J3^SL

[PROSPECTUS.]
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY SOCIETY.

Established A.D. 1847,

FOR THE PUBLICATION AND REPUBLICATION
OF
Cfmrcfc histories, &*? ;
CHIEFLY THOSE BY BRITISH AUTHORS, OR CONCERNING THE
BRITISH CHURCH.

Peterboro'

Toronto.

Ripon.

Jamaica.

Rochester.

Guiana.

Salisbury.

Antioda.

St. Asaph.

Australia.

St. David's.

Tasmania.

Worcester.

Sodor and Man.

™^^

Core, Cloyne, & Ross.

The Very Rev. the

Down, Connor, & Dromore.

Deans of

KlLMOKE AND En'HIN.

Durham.

Ossory, Ferns, & Leighlin.

Westminster.

Calcutta.

Bangor.

Bombay.

Carlisle.

Madras.

Chester.

Newfoundland.

Exeter.

Fredericton.

Llandaff, &c.

PATRONS.
HIS GRACE THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF YORK.
HIS GRACE THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH.
HIS GRACE THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN.
VICE-PATRONS.
THE RIGHT REV. THE LORDS BISHOPS OF
London. Durham.Winchester.
Bangor.Bath & Wells.
Carlisle.Chester.Chichester.
Ely. Exeter. Glo'ster & Bristol.
Hereford.
Lichfield. Lincoln.Llandaff. Norwich.Oxford.
The Rev. B. P. Symons, D.D., Vice Chancellor of the University of Oxford.
The Rev. H. Philpott, D.D., Master of Catherine Hall, Cambridge.
The Rev. M J. Routh, D.D., President of Magdalen College, Oxford.
The Rev. the Regius Professor of Divinity, Oxford.
The Rev. E. Cardwell, D.D., Camden Professor of Ancient History, and Principal of
St. Alban Hall, Oxford.
The Rev. C. A. Ogilvie, D.D., Regius Professor of Pastoral Theology, Oxford.
The Rev. T. Robinson, M.A., Master of the Temple, and Lord Almoner's Professor of
Arabic, Cambridge.
The Rev. D. Williams, D.C.L., Warden of New College, Oxford.
The Rev. Lewis Sneyd, M.A, Warden of AU Souls' College, Oxford.
The Rev. R. L. Cotton, D.D., ProvoBt of Worcester College, Oxford.
The Rev. F. C. Plumptre, D.D., Master of University College, Oxford.
The Rev. F. Jeune, D.C.L., Master of Pembroke Coll., Oxford.
The Rev. W. H. Cox, M.A., V.P. of St. Mary's HaU, Oxford.
The Rev. P. Bliss, D.C.L., Keeper ofthe Archives, and University Registrar, Oxford.
The Rev. H. Jenkyns, D.D., Canon and Professor of Divinity, Durham.
The Rev. J. Edwards, M.A., Canon and Professor of Greek, Durham.
The Rev. G. Townsend, D.D., Canon of Durham.
The Rev. H. Raikes, M.A., Chancellor of Chester, &c, &c. [ Turn over.

COUNCII..
The Lord Ashley, D.C.L.
Archibald Alison, Esq., F.R. S.E. „. rt_*-_j
The Very Rev. J. A. Cramer, D.D., Dean of Carlisle, and Reg. Prof, of Mod. Hist., Oxford.
The Rev. the Regius Professor of Divinity, Oxford.
The Rev. T. Dale, M.A., Canon of St. Paul's. # .
The Rev. R. Hussey, B.D., Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Oxlord.
The. Rev. G. Townsend, D.D., Canon of Durham.
The Rev. A. M'Caul, D.D., Professor of Hebrew, King's CoUege, London.
The Rev. S. Lee, D.D., F.R.S., F.R.A.S., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge.
The Rev. R. C. Trench, M.A., Professor of Divinity, King's CoUege, London.
The Rev. J. E. Cox, M.A., F.S.A.
The Rev. W. Cureton, M.A., F.A.S.
The Rev. J. B. Deane, M.A., F.S.A.
The Rev. R. Eden, M.A., F.S.A.
The Rev. T. HartweU Home, B.D., F.S.A.
The Rev. T. Jackson, M. A.
A. J. Stephens, Esq., MA., F.R.S.
F. P. Walesby, Esq., MA. With power to add to their numbers.
Secretary for General Business : Thomas Felton, Esq.
Secretary for Scotland: Robert Pitcairn, Esq., F.S.A. Sc.
Bankers : Messrs. Coutts and Co.
The importance of Church History as a study is too generaUy acknowledged to need
any remark ; but the means whereby the study can alone be prosecuted — viz. by access to
the works of the best Ecclesiastical Historians — will be found within the reach of com
paratively few, even among those who are most interested in the research. The great cost
of a series of such works — the difflculty, if not impossibUity, of obtaining some portions of
the whole — all point out the propriety of embracing in one uniform series, and at the
lowest possible price, the whole History of the Christian Church, and more particularly of
that part with which we are ourselves connected. Each Author wiU be reprinted entire
and without comment or abbreviation.
The names of Antony a' Wood, Barlow, Bede, Burnet, Collier, Dugdale,
Dupin, Field, Fuller, Gascoigne, Godwin, Inett, Heylin, Strype, Stow, Walker,
Whaeton, Winstanley, and many others, will be sufficient to shew the field of labor
before the Society and the value of the works they propose to pubUsh.
The Society's New Edition of Strype will contain a Life of Strype, besides a large mass
of MSS. matter never before published.
Not less than four Volumes wiU be published AnnuaUy. Subscription One Guinea.
The publications of the Society for 1847 and 1848, will consist of two vols, of " Strype's
Cranmer ;" two vols, of " Field of the Church ;" 1st vol. of " Wood's Athena? Oxonienses,"
edited by Rev. Dr. Bliss ; Walker's " Sufferings of the Clergy ;" and a new Edition of
the " Book of Common Prayer, with Notes Legal and Historical," by A. J. Stephens, Esq.,
Barrister at Law. An "Athena? Cantabrigienses" is in the course of preparation, aud wUl
form one of the future publications of the Society.
Subscriptions of 17. Is. become due on the 1st of January in each year, and are
received till the 31st of March, by Thomas Felton, Esq., Secretary, at the Temporary Offices,
426 Strand ; to whom it is requested that Post-office Orders be made payable through the
Post Office, 180, Strand ; and by Robert Pitcairn, Esq., 9 Northumberland Street East,
Edinburgh. N. B. — The Annual Subscription of One Guinea may be redeemed by a Donation of
Twenty Guineas.
Many of the Clergy and Laity, whose names were not received till the
Subscription List of 1847 was closed, having expressed a desire to possess
the Boohs of the Society for that Year, it has been determined to make a
Second Issue of these Volumes, the number of ivhich loill be limited to One
Thousand, and the Subscription fixed at £2 2s. An early application xoill
be necessary to secure their delivery. To such Subscribers, the Volumes
of 1848 and following years will be supplied at the current Subscription of
£1 Is., if paid on or before the 3lst of March in each year.

(Ecclesiastical §t0t0tg 0ocktg<

©Stablisibrti for tbe publication an* republication
of Cfturcfc Stories, &c, 18*7.

OF THE CHURCH,
FIVE BOOKS.

BY

RICHARD FIELD, D. D.,

DEAN OF GLOUCESTER.

VOL. I.
CONTAINING THE FIRST THREE BOOKS.

CAMBRIDGE:
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS,
FOB
®f)e ^cclesstagttcal Hfetorg j&ocirtg.

M.DCCC.XLVII.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.

HRHE life of a scholastic Theologian, as it contains,
generally, but little incident, so it furnishes few
materials for an interesting memoir. The writer of
a Book such as that which is now republished,
passes his days in laborious, but retired, research :
and as his labours are noiseless, so the results of
them are not found in any striking effects which
the historian of his own or of a future generation
can celebrate.
The Author of the following valuable Work
was born October 15, 1561, in the parish of Hemel
Hempstead in Hertfordshire, " of a family ancient,
and of good repute and esteem in the county,"
as we learn from his son and biographer Nathaniel
Field1; who then introduces us at once to the life
of laborious study which his father passed, by
adding, that " his ancestors were blessed with length
of days;" and that "he also might have attained
unto a greater age, being of a strong, healthy con-
1 See " Some Short Memorials concerning the Life'' of Dr Field,
by his son, N. Field; published by Le Neve. Lond. 1716 — 17. Also,
Wood's " Athense Oxonienses," and " Fasti."
«2

iv BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
stitution, had not his studies, together with multi
plicity of business and frequent journies, hindered
him from taking that care of his health which other
wise he might have done." At the age of sixteen
he was sent to Oxford, where, according to Antony
a Wood, he entered at Magdalen College, and sub
sequently migrated to Magdalen Hall ; although, in
his son's Memoir, no mention is made of his having
resided at any period of his academical course at
Magdalen College. Wood, however, makes the above
statement in the following express terms ; " He was
entered a Student in Magdalen College, in 1557;
where, continuing in drudging at his book till he
was about Bachelor's standing, he retired to Magda
len Hall." That Wood was correct in this assertion
is placed beyond a doubt by the following extract
from the Matriculation -book of the University.
'Coll. Magdal. Richardus Fyeld, Cantius, pleb. fil.
an. 19. 4d.'
It is evident that Field was held in high re
pute as a Theologian at an early period of his
career, for he was appointed to read " the Catechism
Lecture in Magdalen Hall, which, though a private
Lecture for that particular House, was heard with
a great concourse out of the whole University."
Among this number of voluntary auditors he reck
oned Dr John Reynolds, who was either then, or

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. V
soon after, Professor of Divinity and President of
Corpus Christi College, and who, though much his
senior in years and academical standing, was at
tracted, as were many others, by the high reputation
which Field had acquired ; a reputation which seems
to have been well-merited, for "he was skilled in
the knowledge of School-Divinity, and yet withal he
was a singular preacher, though it be a rare thing for
the same man to attain unto perfection in both these
kinds." His character, as an indefatigable student,
lived in the recollection of the University long after he
had ceased to reside ; for, we are told, that when young
men came to reside at Magdalen Hall, "Dr Field's
rooms" were shewn them as an object of interest;
as, doubtless, the sight of them would be, to many,
an incitement to the cultivation of the same studious
habits which had procured for their former occupant
so high a character in the University.
He seems to have resided in Oxford continuously
from his first entrance, until he took the degree of
Bachelor in Divinity; about which time he became
Reader of Divinity in the Cathedral of Winchester :
and, subsequently, in 1594, was appointed to the like
office in Lincoln's Inn : and in the same year he was
married to the daughter of the Rev. Richard Harris,
Rector of Hardwicke, Bucks, and formerly Fellow
of New College, Oxford. Two years after this ap-

vi BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
pointment he took the degree of Doctor of Divinity,
being at that time a member of Queen's College,
to which he had either previously transferred his
name, or removed thither from Magdalen Hall for
the purpose of taking this degree as a member of
that society1. In the distinguished and difficult
post of Divinity Reader at Lincoln's Inn, he so
recommended himself, as to obtain, either through
the interest or patronage of one of the Benchers
of that House, Mr Richard Kingsmill, the Rectory
of Burghclere, in Hampshire. The Rectory of St
Andrew's, Holborn, was soon afterwards offered to
him, "a place of greater value," says his son, "and
more in the way of preferment : but he chose rather
to continue where he was, as liking better a more
retired life2, where he might, with more freedom,
serve God and follow his studies. There he spent
the most of his time ever after until the day of his
death." In the year 1598, he received, from the Lord
Chamberlain Hunsdon, an announcement that Queen
i The precise time when he took his several degrees is as follows :
B.A. Nov. 18,1581: M.A. June 2,1584: B.D. Jan. 14,1592: D.D.
Dec. 7, 1596 : respecting which latter degree, Wood quotes the fol
lowing memorandum. 'Richard Field, of Qu. Coll. sometimes of
Magdalen Hall.' 2 "Latere voluit et prodesse,
Sua; contemptor et auctor famrc."

