisdiction, for the discharge of
my duties and to satisfy the Royal trust of my superiors.
I visited all the settlements of each Province, except three of the upper
Orinoco and Rio Negro, beginning with the territory of the Catalan
Capuchin Mission, the oldest, and established in the last century, and 1
found that all the population and consistence of the same was reduced to
eighteen Indian settlements, with five thousand two hundred and seventy-

413
No. 424.
three souls, the Spanish village at San Antonio de Upata, with one hun
dred and thirty-seven persons of all sexes andages; a cattle estate of
over thirty thousand head of cattle, besides tbe breeding of horses and
mares administered and possessed by the founders, the Catalan Capuchin
Fathers in their territory, from the banks of the Orinoco thirty leagues in
land to the east of the Caroni river. The Indians were mild, the climate
healthy, and the soil fit for farming and breeding purposes, advantageously
situated for population and commerce, but, unfortunately, all this property
was in dead hands (manos muertas), forbidden to both natives and Span
iards, both miserable on that account.

No. 425.

Note of the Secretariat on Report ofthe Contaduria, dated July 6,1774,
approving the Capuchins and disapproving Centurion.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 298-299.]
In consequence of what is stated by the Contaduria in this Report, the
Secretariat points out that the "Expediente" which it quotes respecting
the surrender of the villages of Indians which are under the care of the
Catalonian Capuchin Missionaries, of the aforesaid Province of Guayana,
and the placing in them of Magistrates and Parish Priests, it was resolved by
the Council, and declared, that the said Religious acted well in retaining
the said villages, and that the Governor went too far in imputing to them
excesses which they did not commit; and by Royal "Cedula" of the 6th
July of this year 1774, the Viceroy of Santa Fe was ordered to ascertain
whether the said villages are in a condition to admit of Magistrates and
Parish Priests without causing the flight of the Indians thereby, and hav
ing done so to render an account; advising him that by another " Cedula"
of the same date, the Prefect of the said Missions had been ordered to meet
him upon the matter, and inform him circumstantially of their condition,
and of whatsoever else he might demand.

No. 426.
Extract from Beport of the Contaduria, dated July 6, 1774, as to Com
plaints hy Centurion and hy the Capuchins.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 298.]
*******
What is certain is that, as concerning Missions, in regard to those of the
Capuchins, the Council knows the complaints which it has had before it re
specting the proceedings of Centurion, and that just recently this "Expedi
ente" was drawn up to restrain him, and to correct the objectionable

414 No. 426.
methods which he has employed. And treating in the present Report of
this subject of Missions, and of the measures which he has taken for the
administration of justice in the villages therein, and other regulations of
his Government, it is necessary for the Council to bear in mind that pre
ceding "Expediente" for tbe decision of the present one.

No. 42T.

Extracts from Proceedings instituted in response to Complaint by the
Minister of Holland, as to rights of Domain on the Borders of the
Colony of Essequibo, September 12, 1769, to September 1, 1774.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp. 74-75, 80, 90-96, 107-114, 116-123, 127-
[135, 160-161.]
[Pp. 74-75.]
*******
Paragraph 1. Having sent to the Council, as a reserved matter, to
gether with the Royal order of September 10, 1769, a despatch from the
Minister of Holland, complaining of the conduct of the Spaniards es
tablished on the Orinoco, against the Dutch colony of Esquivo, in order to
examine the same and consult His Majesty about the extension of those
boundaries and the alleged right by the Republic to fish at the entrance of
the Orinoco river; the Council ordered by decree of the 12th of said
month and year to deliver the same to the translator, urging an immediate
translation to be forwarded to tbe Attorney, with all the antecedents to be
found on the subject. The translation was made, and the despatch, with
the antecedents, delivered to the Attorney; and the Council, in conformity
with this report, consulted his Majesty, on the 27th of September, 1769.
That in order to act with sufficient knowledge of the case, of such an ab
sorbing importance, it was necessary to examine the several documents
quoted in the consultation, so that in case that there was no difficulty, and
if it was the pleasure of His Majesty to request the Secretary of State to
send to those Kingdoms the information desired, and by the same to send
notice to the Council, with all the documents concerned.
******* [P. 80.J
24. In due time the complaint made by the Minister of Holland on the
subjects heretofore mentioned was submitted to the Council by order of
the King, and under date of the 11th of May, 1768.
******* [Pp. 90-96.J
All the above cases referred to and their antecedents still pending,
about the proceedings in regard to the claim of the Minister of Holland,

415
No. 427.
now before his Majesty, complaining of the conduct of the Spaniards es
tablished on the Orinoco river against the Esquivo Dutch Colony were
forwarded and submitted to the Council by Royal Order of the 10th of
September, 1769, in order to be examined and to consult his Majesty in
regard to the extension of those boundaries and the alleged rights of the
Republic to fish at the entrance of the Orinoco river.
31. Said claim by act of the Council, dated on the 12th instant, was sent
to the translator, so as to be forwarded with his translation to the Attor
ney, with all the antecedents on the subject.
The translation shows that the claim is taken from the book of
Resolutions of the High Powers of the States-General of the United Prov
inces, bearing the date of August 2d, 1769, the literal version of which is
as follows: {Translation. )
32. It has been read before the Assembly the representation of the
Deputies of His Most Serene Highness the Lord Prince of Orange and
Nassau and Directors of the allowed Company of the West Indies of the
Presidial Chamber of Zeeland that this general Company, having the par
ticular direction of the Esquivo Colony and the rivers dependent from the
same, that in this case the petitioner had always considered, for a quasi
immemorial time, in possession not only of the Esquivo river but of many
otber rivers and rivulets emptying into the sea along that part, as well as
all the branches of rivers and rivulets emptying into the Esquivo, particu
larly the northern branch called Cayoeny; that for an immemorial time
the bank of the Cayoeny river has been considered as dominion of the State,
and that the wooden barrack or post with a guard had been kept there,
besides many others of this Colony, on behalf of the company, furnished
with a vessel and a few slaves and Indians.
33. That the petitioners, under such an understanding, and after what
had taken place in the year 1759, were astonished at the receipt of the
news conveyed by a letter from Lorenzo Horendes Gravesand, General
Director of Esquivo, written under date of the 9th of last February, stat
ing that a Spanish detachment from the Orinoco had advanced to that
Post and seized several Indians, threatening with their return on the next
tide, to visit another ranch of the Esquivo river, called Maseroeny,
situated between this one and the river Cayoeny, which, without
any dispute, is a part of the territory of the republic, and to
visit likewise and seize a party of Caribs, an Indian tribe allied to the
Hollanders, and in some sort belonging to them, and then to go down the
Maseroeny river, returning and going up the Cayoeny and visiting there the
said Barrack of the Company; tbat the High Powers could see by a letter,
marked letter A, what has been stated, a copy of which is annexed to this
petition; that the same contains likewise a statement of the steps taken by
the Director General, so as to prevent it; that the petitioners had con-

416 No. 427.
sidered these threats as unmeaning, as many others made before, and not
withstanding said Director General had informed them by his letter of the
21st of February, 1769, a copy of which goes herewith, marked with the
letter B; that the Spaniards had built two houses guarded by many troops,
one of which was very near the Company's Barrack on the Cayoeny river,
but apparently within their own territory, and the other farther and high
up on the margin of a rivulet emptying in this same river; that in case of
an attack from that quarter by the Spaniards, in time of peace, it was very
likely to come from that quarter; that the Director General had sent a
letter on tbe 3d of last March, a copy of which is accompanied and
marked with the letter C, about said representation; that the peti
tioners had been with astonishment made acquainted with the
contents of a letter which the Director General had addressed
to his son-in-law, the Commander of Demerari, the original of which was
forwarded and a copy of which, marked letter D, reported the Spaniards
having seized the Indians of Maroco and the port of the Company situated
near a rivulet, to the south of the Weyne river, between this one and the
Possaron (Pumaron?), where the Company had likewise held for time im
memorial a commercial place, said place under the dependency, without
contradiction, of the territory of the Republic.
34. That the petitioners had received the confirmation of that news by
the arrival of a triplicate of a letter from the Director General, under date
of the 15th of March last, the original of which had been forwarded by way
of the Island of Barbado, and the duplicate by the way of Surinam, and had
not yet arrived; a triplicate in copy is produced, marked letter C, in which
the High Powers might find the particulars of the proceedings of the
Spaniards and the conduct of the guard of the surroundings of the meas
ures taken by the Director General provisionally, and that every state
ment had been confirmed, as shown more particularly by the annexed
copy, marked letters F and G, one of which was a copy of the copy of the
report of the Warden of the Maroco's post (hut) sent to the Director Gen
eral on the 7th of last March, and the other was a copy of a paper in writ
ing given by the Capuchin Fathers who came along with this expedition to
the Warden of the post, in the Spanish language, and had not been translated
for want of an opportunity; said document His Most Serene Highness, the
Lord Prince of Orange and Nassau, had kindly communicated to the petition
ers, who, having seen that they had apparently been forwarded along with
the original and duplicate of the same, found no reason why they had not
received the latter.
*******
36. That the petitioners can not avoid stating to the High Powers on
this occasion that the Orinoco parties had not only commenced to dis
pute, for some time past, the right of those from Esquivo to fish at the
mouth of the Orinoco, but had, besides, effectually stopped it, notwith
standing that the Esquivo parties had been for a long time in pacific pos-

417
No."427.
session of the right of fishing, from which they derived a great benefit, on
account of the abundance of fish found there; said Orinoco parties had
commenced to stop by force the fishing on the territory of the same state,
a territory extending from the river Maresigue up to the other side of the
Weyne, very near the mouth of the Orinoco, as may be seen by the
geographical chart of those countries, and particularly by that of Anville,
one of the most esteemed on account of its accuracy.
*******
The petitioners beg that in consideration of the injury necessarily in
volved in this conduct and its progress, the High Powers send, on the
ground ofthe oue made before on the 31st of July, 1759, a copy of this rep
resentation and annexes to the Envoy Extraordinary, Mr. Doublet de
Groenevelt, representing the High Powers before His Catholic Majesty, in
structing said minister to make the necessary representations before the
Spanish Court.
*******
39. And the Attorney, in his answer of the 17th of September of said
year 1769, suggested that in order to forward these proceedings, on account
of the despatch from the Ambassador from Holland, alleging the right of
fishing in the Orinoco river (upon which His Majesty had directed to be
consulted), he missed the following documents.

[Pp. 107-114. J
54. And proceeding, in regard to the requirements of the above con
tents, I have to say that the judicial proceedings copied herewith show that
the Director of the Colony of Esquivo, Lorenzo Hormoan {sic) Gravesand,
had intended to alarm the States General with impositions, and that the
Republic of Holland had heard the complaints sent by means of its Minister
to our court in reference to the conduct of the Spaniards of the Orinoco
against that Colony; that it appears from the first part of the proceedings,
number 1, that the Hollanders were not, and never had been, in possession
of the rivers nor rivulets emptying their waters into the sea on the coast
extending from the Esquivo to the Orinoco rivers, nor had had around
there any other establishment than a guard at a straw-roofed barrack, on
the eastern side of the Moruca or Maroco river, that had been tolerated,
during the last forty years to prevent the desertion of their slaves; tbat
under this pretext they have carried the iuiquitous trade with the barbar
ous Indians and cruel Caribs, buying from them Indians as slaves taken by
surprise after killing other tribes that were peacefully and freely residing
within the dominions of the King our Lord.
55. It was also shown by the above-mentioned part number 1 that the
Hollanders were not in possession of the Mazerony (Mazaroni) nor of the
other rivers emptying into the Esquivo, on the southwestern side, and that
it was necessary to undeceive them, removing that error, from whence

418 No. 427.
were derived their unfounded complaints. That the Esquivo river runs
parallel approximately to tbe coast of the ocean from the neighbor
hood of the Corentin until it reaches the sea, forty-five leagues east
of the mouth of the Orinoco; all the rivers proceeding from the in
terior of the Province of Guayana and in the direction of the coast, be
tween the mouth of the Corentin and the Esquivo, meet precisely at this
last one, that runs across and receives their waters. So that if, as the
Hollanders supposed, their land was to embrace the rivers and rivulets of
the Esquivo, comprising Cayuni, Maserony, Mao, Apanoni, Putara, and
other smaller rivers, with their branches and sources, as within the terri
tory of the Republic, the strangers should hold a larger portion of lands
than our King in the Province of Guayana, as is shown by the accom
panying plan that he had drawn as part of his report, marking in yellow
color what in his judgment could be pretended by the Hollanders by right
of possession acquired in any way until to-day.
*******
59. That the seizure of the Moruca Indians by the Spaniards consisted
in the visits of two Catalan Capuchin Fathers, escorted as customary,
who went up to tbe headwaters of the Barima river, in quest of Indian
deserters from the Missions in their charge, and having found them dis
persed, around those creeks between the Guayne and Moruca (a territory
contiguous to the Orinoco, never occupied by Hollanders); that while
gathering the Indians at the Post or Barrack of Moruca, where there
was a Dutch keeper, it was discovered that three Indian women with
their children were enslaved after having been taken through the mouth
of the Orinoco, and, as was reported by the Reverend Fathers, they
were taken back to "the Missions without doing any other harm to the
Hollanders;" on the contrary, they gave to the guard on duty, and at his
request, as a favor, a certificate of the case, rather moved to compassion
and exceeding themselves in saying that they had a permit of the deponent
for entering that post, which was not true, as the passport given to the
pilot of the launch was not extended to go any farther than the mouth of
the Orinoco, as shown by part number I.
*******
62. Therefore in compliance with the same rule the following witnesses
were examined: Fray Benito de la Garriga, ex-Prefect of the Catalan
Capuchin Mission of Guayana, fifty-eight years old; Fray Tomas de San
Pedro, Capuchin of the Guayana Missions, fifty-three years old; Fray
Josef Antonio de Cerbera, Capuchin of the Guayana Missions, forty-nine
years old; Fr. Felix de Tarraga, Capuchin Missioner of Guayana, thirty-
four years old; Don Feliz Ferreras, Lieutenant of Infantry of the Guayana
Fortress, fifty-seven years old; Don Santiago Bonalde, a resident of
Guayana, forty-six years old.
63. All agreed in their corresponding affidavits, stating, without dis
crepancy, that the Hollanders were not and had never been in

419
No. 427.
possession of the rivers nor rivulets, emptying their waters into the
sea along the coast from the Esquivo exclusively to the mouth of the
river Orinoco; that they had only been tolerated on that side, for the pur
pose of keeping a guard consisting of two Europeans and several Indians
at a Barrack called the Post, on the eastern margin of the Moruca river,
(called by the Hollanders Maroco,) and that this establishment has not been
there for any quasi immemorial time, as the Colony itself, as it is well
known, was only established in the year 1659.
That it was untrue that they have had or had any possession of the
Cuyuni river (called by them Cayoeni), as having established there a guard
and barrack similar to that of Moruca, in the year 1747, to facilitate the
inhuman trade and conveyance of Indians whom they enslaved surrepti
tiously from the dominions of the King our Lord, for the cultivation of
their plantations and improvement of the Colony ; as soon as notice of the
case was received in the year 1757, they were dislodged from there, so that
neither on the Cuyuni, Maserony, Apanoni, nor in any of the other rivers
emptying into the Esquivo have the Hollanders any possessions nor could
he tolerated that they should, because said rivers embrace nearly all the
territory of the province of Guayana, running from their occidental end,
where their headwaters are found, down to the oriental limit, empty-
into the Esquivo river, it should result from the supposed possession
that the Hollanders would be the masters of all the extensive Prov
ince of Guayana, and that the Spaniards had no more than the said
banks of the Orinoco, an evident absurdity; that the only place where they
were tolerated and settled was on the margins of the Esquivo river, run
ning southeast and northwest, almost parallel with the ocean coast, the
eastern term of the Province of Guayana, and leaving free all the interior
of this Province to the Spaniards, their lawful holders; that they did not
know nor had ever heard that the Spaniards had built any stronghold on
the Cuyuni nor in its surroundings with many or few troops, but they
rather thought that Monsieur de Gravesand had imagined to be so, the
two settlements of Indian Missions established under the Catalan Capuchin
Fathers' rule, founded in the year 1757 and 1761 on the western margin of
the Yuruari river, a tributary of the Cuyuni, at a distance of seventy
leagues from the Dutch barrack destroyed; that the reason they had to
believe it is that we had no other establishment in that direction.
*******
That the witnesses 1, 2, 3, and 4, said that in February of 1769, the
Prefect of the Missions of the Capuchins (who is the witness 1) gave a per
mit to Father Josef Cerbera and Father Felix Taraga (who are witnesses 3
and 4) to go down to the mouth of the Orinoco and Barima rivers, to gather
the Aruacas, the Guaraunos, wild and the deserters from the Missions un
der their charge, and that said Fathers, with the launch and escort leading
them, found two dispersed Indians among the Guayne aud Moruca, and
after gathering them they reached a port, where there was a Hollander

420 No. 427.
who had three Indian women with their children enslaved, brought out
from the mouth of the Orinoco, according to their statements to the
Fathers, that they brought them back to the Missions, but without using
any violence, doing any harm to the Hollanders. Witnesses 3 and 4 added
that they were the Commissioners, and with the view of favoring the
Hollander, corporal, in charge of the said Post, who asked on his knees
and crying for something to show the nature of the case, they gave him a
certificate to satisfy the Governor of Esquivo; and that without knowing
the malice of his pretensions, and in pity for the man, amplified the certi
ficate, saying that they had a permit of the Commander-General of Orinoco
at Guayana, to enter as far as that place, when it was not so, as the pass
port given to the pilot of the launch, carrying them, was definitely limited
to the mouth of the Orinoco; and that for the rest they had no permit for
more nor any further order from their Superior. Witness 5, in reference
to this particular subject of what happened on last February, said that
he did not know anything, as he was in Rio Negro at the time.
And the sixth witness said that he knew only that the Capuchin
Fathers had made that trip and had taken away the fugitive In
dians from their settlement found there; that on their return, through the
creeks and plains between the Guayne and Moruca, they had reached a
Barrack Post of the Hollanders and found two or three Indians, natives of
our dominions, by the Dutch corporal enslaved and brought them back to
their Missions, without having done any harm or hostility to said Hol
landers. Continuing, all the six witnesses united stated that in regard to
the Post and commercial house that Gravesand supposed to have been kept
by the Dutch Company, between Guayne and Poveron (Pumaron), they
did not know nor had heard anything of such an establishment.
*******
That they had never seen or heard that the Hollanders kept on fishing
at the mouth of the Orinoco, nor that the Spaniards had had to stop it;
that they did not understand that there was any necessity for the Hol
landers to fish at the mouth of the Orinoco, as they could provide them
selves with fish much nearer to the Esquivo, and thought that under
pretext of fishing they wanted to have the free access of their
vessels to the mouth of the Orinoco, in order to facilitate and
re-establish the furtive shipment of mules from the Guarapiche and
Guarapo rivers, as well as Barimas tobacco, hides, and other products of
the Spanish Provinces, in order to materially benefit their colonies at the
time when the Orinoco and its creeks were not as well guarded as now;
that this circumstance and want of commerce was the true cause of the
decadence of Esquivo and of the resentment of Gravesand, the first mer
chant, and always the most interested in the illicit trade of the Colony.
Witnesses 5 and 6 adding that only in the year 1760 the Lieutenant, Don
Juan de Flores, seized a schooner and two launches from Esquivo at the
Orinoco river and the Barima, its confluent, while giving chase to some

421
No. 427.
Hollanders, who were around those creeks buying Poytos from the Caribs;
that said vessels were confiscated by the Government of Cumana, from
where Guayana was at that time a dependence. Following in their affi
davits, the six witnesses assured that tbe proposition was likewise false,
tbat they had been prevented by the Spaniards of the territory from fish
ing, observing that Gravesand claims as belonging to the State the territory
extending from the Mareguine river down to this side of the Guayne very
near the mouth of the Orinoco; that said statement is an intolerable error.
******* [Pp. 116-128. J
All six witnesses testified tbat neither the Indians nor the fugitive ne
groes from Esquibo, as far as they knew, had been induced by theSpaniards
to run away, and it was not likely to be so, as any one found guilty of such
an offence might have been hung at Esquivo; that it was true that said
Colony' of Esquivo was undergoing visible ruin, after the doors had been
shut up against their illicit commerce with the Orinoco, and the Poytos
knew the way to keep free, when they could escape from it; that, finally,
it was not true that the Spaniards had killed any Dutch guard or guards
or had attacked any other Post, than the one at Cuyuni in the year of
1758, at the time when one Spanish soldier was killed during the attack,
and that was the only death on that occasion. And finally, all the wit
nesses added that they knew by experience, the Missioners after twenty-
three years' residence, others nine and five, and others as residents of
Guayana, twenty-three to thirty-three years, that the suggestions of the
Esquivo Hollanders and their detestable commerce in Poytos was the
cause of the delay of the population of the Caribs and their settlement
in our Missions, as well as many other savage tribes, as the Hol
landers were continually making them work in the way of
destroying the other settlements by different means, such as burn
ing them, as it was done in the year 1750, or attacking them by force or
making them rebel through their artful and diabolical policy; that during
the time tbe deponents had been established in Guayana, the Hollanders,
in company with the Caribs (as can be seen by the corresponding proceed
ings), had destroyed seven settlements by fire, without counting those
which they destroyed belonging to the Jesuit Ministers, and killing like
wise many of the Reverend Fathers; that in all these attacks, witnesses 5
and 6 added, Hollanders were found naked and dyed red like the Caribs.
66. And having nothing else in reference to testimony No. 1, the expo
sition of the Governor of Guayana, in his representations continues, show
ing that at the Cuyuni river, called by the Hollanders Cayoeny, they had
no other possession than a farm at the mouth of the Esquivo; that they
had intended in 1747 to establish, at a distance of fifteen or twenty leagues
above, a Barrack and Guard to euslave Indians from our territory, through
the Caribs, but as soon as our Missioners ascertained the fact they notified