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. Vii
Elizabeth had appointed him to be Chaplain in
ordinary to her Majesty ; an honour which was soon
followed by another mark of the royal favour, in
his appointment to a prebend in the Chapel of
Windsor : to which office he was reappointed on
the accession of King James. When the Hampton
Court Conference was about to be held, the King
summoned him to take a part in that council :
and, in the same year in which the Conference was
held (1604), when James commanded his presence at
Oxford, to take a part in the Divinity Act which was
held in that University ; the subject of the Disputa
tion being "whether saints and angels know the
thoughts of the hearts of men;" it is recorded that
the Disputation between Dr Field and Dr Aglionby
was one of the best that had ever been heard ; and
that it was listened to with great attention and
delight by all that were present on the occasion.
The high estimation in which he was held by the
King was still further marked, when, in the year
1610, his royal patron conferred upon him the
Deanery of Gloucester; where, however, he resided
but little ; only preaching there four or five times in
the year ; but always commanding a " great and full
auditory; the people of that place much honouring
and loving him." His time seems to have been
divided between his parish of Burghclere and
Windsor.

viii BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
In the latter place, he was greatly looked up to
by the Dean and Prebendaries, in which body there
were, at that time, several men of distinguished
learning, who were capable of estimating his merits.
One of that number spoke of him as " the most pro
fitable man that ever he conversed with in his life,
from whom most was to be learned." He reckoned
among his most intimate friends, his near neighbour,
Sir Henry Savile, Provost of Eton, " one that entirely
loved him :" also, Sir Henry Nevill, who resided not
far from Windsor, a man of high ability, who had
been sent by Queen Elizabeth as ambassador to
France ; who is said to have delighted in Field's
society: he was "overjoyed whenever he heard that
the Doctor was come into his house : nor could his
children bring him more welcome news." His name,
we are told, elicited a playful compliment from two
of his greatest admirers ; the former of whom, King
James, the first time he heard him preach, said, " Is
his name 'Field'? This is a field for God to dwell
in :" while Fuller, in his Holy War l, quoting from
the Third Book 'Of the Church,' calls him "that
learned divine whose memory smelleth like a Field
the Lord hath blessed."
In the year which preceded his appointment to
the Deanery of Gloucester, Dr Field had been selected
by the Bishop of Winchester, his diocesan, to be one
1 Book iv. Ch. v.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. ix
of the preachers before King James on occasion of his
Majesty's visit to Hampshire, having an eye both to the
claims which Field presented for such a preference,
and, to the satisfaction which the King would feel at
the selection ; in which course, as well as in the
motives for it, the bishop was imitated in the year
1611, by the Dean of Windsor, Dr Giles Thompson,
who, on receiving an intimation of the King's pleasure
that the Canons of Windsor should preach in their
order, when his Majesty should next visit Windsor,
wrote to Dr Field to prepare himself, not only for his
own turn, but to supply the places of those Pre
bendaries who, from illness or any other cause, might
be hindered from fulfilling the office. When he was
at Windsor, he preached oftener than any other of
the Prebendaries : and there, as at Gloucester, " the
church was never fuller than when he preached."
It appears that King James had once entertained
an intention of sending Dr Field into Germany, " for
the composing of the differences between the Lu
therans and Calvinists;" "many of them" (as his son
adds) " being such as might be composed if men would
but rightly understand one another." Though the
King seems to have afterwards altered his purpose
in this respect, it was not from any diminution of
his esteem towards Field, for whom, not long after,
he designed the bishopric of Salisbury, though Dr

x BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
Abbot was finally appointed to that See. The royal
favour still attended him; and would have placed
him in the bishopric of Oxford, as we know by a
letter which is on record, written in 1616 by Sir
George Villiers, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, to
Dr Field, in the which that See was proposed for
his acceptance. But his death terminated the pro
spect, while it extinguished not any desire which he
had ever cherished, of further preferment. " It pleased
God" (writes his son) " to preserve him unto a better
place. He never ambitiously sought after preferment :
all that he had was, in a manner, cast upon him.
I doubt not but that God hath bestowed upon him
that which was the chief of all his desires, and that
he is now in rest and happiness." It is said that
when King James heard of his death, he was very
sorry, and blamed himself that he had not promoted
him ; and that his words were, " I should have done
more for that man." Bishop Hall says that the
Deanery of Worcester, which he held, had been
sought, though without success, for Dr Field by the
friends of the latter ; and adds, with a modesty which
the character of that excellent man at once decides
to have been genuine, "That reverend and better-
deserving Divine was well satisfied with greater
hopes; and soon after exchanged this mortal estate
for an immortal and glorious one."

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. xi
Two years before his own death, Dr Field had
to lament the loss of his wife, to whom an affec
tionate son has paid a high tribute in the Memoir
of his father. After the lapse of two years he was
a second time married to the widow of Dr Spenser,
President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, whose
name is known as the Editor of the First Five Books
of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity ; and of whom Izaak
Walton, in his Life of Hooker, makes mention. This
second alliance was of a strikingly short duration ;
Dr Field dying in a little more than a month after
his marriage, on the 21st of November, (as Wood
states ; on the 15th, according to his son's account),
1616; aged fifty-seven years. His burial-place is at
Windsor. Over his grave was laid a slab of black
marble, with this inscription engraved on a copper
plate affixed thereto : " Richardus Field, hujus olim
collegii canonicus, et ecclesie Gloucestrensis decan.
Vere doctor theologise, et Author librorum quinque
De Ecclesia. Una cum Elisabetha Harrisia sanc-
tissima charissima conjuge, ex qua sex reliquit filios,
filiam unicam. Hie sub communi marmore expec
tant Christi reditum, qui felicitatem, quam ingressi
sunt, adventu suo perficiat ac consummet. Obierunt
in Domino, ille anno salutis 1616, setatis suae 55 :
hsec, anno salutis 1614, setatis suae 41.'
We are informed that there existed a great

xii BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE.
friendship between Field and Hooker ; " which
might very well be (writes his son), they agreeing
so well in their judgments, and being both of so
suitable a temper, of deep and profound learning,
and of remarkable humility."
It were both needless and unbecoming to eulogize
a Book whose worth will be determined by its readers.
It shall suffice to remark, that its Author seems to
have anticipated the rank which has ever been assigned
to his Work, when, in reply to a friend who would
have dissuaded him from the undertaking, on the
ground that he was inviting a controversy of which
it would be difficult to foresee the end, he said, "I
will so write as they shall have no great mind to
answer me."
His comparatively premature death interrupted
a purpose, from which the Church might have reaped
great benefit, had he been permitted to execute it.
It was his intention to have stated the main points
of dispute between the Romanists and ourselves ; the
title which he had designed for his Work being, " A
View of the controversies in religion which, in these
last times, have caused the lamentable divisions of
the Christian world." Of this Design all that re
mains is the Preface, with some propositions and
conclusions of 'Election and Reprobation;' both which
are to be found in Le Neve's publication.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE. xiii
This same writer adds one circumstance from
Fuller, unknown to Wood; namely, that Dr Field
was one of the first Fellows nominated by King James
the First, for the intended foundation of Chelsea
College. It only remains to mention, that this Work con
tains two Appendices, each of considerable length:
the former subjoined to the third ; the other, to
the fifth Book. The latter Appendix is of special
importance, being a virtual defence of the whole
Work, in the Author's replies to the attacks of
Romish opponents.

In this Edition, in order to preserve the integrity
of the original Work, those notes in which Dr Field
professes to give an abstract only of the general
sense of the authors whom he cites, as well as those
in which he gathers detached portions out of the
entire passage, have been preserved without any
alteration ; care, however, having been taken, in each
instance, to ascertain the correctness of the reference.

OF THE

CHURCH, FIVE BOOKES.

By
Richard Field, DOCTOR OF
DIVINITY, AND SOMETIMES
Deane of Glock stkr.

THE THIRD EDITION.

OXFORD,
Printed by William Turner, Printer
to the famous Vniversitie : m.dc.xxxv.

TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS PRINCE
THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM
HIS GRACE, LOKD HIGH ADMIRAL Of ENGLAND, Ac.

Eight Honourable,
THAT especial favour which your Grace was pleased to
shew unto the Author of this work while He lived, hath
emboldened me to commend the work itself, as it is now
enlarged, unto your gracious protection. And though the
Author's particular obligement had not directed me in my
choice, I know not unto whom I might more fitly have pre
sented it than unto your Grace, who, in a more peculiar
manner than others, have undertaken the protection of scho
lars. One example, amongst many, this author might have
been, had he lived but a little longer, of your honourable
care, for the advancement of learning and encouragement
of scholars. The volume which I present unto your Grace,
for the bulk and bigness is not great, especially if it be com
pared with the writings of our adversaries, whose voluminous
works would make the ignorant believe, that they had en
grossed all learning unto themselves. But as many times we
may find in little men that strength of body and vigour of
mind which is wanting in those of greater stature, so ex
perience telleth us, that amongst books, the greatest are not
always the best.
"Ssepius in libro memoratur Persius uno,
Quam levis in tota Marsus Amazonide."
b

xviii THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
And those that are acquainted with the writings of our ad
versaries are not ignorant, how, for the most part, their
great volumes are stuffed. If a man will take the pains to
read them, like those that dig in mines for gold, he must be
content1 to find parvum in magno, but a little gold in a great
deal of unprofitable earth ; of this work I think I might safely
say thus much, that it compriseth much in a little : but I
intend not a panegyric in the praise thereof. If I give it
not that praise which it deserves, my near relation unto the
Author may be my excuse, seeing whatsoever I should say
would seem rather to proceed from affection than judgment.
What my opinion of it is, I think I have sufficiently ex
pressed, in that I have thought it not unworthy your Grace's
patronage. And thus, praying for the continuance of your
Grace's prosperous and happy estate, I remain
Your Grace's most humble and obliged servant,
Nathaniel Field.
1 ["expect to find" in edition of 1628.]

TO THE
MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,
MY VERY GOOD LORD, THE
LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY
HIS GRACE,
PRIMATE AND METROPOLITAN OF ALL ENGLAND.

Most Eeveeend in Christ,
THE consideration of the unhappy divisions of the Christian
world, and the infinite distractions of men's minds, not
knowing, in so great variety of opinions, what to think, or to
whom to join themselves, (every faction boasting of the pure
and sincere profession of heavenly truth, challenging to itself
alone the name of the Church, and fastening upon all that
dissent, or are otherwise minded, the hateful note of schism
and heresy), hath made me ever think, that there is no part
of heavenly knowledge more necessary, than that which
concerneth. the Church. For, seeing the controversies of
religion in our time are grown in number so many, and in
nature so intricate, that few have time and leisure, fewer
strength of understanding, to examine them ; what remaineth
for men desirous of satisfaction in things of such consequence,
but diligently to search out which, amongst all the societies
of men in the world, is that blessed company of holy ones,
that household of faith, that spouse of Christ, and Church
62

xx THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
of the living God, which is the pillar and ground of truth ;
that so they may embrace her communion, follow her direc
tions, and rest in her judgment. Hence it cometh, that all
wise and judicious men do more esteem books of doctrinal
principles, than those that are written of any other argument,
and that there was never any treasure holden more rich and
precious, by all them that know how to prize and value
things aright, than books of prescription against the profane
novelties of heretics : for that thereby men that are not
willing, or not able, to examine the infinite differences that
arise amongst men concerning the faith, have general direc
tions what to follow, and what to avoid. We admit no man,
saith Tertullian in his Book of Prescriptions, to any dispu
tation concerning sacred and divine things, or to the scanning
and examining of particular questions of religion, unless he
first shew us of whom he received the faith, by whose means
he became a Christian, and whether he admit and hold the
general principles wherein all Christians do, and ever did
agree : otherwise prescribing against him, as a stranger from
the commonwealth of the Israel of God, and having no part
nor fellowship in this business. But as in the days of the
fathers, the Donatists, and other heretics, including the
¦Church within the compass of Africa, and such other parts
of the world where they and their consorts found best enter-?
tainment, rejected all other from the unity of the Church,
excluded them from hope of salvation, and appropriated all
the glorious things that are spoken of it to themselves alone ;
•so in our time, there are some found so much in love with,
the pomp and glory of the Church of Rome, that they fear
not to condemn all the inhabitants of the world, and tp pro
nounce them to be anathema from the Lord Jesus, if they,
dissent from that Church, and the doctrine, profession, and
.observations of it ; so casting into hell all the Christians of
Grsecia, Russia, Armenia, Syria, and Ethiopia, because they
refuse to be subject to the tyranny of the Pope and the court