422 No. 427.
the Commander of Guayana, who had them dislodged in the following year
of 1757 by a detachment, who set fire to the Barrack and brought as
prisoners the Hollanders, one negro, and the Caribs found in the place,
together with the original instructions and papers showing the infamous
commerce carried by said Guard, as well as the otber advanced Barrack of
the Colony by order of the Director of Esquivo and in his interest, thus bleed
ing to the heart the center of our Province of Guayana. Part No. 2 justi
fies the details of this march, and shows that there was no other blood shed
than that of two of our soldiers, one who was killed and the other
wounded. 67. This part 2 shows that on receipt of the report by the Prefect of the
Catalan Capuchin Missions of Guayana, Fr. Benito de la Garriga to the
Commander ad interim, stating that the Hollanders were keeping an
establishment in the Island of Caramucuro, in the Cuyuni river, where
they bad a corporal with people making the inhuman commerce in In
dians, whom they enslaved and purchased from the Caribs in exchange for
dry goods, hatchets, knives, munitions of war and other articles, to the
great detriment of our Missions and settlements for the advancement of
our holy faith, it was ordered by said Commander ad interim, who was at
the time Don Felix Ferreras, an Ensign of Infantry, on the date of the
27th of July, 1758, that under the written instructions of what was to be
done in order to ascertain the facts, an expedition should go, under the
command of Don Santiago Bonalde and Don Luis Lopez de la Puente, fur
nishing them with the necessary vessels, stores, ammunitions and men.
68. And after having acted as directed by said instructions, a formal
investigation was instituted before the Commander of Guayana, Don Juan
Valdes, during the months of September and October of the said year,
1758, and the affidavits received then show, that the heads and soldiers
who served in the expedition reached said island of Caramucuru and found
there only one hut with one Hollander and a negro, whom they appre
hended, and another Hollander whom they took on the road ; that at the
time when they advanced on the hut they heard four or five shots, with
out knowing who fired them; that a soldier was killed and another was
wounded; that there was no other establishment in that place; that the
Hollander said that he was there placed by the Governor of Esquivo, but
did not say for what purpose; that some papers were taken from him;
that they found one musket, two pistols unloaded, and no more arms;
that said Hollander denied firing, saying that perhaps it was the negro;
that the other articles found were twelve dozen knives, seven hatchets,
three short broad swords, five muskets, three pistols, several remnants of
dry goods, all of which were distributed among the Caribs who had accom
panied and guided them.
69. And from the corresponding confessions taken from the two Hol
landers imprisoned, it appears that after giving their names and profes
sions, they stated that said hut was a Guard established there during the

423
No. 427.
last few years by the Governor of Esquivo, so as to prevent the desertion
of the Esquivo colony slaves and avoid any assault from the Caribs
against the Esquivos or neighboring Spanish friends, that they had no
other purpose, as it was shown by chapter five of the instructions they
had; that the knives and other articles found with them were intended
for the purchase of victuals; tbat the Spaniards killed and wounded
might have been shot by the Spaniards themselves, as they could not shoot;
that the Guard where they were found is called Cuiba, near the banks of
the Cuyuni river; that they had made no purchase of Poytos for merchan
dise; that the distance from that Guard to Esquivo is short; that he did
not know whether that place was within the jurisdiction of Esquivo, but
that said Post had been kept there for a few years; that the land was not
fit for farms, as it was marshy.
*******
That the Post that Gravesand said to have been seized by tbe Span
iards near a rivulet towards the south of the Guayne river, between this
and Povaron, where it was supposed that the Company had had from
time immemorial a place of commerce and a Post depending without
contradiction from the territory of the republic, the exponent supposes
that it may be the one that the intruded Hollanders abandoned at the
Barima river in the year 1768, when they ascertained through the Caribs,
their friends, that our launches as corsairs were searching said river, as
one of the most important emptying into the Orinoco, although he
(Gravesande) tries to diminish its importance, calling it a rivulet; and
that he did not dare call said river by its name, fearing to appear as
an usurper, and to that end he feigned so poor a memory as to call
immemorial an establishment hardly two years old, as it is shown in
part No. 3.
72. From this part it appears that the Commander of Guayana was in
formed that several Dutch families had settled at the Barima creek within
our jurisdiction near the large mouth of the Orinoco; that he sent a Cap
tain with a launch and the corresponding crew, with directions to notify
said families once, twice, and three times to remove their settlements from
there, as that place did not belong to nor was within the territory of the
States General, but was under Spain; tbat the Captain, incompliance with
his commission, went and came back from tbat place, bringing several
articles from the houses left by the families; that said articles were
enumerated in a regular list and appraised and sold at auction after being
proclaimed, and tbe proceeds distributed according to tbe Royal regula
tions; that said Captain and three of the persons of the crew made their
affidavits, showing that after the receipt by the Commander General of
Guayana of a report that at the aforesaid creek of Barima close to the
large mouth of tbe Orinoco river, where it empties, some Dutch families
had settled, they had been sent, said Captain and crew, with instructions
to notify them one, two and three times to leave that territory that was

424 No. 427.
annexed to the Province of Guayana; that the exponents left for their
destination, at the creek, and having reached its mouth saw there several
Indians of the Carib tribe, and that these spread the news of their approach
before reaching the establishments and farms of said strangers, who ran
away, allowing no time for any notification; that the houses were found
abandoned, and the effects, iron implements, and utensils found in them
were taken under an inventory and shipped on board of their two vessels;
that they afterwards set fire to the houses so as to prevent their re-estab
lishment, and destroyed as far as possible the farms around.
73. Continuing his representations, said Commander of Guayana
showed that the Spaniards had never disputed then or at any time with
the Dutch about fishing at the mouths of the Orinoco, because they (the
Dutch) had never claimed the right to fish there; that during the three
years elapsed since the time when be commenced to employ armed launches
as corsairs in this river twenty-three foreign vessels had been seized, but
none of them were employed in fishing; that they had not seen or
even beard any report of the possession by the Hollanders of
the fishing rights as it appeared by the part No. 1, as already mentioned;
that he had found only an instance of a seizure by Spaniards in the year
1760 of a small schooner and two Dutch fishing launches at the mouth of
the Oriuoco and Barima river, as it appears by the part No. 4; that he
was of the opinion that they ought to be prevented from fishing there, as
said fishing might degenerate into an illicit trade, difficult to stop and too
injurious to the Spanish Provinces.
74. It appears by said part No. 4 that the Commander of Guayana,
after having received intelligence that a few Hollanders near Barima were
carrying on the inhuman and illicit commerce of purchasing Indians in
trade for merchandise from the Caribs, issued his order of the 7th of Sep
tember, 1760, instructing the Lieutenant of Infantry, Don Juan de Dios y
Flores, to prevent said traffic; that said lieutenant left, but did not reach
the place of his destination, on account of having seized, on his way, a
schooner and two Dutch launches that came to Orinoco for the purpose of
fishing; that he brought said vessels to the port of Santo Thome of Guay
ana, where they were visited as prizes and an inventory made; that a local
investigation was instituted, by which it appears that said lieutenant
and his crew seized the above-mentioned vessels, on account
of their being employed in fishing at the Orinoco; that their
crews fled with the exception of a mustee and a few Arauca Indians; that
the reason for not having reached the place of destination was on ac
count of being short of hands, and that it was natural to suppose that the
Hollanders whom they were after, had received news of their approach
and left; that it was shown by the confessions of the persons arrested in
the vessels seized; that the vessels were Dutch, on their way to fish in the
Orinoco; that there were several Hollanders at Barima purchasing Poytos;
that the Commander ordered the arrest of the mustee, and the other

425
NO. 427.
Indians to be sent to the Missions; that, by direction of the Commander
General of Cumana, the other parties were apprized with their appurte
nances and sold at public auction, distributing all the proceeds, according to
the Royal regulations.

[Pp. 127-135.]
The Commander of Guayana further stated:
*******
85. That in the Royal order his report was wanted on the matter, for
the notice of his Majesty, and he had to observe tbat in all countries the
sea coasts were most precious, as without them the productions in
land were useless for the countries beyond the sea; that in the vast
Province of Guayana, so fertile and advantageously situated, all the coasts
were occupied by strangers, remaining only to the Spaniards, on one ex
tremity, the mouth of the Orinoco as a sea port; that the Hollanders pos
sessed those parts of the coast of most importance to that vast country,
having many navigable rivers running from the innermost and most profit
able part of Guayana; that it was therefore advisable to destroy the Dutch
Colonies, beginning at Esquivo and following to Demerari, Berbis, Corentin
up to Surinam; that the exponent thought of two proper ways, * * *
that the second way to accomplish such an end was to keep in said
Province a standing battalion of Infantry to watch and verify the frontiers
and rivers emptying into the Esquivo, the building of strongholds that
even when projected had frightened the Hollanders.

That among the fortresses above mentioned, one ought to be at the
point of Barima, at the windward of the mouth of Navios, in a northerly
direction, with a high wooden house of the same kind of the balize at the
entrance of the Mississippi, as the land is swampy and low; that from said
establishment we would be enabled to keep a close watch on the Hollanders
and stop them in their illicit trade, keeping a constant lookout at the
Barima river, the chief avenue of communication between the Esequivo
Colony and the Orinoco; * * * by holding a Post at Barima Point, that
of the Hollanders at Moruca would become useless, for the purpose of pre
venting the escape of their Indian Poytos or other slaves arresting their
pursuers, who sometimes were bound to come as far as the Orinoco, when
they knew that the Spaniards were at 49 leagues from the mouth.
*******
87. This part, No. 8, is confined to a certificate given at the city of San
Thome, of Guayana, on the 20th of September, 1769, by Don Juan

426 No. 427.
Josef Canales, an Ecclesiastical Rector, Vicar, and Judge of that
city; Don Andres Oleaga, Royal Accomptant of the same; Don Josef
Bosse, Captain of Infantry and Sergeant Major of the Orinoco troops; Don
Juan Antonio Bonalde, Captain of Infantry of the same troop; Don
Nicolas Martinez, Lieutenant Commander of Artillery; Don Antonio
Barreto, Lieutenant of Infantry and Chief Adjutant of the same;
and the resident officers and civilians, Captain Don Vicente Franco, Captain
Don Diego Ignacio Marino, Lieutenant Don Juan de Jesus Miers, Don
Joaquin de Mieres, Don Cayetano Filgueyra y Barcia, and Captain Calixto
de Lesama. It appears by the certificates of all the above persons that
Don Manuel Centurion Guerrero de Torres, Royal Captain of the Artillery
Corps, and General Commander of Guayana and all the settlements of the
upper and lower Orinoco and Rio Negro, had endeavored and was endeavor
ing, with the utmost diligence and Constance, to secure the advancement
and welfare of that Province and their neighbors, and * * * that
he dislodged, likewise, from the Barima river the usurping Hollanders,
who had settled on ita margins, in alliance with over eight thousand Carib
Indians. *******
That he had erected a small fort furnished with artillery, served by eight
soldiers, for the defence of a new Indian settlement at the Caura river, the
theatre of the inhuman war kept up by the Caribs in order to carry out
their infamous traffic in Poyto Indian slaves, whom they sold to the
Esquivo Hollanders; that he had likewise explored the large cocoa
fields of the upper Oriuoco, and that in order to improve the cul
ture and commerce of said products he bad undertaken the civiliza
tion and settlement of the savage Indians of those territories,
supporting and keeping there a Captain settler and some Andalusian
Capuchin Missionaries, with an officer and military escort, taking them to
Rio Negro, where they had settled new towns and the Missions of La Es
meralda, San Philipe, San Francisco Solano, and Santa Barbara, and sup
ported those of San Carlos and Maypures, founded by the boundary expedi
tion; that he had likewise trained, disciplined, and dressed in uniforms all
the troops of that Province, which bad been found in a wretched condition
of neglect and nudity for want of economy on the part of the Directors;
that he had gathered and brought to the settlement of Pan de Azucar, the
dispersed Indians, fugitives from the Mission of Cabruta, and those of the
Province of Barcelona in the new settlements of Tapaquire, and Cerro del
Mono; that he had founded the three new Missions of Panapana, and
Mamanta, and Orocopiche, in the neighborhood of Guayana, at a distance
of two or three leagues from its commerce and support; that he had com
menced and was carrying on with the greatest activity the erection of a
magnificent church in Guayana, on a model architecture such as few could
be found in America.

427
No. 427.
That he had founded a town, under the name of Bourbon, with Spanish
families, from the Province of New Barcelona, without taxing the King
for rations for their maintenance during the first year, nor any other ex
penses, as it has been the case with other populations in former times; that
he erected in the interior of that Province, at the Paragua river, a
small fort furnished with artillery and troops for the defence of the place,
and to prevent the Hollanders from taking away the Poytos they used to
seize on the margin of the Orinoco, for the service of their Colonies on the
Atlantic coast of that continent; that he had increased and improved that
city with over sixty houses with tiled roofs and common walls, and the
corresponding families brought from the neighboring Provinces to inhabit
them, and enjoying conveniences which they did not possess at home or
found among the inhabitants of Guayana; that the settlement of cattle
ranches and towns settled by Spaniards on the upper Orinoco by order of
His Majesty, and in all the new establishments and communities of Mis
sionaries supported by the Commander General, tbe true zeal of the same
was manifested, as well as the economical conduct of his government, and
the generous disinterestedness he showed in his endeavors for the advance
ment of that Province, as well as the benefits to be derived by the Spanish
Crown from the population, advancement, and safety of that extensive
Province, so advantageousiy situated, as being the nearest from America
to Spain, the constant trade that could be kept with those countries even in
time of war, without any fear of the interception of their vessels by
cruisers or corsairs of the enemy, as there was no obstacle or any fixed
place to wait for them from the large mouth of the Orinoco to the Spanish
shores. *******
89. That, in compliance, he reported that the only facts that he had
ascertained to exist took place before the separation of the Province of
Guayana from the Government of Cumana, and were brought about by
the same Hollanders of the Esquivo Colony, close to the Missions of the
Catalan Capuchins in said Province; that in the year 1758, the Governor
ad interim, Don Nicolas de Castro, received a letter from the Prefect of
said Missions informing the Commander of that fortress of the serious in
jury and the loss of lives at the hands of the Caribs of the desert, in
fluenced by the Esquivo Hollanders, who had invaded the region of
Hauchica, where the Guaica Indian Mission was established; that fearing
greater evils to the surrounding settlements, he applied for a prompt
remedy, giving as the chief cause of these troubles the constant suggestions
of the Hollanders in persuading the Caribs not to belong or make part of
the Spanish settlements, thus fostering their dislike and opposition to their
holy work, so as to continue the abominable trade they kept with the
Caribs, giving them dry goods and iron implements in exchange for Indian
Poytos (which means slaves among them), the same Poytos were taken by
the Caribs as prisoners in their wars, so as to sell them to the above men-

428 No. 427.
tioned Esquivo Colony, thus retarding the progress of the Gospel and the
religious instructions of the gentiles.
That said Hollanders trespassing the limits of their Colony were taking
more lands for the purpose of their commerce in the dominions of His
Majesty and the neighborhood of the farthest Missions fronting to them,
as it was shown by the fact of the establishment at that place, with a per
mit from Governor Lorenzo Storem Gravesand, of a house and Guard in
the island called Caramacuru in the Cuyuni river, of the territory of the
Missions, (that the Hollanders call in said papers Cayoeny river); because
this place bad never been considered a part of the Esquivo Colony, as it is
shown by the despatch of the above mentioned Prefect; that aware of all
these circumstances, the Commander of Guayana sent an expedition of
troops to said Cuyuni river, with the necessary instructions, so as to dis
lodge the Hollanders from that place and seize the Indian slaves or Poytos
and everything else they kept; that it was so carried out, notwithstanding
the resistance of the Hollander who commanded in that Post and the
death of one of the Spaniards and serious wound of another of that ex
pedition; that on this subject a suitable investigation was instituted by the
Commander of all the facts and circumstances of _the occasion, and were
forwarded, with the two Dutch prisoners arrested in the act of resistence,
to the Govenor ad interim, Don Nicolas de Castro, who took the advice of
a learned assessor and reported the case accordingly, referring the proceed
ing;:, to His Majesty, but there is no evidence of what became of the said
Hollanders and the said proceedings.

LPp. 160-161.]
143. And having placed these proceedings and annexes in the hands of
the Attorney General, as directed, said attorney, in his answer of the 6th
of August, 1774, said: That, in the proceedings instituted, in consequence
of the pretensions of the Minister of Holland assuming his right or domin
ion on his part to fish in that portion of Orinoco river, and that he was dis
turbed and unjustly ejected by tbe subjects of His Majesty, he recalls the
fact that, in order to carry out the Royal order of September 10, 1769, he
requested from the Secretary of the Universal Department of Indies, as
well as from the Council, all the documents and antecedents to be found in
connection with the subject.
144. That it was done and that he received a large amount of papers,
letters and documents, and that having taken them all into mature consid
eration, he found that it was a protracted matter, wanting close attention
and considerable time, that he needed for the discharge of his duties, and
in order to avoid this inconvenience he suggested that the whole affair
should be submitted to a Relator of the pleasure of the Council, so as to

429
No. 427.
take special notes and an abstract of all the antecedents and facts up to the
present time, and when that had been done, to send it back to him (the
Attorney General) so as to submit his further views and report to His
Majesty. 145. And the Council having accepted this suggestion by decree of the
1st of September, 1774, all the proceedings were delivered to me for the
purpose already explained by the answer of the Attorney-General. That
was the result.

No. 428.

Beport ofthe Fiscal, dated October 1, 1774, as to Complaints by the Dutch
Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 314.]
The Fiscal, for the " Expediente " necessitated by the Dutch Minister,
wishing to allege full right and dominion in the Colony of Essequibo and
fishery in that part of the River Orinoco, and that your Majesty's subjects
trouble and disturb it unjustly, states that, in order to comply with the
orders expressed in His Majesty's Royal Order of the 10th September, 1769,
concerning this affair, he requested that all documents and data that might
serve to elucidate this matter, and had any connection whatever there
with, should be sought for in the Department of the Council of the Indies,
as well as in that of the Secretary of State, and be added to the file.
This was effectively complied with by the transmission of a mountain
("crecido cumulo") of papers, despatches, letters, and documents; and the
Fiscal having devoted himself to their examination, finds that the proper
study and discernment of all these is a very long affair, in which a great
part of his time, that he requires for the due transaction of other and very
important affairs of his office, would be uselessly consumed. Conse
quently, he is of opinion that to avoid this inconvenience, and that the
greatest exactness may be attained, the whole affair should be placed in
the hands of a competent person chosen by the Council, so that a circum
stantial commentary and abstract of all the documents, and whatever else
there may be therewith connected at the present time, be drawn up, and
on its conclusion the whole returned to the Fiscal for his opinion and
judgment, and whatever else may be necessary to inform His Majesty.
Council, October 1, 1774.

430 NO. 429.
Table ot distances, etc., between Missions and Villages, by Mariano de
Sebadel, Prefect, March 9, 1776.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 305.] Leagues.
From the village of Purisima Conception of Caroni to that of our
Most Holy Father Saint Francis Altagracia   9
From the village of Altagracia to that of the town of San Antonio
de Upata  -  --- -  2a
From the town of Upata to that of San Joseph Cupapuy  2
From the village of Cupopuy to that of Santa Maria of Yacuario.- 4
From the village of Santa Maria to that of Saint Michael of the
Palmar     -   9
From the village of Palmar to tbat of St. Paul of Cumamo  9£
From the village of Cumamo to tbat of Nuestra Senora de Mon
serrate of Miamo   ---   -   «*
From the village of Miamo to that of San Fidel of Carapo  3
From the village of Carapo to that of San Felix of Tupuquen  5|
From tbe village of Tupuquen to that of Our Lady of the Rosary
of Guacipati  -    5
From the village of Guacipati to that of Divina Pastora of the Cat
tle-farm      H
From the village of the Cattle-farm to that of San Joseph de
Leonisa de Ayma _    4
From the village of Ayma to that of Our Lady of Sorrows at
Puedpa  -  --  10
From the village of Puedpa to that of San Pedro of the Mouths of
the Paragua   - -  -  ..-    25J
From the village of the mouths to that of the town of Saint Isidore
of Barceloneta there is no road open by land, and one has to
sail a day and a-half by the Paragua, and that the distance will
be about  -  -  15
From the town of Barceloneta to that of Saint Bonaventure of
Guri (Aguri in copy)    -  25
From the village of Guri to that of San Antonio of Huiesatana.-. 8
From the village of Huiesatana to that of Saint Raymond of
Caruachi      .. ..   9
From the village of Caruachi to that of Our Mother Saint Eulalie
of Morucurri   _.     3
From the village of Morucurri to that of Our Lady Saint Anne... 9
From the village of Saint Anne to that of the Holy Cross of Mount
Calvary     9
From the village of Calvario to that of the Caroni, with the pas
sage of the river    IJ
Total number of leagues  175 J

431
No. 430.
Extracts from Keport of Council of February 16 and April 20, 1776, as to
the Missions.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 299, 304.]
*******
Afterwardf , in a letter of the 20th March, 1773, the said Governor ren
dered an account of the increase of that Province, from the year 1766, in
which he took possession of his command; and as shown by the statement
and return, which he annexed, the said increase consisted in 43 settlements
of Spaniards and Indians; and of 8,558 inhabitants; 712 houses; 2,899
farms, and 131,963 head of cattle and horses; crediting also, by a certifi
cate, which he enclosed, countersigned by the Royal Officer of that
Treasury, the receipt therein of 38,803 dollars: which progress he brought
before Your Majesty's notice to show his eagerness that in that vast do
minion the favourable resolutions which its natives deserved from Your
Majesty's Royal Grace might become effectual, and hoping that it would
earn your Royal approbation.
*******
Respecting this " Expediente" [the Council] again reported to the Con
taduria on the 6th July, 1774, that not only did the Governor of Guayana,
in his circumstantial report, fully inform the Council of all matters re
quired of him, but that if they were to rely on what was represented
therein, he appears worthy of distinguished approbation for the signal
merit and good services in which for the advantage of the State and of
Your Majesty he had devotedly employed himself, with continual labours,
and all his conduct in objects so worthy of being regarded with the first at
tention on account of their value and importance; but that although they
had before them various replies from the former Viceroys of Santa Fe,
Don Pedro Mesia de la Cerda and Don Manuel de Guirior, and from the
Governor of Caracas, which approved and extolled the zeal and proceed
ings of the said Centurion in these matters; nevertheless, the Contaduria
is doubtful whether they were able to completely justify the management
of all this vast matter, for being limited to replying to him only upon the
reports which they received concerning the advancement and progress of
those settlements, and the other points relating to them, it seemed that, not
having entered into the examination and justification in detail of all parts
of his conduct, there was some fear lest it might not turn out to be so laud
able and distinguished as it now appeared; it being certain that in the mat
ter of Missions, as regards those of the Capuchins, the Council was aware
of the complaints which had been made respecting Centurion's proceedings,
and quite recently they had definitely resolved to restrain him and correct
the objectionable manner in which he had acted; and treating in the day's
proceedings of this matter and of the measures which he had taken for the
administration of justice in the villages thereof, and other regulations of
his Government, it would be necessary for the Council to have before them

432 No. 430.
that previous report for their decision. That the matter of the Jesuit Mis
sions, which it seems were almost abandoned, would also require all the at
tention of the Council on account of the important religious character of
the affair.

No. 431.

Extracts from Plan of Defense for Ouayana proposed hy Augustin Crame
and Joseph Linares, March 15, 1777.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 1, pp. 132, 133.]
*******
1. Guayana, the extent of which is larger than Spain, possesses on all
sides excellent land for agriculture, and rich pastures for cattle breeding.
It is also believed with some foundation, that mines exist, for in past
times various explorations were made and trials carried on, which gave
great hopes. And even at the present time- the hopes of discovering the
province of " Dorado " have not been dissipated from what little our men
did, in that respect, who were most unjustly seized by the Portuguese, and
are now prisoners in Para.
2. The number of inhabitants of this province is very reduced. There
are scarcely 4,000, taking Spaniards, Creoles and negroes, in the whole ex
tent of it, but the number of reduced Indians is considerable, and will not
be less than 18,000.
3. There are about 200,000 bead of cattle, 170,000 belonging to the Mis
sions, the remainder to private individuals, &c.
4. The plantations give sufficient for the interior consumption, and so
far as agriculture is carried it gives good results and returns, &c.
5. The trade of this province is very limited, and tobacco from the
Province of Barinas is the chief article of produce, and will be for some
time. With this, and what Guayana produces, a trade amounting to about
60,000 or 70,000 pesos (about 10,000..) might be carried on with Spain.
6. The income of the province reaches 15,000 pesos (about 2, 500..) a-year,
but as the expenses of the Government are 50,000 pesos (about 8,000..)
a-year, it is necessary to transmit from the Treasury of Santa Fe 35,000
pesos (about 5,500..) annually.
7. These notes are given to form an idea of the province, the garrison
of which consists of four veteran companies, three of infantry, consisting
of seventy-two men in each, and one of artillery of sixty. Both are dis
tributed among the forts, fortress and Missions; the men are not bad, but
under such a distribution there can be no discipline.
8. Besides the garrison there are four companies of militia: two of whites,
one of Creoles, and another of mulattos, &c.

433
No. 431.
9. This province is bounded on the east by the Dutch Colony of Esse
quibo, and French Guayana.
The proximity of the Dutch does not by any means give any ground
for alarm. In no way whatever do they belie their peaceful system, nor
manifest any ambition to extend their possessions in the interior. Never
theless, their explorations have reached to Parime; and, on the other hand,
the liberty we grant to their fugitive slaves make them chary about having
us as neighbours. *******
12. Returning now to the principal mouth of the Orinoco, one navi
gates for 45 leagues up river without seeing anything more than deserts,
which, on the north, extend for a great distance, marshy; and on the
south inclosed by forests inhabited by a multitude of Indians, and the
lands are admirable for all kinds of cultivation. At 45 leagues' distance
from the Grand Mouth, the port of San Francisco de Assis is reached, and
from there up the country is open, with immense savannahs on both sides
of the river.
13. This. fort is situated upon a hill on the south bank of the river, and
at a distance of a quarter of a league from the place where Santo Thome
de la Guayana was, the capital of this province, and owing to its un-
healthiness was transplanted to Angostura, &c.
*******
16. Going up stream from San Francisco, the Island of Fajardo is
reached, at a distance of 8 leagues; an excellent and dominant position,
where there is a small battery with four small cannon, &c.
17. From Fajardo to Guayana there are 22 leagues; it is situated also
on the south bank of the river, at a point formerly known by the name
of "San Phelipe," close to the town, and this is an immense rocky hill,
looking out on the Orinoco, &c.

No. 432.

Letter from Julian de Arriaga, dated Sept. 22, 1779, transmitting to the
Council Papers relating to Complaints of Dutch Minister.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 315.]
In consequence of what was set forth by the Council of the Indies, in a
" Consulta " of the 27th October of tbe past year, in regard to reporting
upon the complaints made by the Dutch Minister on account of the pro
ceedings of the Spaniards of the Orinoco against the Colony of Essequibo,
it is necessary that the documents referring thereto be examined, and it is
requested they be sent to him; in this Department, under my charge, there
have been found the documents mentioned in the inclosed index, from Nos.

434 No. 432.
1 to 5, inclusive, and a despatch was sent to the Department of State
requesting that, if those wanting exist there, and be found, they be sent to
your Excellency.
In this supposition, and the information included in Nos. 6 and 7 hav
ing been received, conformably to the Reports requested from the Com
mandant of Guayana and Governor of Cumana, and the representation of
the Prefect of the Missions of the Catalonian Capuchins, No. 8, having
been added thereto, I herewith transmit to your Excellency, by command
of the King, the said documents, as contained in the index, so that the
Council, when they have considered the same, may report to His Majesty
whatever may appear necessary and convenient, returning at the same
time those marked from Nos. 1 to 5, and also the plan of the Province of
Guayana, contained in No. 6.

No. 433.

Report of Jose Felipe de Inciarte, to Jose de Abalos, Governor-General of
Venezuela, as to Surveying the Lower Orinoco, November 27, 1779.
[Reprinted from Seijas, Ven. International Law, pp. 84-89.]
In fulfilment of the commission you were pleased to entrust to me for
the populating of the eastern part of the lower Orinoco, I reached the city
of Santo Tomas de la Guayana on the 7th of May last, and having taken
the measures of which I advised Your Excellency in my dispatches of 4th
of June, 27th of July and 5th August last, I commenced the exploration
of the country, leaving the aforesaid city on the 6th of the same month of
August. Having reached the mouth of the branch (cano) Barima on the 13th of
the same month at noon, I went on surveying the branch on both sides in
a distance of thirty leagues, and found nothing but marshy and swampy
lands covered with groves of mangle and timil, with talc, and trees called
zapateros and puruas, excepting in the branch (cano) of Aruco. This
branch, going up the aforesaid Barima in a distance of sixteen leagues, has
its mouth on the right bank, and entering it to a distance of one league,
one finds that all the lands lying on its right side are composed of hand
some hills and meadows with several rivulets of spring water, proper for all
kinds of agriculture in a distance of seven leagues, where the branch (cano)
of Garuabo is reached. Entering the aforesaid branch of Aruco, one meets
at a distance of one league, the first hill, which was inhabited a few years
ago by a Dutchman from Essequibo called Mener Nelch and by several
indians of the Caribbean tribe. At the foot of this hill, in a small creek, I
found the hulls of a large pirogue and of a boat, which an indian assured
me had belonged to the aforesaid Dutchman. On the hill we found por-

435
No. 433.
tions of coffee, anonce and orange trees: I omit further details having en
tered them in a diary which I have commenced and to which I refer.
Having left the branch Aruco and descended the Barima, I entered the
one called Mura. This one, going up the Barima in a distance of fifteen
leagues, has its mouth on the left shore, its length being three leagues,
with many turns as far as the branch (cano) Guaina, and all the lands on
both sides of it are marshy and swampy, covered with various kinds of
trees, the majority being mangles.
Having reached the aforesaid branch Guaina, I went on surveying the
lands on both sides of it in a distance of twenty five leagues, finding
nothing but marshes, excepting at a distance of nineteen leagues up this
branch, where on the left side, within pistol shot, and in front of the branch
(cafio) called Barama, I saw a hill somewhat high, and full of stones, to all
appearance minerals, of which I send several pieces to Your Excellency.
From this hill towards the south west others are to be found which go as
far as those which commence at branch (cano) Azacate, details of which I
omit they being entered in the diary above mentioned.
Having descended the aforesaid branch Guaina, I entered the one called
Paramana. This branch, going up the said Guaina, a distance of sixteen
leagues has its mouth on the left shore; having surveyed it, together with
those called Viara, Azacate (this one has profitable lands which join the hills
of Guaina, details of which are entered the dairy) Itabo and the one that
runs through the sabana (plain) which leads to the post held by the Dutch
at Moruca, I found nothing but marshes, as is mentioned with full par
ticulars in the diary. The distance from the commencement of the afore
said branch Paramana, to the end of the aforesaid sabana is of about twelve
leagues. Immediately upon leaving this sabana one enters the rivulet of Moruca
to the right side of which commence the lands called Cumaco which cross
ing at the back of the aforesaid Dutch post, reach as far as branch (cano)
Moracabura. Said post is situated at a distance of two leagues from the commence
ment of the Cumaco lands to the South West Quarter South, and from the
aforesaid post to said branch Moracabura where the Cumaco lands end, the
distance is from two and a half to three leagues towards the North east
quarter east.
These lands are all flat, without any hills (but in certain parts they are
high, so that they can command the surroundings) good for all kinds of
agriculture, full of trees proper for making boards and poles, with good
creeks of spring water, but not one stone was to be found in all its sur
roundings. The aforesaid rivulet of Moruca follows its course towards the
sea and passes with pistol-shot to the north of the aforesaid lands. At a
quarter of a league before reaching the aforesaid Dutch port, the rivulet
forms a small bay so that any barge can lie there alongside of the lands
and this bay could serve as a port, as the vessels which may lie in it will

436 No. 433.
not be in the way of those wishing to pass the river, the width of which is
from ten to twelve fathoms and the depth of from nine to twelve palms, the
bottom being white sand.
It would be convenient in my opinion to found a town close to this bay
or port, as besides the advantages offered by the produce of the land, the
communication which the Dutch have with the Orinoco by means of the
inside branches could be prevented; there being no other pass, they would
be compelled to enter through the North of the Guaina into the sea; and
although it would be easy for them to go to the Orinoco through the
Guiana, as they would sail before the wind, the return to Essequibo in
barges and pirogues (which are generally used for unlawful trade with the
Orinoco) would be very difficult and almost impossible when there is any
breeze, especially from the North east, as, on account of the shallowness on
that coast, a very choppy surf rises, which besides preventing them from
advancing by means of oars, would expose them (these vessels not being
covered) to lose their cargo, if this consists of tobacco, on account of the
water which necessarily and continually enters the vessel, and if the cargo
consists of mules or cattle, on account of having to reach the Orinoco as
quickly as possible, for, although they can get plenty of water from the
Guaina, they cannot get grass, there being no plains in those regions.
The passage of the river Moruca could easily be prevented by erecting a
fort with four or six guns in the aforesaid small bay; as no other vessels but
flat boats can enter this river, and they are forcibly compelled to navigate
by oar, they cannot present themselves before a four pound gun without the
unavoidable risk of being sunk at the first or the second shot, which will
necessarily happen, as, before the vessel discovers the fort (in case she
should wish to force her way) the latter will perceive her prow at a distance
of pistol-shot. As for protecting the town against the attacks of the Dutch or any other
enemy, this can be obtained by erecting a fort on one of the small heights
formed by the ground, for although this is almost all flat, there are still
some points higher than others that can command the surroundings, with
out at the same time the spot where the town would lie being commanded,
and although the fort be not very strong it would be impossible to force it,
firstly, because the Dutch could not arm large numbers of people at Esse
quibo, even if they wished to do so, and, secondly, on account of the diffi
culties they would meet with for the transportation of their cannons as at
each step they would fall upon marshy lands which would prevent them
from advancing.
The want of stones in those regions for the construction of the forts, is
easy to remedy, as these can be made of wood, there being an abundance
of trees the core of which is sufficiently hard for any purpose for which
they may be applied.
Communication with the Capital of the Orinoco can be held throughout
the year, through the branches, and without going out into the sea,

437
No. 433.
by means of pirogues, and, during a great part of the year, even with
barges. The aforesaid Post held by the Dutch on the Moruca advances from
Essequibo towards the Orinoco in a distance of about eighteen leagues, in
an almost Northwesterly Southeasterly direction the one from the other,
and although it is at present but an insignificant house with only two
dismounted guns and a few swivel-guns, as it could however receive
assistance from Essequibo within less than twenty four hours, it
would be very convenient, for the safety of the new towns
that may be founded, to dislodge the Dutch from the aforesaid
port, from which the distance to the sea and through the aforesaid
Moruca, is of about five leagues. Going up this river towards the sea
one finds within two pistol-shots the mouth of Branch (cano) Bauruma,
which lies to the South-west quarter-south in a distance of three quarters of
a league; having reached this branch and sailed on it a distance of about
one league, I discovered Branch Guacapou, where, having surveyed it, I
discovered some beautiful lands, suitable for all kinds of work, and two
farms of aruaca indians, all of which is mentioned with full particulars in
my diary.
The distance from the aforesaid branch Guacapou to the Tapacuma,
sailing through the Bauruma, is of about eight leagues, and the greater
part of the lands on the left shore are swampy.
From the Tapacuma, following the Bauruma as far as Branch Visorun,
the distance is of about five apd oue half leagues, and all the lands on both
shores, which are mostly flat and covered with trees, are suitable for all
kinds of cultivation. Within the five and one half leagues there are two
hills, of which the first, goiug upwards, is on the right side, is not very
large and is at a distance of about two and one half leagues from the
Tapacuma. It lies on the bank of the branch, and, if fortified, can com
mand the neighbouring lands and defend the entrance to said branch.
The second hill which is on the left going up the Bauruma, is at about
one and one half leagues from this branch; this hill is high and rugged (a
few years ago it was inhabited by Caribean indians); there is sufficient
room on its summit for a medium sized town after having properly
fortified it, for which reason it seems to me that the first town which it
is intended to found under the name of San Carlos de la Frontera should lie
on this spot, as being distant from Essequibo by land only twelve or thirteen
leagues, it commands, ou account of its advantageous position, not only the
surrounding lands but also the aforesaid branch Bauruma. Although having
water enough to carry frigates, this branch, at the mouth where it empties
into the sea, has only enough to carry sloops; and should the Dutch or other
enemies attempt anything by water with this kind of vessels, besides having
to use oars in going up this branch, on account of the contrary winds, they
would have to wait for the tide to rise in order to be able to navigate, for
which reason it would be impossible for them to take the inhabitants by

438 No. 433.
surprise, and, besides giving them time to arm and put themselves in a state
of defence, this hill has the advantage that any ship that may attack it
will suffer many discharges from the artillery without being able to return
them with more than one bow chase; as the branch measures in width
only one pistol shot and the ship as I have already stated is compelled to
row up the current of the tide which is very strong and rapid; it would be
very difficult for any sloop to break the current by stress of oars in order
to place herself in a perpendicular position, and even if she succeeds, she
could never place her side in a convenient angle to fire into the fort that
may be erected on said hill, unless she rode on four anchors: and even if
she succeeded in placing her side to the fort it would be almost impossible
for her to resist two discharges with grape shot from the latter as, on ac
count of the height, all her crew would be unprotected.
In case of an attack by land the enemy will meet with almost the same
difficulties, there being no heights from which they can command it, all
the surrounding lands and valleys being full of very thick groves.
The whole of the aforesaid Bauruma is inhabited by indians of the
Aruaca tribe who have most beautiful farms of yucca, corn and other
fruits; they are very friendly to the Spanish nation and expressed great
pleasure out our going there; they showed me a cocoa plantation, close to
the branch Tapacuma (of which I send Your Excellency an ear and a small
bag of the fouit, to serve as seed for the new populators). The water of
this branch is very good and clear and the bottom is of white sand.
Besides the advantages which may be expected from founding a town
upon the hill of Bauruma, the distance from it to Essequibo being only
as I have said before from twelve to thirteen leagues, we can reach the
shores of the river Essequibo by means of four or five towns; and this
being obtained, the Dutch are deprived of all communication, not only with
the various indian tribes south of the Essequibo and all the branches of the
Orinoco, but also with the whole of the Parime as there being no other
passage for them but said river, if it is intercepted, all correspondence with
it becomes impossible for them, which they can only hold with their coun
trymen at Surinam and the French at Cayenne, who are at the east of said
Essequibo. I have not found in any of the lands surveyed any plain or sabana which
can be used for pasture, and according to information received none are
to be met with in the neighborhood of the river Essequibo as far as
Verviche. Herewith I send to Your Excellency a plan of all the lands I have
visited, remarking that, of all that said plan contains, only the branch
Macuro, part of the Tapacuma, the part of the branch from Visororun and
the river Essequibo have been drawn according to information of the In
dians, while all the rest has been drawn with the distances and demarca
tions which I have personally taken in surveying the lands during the
expedition.

439
No. 433.
I also send to Your Excellency the diary which contains all the incidents
of the aforesaid expedition, so that Your Excellency can become acquainted
with all the particulars thereof.
Awaiting further commands I am Your Excellency's most obedient
humble servant.

No. 434.

Extract from Royal Order as to Surveying the Lower Orinoco, October 1,
1780.
[Reprinted from Seija8, Ven. International Law, pp. 89-90.]
Although the dispatches were lost, which were being brought by the
brig called " Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario" and the other two ships which
sailed with her under convoy from La Guayra for Spain, the captain of the
aforesaid brig, Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte, was able to save the letter of
12th of April last which Your Excellency gave him that he might present
himself before me and inform me of the success of the mission which
he was charged with for the surveyal and occupation of the lands
of the eastern part of the lower Orinoco ; which he has done verbally,
also presenting to me the originals which ho likewise saved of the
diary, plan and report which he presented to Your Excellency on
the 27th of November last. And having reported to the King all that
these documents contain, he has been pleased to command that the afore
said Inciarte return to Your Excellency so that you may, at once, or when
you may see fit, charge him once more with the same mission of occupying
and populating the lands which he described in his aforesaid report of 27th
November last, and to erect the two small provisional forts which he has
judged necessary, the one to protect against the attacks of the Dutch of
Essequibo the town which may be founded, as he suggested in said report,
close to the bay formed by the small river or creek Moruca, at a distance
of a quarter of a league from the post or guard house held by the Dutch,
which stands at about eighteen leagues from Essequibo towards the
Orinoco, erecting said fort on the highest point commanding the point that
may be occupied by the town and its surroundings; and the second fort
with four or six guns in the bay itself of the aforesaid river Moruca, to
prevent the entrance thereto of any unfriendly vessel; dislodging the Dutch
from the aforesaid post or guard house which they have constructed there;
it being understood that if the Director General or Governor of Essequibo
should complain, answer shall be given that these proceedings are taken m
conformity with the general laws and instructions given for the better
government of our Indies, which do not allow of such intrusions of

440 No. 434.
foreigners in the Spanish dominions, such as those are; which same answer
shall be given here if the States General of Holland make any complaint
or claim. *******

No. 435.