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY, xxi;
of Roine, besides the heavy sentence which they have passed)
against, all the famous states and kingdoms of Europe, which;
have freed themselves from the Egyptiaeal bondage; they were
formerly Holden in. These men, abuse niany with the glorious,
pretences of antiquity, unity, universality, succession, and
the Jike ; making the simple believe that all is ancient which
they profess, that the consent of all ages is for. them, and
that the bishops succeeding one another, in aU the famous
Churches of the world, never taught por believed any other
thing than they now do,; whereas it is easy to prove, that all
the things wherein they dissent from us, are nothing else but
novelties and uncertainties ; that the greatest part of the
Christian world hath been ; divided from them for certain
hundreds of years ; that none of the most famous and greatest
Churches ever knew,, or admitted, any of their heresies; and
that the things they now pubhsh as articles of faith to be be
lieved by all that will be saved, are, so far from being Catholic,
that they were not the doctrines, of that Church, wherein
they and we sometime lived together in one communion, but
the opinions only pf some men in that Church, adulterating
the doctrine pf heavenly truth, bringing in and defending
superstitious abuses disliked ; by others, and serving as vile
instruments to advance the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome.
Wherefore, for the discovery of the yanity of their insolent
boastings, for the confirming of the weak, the satisfying of
them that are dpubtful, and, that all men may know that we
Have not departed from the ancient faith, or forsaken the fel
lowship of the Catholic Church, but that we have forsaken
a part to Hold communion with the whole, (led so to do by
the most prevailing reasons that ever persuaded men, and the
greatest authority on earth), I resolved to communicate to
others, what I had long since in private for mine ownsatisi
faction observed, touching the nature of the Church, the
notes whereby it may be known, and the privileges that
pertain to it. These my simple labours, most reverend in

xxii THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
Christ, I thought it my duty to offer to your Grace's cen
sure, before they should present themselves to the view of
the world; that so, either finding approbation, they might
the more confidently make themselves pubhc, or otherwise
be suppressed, like the untimely fruit that never saw the sun.
The condition of the times wherein we Uve is such, that
many are discouraged from meddhng with the controversies
of rehgion, because they are sure (besides the vile slanders,
wicked calumniations, and bitter reproaches of the common
adversaries) to pass the censures of those men, who, though
they will do nothing themselves, yet in the height of a proud
and disdainful spirit, with many a scornful look, smile at the
folHes of other men's writings, as they esteem them. The
sinister judgments of either of these sorts of men I shall the
less regard, for that it pleased your Grace so lovingly to
accept, and so favourably to approve these my poor pains,
bestowed for the clearing of sundry questions concerning the
Church, which by your direction and appointment I first
entered into. It hath been of late the vaunt of the adver
saries of the religion estabUshed among us, that they have
written many books against us and none Have been found to
oppose anything against them, and that they desire nothing
more, than by writing or disputing, to try the goodness of
their cause. But, I doubt not, but this National Church,
the government whereof, under our most gracious sovereign,
is principally committed to your fatherly care, shall yield
men more than matchable with the proudest of the adverse
faction; who, being animated and heartened by your favour,
and guided by your directions, shall no longer suffer these
proud PhiUstines to defy the armies of the Lord of Hosts.
For though they proclaim their own praises with loud sound
ing trumpets, that might have been piped with an oaten
straw ; and though they magnify themselves, as if they were
the only paragons of the world, and as if all wit and learning
had been born with them, and should die with them; yet

THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. xxiii
whosoever knoweth them, wiU Uttle regard the froth of their
swelling words of pride and scorn, seeing when they have
done vaunting, they have done their best, and that which
remaineth is Uttle worth; their aUegations being, for the
most part, nothing but falsifications; their testimonies of
antiquity, the marks and notes of their ancient forgeries;
their reasons, sophisms; their reports, slanders and wicked
calumniations ; their threats, the venting of their maUce, and
pouring out of their impotent desires ; their predictions, only
manifesting what they wished might be, but no way shewing
what shall be. In the later days of our late dread sovereign
Elizabeth, of famous and blessed memory, all their books
were nothing but fearful threatenings of bloody confusions
and horrible dissipations of Church and commonwealth, which
they hoped for, and looked after, so soon as it should please
God to cut off the thread of her blessed Ufe. But, He that
sitteth in heaven hath laughed them to scorn, and branded
them with the mark of false prophets. For Elizabeth is
gathered to her fathers in peace, full of days and fuU of
honour, and yet they have not bathed their swords in blood
as they desired; but God hath disappointed all their purposes,
frustrated their hopes, and continued our happiness. Joshua
hath succeeded Moses ; and Solomon, David ; and he that
disposeth the kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whom he
will, hath set upon the throne of majesty amongst us, a king
of a religious, virtuous, and peaceable disposition, to whom he
hath given a wise and understanding heart, large as the sands
on the sea-shore, whose delight is in the law of the Lord,
who hath chosen his testimonies to be his counsellors; whose
constant resolutions, in matters of faith and religion, daunteth
the enemies of it ; whose admirable understanding in things
divine, more than for many ages the world hath found in any
of his rank, giveth us good assurance, that no frauds of any
deceivers shall ever be able to seduce or mislead him ; whose
blessed progeny and royal issue maketh us hope, that the

£Xiv; THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY:
•felicity of these united kingdoms shaU continue as long as
the sun and moon endure ; which, whosoever desireth and
seeketh to procure, peace be upon him, and upon the Israel
of. God. Thus craving pardon for this my boldness, and
humbly beseeching Almighty God long to continue your
¦Grace's happy and prosperous estate, and to make you a
glorious instrument of much good to his Church, I rest,
Tour Grace's in all duty,
Richard Field.

THE TABLE.

WHAT THINGS ARE HANDLED IN THE BOOKS FOLLOWING'.
THE FIRST BOOK IS CONCERNING THE NAME, NATURE,
AND DEFINITION OF THE CHURCH ; AND THE
DIFFERENT SORTS OF THEM THAT DO
PERTAIN UNTO IT.

CHAPTER I. PAGE
Of the Church consisting of men and angels, in the day of their
creation ........ 3
CHAPTER II.
Of the calling of grace, whereby God called out both men and
angels from the rest of his creatures, to be unto him a holy
Church, and of their apostasy . . . .8
CHAPTER III.
Of the Church consisting of those angels that continued in their >
•first estate," by force of ¦ grace' upholding them, and men
redeemed ..... 11
CHAPTER IV.
Of the Church of the redeemed . . . . .15
CHAPTER V.
Of the Christian Church .... . . 19
CHAPTER VI.
Of the definition of the Church . . .25
CHAPTER VII.
Of the divers sorts of them that pertain to the Church . . ib.

A

xxvi THE TABLE.
CHAPTER VIII. PAGE
Of their meaning, who say, that the elect only are of the Church 27
CHAPTER IX.
Of the difference of them that are in, and of, the Church . . 30
CHAPTER X.
Of the visible and invisible Church . . . . .31
CHAPTER XI.
Of the divers titles of the Church ; and how they are verified of it 36
CHAPTER Xn.
Of the divers sorts of them that have not yet entered into the
Church  39
CHAPTER XIH.
Of the first sort of them that, after their admission into the
Church of God, do voluntarily depart and go from the
same ......... 41
CHAPTER XIV.
Of the second sort of them that voluntarily go out from the
people of God ....... 43
CHAPTER XV.
Of them whom the Church casteth out by excommunication . 47
CHAPTER XVI.
Of the errors that are, and have been, touching the use of the
discipline of the Church, in punishing offenders . . 51
CHAPTER XVII.
Of the considerations moving the Church, to use indulgence
towards offenders . . . . . . .54
CHAPTER XVIII.
Of their damnable pride, who condemn all those Churches
wherein want of due execution of discipline and imper
fections of men are found "... 55

THE TABLE. xxvii
THE SECOND BOOK IS OF THE NOTES OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I. PAGE
Of the nature of notes of difference, and their several kinds . 61
CHAPTER II.
Of the divers kinds of notes, whereby the true Church is dis
cerned from other societies of men in the world . .63
CHAPTER III.
Of Bellarmine's reasons against the notes of the Church assigned
by us ........ 66
CHAPTER IV.
Of Stapleton's reasons against our notes of the Church . . 70
CHAPTER V.
Of their notes of the Church, and first of Antiquity . . 78
CHAPTER VI.
Of Succession ........ 82
CHAPTER VII.
Of the third note assigned by them, which is Unity . . 85
CHAPTER VIII.
Of Universality . . . . . . . .86
CHAPTER IX.
Of the name and title of Catholic ..... 89

THE THIRD BOOK SHEWETH WHICH IS THE TRUE CHURCH
DEMONSTRATED BY THOSE NOTES.
CHAPTER I.
Of the division of the Christian world into the Western or Latin
Church, and the Oriental or East Church . 97

xxvui THE TABLE,
CHAPTER II.
' "PAGE
Of the harsh and unadvised censure of the Romanists, condemn
ing all the Oriental Churches as schismatical and heretical. 153
' ' CHAPTER III.
Ofthe nature of heresy; of the divers kinds of things wherein
men err; and what pertinacy it is that maketh a heretic . 154
CHAPTER IV.
Of those things which every one is bound expressly to know and
believe; and wherein no man can err, without note of
heresy .... .... 158
CHAPTER V.
Of the nature of schism, and the kinds of it, and that it no way
appeareth that the Churches of Greece, &c. are heretical,
or in damnable schism. . . . . . .162
CHAPTER VI.
Of the Latin Church ; that it continued the true Church of God
even till our time : and, that the errors we condemn were
not the doctrines of that Church . . . . .165
CHAPTER VIL
Of the several points of difference between us and our adver
saries, wherein some in the Church erred, but not the whole
Church ......... 168
CHAPTER VIII.
Of the true Church, which, and where it was before Luther's time 1 71
CHAPTER IX.
Of an apostasy of some in the Church ... .174
CHAPTER X.
Of their error, who say, nothing can be amiss in the Church,
either in respect of doctrine or discipline . . .181
CHAPTER XI.
Of the causes of the manifold confusions and evils formerly
.found, in the. Church ..... 132

THE TABLE. xxix
CHAPTER XII. PAGE
Of the desire and expectation of a reformation of the corrupt
state of the Church: and, that the alteration which hath been
is a reformation . . . . . .185
CHAPTER XIII.
Of the first reason brought to prove that the Church of Rome
holdeth the faith first delivered, because the precise time
wherein errors began in it, cannot be noted . . . 189
CHAPTER XIV.
Of divers particular errors which have been in the Church,
whose first authors «annoi be named . . . ,192
CHAPTER XV.
Of the second reason brought to prove that they hold the ancient
faith, because our men, dissenting from them, confess they
dissent from the fathers ; where sundry instances are ex
amined . . . . . . . . 194
CHAPTER XVI.
Of Limbus Patrum, concupiscence, and satisfaction; touching
which, Calvin is falsely charged to confess that he dis-
senteth from the fathers ...... 201
CHAPTER XVII.
Of prayer for the dead ; and merit ..... 205
CHAPTER XVIH.
Of the fathers' strictness in admitting men into the ministry ; of
single life; and of .their jse verify in the discipline" of re- )
pentance ........ 210
CHAPTER XIX.
Of the Lent fast ; of Laymen's baptism ; and of the sacrifice of
the mass ........ 218
CHAPTER XX. '
Of the invocation and adoration of saints, touching which the
century-writers are wrongfully charged to dissent from the
fathers . • . . • . • . . .-'¦'. , 224

xxx THE TABLE.
CHAPTER XXI. PAGE
Of martyrdom, and the excessive praises thereof found in the
fathers ......••• 235
CHAPTER XXII.
Wherein is examined their proof of the antiquity of their doctrine,
taken from a false supposal that our doctrine is nothing
else but heresy long since condemned .... 238
CHAPTER XXHI.
Of the heresy of Florinus, making God the author of sin, falsely
imputed to Calvin and others ..... 242
CHAPTER XXIV.
Of the heresies of Origen, touching the image of God, and
touching hell, falsely imputed to Calvin . . . 274
CHAPTER XXV.
Ofthe heresy of the Peputians, making women priests . . 276
CHAPTER XXVI.
Of the supposed heresy of Proclus and the Messalians, touching
concupiscence in the regenerate ..... 279
CHAPTER XXVU.
Of the heresies of Novatus, Sabellius, and the Manichees . . 286
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Of the heresies of the Donatists ..... . 290
CHAPTER XXIX.
Of the heresies of Arius and Aerius ..... 292
CHAPTER XXX.
Of the heresy of Jovinian ..... 293
CHAPTER XXXI.
Of tho heresieB of Vlgilantius ...... 299

THE TABLE. xxxi
CHAPTER XXXII. PAGE
Of the heresy of Pelagius touching original sin; and the difference
of venial and mortal sins ...... 302
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Of the heresy of Nestorius, falsely imputed to Beza and others . 307
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Of the heresy of certain touching the sacrament, and how our
men deny that to be the body of Christ that is carried about
to be gazed on. ....... 308
CHAPTER XXXV.
Of the heresy of Eutiches, falsely imputed to the divines of
Germany  311
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Of the supposed heresy of Zenaias Persa, impugning the ado
ration of images . . . . . . .312
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Of the error of the Lampetians, touching vows . . . 314
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Of the heresy of certain, touching the verity of the body and
blood of Christ communicated to us in the Sacrament . 315
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Of succession; and the exceptions of the adversaries against us,
in respect of the supposed want of it . . . 316
CHAPTER XL.
Of succession, and the proof of the truth of their doctrine by it. 327
CHAPTER XLI.
Of unity, the kinds of it, and that communion with the Roman
bishop is not always a note of true and Catholic profession . 330

Xxxn THE TABLE.
CHAPTER XLII. PAGE
That nothing can be concluded for them, or against us, from the
¦ note of. unity or division apposite unto it 339
CHAPTER XLIII.
Of universality  349^
CHAPTER XLIV.
Of the sanctity of doctrine, and the supposed absurdities of our
profession . . . ... 350
CHAPTER XLV.
Of the paradoxes and gross absurdities of the Romish religion 355
CHAPTER XLVI.
Of the efficacy of the Church's doctrine . . . 357
CHAPTER XLVH.
Of the.Protestants'jpretended confession, that the Roman Church
is the true Church of God ..... 358
CHAPTER XLVHI.
Of miracles confirming the Roman faith. .... 360
CHAPTER XLIX.
Of prophetical prediction ....... 364
CHAPTER L.
Ofthe felicity of them that profess the truth . . . 365
1 ' - ' " CHAPTER LI.
Of the miserable ends of the enemies of truth . . . 366
CHAPTER LII.
Of the sanctity of the lives of them that are of the true Church . 367

THE FIRST BOOK,

ERRATA.

Page 4. Note 2, for "obsequuntur" read "adsequuntur."
— 6. — !,/<"' "concludit" read "conclusit."
— 20. — 1, for Psal. xxvii. read Psal. Ixxvii.
— 66. — 1, after " ostentaverit " dele .
— 87. — 4, include within brackets.
— 135. — 1, transfer J after p. 387, to end of sentence.
-v- 153. — 2, include within brackets.
— 156. — 1, for fol. lxxi. read fol. clxxi.
— 192. Chap. xiv. insert after " named" in Title ' to correspond with note.
— 330. — xn. in Title, for " litsnors" read "bishop."

[Field, I.]

THE FIRST BOOK,

CONCERNING

NAME, NATURE, AND DEFINITION, OF
PiSI (,

THE CHURCH.
- £
- 5
-fc 3

[Field, I.]

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.
OF THE CHURCH CONSISTING OF MEN AND ANGELS IN THE
DAY OF THEIR CREATION.
WHATSOEVER cometh within the compass of man's
conceit and apprehension, is either the universal perfec
tion of being itself, wherein there is nothing intermingled of
not being, nothing of possibility to be that which already it
is not, which is the nature of God, whose name is Jehovah1,
"which is, which was, and is to come2: " or else it is finite,
limited, and restrained to a certain degree, measure, and kind
of being, which is the condition of all things under God. So
that as we cannot think aright of God, but with resolved and
undoubted assurance that He is ; (for what can be, if being
itself be not ?) that He is infinite, and hath no limitation of
His perfection; (for within what bounds or limits shall we
compass that wherein the fulness of being is found ?) that He
is from everlasting to everlasting, and knoweth neither be
ginning nor end of His continuance ; for how should that
have either beginning or end, wherein there is nothing inter
mingled of not being, and so no time nor moment can be
imagined wherein it was not or shall cease to be? So we
cannot think of anything else but as finite and limited, having
certain bounds set unto it, within the compass whereof all
the perfection it possesseth and enjoy eth is contained ; as
having being after not being, and so receiving it from ano
ther; as limited in continuance as well as in measure and
kind of perfections ; having set and certain terms, before
which it was not, and a necessity of ceasing to be, if the
hand that upholdeth it withdraw itself but for a moment.
Hence it followeth that such is the nature and condition of all
things under God, that they are mixed and compounded of
being and not being, perfection and imperfection, fulness and
1 Exod. iii. 14, vi. 3. 2 Rev. i. 8.
A2

4 OF THE CHURCH. [book I.
want. For howsoever they want nothing which to the per
fecting of their own kind is required, yet they fail and come
infinitely short of that perfection which is found in God, the
fountain of all being ; yea, much is denied to every of them,
which is bestowed on others, and even in respect of them
selves they are oftentimes that in possibility, which actually
they have not attained unto. Seeing, therefore, the imper
fection of each thing presupposeth perfection before it, out of
which it is taken, whereunto it tendeth and endeavoureth to
attain, and whereof it faileth ; all things under God having
imperfection found in them, and having some part of His
divine perfections committed unto them, but not in sort an
swerable to that whence they are taken, and wherein they
are originally found, look back, and hasten to return to that
beginning, whence they came forth, and with fixed eyes,
bowed knees, and hands lifted up, present themselves before
Him that liveth for ever, "which is, which was," and "which
is to come ; " with great joy and exultation pouring forth and
returning thankful praises to him, "for whose sake they were
created1;" desiring continuance of that they are, supply of
that they want, and thinking it their greatest happiness to
have but the least resemblance of His divine perfections.
2 The proceeding of each thing from the first is Uke to a
straight line drawn out in length which of all other is the
weakest ; neither can it be strengthened, but by being re
doubled and bowed back again, whereby it draweth nigh
to the nature of a circular line, which of all others is the
strongest, as wherein each part yieldeth stay and support to
the other. All things, therefore, after they have come forth
from the presence of God, taking view of themselves, and
finding their own imperfect and defective nature, fearing to
1 Rev. iv. 8, 11.
2 Gaspar Contareni, Prima Philosophia, lib. vii. [p. 174, ed. Paris,
1571. " Processus cujusque rei ab ente est veluti linea qusedam recta,
quse imperfecta existit sui natura; ideoque si perfecta futura sit,
necesse est ut in circulum flectatur. Unumquodque igitur vires quas-
dam proprias habet, quibus operationem pro sui natura promit, qua
maxime Deum a:mulatur atque attingit. Nonnullfe vero perfectius
hoc obsequuntur, ac interiorem quemdam circulum peragunt valde
propinquum entis centro immobili, qusedani vero exteriorem ac longius
a centro distantem circulum. Imperfectissinia vero reflexam quandam
lineam somulantur, qu» ad perfectionem circuli minimo pervenit."]

chap. i.J OF THE CHURCH. 5
remove too far, fly back unto Him that made them, for sup
port, comfort, and stay ; and, like a reflected line, return
towards the presence of Him, " for whose sake they are and
have been created ;" yet is there nothing found in degree of
nature inferior unto man, that returneth so far, and approach -
eth so near, as to know, see, and delight in God, as He is in
Himself; but all rest contented, and seek to discern, know,
and enjoy no more of His divine perfections, than in them
selves they possess and partake of Him. So that they ex
press not the nature of a perfect circle, in which the lines,
drawn forth in length, are in such sort reflected and bowed
back again, that in their return they stay not, till they come
to the very same point whence they began. This is peculiar
to men and angels, which are carried back with restless mo
tions of unsatisfied desires, and stay not till they come to the
open view, clear vision, and happy fruition of God their crea
tor. " 0 Lord," saith Augustine, " thou madest us for Thy
self, and our hearts are restless and unquiet till they rest in
Thee1." The reason of this so different condition of men and
. angels from other things, whoso taketh a view of the divers
degrees and sorts of things in the world, cannot but with ex
ceeding great sweetness of delight observe and discern.
There is nothing, which, in sense of want and imperfec
tion, doth not endeavour to return towards God, from whom
all good and happy supply of defect and want proceedeth ;
neither is there anything found in the world, (all things being
full of defect) which is not carried with some inclination of
desire, either seeking that it hath not, or desiring the conti
nuance of that it hath already received from Him, in whom
the fulness of all happy good is found. From hence it cometh,
that all things incline, tend, and move to that place, condition,
and estate, wherein they may enjoy the uttermost of that
perfection they are capable of. This inclination of desire
ariseth and groweth in each thing out of the form thereof,
which giveth it that degree, measure, and kind of being it
hath ; neither is there any form whence some inclination
doth not flow. Those things, therefore, which have no form,
but that which giveth them their natural being, different and
1 " Quia fecisti nos ad Te, et inquietum est cor nostrum, donee
requiescat in Te.'' Confess, lib. i. § 1 .

6 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
distinct fr&m other things, have no inclination of desire, but
natural, to enjoy and possess themselves and continue that
they are, to grow and increase till they come to the full
period of their natural perfection, and to continue the same,
by turning into their own substance and nature such things,
by addition whereof they may be nourished, increased, and
continued. But those things, wherein, besides their natural
forms giving them being, by reason of their more spiritual
and immaterial nature, the forms and formal resemblances of
other things do shine and appear, have far more large de
sires, growing out of the forms thus shining into them, and
apprehended by them. And as they are of more or less
largeness of apprehension, so are their desires larger and
more free, or shut up within the narrower compass.
1 The most perfect and excellent creatures in the world,
below the condition of man, have not a general apprehension
of all things, but only of some outward sensible things, in the
getting or declining whereof their good doth stand and con
sist ; and, therefore, have their desires likewise contained
within the same straits, and are like prisoners subject to the
will of him that restraineth them, which cannot go at large
whither they will. But man is by condition of his creation
1 Contareni, De Libero Arbitrio, [p. 599. " Quare cum hac boni
universi comprehendendi facilitate bruta careant animantia, et bona
tantum qusedam particularia sibi apta et congruentia cognoscant, et
appetitionem etiam angustam ipsorumque cognitioni accommodatam
habeant, libero prsediti arbitrio dici nulla ratione possunt. Et ut qui
carcere aut alio quovis loco clausus detinetur, liber esse non dicitur,
sed ejus voluntati subjectus est, qui ilium concludit, ita bruta quoque
animantia arbitrium non liberum, sed terminatum et certis quibusdam
angustisque limitibus circumseptum habent. Jam vero cum contra-
riorum alteram ex altero cognosci facile possit ad hominem ipsum ac-
cedamus, quem suapte natura arbitrii libertate prseditum esse plane
intelligemus. Nam cum sit hominis voluntas facultas qusedam et
appetendi vis quse intellectum sequitur, et ad omnia se extendit ad
quse ipse se extendit intellectus, cumque intellectus amplissimus sit,
quoniam intelligit omnia, voluntas etiam ipsa amplissima est, seseque
ad omnia bonorum genera, atque ad bonum ipsum universum exten
dit ; quare prsecedente cognitione in finem ut finis est fertur, et media
quse sibi accommodata fini videntur eligit. Spontanea ergo voluntate
homo, proprio neque ullo termino circumscripto, sed amplo ac libero
movetur arbitrio, quod turn ad singula turn ad universum bonum
cxtcndituv."]

chap. i.J OF THE CHURCH. 7
free, having no bounds of any one kind of good things within
the compass whereof he is inclosed ; but as his understanding
is so large, that it reacheth to all things that are, though in
kind never so different, and number never so numberless ; so
his desires have no limitation to things of any one kind alone,
but are freely carried to the desiring of whatsoever in any
kind or degree of goodness appears to be good. And be
cause, in this multiplicity of good things, nothing is good,
but as partaking of the chief good; nothing better than
other, but as coming nearer unto it ; therefore, for the direc
tion of all his desires, that he may rightly value and prize
each thing, either preferring or less esteeming it according to
the worth thereof; it is necessary that he know and desire
as the chief good, that which indeed is the chief and principal
good, the measure of all the rest, before he can rightly dis
cern the different degrees of goodness found in things, and so
rightly prefer one before another.
And this, doubtless, is the reason why no other creatures
but only men and angels are capable of felicity and bliss ;
because the greatest good they know or desire is but some
particular thing, and that no better than themselves ; but
men and angels, in whom so great perfection of knowledge is
found, that they apprehend the whole variety and multipli
city of things, and all the different degrees of goodness in
them, never have their desires satisfied till they possess and
enjoy that sovereign, infinite, and everlasting good, by parti
cipation whereof all things else in their several kinds and de
grees are judged good. This glorious society of men and
angels, whom the Most High God, passing by all his other
creatures made capable of felicity and bliss, calling them to
the view, sight, and enjoying of Himself, is rightly named
Ecclesia, ccetus evocatus, the Church of the living God, the
joyful company of them among whom His greatness is known,
and His name called upon, the multitude which, by the sweet
motions of His divine grace, He hath called out to the parti
cipation of eternal happiness.