Extract from Keport of Jose Felipe Inciarte, Officer in Charge, as to the
Lower Orinoco; December 5, 1783.
[Reprinted from Seijas, Ven. International Law, pp. 92, 94.]
*******
The lands lying between the rivers Caroni and Caura, which rivers are
distant from each other from forty five to fifty leagues, abound iu pastures,
water and resting places, and are free from insects; they are therefore
most suitable for cattle breeding, with the advantage that the capital is at
an equal distance from both rivers, and there are now in them eight or ten
cattle farms belonging to inhabitants of the capital, with from forty to
fifty thousand heads of cattle. Those farms could be greatly increased in
number, and in time become an important branch of commerce with
Europe, by allowing several families of this province of Caracas and
Barinas to transfer their cattle; Don Manuel Feran, an inhabitant of the
city of Guiana, doing business with Cadiz, has informed me that several
wealthy people of both provinces are anxious to establish themselves, and
some of them have given him their procuration; they would bring consid
erable numbers of cattle to those places, without this emigration being in
any way prejudicial to the progress of said provinces.
*******
As regards the populating of the eastern part of the aforesaid lower
Orinoco and of the frontiers of the colony of Essequibo, for which I have
been commissioned, I beg to refer Your Excellency to what I have stated
both to Your predecessor and to His Excellency Don Jos de Galvez in my
report of 27 November one thousand seven hundred and seventy nine; but
hearing that the French have taken possession of the aforesaid colony of
Essequibo during tbe war, for which reason the Dutch have abandoned the
advanced post which they held on the banks of the river Moruca, which
post it is most important to occupy before any new event takes place, I
am of opinion that it would be very convenient and necessary to provision
ally fortify it, and to establish there a town with the native Indians who
inhabit the neighborhood, appointing for this object two missionaries with
a detachment to serve as escort; in this manner the inhabitants of said
colony will be prevented from entering the lands which lie between them
and the Orinoco; as this cannot be of great expense to the king, it will be
of use when it is intended to populate tbe other points of my mission

441
No. 435.
with Spaniards, as they will more easily find there the necessaries of life
with the exception of meat.
* * *****

No. 436.

Extracts from Keport of the Attorney on Proceedings instituted on the
Complaint of the Minister from Holland (no date).
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, pp, 292-293.]
The attorney has examined the proceedings instituted by this superior au
thority, on account of a certain memorial presented to His Majesty by the
Minister of Holland, complaining of the conduct of the Spaniards established
in Orinoco against the Dutch colony of Esquivo. It was forwarded, through
the reserved way, with the Royal order of September 10, 1769, so as to be ex
amined by the Council, as soon as possible, and consult His Majesty in regard
to the extension of those boundaries, and the right alleged by the Republic for
fishing at the entry of the Orinoco river; to this memorial it was added by
way of antecedent, another proceedings instituted and already consulted
with His Majesty on the 9th of May of the year of 1768, in consequence of a
despatch of the Government of England, in relation to the restitution of the
negroes, who from their islands come over to ours in America, and after the
accumulation of several representations, justifying testimonies from the
Governors of Cumana, Guayana, and others that were addressed through
the reserved way, in virtue of a consultation made by the Council on the
27th of October, of said year of 1769. In that state, and according to the
advice of the attorney, it was decided, on the 6th of August, 1774, that
everything should be submitted to a Relator in order to form a circumstan
tial abstract, as it has been done.
Under this understanding it is observed by the exponent that to-day no
resolution is required or any further step taken after the long lapse of over
fifteen years, without any further mention of the subject by the Minister
of Holland, leading to the belief that, after having been better informed,
the Republic realizes the want of justice for the claim made and has
already desisted. *******
It is true that the united papers with the above-mentioned memorial,
and particularly the representation of the Governor of Guayana, Don
Manuel Centurion, not only show the want of foundation for the complaint
of the vassals of Holland, but likewise that it should be very desirable to
increase, on our part, the precautions that he contemplated in those coun
tries, as very important to the State; but as there is already such a long
time past, circumstances must have changed, and we can not enter in the
examination of the same, without more reason and new reports of the
present situation of things in those countries.

442

No. 43?.

Action taken hy the Council, May 27, 1785, as to the Complaint by the
Minister from Holland.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 2, p. 293.]
Messieurs Casafonda — Areche—Huerla.
Taking all things into consideration, it seems that what we mnst do
now is, to await the suggestive development of circumstances, showing
the course to be adopted ; in that case the Attorney should be consulted,
to report what he may find proper. The Council may agree and adopt
this report.
Madrid, May the 27, 1785— [here is a flourish]. Council of June the
4th, 1785— Chamber 1st.— As reported by the Attorney — [here is a
flourish J.

No. 438.
Extracts from the Diary of Matheo Beltran, Commander ofthe Revenue
Boat in the Orinoco, 1785.
Diary, 23d day. [June, 1785.] Having left this capital by order of
the Governor and Commander-General Don Miguel Marmion, steering in
a straight course to the great mouth of the Orinoco, from thence passing
into the Barima creek, on the same day, at ten o'clock at night, we ar
rived at the Port of San Miguel.
Diary, 24th day. At dawn we took on board the cassave, and at that
same hour we left the said port, and at twelve o'clock we arrived at
Presidio, and I began to put the (launch) or barge in order.
Diary, 25th day. At daybreak we put our arms in order and made
the cartridges for the cannon and for the swivel gun ; and, on the same
day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, we set forth on the way to our des
tination, with four Indians, three being mine and one being given to me
by the Commander, Don Antonio de Perello, because those whom I
brought from the capital went away, and although the Commander wrote
to the "father" he would not send them back.
Diary, 26th day. Daybreak found us at the Portuguese Islands,
and at eight o'clock in the morning we found two " curiaras " (boats)
belonging to the Guarauno Indians, who informed me that there was a
schooner fishing on the mouth of Guiama (Waini), and I steered straight
ahead; the same date, at eleven o'clock at night, we slept at the Vuelta
del Diablo.
Diary, 27th day. At three o'clock in the morning I weighed anchor,
and at eight o'clock we found four "cuiiaras" of Carib Indians, be-

443
No. 438.
longing to the mission of Morocure at the mouth of the Arature, with
the gunner, Josef Maria, by order of the Commander ; the said gunner,
with two Guarauno Indians, as guides for said creek ; they were from a
hut on the mouth, and they informed me that there were three negroes
inside living with some Indians, for which reason I forbade theni to enter
tbe place until my return from the trip, and I took the two Indians from
them to accompany me. The same day, at three o'clock in the after
noon, we met three Carib Indians from the village of Cumaco of the mis
sion of the Catalan Capuchin Fathers and they informed me that they
had come down from the river head of the Barima creek in bark canoes,
and no permit was found on them, and having asked them for news of
the Barima creek they told me they had seen nothing, and nothing was
found in the curiara bnt nine hatchets and one Mapire de tolumo (water
gourd) and that same night we slept at Cangrejos Point.
Diary, 28th day. At ten o'clock in the morning I weighed anchor,
and at two o'clock in the afternoon we arrived at the mouth of the
Macnro, where I waited for the tide to go on my way ; meanwhile I sent
for the three chieftains, one of whom lived at Amacuro in the dwellings
thaL belonged to the Caribs in the past time, and the other two lived at
the mouth of the sea, between Barima creek and Amacuro, and I ordered
them to ask whether there were any negroes living at Amacuro with
Carib Indians and they said there were none, nor even any Carib Indians
there. Diary, 29th day. I weighed anchor at eleven o'clock at night, and at
two o'clock in the morning 1 anchored at the mouth of the Barima, and
at daybreak I sent the coxswain in a "curiara," with eight scouts, up
the creek, and at five o'clock in the afternoon he returned, saying that
all he had seen was one dug-out and two "curiaras" concealed in the
bushes, where some Guaruano Indians had a hut inland ; and a short
time after that some Guaruano Indians appeared in two "curiaras" and
we made them come on board, and they told me that they were Indians
from Sacaupana fleeing from the Carib Indians, and that on Barima
creek and Amacnro there were about 3,000 Indians fleeing from the
severity (the floods .) of the Orinoco, and being asked by the Indian in
terpreter of the same nation, named Afortunado, as to whether there
were any vessels of any nation on tbe river Barima or any negroes living
with Indians in the woods, he replied that there were none, and that
only in Guayna did any schooners enter from Demerara and Essequibo
for fishing purposes and to cut timite to cover and build their dwellings.
Diary 30th day. We slept in the mouth of the Mura.
Diary' 1st day of July. At five o'clock in the morning we crossed to
the mouth of the Guayma, and after visiting every part of it nothing
was found but the places where the Dutch were fishing and salting fish

444 NO. 438.
(and this agreed with the information given by the Indians), and that
the last day of the month there were two schooners loading "timite" and
one fishing, and that they had gone ; and I asked Silvestre Rodriguez
whether he might know of any other place where we might fulfill the
commission entrusted to us, and he answered that he did not, for the
chieftains of Amacuro had said that there were no negroes there, neither
Caribs ; that those that were in this capital were ordered to be taken
away, and since then there had been none, and on that same day I re
turned to the capital.
Diary, 2d day. I left Guayma1 and came to the Barima creek.
Diary, 3d day. At five o'clock in the afternoon I sailed from the
mouth of the Barima, and on the same day in the afternoon there came
some Guaraunos in four "curiaras," who were returning from crabbing,
and they said that their chiefs were making ready to come to this cap
ital. I enquired once again whether they knew of any negroes dwelling
in i_macuro, or whether they knew if there were any in the neighboring
creeks, and they said no, that only some days previous some Hollanders
had come down with a few Poytos to the head waters of the Barima, and
that they had taken them to Esquivo ; that same day, at seven o'clock
in the evening, I sailed away from said mouth.
Diary, 4th day. At daybreak I was at the mouth of the Aratures,
and I dispatched the coxswain up the creek in a curiara, manned with
some sailors, to a hut of Guaraunos, that was inland, with orders to
bring the chief to me, and they returned with him at eleven o'clock iu the
day, and when he came on board I had him interrogated as to whether
he knew of any negroes living with Carib Indians either at Arature or
Amacuro, or other nearby creeks, and he answered that he had neither
seen nor heard of any ; and at the same hour I went on my way and slept
in the "Pasa de Juncos."
Diary, 5th day. At four o' clock in the morning I weighed anchor and
slept that night in the Loran creek, as there was no wind.
Diary, 6th day. At four o'clock in the morning I weighed anchor
and slept at the mouth of the Sacopana.
Diary, 7 th day. In the morning I sent off the coxswain to an Indian
hut, which was up the creek, to get information. He found them empty,
and came back on board, and then I set sail for the capital, and that same
night I slept off the Portuguesa, because the wind died out.
Diary, 8th day. I weighed anchor at five o'clock in the morning and
arrived at Presidio at eight at night.
Diary, 9th day. I awaited the letters from the Commandant
Diary, 10th day.

1 Variously spelled Guayna, Guima, Wayni, Weyne, and Waini.

445
No. 438.
Diary, 11th day. We left Presidio and arrived at daybreak at the
mouth of the Caroni.
Diary, 12th day. We went up to San Joaquin for some tobacco,
which was at the port for the " Administration." The same day we slept
in said mouth.
Diary, 13th day. I weighed anchor at daybreak, bound for the
capital.

No. 439.
Extract from letter from Fray Thomas de Mataro to Governor Miguel
Marmion, dated .Tuly 6, 1787, as to the Founding of Tumeremo.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 337.]

In regard to the particular points to which you call my attention, I
say : That the site or place where they are going to found the cattle-
farm or village is called Tumeremo and Cantuario, the Savannahs march
ing with others called Snama, and only divided by some bits of open
wood, through which the cattle can easily pass. From the said site of
Tumeremo to the said Savannahs there is a distance of 6 leagues, and the
before-mentioned Savannahs extend to the Cuyuni, which one may reach
in a day's journey; and from Tumeremo to the great forest, from where
there was a road to Essequibo, six hours.
From the site where the new cattle-farm is going to be placed
(Tumeremo) to the village of Cura it is 7 leagues, and from that port,
which is on the River Yuruary, until reaching the Cuyuni, one employs a
full day in the rainy season going down the Yuruary, and there are no
other mountains higher than those in front of the village of Cura.
On the banks of the Yuruary there are difficult mountains on both
sides between the Yuruary and the mouth of the Cuyuni. Where the
Cuyuni and Yuruan join there is a con venient, site to build a strong
house or post to stop the passage of the Indians so that they may not go
to Essequibo, and to prevent the entry of the Dutch to these Missions
and Savannahs.

446

No. 440.

Extract from letter from F. Mariano de Cervera, to F. Jayme (de
Puygcerda,) dated December 9, 1787, as to the Mission of Cura and
an excursion to the Cuyuni.
Between British Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896, Appendix 1, p. 46.]
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND, (Rev. Joseph, s. J.) The Boundary Question

Last year I went to the mouths of the Orinoco at a settlement of Gua
raunos. I had with me only two soldiers and some Guayanos from Car
oni. The excursion was brief and lucky, for within a few days I had
made the catch, and came back with 140 souls, all of whom arrived here,
excepting eight, who escaped at San Antonio, although they were after
wards caught. In the early part of this year I went on another excursion
to the river Cuyuni, accompanied by Father Antonio de Martorel, with
his Caribs of Cumamu, and we only succeeded in catching eighty-one
Guaycas, for on the same day we started out, a Guayca of the Mission of
Cura made his escape and warned those living in the woods, so that we
found everything in confusion.

447

No. 441.

List of Missions of the Catalonian Capuchins in Guayana, dated August
31, 1788 and sent by Father Hermenegildo de Vich to Father
Cervera.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 324.]
Table of the Missions of the Reverend Father Capuchins of Catalonia
of the Province of Guiana. The Rev. Father Hermenegildo de Vich
sent it to Father Cervera. Dated the 31st August, 1788.

Villages.

Presidents.

Nations.

Indians
there living.

Serafln de Arenas 

764

334
550299589235
P. Buenava. de Verdie 
Guayacas y guaraunos 
191
243618
P. Feliz de Vich
P. Joaqn. de Barcelona 
254723 177
431
P. Leopoldo de Barcelona 
P. Mariano de Perefita 
232
Total 
837
14,012
It is a copy of that which the Rev. Father Fray Joseph Cervera seat me, and which I re
ceived ia Turbaco the 27th March, 1789.
No. 443.
Letter from Governor Miguel Marmion to Buenaventura de San Celonis,
Perfect of Missions, dated February 16, 1788, as to Founding tlie
Tillage of Tumeremo.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 328-329]
To comply with the duties of the office I hold, and in order not to re
tard the measures that may conduce to the establishing of the village
and cattle farm of which your Reverence and Assistants inform me in a
communication of the 8th instant, I have decided to commission the
Adjutant of the forces here, Don Antonio Lopez de la Pnente, for this ser-
448 No. 442.
vice. He will, on his arrival, present and make known to your Reverence
the instructions with which he has been furnished. It will be well that
your Reverence appoint a religious acquainted with the place to accom
pany this official for the purpose of examining and becoming acquainted
with the site of Tumeremo, and an advantageous and proper place on the
Cuyuni, where a village or post may be established, with the object of
protecting the rear of the Missions, and rendering help to the new re
ductions, which the venerable community under your Reverence's charge
are continuing to found. In this view, I remember to have conferred
with your predecessor and other religious, who inform me that the junc
tion of the rivers Yuruary and Cuyuni is very well adapted for that
purpose. But, nevertheless, I have instructed the official not to omit to
examine carefully all parts of tbat neighborhood for the purpose of seeing
whether there may not be another more advantageous position better
suited for the purpose, as this is an affair as important to His Majesty's
service as beneficial and useful to the preservation and increase of these
Missions, and I trust your Reverence will supply the said Don Antonio
Lopez de la Puente with all that may be necessary to enable him the
better to fulfil the commission with which he is charged. If yon will
also send a Circular letter to the Religious under your charge in the vil
lages through which he may pass to see that the same orders be duly ob
served, I shall feel obliged.
It is understood that any expense he may incur while on his mission
will be immediately paid on presenting an account signed by him.
In informing you of this in full confidence, thoroughly assured of
your love and zeal for His Majesty's service, I pray God may preserve
you, &c.

No. 443.
Report of Antonio Lopez de la Puente upon his Exploration of the
Cuyuni River in 1788 ; dated April 13, 1788.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3 pp. 329-332.]
February 26th of the present year (1788), at 10 o'clock at night, Adju
tant-Major Don Antonio Lopez de la Puente departed from this capital
of Guayana, provided with the passport and instructions from the Gov
ernor of this province, Don Miguel Marmion, in order to carefully ex
plore the River Cuyuni and its neighbourhood.
Having embarked in the cargo boat of Miguel Castellanos, in com
pany with Corporal Antonio Mora, we arrived at the port of San
Joaquin (?) on the 28th of the present month (February) at 3 p. m., and
at the same hour I wrote to the reverend Father Prefect, who was at the

449
No. 448.
village of Caroni, forwarding him at the same time the official letter of
the Governor, asking him to send me animals for my journey.
As it was now night, and no news having arrived, I took some riding
animals from a team of mules which were then in this port as necessary
for my journey, which took place on the 29th, the day that I arrived at
the Mission of Caroni, being a journey of two leagues.
At 7 in the morning I went to see the Prefect, who having been
already informed of the commission with which I was charged from the
official note and instructions I showed him, I requested some animals to
continue my journey the same day for the town of Upata. To which he
replied that all would be furnished me, for he rejoiced much that some
remedy would be applied to those parts of Cuyuni, for already, long be
fore, they had represented the great danger the Missions were in from
the Dutch on that part. But he said that I could not yet go forward, for
it was necessary to consult with the assistants in order to select a Re
ligious to accompany me, and in awaiting this choice I was detained
until the 2nd.
On the 2nd March I left Caroni at 4 in the afternoon, the Father Pre
fect having told me that the Father selected to accompany me was Father
Mariano de Perafnta, that he was writing to Father Manuel Prejania
[sic], so that as soon as I arrived at the village of Carapo he might ac
company me to Tupuquen, and the Father of Tupuquen to Angel Cus
todio. In like manner he gave me a Circular letter, so that the Fathers
in the places through which I might pass should furnish all the assist
ance I might require, with which I took my leave, and after having
marched 5 leagues we arrived at the watch-house and resting-place of
Guacayma at 7 o'clock at night.
On the third day I continued my journey at 6 o'clock in the morning ;
and having gone 7 leagues, we reached the village of Altagracia at 4 in
the afternoon, where we remained with the Father of the village until I
should arrange with the one of the town of Upata to send me animals
and whatever else I should request, so that we remained until the fol
lowing day.
Fourth day : I continued my journey at 7 in the morning for the
town of Upata, having arrived there at 10 o'clock, after a march of 2
leagues. On this same day I delivered the order of the Governor to Lieutenant
Don Diego Morales, who, as the residents of this town were then engaged
at their labours, had to send for them. And of three whom I had to take
with me there was wanting Patrick Rivas, who did not put in an appear
ance until five days later, on account of which I was obliged to wait until
the 9th for the animals I had requested the Father of the village of Alta
gracia to send.