OF THE CHURCH [book i.

CHAPTER II.
OF THE CALLING OF GRACE, WHEREBY GOD CALLED OUT
BOTH MEN AND ANGELS FROM THE REST OF HIS CREATURES,
TO BE UNTO HIM A HOLY CHURCH : AND OF THEIR APOSTASY.
1 A LL other things seek no higher perfection nor greater
J\_ good than is found within the compass of their own
nature, by nature's guiding, without the help of any other
thing attaining thereunto ; but men and angels, which seek
an infinite and divine good, even the everlasting and endless
happiness, which consisteth in the vision of God, " at whose
right hand are pleasures for evermore," cannot attain then-
wished good, which is so high and excellent, and far removed
from them, unless, by supernatural force, which we call
grace, they be lifted unto it. For though, by nature, they
know God, so far forth as by His effects and glorious works
He may be known ; yet, as He is in Himself, they know
Him not, further than in the light of grace and glory He is
pleased to manifest Himself unto them, thereby admitting
them to the joyful sight, and blessed view of His glorious
majesty2, " which dwelleth in light that no creature," by
itself, "can approach unto." 3This is true and perfect happi-
1 " Virtus naturae ordinat actum suum in bonum per naturam, quia
non est supra naturam ; et ideo potest in ilium ordinem et sine dis-
positione nova ferre ad locum. Actus rationalis creaturse meritorius
oportet quod ordinetur ad bonum, quod est supra ipsum; quod est
summum bonum et infinitum. Quia ergo non est possibilis extensio
rationalis creaturse supra seipsam, ideo non est ei possibile per natu
ram ut ordinet suum actum, seu perveniat in suum finem: et ideo
necesse est ut juvetur gratia." Et post : "Duplex est cognitio de Deo.
Una per effectus suos, et hsec est sine gratia ; alia est per prtesentiam
sui apud animam, hsec autem non potest esse sine gratia. Prsesens
autem apud animam dicitur in quantum presentat, sive prsesentem facit
beatitudinem quEe est in ipso ; quod est tripliciter, vel in habitu tan
tum, ut in parvulis ; vel in affectu tantum, ut in adultis ; vel in habitu,
et affectu et intellectu, ut in beatis." Alex, de Hales, pars iii. [q. 69,
m. 1, art. 1].
2 " Ostendam tibi omne bonum." Exod. xxxiii. 19.
3 Joan. Picus Mirandula, Heptaplus 1. vii. [p. 47, ed Basil. "Vera
autem et consummata felicitas ad Dei faciem contuendam, quee est
omne bonum. — Ad hanc angeli attolli quidem possunt, sed non pos-

chap, ii.] OF THE CHURCH. 9
ness, to see the face of God, which, to behold, is the height
of all that good which any creature can desire. To this
the angels may be lifted up ; to this they cannot ascend by
themselves ; to this man cannot go ; to this he may be
drawn, according to that our Saviour delivereth of himself,
" No man cometh unto me, unless my Father draw him."
Those things which are inferior unto man, can neither attain
by themselves, nor be drawn, nor lifted up to the partaking
of this so happy and joyful an estate. The vapour of water
goeth up on high, but not unless it be drawn with the beams
and sweet influence of the sun ; but more gross and earthly
things can neither ascend of themselves nor admit into them
these heavenly beams to raise and draw them up. Among
bodily substances, some are carried only with a straight and
direct motion, either to the highest or lowest places of the
world ; which motion expresseth the condition of those things
to the which God hath denied the knowledge and immediate
enjoying of Himself; which are established in the perfection
of their own nature, and therein rest without seeking any
further thing. Some with circular motion, by which they
return to the same point whence they began to move. The
motion of these expresseth the nature and condition of men
and angels, who only are capable of true happiness, whose
desires are never satisfied, till they come back again to the
sunt ascendere. Quare peccavit Lucifer dicens : Ascendam, in coslum.
Ad hanc ire homo non potest, trahi potest ; unde Christus de se qui
est ipsa felicitas dixit: Nemo venit ad me nisi Pater meus traxerit ilium.
Bruta autem et quse infra hominem, nee ire, nee trahi, ad illam pos-
suut — Potest vapor conscendere in altum, sed non nisi attractus radio
solis ; lapis et corpulenta omnis substantia neque radium usquequaque
admittere neque per ilium tolli in sublime potest. Hunc radium,
gratiam appellamus. — Habent autem philosophi hujus doctrinse mani-
festum exemplum. Corpora enim aliqua in rectum, aliqua in orbem
¦feruntur. Motus rectus, quo elementa ad proprias sedes vehuntur,
figurat felicitatem, per quam in proprise naturae perfectione res stabi-
liuntur. Motio circularis per quam corpus ad eundem unde abscessit
terminum circumvolvitur, expressissima imago est verte felicitatis, per
quam creatura ad idem principium redit a quo processerat. In orbem
non moventur nisi immortalia et incorrupta corpora. Ad Deum non
redit nisi immortalis et seterna substantia.— Haud aliter nobis atque
angelis accidit. Tales enim sumus natura ut non circumagere nos et
reflectere, sed circumagi motrice vi gratias et reflecti in Deum pos-
sumus."]

10 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
same beginning whence they came forth, till they come to
see God, face to face, and to dwell in His presence. None
but immortal and incorruptible bodies are rolled with circular
motions ; none but angels that are heavenly spirits, and men
whose souls are immortal, return back to the sight, presence,
and happy enjoying of God their Creator. Each thing is
carried in direct motion, by nature's force, in circular, by
heavenly movers. Every thing attaineth nature's perfection,
by nature's force and guidance; but that other, which is
divine and supernatural, consisting in the vision and fruition
of God, they that attain unto it, must impute it to the sweet
motions and happy directions of divine grace.
This grace God vouchsafed both men and angels in
the day of their creation, thereby calling them to the parti
cipation of eternal happiness, and giving them power that
they might attain to the perfection of all happy and desired
good if they would, and everlastingly continue in the joyful
possession of the same. But such was the infelicity of these
most excellent creatures, that knowing all the different
degrees of goodness found in things, and having power to
make choice of what they would, joined with that mutability
of nature which they were subject unto, in that they were
made of nothing ; they fell from the love of that which is
the chief and greatest good to those of meaner quality, and
thereby deprived themselves of that sweet and happy con
tentment they should have found in God1 ; and denying to
1 August. De Civitate Dei, lib. xii. [cap. 6. " Proinde causa beati-
tudinis angelorum bonorum ea verissima reperitur, quod ei adhaerent,
qui summe est. Cum vero causa miseriae malorum angelorum quae-
ritur ea merito occurrit, quod ab illo qui summe est aversi, ad seipsos
conversi sunt qui non summe sunt — Hie primus defectus et prima
inopia, primumque vitium ejus naturae: quae ita creata est, ut nee
summe esset ; et tamen ad beatitudinem habendam eo qui summe est,
frui posset, a quo aversa, non quidem nulla, sed tamen minus esset,
atque ob hoc misera fieret." [It is probable that Hooker had this
passage of Augustine impressed on his mind, when he wrote the fol
lowing passage : " It seemeth, therefore, that there was no other way
for angels to sin, but by reflex of their understanding upon, themselves;
when, being held with admiration of their own sublimity and honour,
the memory of their subordination unto God, and their dependency on
him, was drowned in this conceit ; whereupon their adoration, love, and
imitation of God, could not choose but be also interrupted. The fall
of angels, therefore, was pride.'' Eccl. Polity, Book i. Ch. iv.]

chap, il.] OF THE CHURCH. 11
be subject to their great sovereign, and to perform that duty
they owed unto him, were justly dispossessed of all that
good, which from Him they received, and under Him should
have enjoyed ; yea, all other things which were made to do
them service, lost their native beauty and original perfection,
and became feeble, weak, unpleasant, and intractable, that in
them they might find as little contentment as in themselves.
For, seeing nothing can prevail or resist against the laws of
the omnipotent Creator ; no creature is suffered to deny the
yielding of that, which from it is due to God1- For either
it shall be forced to yield it, by right using of that which
from Him it received, or by loosing that which it would not
use well; and so, consequently, if it yield not that by duty
it should, by doing and working righteousness, it shall by
feeling smart and misery. This then was the fall of men
and angels from their first estate, in that by turning from
the greater to the lesser good, they deprived themselves of
that blessedness, which, though they had not of themselves,
yet they were capable of, and might have attained unto, by
adhering to the chief and immutable good, and so by their
fault fell into those grievous evils they are now subject unto ;
yet in very different sort and manner.

CHAPTER III.

OF THE CHURCH, CONSISTING OF THOSE ANGELS THAT CON
TINUED IN THEIR FIRST ESTATE BY FORCE OF GRACE
UPHOLDING THEM, AND MEN REDEEMED.
THE fall of angels was irrecoverable ; for without all hope
of any better estate or future deliverance out of those
evils (into the bottomless gulph whereof, by their rebellious
sin they plunged themselves), they are " reserved in chains
1 August. De Libero Arbitrio, lib. iii. cap. 15. [" Quia enim nemo
superat leges omnipotentis Creatoris, non sinitur anima non reddere
debitum. Aut enim reddit bene utendo quod accepit, aut reddit
amittendo quo bene uti noluit. Itaque si non reddit faciendo justi-
tiam, reddet patiendo miseriam."]

12 OF THE CHURCH. [book I.
of darkness, to the judgment of the great day.1' But con
cerning the sons of men, the " Lord knew whereof they
were made, and remembered that they were but dust." He,
looking upon them with the eyes of pity, and in the multi
tude of His compassionate mercies, said of them, as it is in
the prophet Jeremy, "Shall they fall, and shall they not
arise ? shall they turn away, and shall they not return ? as
high as the heaven is above the earth, so great was His
mercies towards them : as far as the east is from the west,
so far removed He their sins from them, He redeemed their
life from hell, and crowned them with mercy and com
passion V
2 The reason of this so great difference, as the schoolmen
1 Jerem. viii. 4. [Psalm ciii. 4, 11, 12.]
3 Alexand. de Hales, pars iii. q. 1, memb. 2. [" Plus nocuit pecca-
tum Adae quam peccatum angeli, ergo majus malum. — Omnibus homini-
bus nocuit peccatum Adae, sed peccatum angeli non nocuit nisi tantum
uni personae, sc. ipsi personae peccantis. — Intellectus angeli deiformis
est, et hoc est quia supra tempus ; et ita accipit totum simul, et non
hoc post illud, vel hoc ex illo  Sed intellectus hominis est in tempore,
et ita conferendo accipit; unde non accipit totum simul. — Cum ergo
judicium fiat ab intellectu, patet quod angelus secundum statum suae
conditionis judicat de re non in tempore et de re tota simul ; et judi-
cando de ipsa videt earn totam siinul, ergo certissime judicat. Si ergo
peccat in judicando, patet quod peccat ex certissima malitia; nullo ergo
modo potest excusari, ergo ejus peccatum est irremediabile. Non autem
sic est de homine. Unde cum totam rem non simul videat potest decipi
in suo judicio, et ita cum peccatum ejus aliquo modo possit excusari,
non est irremediabile. Homo peccavit appetendo omnem scientiam
Dei. (Gen. iii. Eritis sicut Dei scientes bonum et malum). Sed angelus
peccavit appetendo omnipotentiam ; unde (Esai. xiv. Ascendam in cce-
lum). Omnipotentiam autem suam nunquam voluit communicare alicui
creaturae. — Scientiam autem omnem vult communicare creaturae; ad
illam enim est homo ordinatus in gloria, sed non ad potentiam
omnium. Unde et Christus secundum quod homo, non habuit omni
potentiam sed habuit omniscientiam. — Similiter patet quod homo non
peccavit seipso, sed alio mediante, sc. uxore. Uxor similiter seipsa
non peccavit, sed suasa a serpente. Justum ergo videtur ut qui per
alium cecidit, per alium relevetur. Sed angelus per seipsum peccavit
et propter hoc per alterum rclevari non debuit. — In primo homine
erat tota natura humana; ideo ipso perdito tota esset natura perdita
ot corrupta. Sed non esset decens divinae misericordiae, et summae
bonitati, ut naturam rationalem humanam ex toto perire sineret ; et
ideo non punivit statim primum hominem. Sed corrupto angelo et
perdito non est cum illo tota angolica natura perdita et corrupta."]

chap. m.J OF THE CHURCH. 13
think, is : First, for that the angels are not by propagation
one from another, but were created all at once, so that of
angels some might fall and others stand : but men descend
by generation from one stock or root, and therefore the first
man falling and corrupting his nature, derived to all his
posterity a corrupted and sinful nature; if, therefore, God
had not appointed a redemption for man, He had been
wholly deprived of one of the most excellent creatures that
ever He made ; whereas among the angels, notwithstanding
the apostasy of some, He held still innumerable in their first
estate. Secondly, the angels fell of themselves, but man by
the suggestion of another. Thirdly, the angels in the height
of their pride, sought to be hke unto God in omnipotency,
which is an incommunicable property of divine being, and
cannot be imparted to any creature. But men desired only
to be like unto God in omniscience and the general know
ledge of all things, which may be communicated to a crea
ture as in Christ it is to his human soul, which, notwithstand
ing the union with God, yet still remaineth and continueth a
created nature ; and therefore the degree of sinful transgression
was not so grievous in the one, as in the other. Fourthly,
the angels were immaterial and intellectual spirits, dwelling
in heavenly palaces, in the presence of God and the light of
His countenance, and therefore could not sin by error or
mispersuasion, but of purposed malice, which is the sin against
the Holy Ghost, and is irremissible. But man fell by mis-
persuasion, and being deceived by the lying suggestion of
the spirit of error. Fifthly, the angels have the fulness of
intellectual light ; when they take view of any thing, they
see all that any way pertaineth to it ; and so do all things
with full resolution, that they never alter nor repent : but
man who findeth out one thing after another, and one thing
out of another, doth dislike upon farther consideration that
which formerly he liked. Whereupon the schoolmen note
that there are three kinds of wills : the first of God, which
never turneth nor altereth; the second of angels, that turneth
and returneth not ; the third of men, that turneth and
returneth. Sixthly, there is a time prefixed both to men
and angels, after which there is no possibility of altering
their estate, bettering themselves, or attaining any good.
Now as death is that time prefixed unto men, so was the first

14 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
good or bad deliberate action to the angels ; that who would,
might be perpetually good ; who would not, no grace should
ever after restore them again. Hoc est angelus casus quod
hominibus mors, saith Damascene1.
The reason why God limited so short a time to them,
and assigned so long a time to men, was, because they were
spiritual substances, all created at once, and that in the empy
real heavens; and so both in respect of nature, condition,
and place, were most readily prepared, disposed, and fitted
for their immediate, everlasting glorification ; so that it was
fit there should be set unto them a short time to make choice
of their future state, never after to be altered again ; to wit,
till their first deliberate conversion unto Him, or aversion
from Him. But man being created in a natural body, to fill
the world with inhabitants by procreation, being set in a
place far removed, even in an earthly paradise, had a longer
time set him, before he should be in final stay, or have his
last judgment pass upon him ; to wit, till death for particular,
and till the end of the world for general judgment, when the
number of mankind shall be full. These are the reasons that
moved Almighty God, that spared not the angels, to shew
mercy unto the sons of men.
So that as God, in the day of the creation, called forth
all, both men and angels, from among the rest of His crea
tures, to whom He denied the knowledge and enjoying of
Himself, that these only might know, fear, and worship Him
in His glorious temple of the world, and be unto Him a se
lected multitude and holy Church ; so when there was found
amongst these a dangerous apostasy, and departure from Him,
He held of the angels so many as He was pleased2, and suf
fered them not to decline or go aside with the rest; and
raised up, and severed out of the mass of perdition, whom
He would among the sons of men. The angels now con
firmed in grace, and those men whom in the multitude of His
mercies He delivereth out of the state of condemnation, and
reconcileth to Himself, do make that happy society of blessed
1 Joannes Damascenus, De Fide Orthodoxa, [ii. 4. onep sWi tois
avBptirrois 6 davaros, tovto toXs ayyeXois rj eicirnoo-ir.]
2 1 Tim. v. 21, {hiap.apTvpoji.ai evanriov tov 6eov, Ka\ Kvpiov 'IijctoO
X/hotoO, ko.\ rav enXeKTav dyyeXav,] and Jude 6. " Jansenius has de
voted several chapters to this subject in his Augustinus, ix. 10. sq."

chap, in.] OF THE CHURCH. 15
ones, whom God hath loved with an everlasting love. This
society is more properly named the Church of God, than the
former, consisting of men and angels, in the state of that in
tegrity wherein they were created, in that they which per
tain to this happy company, are called to the participation of
eternal happiness, with the calling of a more mighty, potent,
and prevailing grace than the other1. For whereas they
were partakers only of that grace, which gave them power
to attain unto, and continue in the perfection of all happy
good, if they would, and then in tanta felicitate et non
peccandi facilitate, in so great felicity and facility of not
offending, left to themselves to do what they would, and
to make their choice at their own peril ; these are par
takers of that grace, which winneth infallibly, holdeth insepa
rably, and leadeth indeclinably, in the ways of eternal bless
edness.

CHAPTER IV.
OF THE CHURCH OF THE REDEEMED.
ALL these, as well angels that stood by force of grace
upholding them, as men restored by renewing mercy,
have a most happy fellowship amongst themselves, and there
fore make one Church of God : yet, for that the sons of men
have a more full communion and perfect fellowship, being all
delivered out of the same miseries, by the same benefit of
gracious mercy ; therefore, they make that more special
society, which may rightly be named the Church of the
1 "Major [quippe] libertas est necessaria adversus tot et tantas
tentationes, quae in paradiso non fuerunt, dono perseverantiae munita
atque firmata, ut cum omnibus amoribus, terroribus, et erroribus suis
vincatur hie mundus. Hoc sanctorum martyria docuerunt. Denique
ille Adam et terrente nullo et insuper contra Dei terrentis imperium
libero usus arbitrio, non stetit in tanta felicitate, in tanta non peccandi
facilitate. Isti autem non dico terrente mundo, sed saeviente ne sta-
rent, steterunt in fide: cum videret ille bona praesentia quae fuerat
relicturus, isti futura quae accepturi fuerant non viderent. Unde hoc,
nisi donante illo." August, de Corrept. et Gratia, ch. xii.

16 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
redeemed of God. This Church began in him in whom sin
began, even in Adam, the father of all the living, repenting
after his fall and returning to God1. For we must not think,
that God was without a Church among men at any time;
but so soon as Adam had offended, and was called to give an
account of that he had done, (hearing that voice of his dis
pleased Lord and Creator, " Adam, where art thou2 ? " that
so he might know in what estate he was by reason of his
offence,) the promise was made unto him "that the seed of
the woman should break the serpent's head3." Yet for that
Abel was the first that the Scripture reporteth to have wor
shipped God with sacrifice, and to have been divided from
the wicked, in whom God had no pleasure, even "cursed
Cain4," that afterwards shed his innocent blood, therefore
we usually say the Church or chosen company of the re
deemed of the Lord began in Abel: who being slain by
Cain, God restored His Church again in Seth, in whose race
and posterity he continued his true worship till Noah5. In
whose time the wickedness of men being full, He brought in
the flood and destroyed the whole world6, Noah only and his
family excepted, whom He made " a preacher of righteous
ness" to the world, before and after the flood, and chose
from among his children Shem his eldest son, in whose race
He would continue the pure and sincere knowledge of Him
self, and the expectation of that promised seed that should
break the serpent's head.
This Shem was the father .of all the sons of Heber7 (of
whom the people of God were afterwards named Hebrews),
who was also, as some think, Melchisedech, in whose posterity
the true Church continued8; so that God vouchsafed to be
called the God of Shem, till the days of Abraham9 ; in whose
time, there being a great declining to idolatry after the flood,
as there was in the days of Noah before the flood, so that
the defection was found not only among those that descended
i Wisd. x. 1. 2 Gen. iii. 9.
3 Gen. iii. 15. * Gen. iv. 4, 5, 8.
5 Gen. iv. 25. 6 Gen. vii.
1 Gen. x. 21.
8 Hieron. in Epist. ad Evagrium [Evangel. Hieron. Op. ii. 570.
Ed. 1699.]
» Gen. ix. 26.

chap, iv.] OF THE CHURCH. 17
of Ham and Japhet, but even among the children of Shem
and the sons of Heber also, of whom Abraham was ; God
called him out " from his father's house," and gave him the
promise that He would " make his seed as the stars of hea
ven in number," and that " in his seed all the nations of the
world should be blessed,1' and " gave him the seal of circum
cision," so that all posterities have ever hononred him with
the name and title of the father of the faithful1- This man
obtained a son by promise in his old age, when Sara his wife
" was likewise old, and it ceased to be with her after the
manner of women, and named his name Isaac2," of whom
came Esau and Jacob ; concerning whom God pronounced,
ere they were yet born, or had done good or evil, " the
elder shall serve the younger," " I have loved Jacob, and
hated Esau3." Jacob, therefore, prevailed with God4, and
was named Israel, the father of the twelve patriarchs, of
whom came the twelve tribes of Israel, and that chosen
nation of holy Hebrews, who were also named Jews, of
Judah the patriarch, to whom the sceptre and kingly dignity
pertained, to whom his father's sons bowed according to the
tenor of Jacob's blessing, concerning whom the Lord did pro
mise, " that the sceptre should not depart from Judah, nor a
lawgiver from between his feet, till the Shilo were come5."
Great was the honour of this people above all the nations of
the world, for "unto them were committed the oracles of
God," to them pertained " the adoption and the glory, and
the covenants, and the giving of the law and the service of
God, and the promises ; " of whom were "the fathers, and
of whom as concerning the flesh Christ came, who is God
over all, blessed for ever6," the propitiation for sins, tho
merit of reconciliation, the glory of Israel, and the light of
the Gentiles, to whom God gave a name above all names,
that at the naming thereof all knees do bow, both of things
in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth,
in whom all things appear full of mercy, and full of marvel7.
God, before all eternity, yet made man in time ; begotten be
fore all times, yet born in time born of a woman, yet a vir-
1 Gen. xii. 3, xv. 5, xvii. 9. 2 Gen. xv. -1, xvii., xxi. 2, 3.
3 Gen. xxv. 23 ; Malac. i. 2, 3. 4 Gen. xxxii. 28.
s Gen. xlix. 8, 10. o R,0m. iii. 2, ix. 4, 5.
? Luke ii. 32 ; Philip, ii. 9, 10.
[Field, I.] B