450 No. 443.
Tenth day: I continued my journey to the village of Santa Maria, in
company with three inhabitants of the town of Upata, and a militiaman
of the escort, for, by an order of the Governor, sent to the Sergeant in
command of the escort, he was directed to give me three militiamen.
These men being at the time in the villages of Angel Custodio and Agua
Chica, orders were sent to them to join my company. Having arrived at
the said village of Santa Maria, 4 leagues distant from the town, Ire-
quested animals from the Father of this village, which he provided the
following day.
Eleventh day : I pursued my journey at 3 in the afternoon, and after
a march of 5 leagues we arrived at the River Cume (Cuniri.) at 7 at
night. Twelfth day : I continued my journey at 10 o'clock in the morning on
account of two horses having disappeared, and in the best way we could
we went forward until we reached the Savannahs of Carapo, where it was
necessary to encamp, after having marched, with a great want of water,
during a half day, only 4 leagues, and we remained in a "morichal"
until the following day.
Thirteenth day : At 7 in the morning we set out on our journey, and
having marched 4 leagues we arrived at the village of Carapo, and on this
day animals were provided for the next day's journey.
Fourteenth day : I continued the journey in company with the Father
Manuel Preciana [sic], who was ordered by the Prefect to accompany me
as far as Tupuquen. And after a 5 leagues march we arrived at the said
village after 12 midday, from where the said Father returned to his vil
lage, leaving the same order of the Father Prefect with Father Leopold
of this village. On this day I sent for the militiaman, Migel Zuniga, in
terpreter of the Carib language, and one of the three appointed to ac
company me, so that 1 might inform myself concerning the Indians that
were to be taken. From this village, and on this same day, Father Leo
pold sent for Father Mariano, appointed to accompany me, and he was
at the village of Angel Custodio, and arrived in like manner with the be
fore-mentioned Zuniga at 7 at night. I was then informed by the said
Zuniga of the most suitable means for best fulfilling my commission.
Fifteenth day : We conferred with the two Fathers, Leopold and
Mariano, Zuniga being present, on the arrangements that were to be
made in regard to experienced Indians and rowers, boats and supplies.
On this same day we sent to ask Father Peter, of Guacipata, for ten
Caribs as being the most experienced, just as those of this village of
Tupuquen were the best in regard to the Cuyuni, with the permission of
Father Leopold. Only four were found useful, and they were appointed.
On this same day a notice was sent to the Father of Cura that he
should have dried meat prepared, and advise us of what quantity of
Cassava bread could be furnished. This notice was sent by Father

451
No. 443.
Mariano; and in awaiting the Indians and this news from Cura we re
mained until the following day.
Sixteenth day : The said Father Mariano returned to his village of
Angel Custodio to arrange for his journey and await our arrival, on the
understanding that the rowers that might be wanting should be com
pleted from among those there might be in Angel Custodio and Cura;
and in case there should not be all the Cassava bread necessary at Cura,
it was to be provided from Tupuquen, where it was in abundance; and
in waiting for the Indians the day was passed, though we had the neces
sary animals to continue the journey.
Seventeenth day : The Caribs arrived from the village of Guacipata.
1 left with Father Leopold for Angel Custodio with two militiamen of
those appointed, fourteen Caribs, and those who already accompanied
me, for, although an order was sent to me that I should be accompanied
by one who is in Agna Chica (Avechica), the Father missionary of the said
village opposed it; and although Father Leopold urged that this militia
man was necessary to the expedition, the Father had his way in not
allowing him to come; and notwithstanding that it was necessary to
arrange military measures, I started on this day ; and having gone more
than 2 leagues we arrived at the village of Angel Custodio, where I
found news from the Father of Cura, who was preparing the meat that I
might require, and in regard to the Cassava bread, he only offered five
loads, upon which six more loads were required from Father Leopold.
With them we went on to Cura, having dispatched this day a boat with
six Indians to the said Cura, on account of the want of canoes in those
places; and having provided the animals necessary we remained here
until the following day.
Eighteenth day : We started for Cura, and after a journey of 5
leagues we arrived at the said village, where we met Father Fray Manuel
de Castel-Feriol, and conferred with him and Father Mariano (who now
accompanied me, as was arranged, on this journey) about the boats. He
offered those he had, which we went to see, and we really found in a
creek two large, roomy canoes, which, with what we brought from Angel
Custodio, was sufficient to continue the voyage. Notwithstanding this
service and all the rest which he had furnished in supplies of provisions,
the said Father offered whatever else might be necessary in the service
of the King. But, on his asking how we had intended to continue the
voyage, I answered by water ; on this he observed that, not to put any
difficulty in the way, he offered everything ; but that it was impossible
for us to continue the voyage, as the river was totally dry, more so than
he had ever seen it before. To this I replied that, nevertheless, the best
manner of proceeding on our way would be considered. After receiving
this information from the Father, I determined to learn the truth from

452 No. 443.
the Carib pilots of Guascipata and Tupuquen. Notwithstanding that they
gave the same account, I asked if we could not go, although with much
labour, by hauling the canoes. They answered that we could, but that
before two days were at an end we would have no boats, and for six or
eight that we would have to pass before entering the River Supamo,
where navigation would be possible, it would be necessary to build new
canoes. This was because the Yuruari, where we had to go, was all
stony in the summer, and was impassable, as well as the Supamo, at this
season. Notwithstanding these reasons, I told them to come the following
day to see it ; the two above-mentioned Fathers were also invited, and at
once offered to accompany me, as was verified on the following day.
Nineteenth day: At 8 in the morning we went to the port of Cura,
on the River Yuruary, the two Fathers, Fray Mariano and Fray Manuel,
and I, accompanied by the corporal, Antonio Mora, five Spaniards, and
the Caribs of Tupuquen and Guascipati ; and at a distance of a quarter
of a league I undeceived myself, it being impossible to proceed, for in
various parts we crossed it without taking off our boots, upon which I
determined to return to the village until the following day.
Twentieth day : I ordered Corporal Antonio Mora, accompanied by
two of the militiamen, three inhabitants of the town, and the Carib
Indians, to go and examine during the whole day that part of the river,
in order to find out whether there was water lower down. He returned
with those who accompanied him, telling me that on account of the
river being more rocky a less quantity of water was found.
Then after questioning the Carib Indians, asking the interpreter
Zuiiiga and one of the militiamen of the company as to whether on pass
ing overland to the Supamo, and then making bark canoes, we might be
able to proceed, they replied that it was very difficult, for, as the Indians
used this river, there were no more bark boats to be found there, nor
trees from which to get the bark from.
And in view of these reasons, and wishing to open a way to the mouth
of the Yuruary, and make bark canoes, the same difficulty arose, as
they say, that in all this mountain very little bark is to be found. In
regard to opening the way, they said it would require at least forty
days, no Savannahs existing in that distance until reaching the place
where the Yuruary flows into the River Supamo [.]; so that, in view of
all these difficulties, I resolved on suspending all attempt until the river
should rise, as the winter season was approaching. On my stating this,
in agreement with the Father of this village of Cura, another difficulty
arose. They said that when the River Yuruary is in flood the going
down is easy ; but on our return, at the time we should be coming, the
river would be in full flood, and as the greater part of the region about
there is inundated, we should perish of hunger ; and that from experi-

453
No. 443.
ence they knew that the time the Indians navigated it was from August
to February, which was the season when the Indians made their voyages
to Essequibo; and that those who went from February and later were
obliged to remain until the beginning of the winter season, as happened
at the present with these from Tupuquen, who had not yet returned.
Notwithstanding these reasons, it was my own experience and prac
tice that convinced me, and as it appeared to me useless to remain, I re
solved to return and make a report to the Governor of all that happened,
and inform him of the proper season, and thereby save greater expense,
which would be occasioned by remaining.
Twenty-first day : I informed Father Mariano, my companion, of my
determination of returning to the capital and reporting. In regard to
the supplies furnished for the voyage, Father Mariano and the Father of
Cura said that the Cassava bread would be sent to the new cattle- farm
of Tumeremo, and the meat would remain at Cura for the use of the
village. This new cattle-farm of Tumeremo is established, according to what
they say, at a distance of 6 or 7 leagues from Cura, on the east side, and
from that cattle-farm towards the east there is a river named Curumo,
which flows south (like the Yuruary), seeking its outlet in the Cuyuni,
and although not so large as the Yuruary, it is navigable at the same
time, and is nearer to the mouth of the Masuruni, where the first habita
tions of the Dutch are. They say too that, according to the best in
formation of the Carib Indians, from the mouth of this Corumo down
wards there are no rapids or any impediment to hinder the transit of
any boat at all seasons, and without the difficulties in the shape of
rapids which they say exist by way of the Yuruary and Cuyuni down
to the mouth of the Corumo, where I thought of returning to come out
at Tumeremo. Twenty-second day : I dispatched the Caribs and rowers to their re
spective villages, and the Father and I remained with the Spaniards
until the following day, to return by Angel Custodio, leaving here the
boat which had been rowed from Angel Custodio, not being able to
take it.
Twenty-third day : Father Mariano and I with the other Spaniards
left Cura for Angel Custodio, having previously taken care to warn the
Father at Cura that until such time as the said voyage should take place
to the Cuyuni, it would be very important that no permission should be
given to the Indians to go to the Dutch, on account of the bad conse
quences that might follow if it became known to the Dutch that an ex
ploration of the Cuyuni and its neighborhood was projected. We said
it might bring upon the Father, for example, the misfortunes of the ex
pedition of the Parime, and advised him that he should also warn
Father Leopold of Tupuquen and Father Peter of Guascipati,

454 No. 443.
Twenty-fourth day : I left Angel Custodio for Tupuquen, and having
given this said precaution and warning of circumspection to Father
Leopold, I then remained until the following day with the animals that
were furnished me.
Twenty-fifth day : I departed from Tupuquen for Guascipati, and
warned Father Peter Martin in like manner as those of Cura and Tupu
quen, namely, that I knew that as soon as the river was high the In
dians of this village would go down to Essequibo ; for this purpose I
remarked they had a great quantity of hammocks made, and on my ask
ing for whom they were, they replied to take to the Dutch of Essequibo,
and that for each hammock they received a piece of calico and six flasks
of spirits or a Trenquera (?).
Twenty-sixth day : I left Guascipati for Carapo, and with the inten
tion of changing animals I passed all the rest of the day there in Carapo.
Twenty-seventh day: I left Carapo and arrived at the village of
Santa Maria the following day, 28th, and having reached on this day the
town of Upata I remained thereuntil Monday, the 7th April (on account
of being ill), leaving in charge of the Sergeant in command of the escort
the two militiamen who had accompanied me, and likewise delivering
over to the Lieutenant of the said town the three residents. Then, with
the animals which they provided for me from Altagracia, I continued to
Caroni. On the eighth day I arrived at Caroni, where I was furnished, by
order of the Father Prefect, with a sailing-boat and six Indian rowers
from the village of Puga, and I departed for this capital on the tenth,
leaving with the Father Prefect an account of the animals and men
which had been given me for my journey in each village as I was going
and returning.
On the twelfth day I arrived at this capital with Corporal Antonio
Mora, having intact and complete the 200 cartridges and 5 lbs. of
powder which were delivered to me, and of the 100 lbs. of tobacco I took
from the town of Upata for the Indians, having only consumed 50 lbs.,
the rest remaining in my possession until further orders of the Governor.

No. 444.
Certificate of Flection of Officers of the Capuchin Missions, 1787.
[Reprinted from Blue Book No. 3, pp. 333-334.]
The undersigned certify in the most formal manner that, on the 25th day ofthe month of April of the
present year, we celebrated our triennial Chapter in the Mission of San Joseph de Oupupuy, in which the Kev-
ered Father Fray Buenaventura de San Celonio was elected Prefect of our Missions, and for Assistants the
Reverend Fathers Fray Buenaventura de Sevadel and Fray Buenaventura de Santa Coloma, and in aceordauce
with our institutes the same reverend Fathers elected for their offices [stations] and Presidencies the reverend
J ather missionaries as follows :—

455
No. 444.
Carony : The Very Reverend Father Prefect; and for President Fatw uv.„ «_„„«„ _ »
Secretary, Fray Ilario de Tarragona, Lay Inflrmarian. ,eSIdent' Father Fray Serafln de Arens: Procurator and
Monte Calvario; President, the Reverend Father Fray Pascual de Barcelona
San Miguel ;
Santo Ana:

Altagracia:Cupupuy:Santa Maria:
Cumamu: Miamo:
Carapo:Tupuquen: Hato de Tumeremo :
Cura:Gucupati:Divina Pastora :
Palmar:Ayma: Avechica:
Santa Clara:
San Serafln;
San Pedro de las
Bocas:
Santa Magdalena
de Curucay:
Puedpa:Guri:San Antonio:
Morucura and
Caruache :
Villa de San An
tonio de Upata:
Villa de San Isidro

Hermenegilde de Vich.
Buenaventura de Santa Coloma, Assistant.
Thomas de Olod and Fray Justo de Barcelona.
Felix de Tarraga, ex-Assist., and Thomas de Mataro.
ex-Assist.
Augustin de Barcelona.
Raymundo de Olat.
Joseph Maria Mataro.
Manuel Preysana.
Leopoldo de Barcelona.
Mariano de Peraf uta.
Manuel de Castell Feriol.
Pedro Martin de Rivas.
Juan de Lura.
Antonio Martorel.
Joaquin de Barcelona.
Domingo de San Hipolito, Inflrmarian.
Ermenegildo de Premia.
Juan Bautista de Olod.
Felix Vich.

Bernardino de San Felix.
Mariano de Servera.
Francisco Barnica.
Bernardino de Verdu.
Buenaventura de Sevadel, Assist.

Henrique de Puigretto.

Luis de Castel Ferriol.

de la Barcelonita :
In testimony whereof we give the present, signed with our hand and sealed with the seal of the Mission, and
countersigned by the Secretary of the Mission, in the Mission of the Most Pure Conception of Caroni, on this 30th
day of April, 1787. (Signed) FRAY BUENAVENTURA DE SAN CELONIO, Prefect
FRAY BUENAVENTURA DE SEVADEL, Assistant.
FRAY BUENAVENTURA DE SANTA COLOMA, ditto.
(Signed) Fray Serafin de Arens,
Secretary of the Mission.
To Don Miguel Marmion,
Governor and Commandant-General.

No. 445.

List of Catalouian Capuchin Missions existing in 1788, made by Fray
Buenaventura de San Celonio, May 20, 1788.
[Reprinted (with corrections) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 3, pp. 221-222.]
Detailed statement of all the settlements existing which the Reverend
Catalonian Capuchin Missionary Fathers have founded in this Province
of Guayana, pursuant to the authority thereunto granted them by the
King our Master (whom God preserve) in several Royal decrees issued
for that purpose, under whose executive Government they are by virtue
of the authority they have from His Majesty; setting forth the year of
the founding of each settlement, which statement I, the Prefect of

456 No. 445.
Guayana, send to the Governor of the said Province, he having so
requested me, in a letter dated May twentieth, of the year seventeen
hundred and eighty-eight, as follows :
When founded —
1724. Mission of the Purisima Concepcion de Caroni.
1730. Mission of Santa Maria de los Angeles de Iacuaru.
1733. Mission of San Joseph de Cupapui.
1734. Mission of Nuestro Seratico Padre San Francisco de Altagracia.
1734. Mission of San Miguel del Palmar.
1737. Mission of the Divina Pastora de Yarivario.
1748. Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de Monserrate del Miamo.
1752. Mission of San Miguel de Carapo.
1754. Mission of Santa Eulalia de Murucury.
1755. Mission of San Joseph de Lionicia de Ayma.
1757. Mission of Nuestra Senora del Rosario de Gucuirati.
1760. Mission of Nuestra Sefiora Santa Ana de Paracaicura.
1761. Mission of Santa Cruz de Monte Calvario.
1763. Mission of San Raymundo de Caravache.
1765. Mission of San Antonio de Huiesatono.
1767. Mission of the conversion of San Pablo del Cumamo.
1769. Mission of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores de Puedpa.
1770. Mission of San Felis de Topuquen.
1770. Mission of San Pedro de las Bocas.
1771. Mission of San Buenaventura de Guri.
1779. Mission of San Miguel de Hunata.
1779. Mission of Santa Clara de Tavarapana.
1779. Mission of San Seratin Arahuataima.
1782. Mission of Santa Rosa de Vitermo de Cura.
1783. Mission of Santa Magdalena de Currncay.
1783. Mission of San Juan Bautista del Abechica.
1785. Mission of Santo Angel Custodio.
1788. Mission of Nuestra Senora de Yelen.
1762. Village of San Antonio de Upata.
1770. Village of San Isidro de la Barceloneta.

457
No. 446.
Certificate, dated August 20, 1788, of Buenaventura de San Celonio,
Prefect of Missions, as to the Founding of Tumeremo.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 335.]
To the Governor and Captain-General, from Fray Buenaventura de San
Celonio, Preacher, Missionary Apostolic, and Prefect of the Missions
of the Catalonian Capuchin Fathers of the Province of Guiana.
1 respectfully beg to inform you that a Mission of Guiana Indians
has been founded this year, 1788, in conformity with the rules laid down
by His Catholic Majesty, under the title of Maria Santissima de Belen de
Tumeremo. I therefore humbly request your Excellency will be pleased to supply
the ornaments, books, sacred vessels, bells, and other articles necessary
for the celebration of divine worship and the administration of the Holy
Sacraments, required for the service of the church of the said village.
And in testimony of its foundation and actual existence I hereby
affix my signature and great seal of our office, and countersigned by the
Secretary of this Mission of the "Purissima Concepcion of Caroni,"
this 20th day of August, 1788.

No. 447.
Letter from Governor Miguel Marmion, to Juan Guillelmi, Captain-
General of Caracas, dated August 4,1 1788, as to the founding of
Tumeremo.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 335-336.]
I address the inclosed Memorial to you, which the very Reverend
Father Prefect of the Capuchin Fathers of Catalonia, of the Missions of
Guayana, has presented to me, in which he solicits that there be provided
ornaments, missals, sacred vessels, bells, and other necessary church fur
niture for divine worship in the church of the village, newly founded
under the name or title of Nuestra Senora de Belen de Tumeremo, and in
view of the fact that your predecessor told me in a despatch of April 1786
that in similar cases I should transmit my report very confidentially,
setting forth the time at which the foundation was made, the number of
the individuals forming it, the hope of its permanency, &c, I now do so
in the following form :—
From the copy of the letter No. 1, you will perceive that the reverend
Father Prefect and Assistants applied to this Government on the 8th
February last, reporting that they had determined to make a new foun
dation. From that of No. 2 is seen the answer I gave, and from No. 3
the measures I took to fulfil this obligation, and finally they wrote to me
on the 31st May last past copy No. 4, in a style that was very displeasing
*An obvious error; possibly August 24.

458 No. 447.
to me, disputing my powers, and making objections, which the wise pen
etration of your Excellency will estimate at their right value.
In the nomina which they presented on the 30th April of the past
year, [17]87, at the chapter which took place for the election of the Pre
fect and Assistants, which accompanied No. 5, the existence of Tume
remo appears, under the name of a cattle-farm, and its President, Father
Fray Mariano de Perafita [sic,]. In the report which I requested, and
which the Prefect forwarded to me, on the 31st May of the present year,
of the number of Missions, and foundation of each, there appears Tume
remo under the title of Nuestra Sefiora de Belen, as your Excellency will
find in the copy No. 6.
As to its beginnings not even now has there been sent any account of
the number of souls it has, nor still less does there appear any such vil
lage in the Registers which have been delivered to me, up to the present
date. But I am fully aware that for this foundation Indians were taken
from other villages as happened in the case of Angel Custodio, and from
which in my last journey to the town of Upata various families, fugi
tives, had come to the Missions of Cupapuy and Alta Gracia, from where
they had been taken.
In the said nomina No. 5 the village of Angel Custodio was sup
pressed, and in the statement No. 6 it again revives ; and according to
the register of the President, Father Fray Mariano de Perafita [sic], the
same is the case with Tumeremo without my being able to comprehend
in what these mistakes consist. I only know that from them originated
the dissensions of these Religious of which your Excellency is fully in
formed, having given an account to the King thereof.
I cannot know what hope there may be of the permanency of this
village. As to the information I have of that part and its local situation,
the copy of the Confidential letter No. 7 will explain it to you, and the
other documents which accompanied this when the King was informed,
and which I addressed under cover to your Excellency, and the Intend
ant, your predecessor, lately.
And although with a view to this and other objects of greater import
ance to the service of the King I dispatched in commission the Adjutant-
Major of the force of this garrison, Don Antonio Lopez de la Puente;
this official was unable, in conformity with the instructions I gave him, to
fulfil it, for the reasons he gives in his journal, of which I transmit to
you a copy, No. 8.
In consequence of all which your Excellency will determine whatever
may appear to you most convenient, forwarding to me your commands
to punctually obey them.
God preserve you, &c. (Signed)
MIGUEL MARMION.

459
No. 448.
Letter from Buenaventura de San Celonio, Prefect of Missions, to Gover
nor Miguel Marmion, dated May 31, 1788, relaUng to selection of
Sites for Missions. [Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 332-333.]
In reply to your Excellency's communication of the 20th instant, I
have to state as follows : By virtue of an Ordinance approved by the
King, our Sovereign (whom God preserve), we have received commands
that, among other things, the Prefect and Assistants are to assemble for
the purpose of deliberating upon the sites for new reductions. This has
always been done whenever it has been considered necessary to found
any village of Indians. Precisely as ordered, and in the manner pro
scribed, those sites have been sought which would most conduce to the
well-heing of the Indians and the service of our Sovereign. And this
appears to us to be quite in conformity with the laws relating to the
foundation of village of Indians. From which it will clearly be seen
that, once we comply with the foregoing, we adequately fulfil the obli
gations of founders of Indian villages, which we enjoy through His
Majesty the King.
Not, however, on this account does it follow that we deem it super
fluous to request the approbation of your Excellency of any village
that is being founded.
First, because, granting that we should through inadvertence not
select a proper site, your Excellency has always the liberty of informing
us that such a site is not adapted for settling.
Secondly, because to obtain the grant, which the piety of His Ma
jesty, our Catholic Monarch, has assigned for the establishing of any
such village, it is always necessary that the approbation of the Chief of
the province be first obtained. Otherwise, we cannot see how we could de
mand the grant from the Treasurer at Caracas without first producing the
approbation of your Excellency.
Thirdly, it is clear that we do not act superfluously in requesting your
approvol. for by this means, when it becomes necessary to apply to the
Court for Religious your Excellency is aware of the increase of villages,
and in proportion to that increase a greater or less number of Religious
is applied for.
Fourthly, it is not superfluous to request the approval of new foun
dations, for it concerns their stability and permanency and affects both
the founder and him who approves, for, once duly approved, there is no
power or liberty to destroy or change it. And i f, for slight reasons, it may
be possible to destroy it when not approved, there must be grave reasons
for so doing when it is duly approved.