18 OF THE CHURCH. [book I.
gin; inclosed in the womb of Mary His mother, yet even
then known of John His forerunner yet in the womb of Eli
zabeth his mother likewise, who sprang for joy at the pre
sence of the eternal Word1. He was born in Bethlehem, the
meanest of the cities of Judah ; wrapped in swaddling bands,
and laid in a manger, yet glorified by the angels, pointed to
by a star, and adored by the sages that came from far. He
was no sooner born into the world, but Herod sought His
life, so that He was forced to fly into Egypt, whilst He did
yet hang on His mother's breasts; but He overthrew and
brake in pieces all the idols of Egypt. The Jews saw no
beauty in His face, nor glory in His countenance, yet David
in spirit long before pronounced, that He was fairer than the
sons of men ; and being transfigured in the mount, His face
did shine Hke the sun, and gave a taste of that glory wherein
He will return to judge the quick and dead. He was bap
tized as a man, but forgave sins as God, not washed by those
waters, but purifying them rather, and filling them with sanc
tifying force and power ; He was tempted as a man, but
overcoming as God, maketh us confident because He hath
overcome the world; He was hungry, but fed many thou
sands, and was the true bread that came down from heaven;
He thirsted, but cried aloud, " If any thirst, let him come
unto Me," and promiseth, to " every one that believeth in
Him," that "rivers of water shall flow out of His belly."
He was weary, but promised rest to all them that are weary
and come unto Him ; He slept, but waking, stilled the tem
pest, and commanded the wind and the sea ; He payed tri
bute, but out of the mouth of a fish taken in the sea ; He
prayed, but hearing our prayers; He wept, but wipeth all
tears from our eyes ; He was sold for thirty pence, but re
deemed the world with a great and inestimable price; He
was led as a sheep to the slaughter, but He is the great
shepherd that feedeth the Israel of God ; He was beaten and
wounded, but cured all our weakness, and healed all our sick
ness ; He died, was buried, and descended into hell, but He
rose again, and ascended into heaven, where He sitteth at
the right hand of the Highest Majesty, " till all His enemies
be made His foot-stool." This was He whom all the fathers
looked for, all the prophets prophesied of, whom all the cere-
1 Gregor. Nazian. Orat. [xxxv. Tom. I. 575. Ed. Morell. 1630.]

chap, iv.] OF THE CHURCH. 19
monies, sacrifices, and Jewish observations led unto, in whom.
that which was foretold was fulfilled, that which was imper
fect supplied, and all things changed into a better estate, so
that by His coming all things are become new, a new priest
hood, a new law, a new covenant, new sacraments, and a
new people, that worship not at Jerusalem, or in the temple
alone, but without respect of place " worship God in spirit
and in truth1."

CHAPTER V.
OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

THE society of this new and blessed people began in the
apostles, whom Christ the anointed Saviour of the world
did choose to be His followers, and to be witnesses of all the
things He did and suffered among sinful men. To these our
Saviour Christ, after His resurrection, gave most ample com
mission, to teach the nations and people of the world, and to
preach repentance and remission of sins in His name, opening
their understanding that they might understand the Scriptures,
that so it behoved Him to suffer, and to rise again the third
day, whereof they were witnesses2. Yet commanded He
them to tarry in Jerusalem, till they were indued with power
from above, which was performed unto them in the feast of
Pentecost, when all they that looked for the redemption of
Israel by this anointed Saviour, and had been his followers,
after His departure from them and returning from the heavens,
were assembled into one place, and suddenly heard as it were
the noise of a mighty and rushing wind, and there appeared
unto them cloven tongues like fire, and sat upon every [one]
of them, and they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and
began to speak with other tongues, as the spirit gave them
utterance ; so that though there were dwelling at Jerusalem,
men that feared God of every nation under heaven, yet they
all heard them speak in their own tongues the wonderful
works of God3. Here was the beginning of that blessed
1 John iv. 23.
2 Luke xxiv. 45—48 ; Matt, xxviii. 19, 20.
3 Acts i. 4, ii. 1.
B 2

20 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
company, which for distinction's sake we call the Christian
Church, as consisting of them that believe in Christ now
already come in the flesh.
And though the Church of the Old and New Testament
be in essence the same, yet for that the state of the Church
of the New Testament is in many respects far more glorious
and excellent, the fathers and ecclesiastical writers for the
most part appropriate the name of the Church to the mul
titude of believers since the coming of Christ, and call the
faithful people that were before by the name of the syna
gogue. If this difference of names be retained only for
distinction sake (that men may know when we speak of that
moiety of the people of God that was before, and when of
that other that is and hath been since the coming of Christ),
we dislike it not.
The Greek words which we turn Church and synagogue,
the one originally and properly signifieth a multitude called
out, or called together, which is proper to men ; the other a
multitude congregated and gathered together, which is common
to men with brute beasts. If any man, having an eye to the
different original significations of these words, do thereupon
infer, that the people of God, before the coming of Christ,
did seek nothing but earthly, outward, and transitory things,
and so were gathered together like brute beasts, and like
oxen fatted to the day of slaughter, we detest and accurse so
wicked and damnable a construction. And herein surely the
Catechism of Trent cannot well be excused, which, abusing
the authority of St Augustine upon the Psalm Ixxvii.1 and
Ixxxi.2, affirmeth that "the name of synagogue is therefore
1 "Quamvis enim proprie dicatur synagoga Judaeorum, ecclesia
vero Christianorum, quia congregatio magis pecorum, convocatio [vero]
magis hominum intelligi solet; tamen et illam dictam invenimus ec-
clesiam, et nobis fortasse magis convenit -dicere : Salva nos Domine
noster, et congrega nos do nationibus, ut confiteamur nomini sancto
tuo. Neque dedignari nos oportet, immo gratias ineffabiles agere,
quod sumus oves manuum ejus, quas prrcvidebat cum diceret, habeo
alias oves." August, in Psal. xxvii. [§ 3.]
2 "In synagoga populum Israel accipimus. — Quando utique quam
vis uni vero Deo mancipatus videretur, pro magnis tamen ac summis
bonis ab illo carnalia, terrena et temporalia requirebant." Aug. in
Psal. Ixxxi. [§ l.J Sed in Psal. Ixxii. [§ 6.] ostendit, utcunque multi
animadvcrtentos quae promiserit Deus populo illi, [nempe] abundan-

chap, v.] OF THE CHURCH. 21
applied to the people that were under the law, because, hke
brute beasts, which most properly are said to be congregated
or gathered together, they respected, intended, and sought
nothing, but only outward, sensible, earthly, and transitory
things1." Which unadvised speech, how much it advantageth
the anabaptists, who think the faithful people before Christ
did only taste of the sweetness of God's temporal blessings,
without any hope of eternal happiness, any man of mean
understanding may easily discern2. It is, therefore, not to
be doubted, but that the faithful, before the manifestation of
Christ in the flesh, were so instructed of the Lord, that they
assured themselves there was a better life for them elsewhere ;
and that, neglecting this earthly, momentary, and wretched
life, they principally sought the other, which is divine and
heavenly3. Notwithstanding, some difference there was be
tween their estate and ours, in that, though the Lord raised
their minds from base and earthly things, to know, seek, and
desire the heavenly inheritance and life of the world to come ;
yet that they might the better be strengthened, in the hope
and expectation thereof, He made them take a view of it, and
taste the sweetness of it in those temporal and earthly bless
ings and benefits, which most abundantly He bestowed upon
them; whereas, now, the grace of the life that is to come
being more clearly revealed by the Gospel (omitting all that
tiam rerum terrenarum, patriam, pacem, felicitatem terrenam, et non
considerantes in his omnibus figuram esse, nee intelligentes quid ibi
latefet, putarent non habere Deum melius quod daret diligentibus se :
fuisse tamen prophetas et alios quosdam intellectores regni ccelestis
et aeterni, qui non pro temporalibus sed spiritualibus bonis Domino
servirent. 1 Catech. Trident, in Explicatione Symboli. ["Praeterea ex hac
vocatione quis nobis finis propositus esse debeat, nimirum aeternarum
rerum cognitio et possessio, is optime perspiciet qui animadverterit,
cur olim fidelis populis sub lege positus, synagoga, id est, congregatio
diceretur. Nam, ut docet S. Augustinus, hoc ei nomen impositum
est, quia pecudum more, quibus magis congregari convenit, terrena et
caduca tantum bona spectaret." p. 77. Ed. Lips. 1840.]
2 Calvin. Institut. lib. ii. cap. 10. § 1. [" Prodigiosus nebulo Ser-
vetus et furiosi nonnulli ex anabaptistorum secta, qui non aliter de
Israelitico populo sentiunt, quam de aliquo porcorum grege utpote
quern nugantur a Domino in hac terra saginatum, citra spem ullam
coelestis immortalitatis."]
3 Heb. xi. 13—16.

22 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
inferior kind of manuduction or leading by the hand, through
the consideration, sight, and enjoying of these meaner things),
He doth more directly, and immediately, fasten our thoughts
on things divine.
For the expressing of this difference, and the more easy
distinction of the two moieties of the people of God, the one
before, the other after the work of redemption was performed
by Christ, though both be rightly and most aptly named the
Church of God; yet it hath been, and is religiously observed,
that by a kind of appropriation, the one is named the Syna
gogue, the other the Church. Neither doth any of our
divines, for aught I know, call this society of Christians a
synagogue; though (following the rule of Aquinas1, that in
words we must not so much respect their original, exact, and
precise signification, or derivation, as whereunto they are by
use of speech applied), we use the word congregation, which
is the Latin of rrwaywyr), and fear not to say that the
people of God, in the state of the New Testament, are the
congregation of Christ, and are congregated in His faith and
name : even as, though eKK\n<r'ia, ecclesia, convocatio, coitus
evocatus, a multitude called out, or called together, both
Greek, Latin, and English words, do originally signify one
and the same thing ; yet, there are many meetings, societies,
and assemblies of men, which may rightly be called con
vocations, multitudes called together, or multitudes of men
called out from others ; which, if we should endeavour to
express by the Greek word eiacKrio-ia, or by the English word
Church, it would seem absurd, and no man would understand
us. It followeth not, therefore, that we call the company
1 " Aliud est etymologia nominis, et aliud est significatio nominis.
Etymologia attenditur secundum id a quo imponitur nomen ad signi-
ficandum, nominis vero significatio attenditur secundum id ad quod
significandum nomen imponitur." [Summa Theologiae,] ii. 2. q. 92,
art. 1.
, . [' " Ex comparatione synagogae vim habet hoc argumentum ; non
quod ullum sit in vi vocum discrimen, propter quod synagogam veteris
populi, novi autem ecclesiam dicere debeamus ; sed quod diversa esse
corpora debeaht, quorum unum circumcisis solis, alteram baptizatis
constat. Itaque recte omnino ac sapienter veteres veteris ecclesiae
scriptores nominibus distinguunt ab ecclesiae synagogam; quorum
neglecta distinctio tenebras scripturis intelligendis affundit." Thorn-
dike, De jure finiendi controv. 116.' Brewer's Ed.]

chap, v.] OF THE CHURCH. 23
and society of Christians a synagogue, though we name it the
congregation of Christ, warranted thereunto by the authority,
example, and practice of the apostles of Christ, and other
holy and catholic men that have been before us. "Let us
consider one another to provoke unto love, and good works,"
saith the apostle in the epistle to the Hebrews1, "not forsak
ing our assembling or congregating, and gathering together,
or the fellowship we have among ourselves, as the manner of
some is;" where the Greek word is emcrvvaycoyii . And
the same apostle to the Corinthians, " when you are con
gregated, and my spirit in the midst of you, I will deliver
this man that hath done this thing unto Satan2." And who
knoweth not that all writers, since the apostles1 time, have
freely used the word congregation, applying it to signify the
multitudes and assemblies of Christians3- In the Council of
Constance, nothing is more often repeated, than Synodus in
spiritu sancto congregata, #c.4 Yet I hope that Gregory
Martin, and other such verbal companions, will not say that
the fathers assembled in that council, which ended the schism
of three popes, and settled the succession of the bishops of
Rome again, were congregated and gathered hke brute
beasts. It is not, therefore, with so great scorn, and im
putation of dangerous and heretical meaning to be rejected,
and that our translators of the Scriptures did, and do some
times translate the word ecclesia used to express the Christian
people of the New Testament, by the name of the congre
gation. The reason why our translators", in the beginning, did
choose rather to use the word congregation than Church, was
not, as the adversary maliciously imagineth, for that they
feared the very name of the Church ; but because, as by the
name of religion and religious men, ordinarily in former times,
men understood nothing but factitias religiones, as Gerson5
1 Heb. x. 25. 2 1 Cor. v. 4.
3 Ignatius Epist. ad Trallianos [§ 3], saith, " that without the bishop
and presbyters there can be no congregation of holy ones," where the
word is a-vvayayri. [" The passage does not occur except in the inter
polated epistle. See Cotelerius ii. 64. But it is used in his epistle to
Polycarp, § 4, miKvorepov crvvayayal yivtcrdao-av." Brewer's Ed.]
4 [Harduini Concil. viii. 230.]
5 "Religio Christiana quamvis extendat se ad omnem Christianum,