460 No. 448.
Lastly, although it may be true that in the choosing of any site, we
may make a mistake, experience has shown that the same has happened
to others. This, of course, arises from the fact that in the circumstances
of the moment a site appeared to them very convenient, which after
wards, on account of other new circumstances having arisen, has turned
out less suitable than it had seemed at first.
What is quite certain is that we do all in our power to carry out and
fulfil the laws and "Cedulas" laid down for us by His Majesty (whom
God preserve), and nobody can with just reason say the contrary.
We are not ignorant of the rumors that some person or persons have
spread abroad. But, in truth, we well know they proceed solely from
the effect of malice. They have no true foundation, but are false and
destitute of all justification, as we can fully prove whenever it shall be
necessary, not only to your Excellency but to anyone else iu the world.
From all that has been said, it appears to us that by this communica
tion we have clearly shown your Excellency how advantageous it is that
you should, without scruple, be assured, whenever occasion requires, of
our upright proceeding in the matter of the foundation of villages, and
that in that respect we work iu conformity with the laws, so as to be able
to grant the necessary approbation when right.
Nevertheless, although it be our practice to settle Religious (if there
are any), when once we are sure of the site being fit and suitable and
possessing all other necessary conditions and being profitable to the In
dians as well as the King, our Sovereign, you have still the liberty of
proving the site unsuitable, if it be so, for the Indians, or disadvan
tageous, it might be, for the King, our Sovereign. It appears to us that
we work very uprightly, for your Excellency must presume that we are
not so inconsiderate as to wish to carry out the matter without carefully
weighing it, and without prudence. Nor are we so rash that we carry out
matters of such consequence boldly and arbitrarily. It is certain that
nobody more than we ought to reflect, and we do reflect long, and we
even endeavor to procure the profit, advantage, and convenience as well
of the Indians as of the King, our Sovereign, in the matter of the founda
tions and reductions of the Indians, on account of the very special man
ner our pious and Catholic Monarch has charged us in this respect.
1 do, indeed, confess to your Excellency that I have not been able to
understand the object with which you put these difficulties in the way,
when none of your predecessors ever had any difficulties in this matter,
as they knew the sound method and practice which the reverend Fathers,
Capuchin missionaries of Catalonia, had employed from the beginning in
regard to the foundations of Indian villages ; if any difficulty has now
presented itself to your Excellency on account of our having formed the
cattle ranch in the Savannahs of Tumeremo, owing to the Savannahs of
the old cattle farm having become nearly all exhausted of pasture, it

461
No. 448.
appears to us to be a very poor motive for your Excellency's objection;
for that site being so distant from the River Cuyuni, as is notorious to
all, the occasion of all difficulty arising therefrom is at once set aside.
It is quite certain that your Excellency's predecessor made no difficulty
in allowing the site of Cura to be settled, although it be much less dis
tant from the River Cuyuni than that of Tumeremo. Also the site of
Curumo was less distant, and, nevertheless, there was no difficulty made
by one of your predecessors in allowing it to be founded, although, on
account of the Caribs having risen, who were dwelling in that place, it
has not been again founded. Finally, your Excellency does not carefully
reflect, in putting before us all the observations which the Adjutant-
Major Don Antonio Lopez de la Puente had made, that we are ready to
give a full account, as we do not make any concealment of our mode of
working, which is quite public; we have nothing to fear on that
account, for our conscience accuses us of nothing.
I shall say no more at present on this matter, so as not to trouble
your Excellency. And as you request me to furnish a circumstantial
account of all the villages, stating the year of the foundation of each of
them, I send it to your Excellency, herewith, for whatever purpose you
may wish to use it.
God preserve your Excellency, &c.
(Signed) FRAY BUENAVENTURA DE SAN CELONIO,
Prefect.

No. 449.
Extract from the Order, dated January 30, 1789, of the Prefect and
Council of the Capuchin Missions, as to the establishment of a new
Mission in the Plains of Cura.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Rev. Josephs. J), the Boundary Question
between British Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896, Appendix 1, p. 44.]
On the tenth of August of the present year 1784, in session held by
the Reverend Fathers the Prefect and Assistant Judges, for the purpose
of discussing the affairs of the Ato and the increase thereof, and at the
same time as Father Bernardino de Verdu, in his letter of June 22nd of
same year, has asked to be discharged of the Presidency and relieved of
the care of said village, and said Father Bernardino having requested, in
his letter of July 18th, to be allowed to dwell in said village of Ato, the
Reverend Fathers -decided as follows : That in view of the age and
infirmities of said Father, and that he may enjoy some rest, hereafter
the majordomo (steward) shall report to Father Jnan de Livia, and
Father Benardino shall only have charge of the Indians left him, and

462 No. 449.
take care of the plains of the territory appertaining to the village of Ato
Viejo, and he shall maintain the dairy there, and see that no more than
three or four bullocks are killed every week. 2nd. That the establish
ment of Ato Nuevo, called Angel Custodio, be continued and finished.
3rd. That twenty families shall be taken from Ato Viejo for the settle
ment of the new plantation, with fifteen from Altagracia and ten from
Cupapuy. 4th. That it shall be the duty of Father Juan de Livia to go
out with the majordomo to look after the works of the plain, and every
year he shall submit a statement, signed by both, of the cattle gelded and
branded. 5th. That the Reverend Fathers Presidents of the villages of
Altagracia, Cupapuy, Sta. Maria and Sn. Antonio shall furnish (upon
notification of the majordomo) all the Indians they can afford, with their
horses, to go out to the plain to hock bulls. Signed in this village of
Caroni, on this day ut supra, Fr. Hermenegildo de Vich, Prefect; Fr.
Buenaventura de S. Celonio, Assistant Judge ; Fr. Thomas de Mataro,
Assistant Judge.
-x * * * •* #

No. 450.
Journal kept hy Antonio Lopezde Ia Puente on a Journey from Santo
Thorn, to and down the Cuyuni River and hack again, November 7,
1788— February 5, 1789.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 337-339.]
On the 7th November, 1788, 1 left the capital with Corporal Antonio
Mora, and I arrived at the town of Upata, from where I- set out for the
village Topuquen on the 15th with four militiamen, and the meat,
cassava bread, rowers, and boats that could be found in Cura and
Topuquen having been got ready with despatch, I departed for Cura with
seven militiamen, where we arrived on the 28th.
And as the boats were not sufficient, I dispatched two of the militia
men to the town, and proceeded on my voyage the following day.
On the 29th I left the port of Cura with four boats and" five militia
men, having formed at Topuquen the beginning of the map ("piano "),
on which it will be noted that the day's voyages downstream are marked
with two strokes from one side of the river to the other, and in respect
to the return up stream with four strokes, the rapids with the letter R
the creeks with C, the islands with I, and the dotted lines (....)
are roads.
On the 30th we left the rapid of Aguaraya and encamped at the
Rapid Curigua. On the 31st we left Curigua, and at 8 in the morning
reached the River Yuruan, and at 11 forenoon we entered the River

463
No. 450.
Cuyuni, all this voyage, from Topuquen to the Cuyuni, taking up three
days. The Yuruary is very much impeded with rocks, and conse
quently, it is difficult to navigate, unless the river be more than half
in flood. On this day we rode five hours on the Cuyuni and three on the
Yuruary and Yuruan, and during all this day's journey the river was
in a good state, its width about 200 yards, with depth enough for
any kind of launch. We encamped at 4 in the afternoon on the Island
of Chimiri. On the 1st December we left the Island of Chimiri, and proceeded
in good water to the rapid of Marapi, and we encamped at the mouth
of the Lost Creek (" Cano Perdido"), having this day travelled eight
hours. On the 2nd we departed from the Lost Creek, and at a short
distance came to the rapid Mara, where there are some 2 leagues of
rapids ; it is a bad way all through until the rapid Aguarari be passed,
then the river continues good to the mouth of the Curumo, where we
encamped this day, having rowed for ten hours.
On the 3rd we left the mouth of the Curumo at 8 in the morning, on
account of having left in this place six arrobas (about 150 lbs. weight)
of cassava bread and four of meat (100 lbs. weight) to await our return,
and in front of this mouth, and all along the creek, there is high moun
tainous land to the bank of the Cuyuni, and in the lower part suitable
for a village and tillage of the land, flat but high. During all this day
we proceeded in good water to the Island of Maiparipati, where we
encamped, having travelled this day eight hours.
On the 4th we departed from Maiparipati, and we proceeded all this
day in good water for eight hours, encamping on the Island of Acayo.
On the 5th we left Acayo, and at a short distance we came to
the rapid of Canayma, where the Cuyuni divides itself into two branches
as far as the Island of Araripira, where we remained, having only gone
during this day four hours, on account of having met some Indians who
were complaining against the Indian Manuyari, who had taken them
prisoners and carried them to the Dutch, who kept them two months
working, and after that sent them to their village, the said Manuyari
bidding them tell the Father of their village that he would kill him and
burn the village, for which purpose he would ask the Dutch for help.
On account of which, and in view of the complaint which they made me
of this Indian, knowing at the same time that he had already killed the
daughter of the Indian Cuayari, of the same village of Topuquen, I
resolved (as he was living, as they told me, actually on the Cuyuni as a
spy and sentinel of the Dutch) to take two experienced Indians ot those
whom I met for che purpose of apprehending this Indian on account of
his insupportable audacity. Besides what I have just mentioned, these

464No. 450.
Indians also informed me that he had also carried away an Indian woman
named Josef a from the Indians of Panapana about three years ago, and
that he had her with him, and that this same Manuyari was the very
one who was continually inciting the Dutch to come and burn and destroy
the villages of the Capuchins. Considering, therefore, that if he were
not apprehended, and if warned might go and inform the Dutch, and,
consequently, I should not be able to carry out my commission, or might
be surprised, for all these reasons I thought it well that he should be
seized, and on this understanding I dispatched the Indians above referred
to to the village of Topuquen, having now informed myself of all that
might assist me on my voyage. And in regard to the fact that there had
remained in the port of Cura forty Carib Indians of Guascipati and
Cumano, who were going down with cargoes of hammocks and deerskins
to sell to the Dutch, without mentioning those who would go from
Morucuri, Caraguachi, Miamo, Carapo, and all the others who annually
descend by the Yuruari and Curumo carrying hammocks, for since the
planting of tobacco has been prohibited they do not take any, I warned
these Indians to tell those who were going down what had happened to
them, so that, they might return to their villages, as it was imperative to
seize this Indian, so that, on this ground, they might excuse themselves
from going to tlie Dutch from fear of what might happen to themselves.
We passed the rest of the day here, and stayed until the following,
when the Indians went up stream to Topuquen, and we went on down
stream. On the 6th we left the said Island Araripira, and went on during the
whole day through bad water, the greater part rapids and falls ; and hav
ing proceeded for nine hours, we reached the rapid of Giromirispo, which
is a muddy place, although short. We remained here until the following
day. On the seventh day we left Giromirispo, and we proceeded during the
whole eight hours through bad water as far as the mule pass, which they
call Notupicay, and from there it continues good, without rapids, to Ta-
pnjumo, where we encamped.
On the eighth day we left Tapujumo ; we only passed one rapid, and
the rest of the river is navigable, and on account of it raining very much
we only rowed during seven hours, and we encamped on the Island of
Acayuiri. On the ninth day we left Acayuiri, and we rowed the whole day (nine
hours) in good water, passing only one rapid, and we passed the night at
Point Capachi.
On the tenth day we departed from Capachi, and after passing some
rapids, not of the largest, we passed the night at the mouth of the Creek
Tupuro, having rowed ten hours' journey to the head of the Rapid
Camaria, which is 2 leagues long, and ends at the mouth of the Cuyuni,

465
No. 450.
a short distance, about a quarter of a league, beforethe Cuyuni flows into
the Masuruni, in the fork of which a Dutchman lives, named Daniel, with
four companions, very many negroes and Indian slaves, all his
From the mouth of this Creek Tupuro there is a road to the foot of
the rapid where the Carib Manuyari has his house, and he it is who keeps
up this road opposite Daniel's house. The tide reaches above this rapid.
From this to the fortress of Essequibo there are only two floods on the
southern part of the River Cuyuni. There is a road which comes out at
the Masuruni, where there are some Dutchmen with a Carib village. We
arrived at the said mouth of the Tupuro at daybreak.
On the eleventh day I dispatched the corporal, three of the militia-
menj and fifteen Caribs to apprehend the Indian Manuyari, and we, with
the others, remained to guard the canoes ; and at 12 o'clock at night they
returned with the said Manuyari, whom they found in his plantation 3
leagues distant from the port, having taken the Indian woman from
Panapana, named Josefa, and ten others.
On the twelfth day we departed from the mouth of the said Creek
Tupuro on our return, not being able to delay longer in this place on
account of having seized this Indian, and because the Dutch, Aruacas,
and Caribs being very constantly engaged in fishing in the River Cuyuni,
our voyage might have been discovered. We passed the night at the
rapid of Tosquefie.
On the thirteenth day we left Tosquene, and in twelve days and the
day at Tupuro, which makes thirteen, we arrived at the mouth of the
Curumo on the 24th December, where we remained two days roving
about, hunting, and resting ourselves.
On the 27th I went up the Curumo with the Spaniards who accom
panied me and nine Caribs, leaving the remainder at the mouth of the
Curumo awaiting the canoes, for the pilots told us that we could only
continue the river journey two days more. We only rowed seven hours
this day.
On the 28th we continued our voyage, always in good water and
deep enough for any small sailing-boat, but not for launches. We rowed
for this day eight hours.
On the 29th we continued our journey, and only rowed for four
hours, as hunger did not permit us to do any more ; and having passed
the Creek Guaramo, half a league distant, we reached the port where the
Indians say that it is the custom to leave the canoes, and presuming that
the river might be difficult, or that it was an old open way, I fell into the
mistake which I afterwards discovered.
On the 30th I sent the canoes away to Cura, and continued the jour
ney by land with six Caribs and the Spaniards, and we walked in this
day during six hours, as we were obliged to look for something to eat.
On the 31st we left, and having walked during this day for eight

466 No. 450.
hours we passed the night, as on the other days, on the bank of the
Curumo, which wherever we came to the river was found to be good for
navigation and without any rapid, on account of which I repented very
much of having sent away the canoes.
On the 1st January we continued the journey, and on this day we
walked for nine hours with great labour, for during the whole day and
night it never ceased raining. But hunger obliged us, and with suffering
we passed this day.
On the 2nd we continued the journey. We marched for nine hours,
and it also rained nearly the whole day.
On the 3rd we set forward the journey, and marched for six hours,
for, apart from the rain, it was necessary to look for something to eat.
On the 4th we continued our journey, and after two hours' walking
we entered upon a Savannah which there is just before coming out to the
Creek Mutanambo, (?) which we crossed, and after a league of mountain,
we entered upon the Savannahs of the Curumo, and we continued
through various Savannahs and bits of wood to the bank of the Curumo,
where we passed the night, having walked during the whole of this day
ten hours, and through the Savannahs, the way which leads to Tume
remo. But it was not known whether it was far or near, and as we were
obliged to look for something to eat, we remained the day following fish
ing, and I sent off a letter to Tumeremo with two Indians that they
might send us supplies.
On the 6th we left Curumo, and two hours after we met with supplies
which Father Mariano sent us, and after having satisfied our hunger, we
started off and arrived at Tumeremo, having walked during the entire
day four hours through good Savannahs, both before and after Curumo,
which is quite navigable, without rapids, unless the fierce summer dries
it up, as they say, but only for a short time. It is a river abundant in
game and fish with fertile woodlands on one side of the river, and another
which has been much inhabited by Caribs, for there are still found in
various parts of the valley groves of lemon trees ; it runs north and
south. On the Sth we set out for Topuquen, after having rested ourselves for
a day, and we arrived after six leagues' walking, where the canoes which
I dispatched from the mouth of the Curomo were to await us. Up to the
11th, seeing that they were retarded, I wrote to the Governor announcing
my arrival and the cause of detention.
On the 22nd I reached the town of Upata sick with fever, having left
Corporal Mora in Topuquen until the arrival of the canoes.
On the 27th the Corporal of the town arrived with the militiamen,
and having by my order left the Indian prisoners, male and female, in
the villages of Topuquen and Carapo, except the Indian Manuyari and
the Indian woman Josefa, of Panapana, who were to be brought to the

467
No. 450.
capital and placed at the disposal of the Governor, having learned that
the said Josefa had been left by her brother, who is in Panapana, to
become the wife of the said Manuyari on the condition and contract that
he should make him a plantation for the time when he might fly from the
village of Panapana to go to live with this Manuyari.
On the 29th I left the said town with three militiamen and the
corporal, and having arrived on the 30th at San Miguel, I went to the
fort of Guayana in search of a vessel, leaving Corporal Mora, the militia
men, and the prisoners at San Miguel.
On the 2nd February I left the fort in a sailing-boat with five rowers
which I took from the village of Puga, and I arrived at San Miguel,
where I took up tbe people I had left there, and then continued my
journey until the 5th instant, on which I arrived at the capital, and
having met on this day a canoe from Panapana near the poit of the said
village, I sent off the Indian woman Josefa, as she was very ill.
(Signed) ANTONIO LOPEZ DE LA PUENTE.
Guayana, February 5, 1789.
Note.— That the River Curumo is navigable the greater part of the
year for sailing-boats and canoes, and in flood time even for large vessels.
By this river there is a great saving of rapids in going to Essequibo,
which abound in the Yuruari and Cuyuni to the mouth of the Curumo.
Note.— In the River Cuyuni, notwithstanding the bad passes that it
has, one can navigate with launches and sailing-boats, and in the season
of the year that it is in flood even frigates may pass the rapids.
(Signed) ANTONIO LOPEZ.
Guayana, February 5,- 1789.

No. 451.
Report of the Fiscal, dated April 2, 1789, as to the Founding of
Tumeremo.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 341.]
His Majesty's Fiscal has seen the despatch of the Governor of Guayana
relative to the request of the devout Father Prefect and Capuchin mis
sionaries of Catalonia of the said province, that there be granted to them
sacred vessels, ornaments, and bells for the church of the new cattle-farm
of Tumeremo, which they denominate the village of Nuestra Senora de
Belen with the documents which he annexes, and says: That the neces
sary license for the foundation of this village not yet being granted, nor
the selection of its site approved, notwithstanding that the community
and Assistants have arranged it, there can be no question at present of

468No. 451.
providing the ornaments for the church, nor until, all the necessary
information having been taken and the special points examined, it is
seen whether the establishment be convenient or not, which the Fiscal
considers a most delicate point. He is of opinion that His Majesty must
be consulted, and most careful consideration given to the points raised in
the journal of the official, Don Antonio Lopez de la Puente, and in the
Report of the former missionary, Fray Thomas de Mataro, at present
absent in the Kingdom of Spain. The Fiscal is aware that on account
of the exposed situation of the lands between the mouths of the Orinoco
and the forts of Old Guayana and their proximity to the Dutch Colonies,
it has not been permitted that they should be settled, and for the same
reason the Missions established are for the greater part situated in the
lands of the River Caroni higher up than the said forts, and in the
interior of the province.
The Fiscal has information that as the head-waters of the Cuyuni
(which flows into the Essequibo) are close to the interior villages of the
same Missions, the Royal Commissioner, Don Josef de Iturriaga, recom
mended that a fort should be built at the outlet of the River Curiamo to
the Cuyuni, to hinder the said foreign Colonies from penetrating into
that part, and by that route.
He likewise recognizes from the said journals and Report of Father
Mataro the proximity of the Savannahs of Tumeremo to the said River
Cuyuni, and to the before-mentioned outlet of the Curiamo, at a distance
of six hours of road, from which the navigation to the Dutch farms is
very short and easy. This is all the more dangerous on account of the
attempts they are making to work the silver mines discovered at the
town of Upata, distant very few leagues from the said Cuyuni, Curiamo,
and River Yuruari, and the villages of Cura, San Antonio, and others.
The means of communication and traffic with the Dutch Colony thus
afforded to the Indians are very objectionable, and the before-mentioned
official, Lopez de la Puente, learned that it is necessary to take the
greatest precautions.
On this account, notwithstanding the earnest request of the said mis
sionaries, it appears to the Fiscal that it is necessary that orders be given
to the said Governor to the effect that he shall employ the most experi
enced officials acquainted with that province to explore carefully all the
lands of the said site and Savannahs of Tumeremo, its communica
tion with the Rivers Cuyuni and Curiamo, the outlet of the latter, and
the facility of its navigation to the outlet of the Masuruny. where the
first plantations of the Dutch are situated on the Rivers Aporo-ara and
Cosacuro. The distances from these lands to the said Colonies! as well
as to the town of Upata, should be set down, and the Governor should
be warned of the importance of this business, and be instructed to give

469
No. 451.
all information to this Superintendence with as many particulars as can
be acquired. As to whether it would be well that on the said site of Tumeremo, at
the junction of the Curiamo, a considerable village of Spaniards be
formed, with magistrates and zealous officials of the Royal Treasury,
who may be able to prevent smuggling in that part, and restrain the
foreigners from penetrating there, the whole case must be laid before His
Majesty with the necessary clearness, so that he may issue a Royal Reso
lution thereon with full knowledge of the facts. Your Excellency, in
view of the- " Expediente," will be pleased to resolve what is best.
(Signed) SARAVIA.

No. 452.
Letter from Governor Miguel Marmion, to Antonio de Valdes, Secre
tary of State, Dated September 22, 1789, Asking for Troops and the
Founding of a Town on the Cuyuni at its Junction with the Curumo.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 342-343.]
The proximity of the Dutch possessions of the Colony of Essequibo
to that part of this province which borders on the Missions of the Capu
chin Fathers of Catalonia has, since my entrance into this Government,
compelled my most careful attention, as I knew the importance of the
point, as I showed in my general topographical Report, and the others
accompanying the despatch of the 10th June of the past year, [17]88,
which I addressed to your Excellency.
Lately, to comply with the obligation by which I consider myself
bound, I dispatched, for the exploration of these frontiers, the Adju
tant Major of the force of this garrison, Don Antonio Lopez de la
Puente, who discharged and fulfilled the Commission in the manner
set forth in the inclosed journal, which I transmit to your Excellency,
in copy, with the plan or map.
With this, and my previous information, I have recently set forth, as
clearly as possible, the configuration of the country bounded by the sea
coast and the Rivers Essequibo, Cuyuni, Caroni, and Orinoco, within
which are situated the said Missions and their numerous cattle farms,
the tobacco crops of the town of Upata-the only district of all this
province where the revenue permits the cultivation of tobacco— the
timber for building examined in [17JS7, and the silver mines lately dis
covered, and which are actually being tested by practical miners sent
here by the Captain- General-Intendent of Caracas to prove their value
or worthlessness. This portion of the country, the best, richest, and most populous of

470 No. 452.
the province, is also exposed and without defence; the River Cuyuni
affords the Dutch a free and open passage to our possessions, by which
they can carry on their wicked traffic in the Indians whom they enslave,
introduce merchandize, and carry away the produce of the Missions;
nor can any one prevent them, for the river flows through desert country
as far as the Missions. It is also impossible to stop the natives' com
munication with the Dutch, as there is no guard or settlement of Span
iards to restrain them. There are plenty of examples of this kind up
to the last war, without mentioning the two recent cases referred to in
the journal of the official commissioned to explore the country, which
also serves as an asylum for bad characters, who, on account of their
excesses and libertinage, have fled from the Missions; these men very
frequently pass into that Colony, or its frontiers, carrying with them
the population of whole villages, as practical experience has proved.
Now, what is most remarkable in the affair is that the known advan
tages of this district as compared with the rest of the province excite
tlie avarice of an active enemy, into whose hands Essequibo may fall,
precisely as happened in the last war, especially as they know that, in
its present state, it could easily be taken without any costly expedition,
as there is no force to prevent it. Then the reduced escort of twenty-
five or thirty men maintained here by Royal Order, and divided up
among those Missions, is insufficient, and nearly useless in such a case.
The Indians, being an uncivilized and insubordinate people, lovers
of their independence and liberty, which the enemy would undoubtedly
offer so as to attract them to their side, it is to be feared that they would
submit cheerfully to any change which would enable them to escape the
subjection in which the Religious keep them for the purpose of in
struction. It is very doubtful whether assistance from the capital, to hold the
port in case of a surprise, would arrive in time, on account of the long
distance which intervenes; in case of the invasion of the province it
would be still less likely to do so, for the force having to attend to the
forts of Old Guayana, the principal and only defence of the entrance
of the Orinoco, it could not be given without greatly weakening
or abandoning the forts, as there are only three companies of infantry
and one of artillery. These are always dispersed in the remote outposts
of the Higher Orinoco and Rio Negro, of the Parime, of Barceloneta, of
the River Caura, of the forts of Old Guayana, and in the above-men
tioned escort of the Catalan Capuchin Fathers, at distances which
render their assembling together impossible in any of the two cases ex
plained happening. For the same reason, and the want of forces, the
garrisons indicated in the project of Brigadier Don Augustin Crame
must remain incomplete, and two or three years without relief, and when
this can be given it is very expensive to the Royal Treasury in the mat-

471
No. 452.
ter of transport. This is the chief cause of the want of assistance and
military discipline among the soldiers.
In consideration of these reasons and the others which the wise pene
tration of your Excellency will deduce from the papers before you
which I had the honour to transmit to you on the 10th July, 1788, I take
the liberty of proposing to your Excellency the urgent necessity of now
adding promptly two companies of infantry to this garrison, and with
out any prejudice to whatever maybe considered right in the future, and
in regard to the artillery, putting it on a footing of 100 men. I also par
ticularly advise that a town should be founded as quickly as possible in
the fork or junction of the River Curumo with the Cuyuni. A beginning
may be made with the escort fixed by His Majesty in the Royal Order
referred to of the 22d December, 1773, at thirty men; it would be well
that they be married and militiamen, and at the same time, as they
guard the Missions and attend to their duties under the command of an
officer, they can also serve as settlers with the help which for this pur
pose the venerable community of the said Catalan Capuchin Fathers
should freely give, with a part of the 10,000 to 12,000 head of cattle
which they offered to His Majesty, and he accepted with the pious in
tention of distributing them among the poor people of this"^province,
which Royal grace can never be enjoyed in a better nor more opportune
time than on this occasion.
God preserve you, &c.

No. 453.
Extract from IiCtler, dated June 4, 1790, from Governor Miguel Mar
mion lo Antonio Valdes, regarding Spanish post at junctioii ol' Cu
yuni and Curumo rivers.
[Reprinted from Ven. Span. Docs., No. 3, p. 260.]
Document 8.
Most Excellent Sir : Considering the urgent necessity of guarding
in the best possible way, for the present, the avenue of the Cuyuni river,
whereby the Dutch from Esquivo are accustomed to advance inland, I
deemed it advisable to designate the Adjutant Major of this detail, Don
Antonio Lopez de la Puente, as an expert party in those localities, en
trusting him with this object and the command of the escort of the Mis
sions of the Reverend Catalonian Capuchin Fathers. And at the same
time I charged him to re-examine a site which should be the most ad
vantageous on the said Cuyuni river at the fork or confluence it forms
with the Curumo, to establish a fixed detachment or outpost.

472 No. 453.
He performed this duty in the terms Y. E., will see by the copy
which I send herewith, of which I have also made a report to the Captain
General of Caracas, stating that I consider ver y necessary the sentry-box
or stronghold that the military Commissioner proposes, in order that,
in view of the antecedents, and until Your Excellency shall otherwise
determine, you may examine and decide whether carrying this work into
execution, the cost of which will amount, more or less, to five hundred
pesos, is expedient for the best service of the King.
* * * * * *

No. 454.
I_etter, dated August 29, 1790, from Governor Miguel Marmion, to the
Ministers of the Royal Treasury of Guayana, as to the post at the
junction of the Cuyuni and Curumo rivers.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Does., Vol. 3, pp. 261-262.]
Document 3.
It befitting the best service of the King to protect the territory and
Missions of that Province which borders on the Dutch Colony of Esquivo,
I have resolved to have constructed a stronghold or sentry-box at a point
which may seem most proper and adapted, which is to be selected by the
Adjutant-Major Don Antonio Lopez de la Puento, the cost of which will
amount to five hundred pesos, which amount, as well as the other mate
rials and military stores the Governor of that Province may need, will
be transmitted, Y. H. paying the cost per account of the Royal Treas
ury. At present there ought to be at the orders of the Adjutant- Major
Puente, eight militiamen to serve as escort and first settlers of the Span
ish village to be founded there, and-there shall be sent, successively, up
to the number of thirty militiamen, who are to be at the same time set
tlers, as is provided by Royal Command of December twenty-second of
seventeen hundred and sixty-three; the pay of which men Y. H. will
provide without the slightest embarrassment, as I am authorized by the
King to act in the matter as may seem best to me for his Royal service.
God preserve Your Honor many years. Caracas, August twenty-
ninth, seventeen ninety. To the Principal Ministers of the Royal Treas
ury of Guayana. It is a copy of its original. Guillelmi— [a flourish].

473

No. 455.
Letter, dated Aug. 29, 1790, from Governor Miguel Marmion to the Pre-
feet of Missions as to the post at the junction ofthe Cuyuni and
Curumo rivers.
[Reprinted (with correction) from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 3, pp. 262-263].
Document 4-
Reverend Father : In order to protect the Missions under the charge
of your Reverence and your Reverend Community, I have ordered the
building of a stronghold to defend them. Under the protection thereof
it is advisable and necessary to establish a settlement of Indians of the
Guayca nation, and afterwards a village of Spaniards, which is provided
for by Royal command of the twenty-second of December, seventeen
sixty-three, the execution of which I have entrusted to the Adjutant-
Major of the Veteran companies of that Province, Don Antonio Lopez de
la Puente. I trust your Reverence will agree with this officer as to the founding
of the settlement and village, after notice and approval of the Governor
of the Province, as is proper, and that you will furnish all the necessary
assistance from the cattle ranch and settlement of Tumeremo, which is to
have its port on the Corumo river; and since that Reverend Community
offered H. M. ten or twelve thousand head of neat cattle, which were ac
cepted by Royal commands of the twentieth of October, of seventeen
seventy-eight, and fourteenth of March, seventeen eighty, the time arrives
when it can be carried into effect, and I trust that the said Reverend
Community will gladly order the furnishing of the number which, on
account of the offer, the Governor of that Province may request for the
purpose of distributing them among the settlers of the village to be
founded, and for any other purpose that may be advisable, as this will
redound to the benefit and advancement of the Missions themselves.
God preserve your Reverence many years. Caracas, August twenty-
ninth, seventeen ninety. To the Reverend Father Prefect of the Missions
of Catalonian Capuchins. It is a copy of the original. Guillelmi — [a
flourish].

No. 456.
Letter from the Captain-General of Caracas to the Prefect of Missions,
dated August 29, 1790, asking co-operation with Lopez de Ia Puente in
Founding an Indian Village and Spanish Town.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 345-346.]
In order to protect the Missions which are under your Paternity's
charge and your reverend community, I have arranged that a fort be con
structed that may defend them.

474 No. 456.
For the support of it, it appears well and it is necessary to found a
village of Indians of the Guayca tribe, and afterwards a town of Span
iards, which is commanded by a Royal Order of the 22d December, 1763,
the execution of which I have confided to the charge of the Adjutant-
Major of the veteran Companies of that province, Don Antonio Lopez de
la Puente. I hope your Paternity will arrange with this official for the foundation
of the village and town the Governor of the Province having been in
formed and given his approval, as is right, and thatyou will furnish all
the help that may be necessary from the cattle-farm and village of Tume
remo and that the port in the River Curumo must have ; and as yoar
reverend community offered to His Majesty 10,000 or 12,000 head of
cattle, which were accepted in the Royal Orders of the 20th October, 1778,
and 14th March, 1780, the time is now at hand when it may begin to be
carried into effect. I trust that your reverend community will cheerfully
arrange to supply the number which the Senor Governor of that province
may request for the purpose, with the object of distributing them among
the settlers of the town which is to be founded, and the other objects to
which it may be well to desline it, so that it may result to the benefit and
advancement of the Missions themselves.
God preserve you, &c.

No. 457.
Second report of the Fiscal on the founding of Tumeremo, dated Octo
ber 7, [17]90.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 345.]
The Fiscal has again examined this "Expediente" with the despatches
of the Governor of Guayana of the 8th October of the past year and 6th
May of the present, with the journal of the Adjutant-Major, Don An
tonio Lopez de la Puente, which was presented to his view without the
map of the districts and rivers which the said official surveyed or ex
plored in fulfilment of the commission. He states that, being able to
consider the said journal and despatches for making the Report, which
was requested of him on the 30th April of the past year, it is found that
there is a necessity for the establishment of a village of Spaniards and
other huts (?) on the site at the fork or junction of the Rivers Curuamo
and Cuyuni, as suggested by the Fiscal in his Report of the 2d April of
the past year; and it appears the Governor of Guayana represented it,
at the same time, to His Majesty according to the copy of his despatch of
the 22nd September of the past year, in which and in that which the said
Governor forwarded to the Prefect of the Missions, he says he has suffi-

475
No. 457.
cient powers for the establishment;- andthe measures which your Excel
lency has taken with the same object are not shown, nor whether orders
have been given to survey the site where the village of Spaniards or fort
must be constructed, nor the distance from it to the Savannahs of Tum
eremo, where the Capuchin Fathers intend to transplant a part of their
cattle-farm and found a church, the said distance being somewhat con
siderable, according to what may be inferred from the journal of the
official Puente from the number of days which he spent in his return
from the month of the Curiamo to the said Savannahs. It appears to
him that, in conformity with what has been determined in regard to the
new foundation of the village or fort, the Governor of Guayana might be
charged that if he should consider that the new establishment of the
cattle-farm which the Fathers intend maybe useful for the sustenance of
the new settlers or fort, he may permit the new Mission of Onr Lady of
Belen de Tumeremo, and arrange with the Royal Sub-Treasury of the
same province that it should grant the ornaments, sacred vessels, and
bellfor the service of the church to the missionaries free.
But in case the fort or village of Spaniards is not founded which is to
cover those frontiers and restrain the robberies of the Dutch and wild
Indians, and put an end to the smugglers, the establishment of the said
Mission and the church furniture should be refused to them, so that they
may not remain exposed to these, dangers.
Your Excellency will be pleased to form whatever resolution may ap
pear best in this matter.

No. 458.
Extract from strictly confidential letter from Luis Antonio Gil, Governor
of Gnayana, to Pedro de Lorena, November 8, 1790.
[Reprinted from Ven. Sp. Docs., Vol. 1, p. 236.]
Strictly confidential.
Most Excellent Sir : Well aware of what your Excellency directs
me to do, by the strictly confidential Royal Order of the 4th of last June,
I have been informed with the greatest secrecy," reserve and necessary
precautions for finding out the number of fugitives from the Dutch Colony
of Surinam, and whether among them are the two nephews of the
rebellious Tupac- Amaro, if they have any dealings with the Indians, and
whether the latter look upon them with any consideration. Upon these
particulars and the other points communicated to me (simulating; a desire
to be posted as to the extension of this Province, their boundaries and
frontiers, number of inhabitants, whether white or colored, of the Indian

473 No. 458.
tribes, reduced and wild, inhabiting the country), I have succeeded only
in obtaining the following information:
That the amount of fugitive persons from Surinam is very large, and
that it is further increased by the accession of those who go to join them
from Bervice, Demerari, and Esquivo, all foreign colonies situated on the
same coast at a distance of 45 leagues from the Boco de Navios of the
Orinoco River; * * *

*

No. 459.
Letter from Juan Guillelmi to Pedro Lerena, dated October 25, 1790,
transmitting various Papers relating to a Post on the Cuyuni at its
junction with the Curumo, etc.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 326.]
(On the margin of the first page, No. 65.) The Intendant at Caracas
transmits, as promised, the certificate and other documents relating to
the construction of a strong house or post and settlement of Spaniards in
the fork or junction of the Rivers Curiano and Cuyuni of the Province of
Guiana. Minute: Received and approved for the present.

(Translation.) Caracas, October 85, 1790.
Your Excellency.
In my despatch No. 1 of the 29th September last, marked "Very
Confidential," informing you of the resolution I had taken of ordering a
strong house or post to be constructed, and a settlement of Spaniards to
be founded in the fork or junction of the Rivers Curiamo and Cuyuni, in
the Province of Guiana, which flow into the Essequibo in the Dutch
Colonies, I mentioned that I would transmit to your Excellency the
testimony of an " Expediente " that had been drawn up with another
object, and which relates to the said settlement and that of the village or
Mission of Tumeremo.
I now forward to your Excellency, marked No. 1, the "Expediente"
referred to, and also, as inclosures Nos. 2 and 3, copies of my despatch
and instruction to the Rev. Father Prefect of the Missions of the Cata
lonian Capuchins and officials of the Royal Treasury, so that your
Excellency, being informed of all that has transpired, may be pleased to
approve of my resolution, on account of the importance of this new
fortification, from a military point of view, and to detail the Adjutant-
Major of the Veteran companies of Guiana, Don Antonio Lopez de la
Puente, for the carrying out of the said commission.

477

No. 460.

Approval by Spain of the Plan for Building a Town at the junctioii
of the Cuyuni and Curumo rivers; dated July 9, 1791.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, pp. 846-347.]
The Governor of Guayana, Don Miguel Marmion, in a letter of the 6th
of August, 1788, sent by the secret channel a report, dated the 10th of
July previous, on the condition, forces and plan of defense of the said
Province, proposing certain measures for improving it, and among them
that the district comprehended under the name of Upper Orinoco and
Rio Negro should be formed into a separate Commandancy, but directly
subordinate to that Government, and that a fixed Garrison Company
should be created for that object, whose Captain should be the Comman
dant of the same district. That the fertile lands of Lower Gnyama
should be settled, and batteries and fortifications of timber should be
constructed, and a harbour of registers formed on the terms shown in
separate papers which he mentioned in the said representation without
noting the dates, and which have not been received. In another repre
sentation of the 22nd of September, [17] 89, (No. 14,) Marmion forwarded
the diary of Adjutant Major Don Antonio Lopez de la Puente, of the ex
ploration he made of the frontiers of the Colony of Essequibo and the plan
which, upon this information and that which he previously possessed, he
had drawn up to show, in the best possible manner, the local character
istics of the land which is enclosed by the seacoast and the rivers Essequ
ibo, Cuyuni, Caroni and the Orinoco, within which are the Missions of
the Catalonian Capuchin Fathers, and their large cattle farm, the tobacco
plantations of the town of Upata, the timber for shipbuilding surveyed
in the year ["17] 87, and the silver mines just recently discovered; in order
to show the exposed and defenceless condition of this district, which is
the chief in value, fertility and population in the Province. For the
river Cuyuni offers the Dutch free and open access to our possessions for
their vile traffic in Indians, whom they enslave; for the importation of
manufactures, and exportation of the products of those Missions. For
which reasons, and the special attention which the recognised ad
vantages of that territory attracted, and the ease with which it could be
invaded by an active enemy who had obtained possession of Essequibo,
Marmion proposed, as a ready expedient, to increase the garrison of that
Province by two companies of infantry, and to put the existing artillery
upon the footing of 100 men. That with special care and all possible
speed, a town should be founded at the junction of the River Curumo
with the Cuyuni, beginning with the 30 men appointed as an escort to
the Missions, who might conveniently be married militiamen, and thus
at the same time protect the said Missions under their commanding

478 No. 460.
officer, and serve as settlers, with the help to be contributed to this im
portant object by the venerable community of the said Capuchin Fathers,
by part of the 10 or 12 thousand head of cattle which they offered to His
Majesty, who accepted them with the benign object of their distribution
to the poor settlers of that Province. No resolution was taken upon
these representations, because in that of the 6th of August, [17] 88, Mar
mion offered to send a similar one by Your Lordship's hands to be annex
ed to his report.
In a letter of the 9th of November last, No. 92, Your Lordship said
that you had received the representations mentioned by the Governor of
Guayana, and, at the same time, a very confidential Royal Order from
Count de Lerma; that his information agrees in part with that obtained
by Puente. And in fulfillment thereof, and to cover his obligation for
the security of those Provinces, you had communicated to the said Gov
ernor the order, of which a copy is enclosed, to the effect that a fort or
watch-house is to be built at the junction of the rivers Curiamo and Ou
yuni, which communicate with the Essequibo; that under its protection
is to be founded the town of Spaniards as indicated to Commodore Don
Joseph de Iturriaga in Royal Order of the 23rd of December, [17] 63, and
and in its vicinity a Mission and village of Guaycos Indians, for the as
sistance of the town of Spaniards, in the places approved by Adjutant-
Major Don Antonio Lopez de la Puente.
The King, being informed of everything, has been pleased to approve
these arrangements; and His Majesty desires that Your Excellency will
report, in view of the foregoing, what may exist in your Commandancy
respecting the further points which Marmion treated of, and especially
respecting the means of settling the lands of the Lower Orinoco, and
protecting its entrance, with the least possible cost to the Treasury;
bearing in mind that Your Lordship must present the points relative to
the security and defence of the said Province, and send everything re
lating thereto by this "via reservada de guerra.'" I notify this to Your
Lordship by Royal Order for your information and performance.

No. 461.
Extract.— Orders and account of assistance forwarded by the Govern
ment to the Sergeant-Commandant of the Cuyuni River, dated at
Guayana, February 17th, 1792.
[Translated from Copy printed in U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 666-667.]
It is urgent that, at the earliest moment and with all the efficacy and
certitude possible, you should be assured of the report made to me in
your letter of the 29th of January last, to the effect that on an island
lying beyond the mouth of the Masaruni there are different nations of

479
No. 461.
Indians protected with firearms and a palisade ; for under such circum
stances, although positive information in the matter may be lacking,
the news should not be looked upon lightly, but, until the truth can be
established, all precautions should be taken against any surprise contem
plated by the Indians, as is their wont, whether in these Missions or else
where in the Province ; and it is the more to be apprehended when, as
you notify me, they are supplied with firearms, in contravention of the
general decrees now in force, and much more so, if mature consideration
is had of the condition and circumstances attending wandering nations,
which, but for the assistance of others, more civilized, could not be sup
plied with such armament on the frontiers of our possessions, or, in
other words, within our own borders. Consequently, by way of precau
tion and in order to prevent any surprise or outbreak that they may
plot against us, I am compelled to decide upon sending you by veteran
corporal of militia. Joseph Montanchez, 250 musket-cartridges with which
to supply your people for the present, and to strictly instruct you to
repair in person to the stronghold of Cuyuni, where you will remain
until further orders. Taking with you from among the militia that are
now in garrison at these Missions such men as may seem to you more
suitable, up to the number of twenty, including the eight which you
have and the aforesaid Corporal Montanchez, and, posted together at
that place, you will continue the service. These men you shall keep on
the watch without doing any hostile act or movement, except in case of
attack, when you will maintain the post on the defensive, reporting any
thing that may occurr. You are not to close up the passage to Esse
quibo, either to Indians or other class of people, but the ones coming
from those colonies to the Missions you shall endeavor to confine in the
fortress. You shall examine them with the greatest precaution and
ability in order to ascertain the motive of their coming and what busi
ness they have on hand. You shall seize whatever goods or effects they
carry, and specially such documents, letters or books found upon their
persons, carefully scrutinizing vessels, boxes, clothes, trunks and all
other places where in your opinion they are likely to conceal them, so
that they may not succeed in passing them owing to negligence, you
being responsible to me without any excuse or pretext whatever, no
matter how well founded.
* * * * * *
Guayana, February 17th, 1792. Luis Antonio Gil.
To the Sergeant-Commandant Pedro Tomas Bommon.

480

No. 462.

Extract from letter from Luis Antonio Gil, Governor in Guayana, to the
Friar Hermenegildo de Vich, Prefect of missions, advising that meas
ures be taken to protect and defend the Cuyuni river, etc., etc., 1792.
[Translated from Copy printed in U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, pp. 668-669.]
I despatch on this occasion Corporal Jose Montanchez with two
militiamen and a box of munitions for Sergeant Pedro Tomas Bommon,
and you will please order that the necessary conveyance be placed at his
disposal for the speedy transportation to his destination. Sergeant-
Commandant Simon Denia is notified that in the event of the Command
ant at Cuyuni, Pedro Tomas Bommon, should ask for the assistance of
from 12 to 16 militiamen, of the garrison under his command, that he
shall let him have them without any delay resulting to the detriment of
the Royal service, and, at the same time, I instruct Denia that, in case
of urgency and of undoubted necessity, to ask the Lieutenant of Upata
for the number of people to meet the requirements of the case, inasmuch
as the short number of Veterans and militiamen on regular duty, pre
vents me from despatching from this capital any reinforcement beyond
said Corporal and the two soldiers. In order to supply Sergeant Bom
mon and the men under his command at Cuyuni with victuals, some
safer means and less occasioned to failure should be adopted, regarding
which you will notify Sergeant. Bommon, in order that you may come to
an agreement as to the manner and time their supplies are to be for
warded. * * *

* * *
Guayana, February 22nd, 1792.

Luis Antonio Gil.

No. 463.

Letter from Luis Antonio Gil in Guayana lo Pedro de Lerena, dated
March 1, 1792, as to the Trouble with the Indians on the Cuyuni.
[Translated from document in the archives at Caracas.]
The temporary Governor of Guayana, informing of the trouble oc
curred on the river Cuyuni and of the revolt or flight of the Indians of
the town of Curanno, which belongs to the spiritual jurisdiction of the
Catalonian Capuchin Fathers.

By the copy which I hereby send to Your Excellency (as I also do to
the Captaincy-General), Your Excellency will be informed of the trouble

481
No. 463.
occurring on the river Cuyuni, which flows into that of the Colony of
Esquivo ; the news of the gathering of the Indians provided with fire
arms and protected by an entrenchment of stakes on the island further
down on the mouth of the river Masaruni, which flows into the Cuyuni,
lacks confirmation ; but, notwithstanding, for the sake of precaution and
for fear of what might happen, I have made my provisions for aiding, in
case of need, as far as circumstances will allow, the Sergeant- Com
mander, who is detached in the stronghold or sentry-post on the Cuyuni
river, charging him to ascertain the truth of the matter. In case our
fears are realized it will be necessary to strengthen that stronghold, it
being an open avenue for the Colony of the Esquivo and a road for the
fugitives and for others who are not fugitives and wish to travel by the
river to leave the place; it is also indispensable that some means should
be devised for the subsistence of the troops who man this place, and to
this end I make a suggestion to the Father Prefect of the Catalonnia
Capuchins of these Missions, in a letter dated February 22d uit.
Although the same Prefect advised me of the flight of the Indians
from Pueblo del Cura, without informing me of their numbers, I have
had private information that there were over eight hundred of them,
together with others who joined them from the Missions in the vicinity —
Sergeant Bommon having set forth to pursue the fugitives, aided by such
of the residents of the town of Upata as could be collected at that time
by the lieutenant, and also the militia of this capital, and who served as
a guard, dispersed in various distant towns. Up to the present time I
know nothing of the results of the steps they have taken.
This is the state of affairs, as shown by the letters, copy of which is
enclosed, and according as events transpire I shall keep your Excellency
promptly advised of the same.
God save Your Excellency many years.

NO. 464.
[Tranlated from document in the archives at Caracas.]
Superintendent-General sub-Delegate of th,e Royal Treasury.
By Your Excellency's note of May 10th uit., JNo. 44, and copies of
notices addressed by the Prefect of the Missions of the Capuchins of
that province, and the Sergeant-Commandant detached to the fort of the
river Cuyuni, I am in receipt of the information of the flight of the
Indians of Pueblo del Cura and the neighboring missions, in nnmber 800
or more, and I hope that the wise provisions you have made for their
restoration to my respective dwellings shall meet with the success they
so well deserve and is so much to be desired, but, in order to calm the

482 No. 464.
anxiety of these people living in the obscurity of their origin, I would
advise it as very expedient that Your Excellency should persuade some
European families or Creoles to establish themselves in the Indian towns
in numbers in proportion with those in each one, to the end that, by
contact with the former, they may learn the Spanish language and the
civilization which they lack.
God save, etc.
Cariacas, April 11, 1798.

No. 465.
Letter from A. Backer in Demerara, to the Spanish Governor-General,
June 9, 1792.
Whereas our Sovereign, the High and Mighty Lords, the General
States of the United Netherlands have, on the 23d of June of the past
year, made an agreement in Aranjuez with His Catholic Majesty the King
of Spain, with regard to the extradition and surrender of fugitive slaves
from the Spanish Colonies and of our own in the West Indies; and
whereas the confirmation of said Agreement has been sent to us, we have
the honor to inform Your Excellency of the same and to send you a copy
thereof. We have no doubt, however, that Your Excellency shall have received
already from your Government the necessary notice in regard to this
matter; and in this belief we hope that the bearer of this letter will re
ceive from Your Excellency all the facility and aid to recover several
negro slaves who have fled last year from Essequibo and Demerara to
Orinoco, for which purpose he has received our order to observe the
stipulations in the mentioned Agreement.
We are disposed, on our part, to strictly fulfill the above-mentioned
Agreement, and the first claim made by His Catholic Majesty's subjects
in the West Indies in regard to fugitive slaves shall be attended to with
all consideration to facilitate the recovery in conformity with the stipu
lations of the Agreement.
By which same we commend, Most High, Noble, and Just Sir, Your
Excellency to God's holy protection, and remain, Most High, Noble, and
Just Sir, Your Excellency's most servant.
Drawn in Demerara, 9th of June, 1792.
Sealed and countersigned M. Diez Tangb,
Secretary.

483

No. 466.
Letter from Pedro Tomas Bommon to Luis Antonio Gil, 1792.
[Translated from Copy printed in U. S. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 665.]
My Most Venerable Chief : Inasmuch as upon this trip the strong
hold is to be finished and some soldiers of the militia are to remain there,
as there are now four, I proceed to enquire of Your Excellency if the
victuals are to be brought down for account of the Royal Treasury, or of
that of the Militia, having in mind that, to bring down said victuals,
peons must be taken from these Missions as there are none in Cuyuni,
although it seems to me advisable that, at least, there should be some
families, not only for the victuals but also for other urgent needs that
may occur ; for the soldiers (militia) who are thus employed are greatly
exposed to many contingencies, both as to victuals and other things, they
being far removed from any assistance, and, further, having no one to
send as a courier. Although nothing has happened thus far, it has been
learned that in an island lying beyond the mouth of the Maseroni,
there are different nations of Indians, protected with fire-arms and a
palisade, but I believe that they have armed themselves as a defence
against being captured.
God preserve Your Excellency many years.
Upata. January 29th, 1792. Pedro Tomas Bommon.
To His Excellency, General Don Luis Antoni Gil.

No. 467.
[Translated from document found in the archives at Caracas.]
I enclose to Your Excellency a note of the establishment of Spanish
towns on the fork or union of the rivers Cuyuni and Curiamo, having for
defense a stronghold or fort and a town of Guaica Indians, which Your
Excellency asked of me in Your Excellency's [note] of the 4th of the
present month.
God save, etc.
Caracas, October 8, 1796.
No. 468.
[Translated from document in archives at Caracas.]
I hereby return to Your Excellency the dispatch which your Excel
lency enclosed in the note of the 8th in regard to the establishment of
the town of Cura and stronghold on the fork or union of the rivers
Cuyuni and Curiamo, in the province of Guayana, which I asked for on
the 4th inst.

484 NO. 468.
God save Your Excellency many years.
Caracas, October 14, 1796. Jqachim de Tubillaga,
Intendent -General of the army and the Royal Academy.

No. 469.
List ofthe Capuchin Missions in Guayana, made in compliance with the Tenth
Decree of America, June 6, 1797.
[Translated from Copy printed in STRICKLAND (Rev Joseph s. J). The boundary question between
Briiish Guayana and Venezuela, fol. Rome, 1896. Appendix 1, pp. 58-59.]

TITULARY.

Reverend Father President.

Nation of
Indians.

(G

S

to

¦g
a
n
a
2357
527
1419
1460
020
1885
3032
629
1271
2850
662
1511
1841
302
746
1136
258
616
2139
177
867
1757
196
815
1287
94
491
1945
176
1172
1196
74
576
1305
196
623626
1214
141
200
531
61
461
887
303
469
1044
17
269
533
74
550
1063
16
694
1161
103
334
771
34
245
474
41
294
440
5
188
315
5
472
1117
11
75
130
10
274
812
24
64
210
284
36
105
781
184
313
365
¦ 1 1
225
34667
5053
17077
Mission of the Puresima Concepcion
de Caroni — 
Mission of S:inta Maria del Jacuario.
Mission of S. JosA de Cupapui 
Mission of Our Father St. Francisco
de Alta Gracia 
Mission of San Miguel del Palmar . . .
Mission Divina PasWa del Turuario.
Mission of Our Lady of Monserrat
del Miamo 
Mission of S. Fidel del Carapo 
Mission of Santa Eulalia de Murucuri
Mission of San Josef of Leonisa de
Ayme 
Mission of N. Sro. del Rosario de
Guasipati 
Mission of Santa Ana de Puga.
Mission of Santa Cruz del Calvario. .
ivi ission of San Ramon de Caruachi . . .
Mission of San Antonio de Huicsatono
Mission of Con de S. Pablo, of
Cumamo 
Mission of Los Delores of Puedpa 
Mission of San Felix de TupuquGn 
Mission of San Pedro de Las Bocas. . .
Mission of San Buenaventura de Guri
Mission of Ran Miguel de F.nata 
Mission of Santa Clara de Yavarnpana
Mission of San Seraflnde Aravataima
Mission of Santa Rosa de Lima de riura
Mission of Santa Magdalena, de Cur-
rucai 
Mission of San Juan Bautista cle Ave
chica 
Mission of Angel Custodio de Aicaba.
Mission of N. Sra. de Belen, de
Tumeremo 
Village of S in Antonio, de Upata 
Village of San Isidoro, de Barceloneta
Sum total , i
17_41730
17331734
173 J
173717481752
1754
1755
1757
1760
176117631765176717691770 177017711779
1770 1779
17831783
17831785
1788176'2
1770
Fr. Serafln de AreESs. Procurator,
with Fr. Buevrav de S. Celonio,
Prefect 
Fr. Juan Bautista de Livia 
Fr. Manuel de Castell-Tersol, Conju-
dice 
Fr. Mariano de Cervera 
Fr. Antonio de Martorell 
Fr. Fulgencio de Barcelona, with
Fr. Juan de Alforja, Nurse 
Fr. Buenaventura de Santa Colomo,
Ex-Oonfudice. 
Fr. Manuel de Preixana 
Fr. Buenaventura de Sabadeli, Ex-
Prefect 
Fr. Enrique de Puig, Reitg
Fr. Francisco de OrgaHa 
Fr. Felix de Viclr, Conjudiee 
Fr. Sebastian de Igualada, with Fr.
Antonio de San, Nurse 
Fr. Miguel cle Olot 
Fr. Bernardino de San Feliu.
Fr. Pasqual de Bnrcelona 
Fr. Leopoldo de Barcelona...
Fr. Jacinto de Sarria 
Fr. Francisco de Darnius 
Fr. Hermenegildo de Vich,
Prefect 
Fr. Diego de Palan-Tordera 
Fr. Felipe de Verdu 
Fr. Domingo de San Hipolito . .
Ex-
Fr. Matins de Tivisa.
Fr. Mariano de Peraflto 
Fr. Luis de Castell-Tersol, Ex Con
judice 
Fr. Salvador de Barcelona 
Note,— That Father Fr. Hermene
gildo de Premia has no mission
owing to siekiuvs.
Guayanos or
Pariagotos.
Guayanos..
Guayanos..Guayanos . .
Guayanos and Caribs
Guayanos..
Caribs 
Caribs 
Caribs and
Guayanos.
Guaycas 
Caribs 
Aruacas, Oa^
ribs and
Guarannos
Guaraunos and Salibas.
Caribs. . .
Guayanos..
Caribs 
Guayanos..Caribs 
Guaicas 
Guaicas and
Caribs 
Aruacas and
Guayanos.
Guaicas 
Guaicas 
Guaicas 
Guaicas 
Guaicas 
Guaicas 
Guayanos...Spaniards...Spaniardsaud Indians
68S512 839
9-21656481
775 746
009 608
731
477 443395664
276567598666 454206 292743234 487 176
667 408
485

No. 4T0.
List of Catalonian Capuchin Missions in Guayana in 1799 by Father
Buenaventura de Sebadel.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 355]
Table of the Capuchin Missions in the Lower Orinoco, according to a
Report drawn up by Father Buenaventura de Sebadel in the year 1799.

Names of the Missions.

Purisima Concepcion de Nuestra Senora de Caroni .
Nuestra Sefiora de los Angeles del Yucuario 
San Jos, de Capapuy 
San Francisco de Alta Gracia 
Divina Pastora 
San Miguel del Palmar 
Nuestra Senora del Monseratti del Miamo 
San Fidel del Carapo 
Santa Eulalia de Murucuri 
San Jos. cle Leoniza de Aima 
Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario de Guascipati 
Santa Cruz del Calvario 
Santa Ana de Puga 
San Ramon de Caruachi 
San Antonio de Huisatanos 
San Pablo del Cumamo 
Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores de Puedpa 
San Felix del Cantalicio de Tupuquen 
San Pedro de las Bocas 
San Buenaventura de Guri..., 
San Miguel..

Santa Clara. 
San Serafln 
Santa Roza de Cura 
San Juan Bautista de Avechica 
Santa Magdalena de Currucai 
Anjel Custodio de Aicana 
Nuestra Sefiora de Belen de Tumeremo.

Total twenty-eight Missions.

Date of

Population in

Foundation.

1799.

1724

659

1730

540

1733

886

1734

946

1737

532

1746

714

1748

839

1751

708

1754

572

1755

748

1757

738

1760

426

1760

513

1768

403

1765

739

1767

458

1769

409

1770

567

1770

514

1771

679

1779

487

1779

217

1779

290

1782

895

1783

514

1783

200

1785

304

1788

351

15,908

No. 471.

Spanish troops in Guiana in l§O0 and where stationed.
[Translated from document in archives at Caracas.]

At the Capital.

At Fortresses of

At Rio

At Sacar-

At Cuy

Par

Ca

Misi

Antigua, Guayana.

Negro.

lpoma.

uni.

ime.

ura.

ones

Companies.
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26 62
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Co. of R. C. of Art'y.
Co. of veterans 
1
1
1
1
2
1
2
1
3
5
7(1
1
2
16
18
1
10
ll
1
1
9
1
2
114
Co. of white militia..
1
8
l
64
6C
2
2
70
Total ...
1
1
M
1
90
M4
K
K
11 ft
S
SR
•in
40
4
1
1
4
l
66
71
4
5
1
10
7
218
235
1
o
17
19
1
10
11
1
8
9
9
l
2
357
Guayana, October 14, 1800.
(Signed) Inciarte.
FRANCISCO PIRARES.
FRANCISCO OROSCO.
486

Nb. 472.
Spanish troops iu Guiana in 1*09 and where stationed.
[Translated from Copy printed iu U. 8. Commission, Report, Vol. 2, p. 671.]

Names of the posts where
they are.

Rio Negro 
Guirior 
Caura. 
Cuyuni 
Fortress of Old Guayana
Tacaupana 
At the Capital 

Number of troops of each
body.

Of the Veteran Corps 
Of the Company of Veterans from
Barimas  - 
Ofthe Colored Militia 
Of the Veteran Artillery 
Total 
J Infantry 
I Artillery 
Infantry 
Ditto 
Ditto 
I Ditto 
) Artillery 
Infantry 
( Ditto 
| Artillery 
Total 

17

43

43

123

14 1

6
72 2313
110 19

Note.— That the distribution of the force on garrison at the fortress of Old Guayana and at
this Capital is shown in the two tables accompanying the above for the purpose of greater clear
ness, it being understood that the difference noted between the number df men comprised in
these tables, as posted in the Capital, and those on Garrison therein, consists of some individuals
of the Veteran Corps, who are here as invalids, sick and employed.
Guayana, -March 1st, 1809. Jose Felipe de Inciarte.

487

No. 473.
L,ist of missions in Guayana, 1813.
[Reprinted from Blue Book, No. 3, p. 356.]
Official Table of the Missions of Guayana, in the Lower Orinoco, after
the Suppression of the Capuchin Missionaries by the Spanish Cortes
in 1813.

Name of Mission.

Mission de la Purisima Concepcion del Caroni 
" de Santa Maria de Yacuario 
" de San Jos. de Cupapuy 
" de Nuestro Padre de San Francisco de Alta Gracia .
" de San Miguel del Palmar 
" de Divina Pastora del Taruario 
" de Nuestra SeSora de Monserrata del Miamo 
" de San Fidel del Carapo 
" de Santa Eulalia de Murucuri 
" de San Jos. de Leonisa de Ay ma 
" de Nuestra Sefiora del Rosario de Guascipati 
" de Santa Ana de Puga 
" de Santa Crur del Calvario 
" de San Ramon de Caruachi 
" de San Antonio de Huicsatono 
" de Conversion de San Pablo del Cumamo 
" de Nuestra Sefiora de Dolores de Puedpa 
" de San Felix de Tupuquen 
11 de San Pedro de las Bocas 
14 de San Buenaventura de Guri 
" de San Miguel de Unata 
" de San Serafin de Arabatayma. 
de Santa Clara Yavaragaua 
" de Santa Rosa de Lima de Cura 
" de Santa Magdalena de Currucay 
" de San Juan Bautista de Avechica 
" de Nuestra Sefiora de Belen de Tumeremo 
" de Villa de San Antonio de Upata 
" de Villa de San Isidro de la Barceloneta 

Total, twenty-nine missions.

Date of

Number

its

of Inhabitants

Foundation.

in 1816.

1724

946

1730

661

1733

1,168

1734

754

1737

1,015

1746

833

1748

1,041

1751

1,000

1754

730

1755

710

1757

984

1761

578

1761

517

1763

634

1765

955

1767

364

1769

412

1770

736

1770

628

1771

758

1779

751

1779

347

1779

362

1782

551

1783

355

1783

732

1788

632

1762

1,598

1770

494

21,246