24 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
out of Anselm calleth them, that is, the professions of monks
and friars; so all the ordinary sort, when they heard the
name of the Church, understood nothing else thereby, but
either the material place where men met to serve and worship
God, or the clergy, jurisdictions, and temporalities belonging
to them; as the same Gerson showeth, affirming that the
state of the Church in his time was mere brutish, so that
men judged him a good bishop and governor of the Church,
that looked well to the edifices, mansions, lands, rents, and
revenues pertaining to the clergy, not much respecting what
care he took of the spiritual welfare of them that were com
mitted to his charge1. When this error in the conceit and
apprehension of men was removed, the former name of
Church was more ordinarily used again. Wherefore leaving
this contention about words, wherein our adversaries most
delight, let us come to the thing itself2.
attamen appropriate quodam usu loquentium restringitur ad religiones
quas Anselmus appellat/ociiiios." Gerson de Religionis perfectione et
moderamine; Consid. iii. [Opera, Tom. II. p. 683. Ed. DuPin], et ibid.
addit; "Unde sicut ecclesiae significat principaliter universalem con-
gregationem fidelium et inde dicitur Catholica, id est universalis, no
men tamon istud vulgaris usus restrinxit ad cleruin : sic in proposito de
religione etiam est propter majorem circa Christi consilia religationem."
1 Sermo in die circumcisionis Dom. Consid. i. [Opera, Tom. II.
62. " Status insuper ecclesiae nonne factus est totus quasi brutalis et
monstruosus?"] De origine juris et legum Consid. xiii. [Opera, Tom. II. p. 254.
" Ita tamen animales etiam de ecclesia plerumque concipiunt, prout
operibus et verbis insinuant, extollentes usque in ccelum, si quis epis-
copus aut abbas laboraverit ut stent mcenia et praedia cum suis jurisdic-
tionibus, et permittat ruere subditos, per errorum devia, in fide ca
tholica, et bonis moribus."]
2 [" This chapter answers the exceptions made by Gregory Martin,
and other Romanists, against our translation of the Bible. See Wood's
Athenae, p. 212." Blower's Ed.]

chap, vi.] OF THE CHURCH. 25
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE DEFINITION OF THE CHURCH.
CONCERNING the Church, five things are to be ob
served. First, what is the definition of it, and who
pertain unto it. Secondly, the notes whereby it may be
known. Thirdly, which is the true Church demonstrated by
these notes. Fourthly, the privileges that do pertain unto
it. Fifthly, the divers degrees, orders, and callings of those
men, to whom the government of this Church is committed.
Touching the first, the Church is the multitude and
number of those whom Almighty God severeth from the
rest of the world by the work of his grace, and calleth to
the participation of eternal happiness, by the knowledge of
such supernatural verities as concerning their everlasting good
He hath revealed in Christ His Son, and such other precious
and happy means as He hath appointed to further and set
forward the work of their salvation. So that it is the work
of grace, and the heavenly call, that give being to the Church,
and make it a different society from all other companies of
men in the world, that have no other light of knowledge, nor
motion of desire, but that which is natural ; whence, for dis
tinction from them, it is named ecclesia, a multitude called
out.

CHAPTER VII.
OF THE DIVERS SORTS OF THEM THAT PERTAIN TO THE
CHURCH.
THEY that are partakers of the heavenly calling, and
sanctified by the profession of divine truth, and the use
of the means of salvation, are of very divers sorts. For
there are some that profess the truth delivered by Christ the
Son of God, but not wholly and entirely, as heretics ; some
that profess the whole saving truth, but not in unity, as
schismatics ; some that profess the whole saving truth in

26 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
unity, but not in sincerity, and singleness of a good and
sanctified mind, as hypocrites and wicked men, not outwardly
divided from the people of God ; and some that profess the
whole saving truth in unity, and sincerity of a good and
sanctified heart.
All these are partakers of the heavenly calling, and sanc
tified by the profession of the truth, and consequently are all
in some degree and sort of that society of men, whom God
calleth out unto Himself, and separateth from infidels, which
is righty named the Church. These being the different
ranks of men, made partakers of the heavenly calling, and
sanctified by the profession of saving truth, there are divers
names by which they are expressed, and distinguished one
from another.
For as the name of the Church doth distinguish men
that have received the revelation of supernatural truth, from
infidels ; and the name of the Christian Church, Christians
from Jews ; so the name of the orthodox Church is applied
to distinguish right believing Christians from heretics; the
name of the Catholic Church, men holding the faith in unity,
from schismatics ; the name of the invisible Church, " the
Church of the first-born, whose names are written in heaven1,"
the mystical body of Christ, and the like, to distinguish the
elect from all the rest. So that many were of the Church
which were not of the Christian Church, as the Jews before
the coming of Christ ; many of the Christian Church that
are not of the orthodox ; many of the orthodox, that are
not of the Catholic ; and many of the CathoUc, that are not
of the invisible and Church of the first-born, whose names
are written in heaven.
Thus then, the Church having her being and name, from
the calling of grace, all they must needs be of the Church,
whom the grace of God in any sort calleth out from the
profane and wicked of the world, to the participation of
eternal happiness, by the excellent knowledge of divine, su
pernatural, and revealed verity, and use of the good, happy,
and precious means of salvation: but they only perfectly
and fully in respect of outward being, which profess the
whole truth in unity ; and they only principally, fully, and
absolutely are of the Church, whom divine grace leadeth
1 Heb. xii. 23.

chap, vii.] OF THE CHURCH. 27
infallibly, and indechnably by these means to the certain and
undoubted possession of wished blessedness ; because in them
only grace manifesteth her greatest and most prevailing
force, without which efficacy of grace, winning infallibly,
holding inseparably, and leading indechnably, no man ever
attained to salvation ; and of which whoso is partaker shall
undoubtedly be saved.
In the benefits of this grace, none but the elect and
chosen of God, whom he hath loved with an everlasting
love, have any part or fellowship, though others concur with
them in the use of the same means of salvation, and be
partakers with them of sundry inward motions inclining
them to good. When we say, therefore, none but the elect
of God are of the Church ; we mean not that others are not
at all, nor in any sort of the Church, but that they are not1
" principally, fully, and absolutely ;" and that they are not
of that especial number of them who partake and communi
cate in the most perfect work, force, and effect of saving
grace.

CHAPTER VIII.
OF THEIR MEANING WHO SAY THAT THE ELECT ONLY ARE
OF THE CHURCH.
THIS was the meaning of Wickliff, Huss and others, who
therefore define the Church to be the multitude of the
elect, not for that they think them only to pertain to the
Church and no others, but because they only pertain unto it
principally, fully, effectually and finally, and in them only is
found that which the calling of grace (whence the Church
hath all her being) intendeth ; to wit, such a conversion to
God as is joined with final perseverance, whereof others
failing and coming short, they are only in an inferior and
more imperfect sort, said to be of the Church.
1 " Ecclesia prsecipue et ex intentione fideles tantum colligit, [qui
veram fidem in corde habent.] Cum autem admiscentur aliqui ficti et
qui vere non credunt, id accidit praeter intentionem ecclesiae. Si enim
eos nosse posset, nunquam admitteret, aut casu admissos continuo ex-
cluderet." Bellarmin. de Eccl. bb. iii. cap. 10.

28 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
The elect and chosen of God are of two sorts; some
elect only and not yet called; some both elect and called.
Of the latter there is no question but they are the most
principal parts of the Church of God. Touching the former,
they are not actually of the Church, but only secundum
prcescientiam et proedestinationem, in God's prescience and
predestination, who hath purposed what they shall be, and
knoweth what they will be.
It is frivolous, therefore, that Bellarmine1, Stapleton2
and others of that faction allege against us, that the elect
before they are called are not of the Church. For it is
true if they speak of actual admission into the fellowship of
God's people, but false if they speak of the intent and pur
pose of Almighty God, whereby they were chosen to be made
His in this present world, before the world itself was made.
" Secundum Ejus prsescientiam," saith Augustin, " multi etiam
qui aperte foris sunt et hseretici appellantur multis et bonis
catholicis meliores sunt3." " In the prescience of God, many
that are apparently without, and named heretics, are better
than many, and those good and right believing Catholic
Christians." And in his tract upon John : " Secundum
istam ergo pra3scientiam Dei et prsedestinationem, quam
multse oves foris, quam multi lupi intus ? — Quid est [inquit],
1 De Eccles. Milit. lib. iii. c. 2. ["Quinque sunt hereticae sen-
tentiae. Prima quod Ecclesia sit praedestinatoram congregatio : ita ut
soli et omnes et soli praedestinati sint de Ecclesia. Ita Joannes Wic-
lefus apud Waldensem (torn. i. lib. ii. c. 8, § 9); Joan. Huss, art. 1—6,
ut habetur in Concilio Constant, ses. 15 ; e quibus sic habetur, art. 5.
' Praescitus etsi aliquando sit in gratia secundum praesentem justitiam,
tamen nunquam est pars S. Ecclesiae, et praedestinatus semper manet
membrum Ecclesiae, licet aliquando excidat a gratia adventitia, sed non
a gratia predestinationis.'"J
2 Cont. i. q. 2. art. 2. ["Wiclephi et post eum Joannis Hus haeresis
erat electos semper esse membra Ecclesiae etiam ante vocationem tem-
poralem. Hanc confutat Waldensis (Doctr. Fidei. ii. c. 9. et 28).
Lutherani hodie in repetitione Confessionis Augustanae, Melancthon
et Musculus in locis communibus, disertis verbis ab hac sententia re-
cedunt, eamque Melancthon multis verbis refutat. Calvinistae vero
Wiclephi vomitum resumunt. Nam Helvetica) Ecclesiae in sua Con-
fessione, (cap. 17) diserte decent, etiam non rcnatos per baptismum
esse aliquando membra Ecclesiae, quatcnus electi sunt. Calvinus (Instit.
iv. c. 1. § 7) in cadem sententia est." [Relectio Scholastica.]
3 De Baptismo, contra Donatistas, iv. [§ 3.]

chap, viu.] OF THE CHURCH. 29
quod dixi, quam multas oves foris ? Quam multi modo lux-
uriantur, casti futuri; quam multi blasphemant Christum,
credituri in Christum; — veruntamen modo vocem alienam
audiunt, alierios sequuntur. Item quam multi intus laudant
blasphematuri ; casti sunt fornicaturi ; — stant, casuri ; non
sunt oves. De prsedestinatis enim loquimur1." "According
to God's prescience and predestination, how many sheep are
there without and wolves within? What is it?" saith
Augustine, " that I said ? How many sheep are there
without ? how many are there that now wallow in all
impurity and filthiness, that hereafter shall be chaste and
undefiled? how many now do blaspheme Christ, which here
after shall beheve in Christ? and these are sheep, yet for
the present they hear the voice of a stranger, and follow
strangers. On the other side, how many are there now
within, which presently praise God, that hereafter shall blas
pheme him ? which now are chaste, that hereafter will become
impure adulterers ? now stand, that hereafter will fall ? and
these are not sheep, for we speak of the predestinate," It is
true, therefore, that Wickliff, Huss, Calvin and others do
teach, that none but the elect do pertain to the Church in
such sort as hath been before expressed, and that all the
elect are of the Church, either actually, as they that are
akeady called, or potentially and according to the purpose of
God's will, as they that are elect and not yet called2.
i Tract, xiv. [de Cap. 10.]
2 Electorum quidam adhuc in haeresibus aut Gentilium superstitio-
nibus sunt : et tamen etiam illic novit Dominus qui sunt ejus. Aug. de
Baptismo, contra Donatist. [v. § 38. The original passage thus reads :
" Hortus conclusus, soror mea sponsa, fons signatus, puteus aquce vivce,"
&c. (Cant. iv. 12.) "numerus ergo ille justorum, qui secundum pro-
positum vocati sunt, de quibus dictum est, novit Dominus qui sunt ejus,,
ipse est hortus conclusus; — Ex hoc numero quidam spiritualiter vi-
vunt; — Sunt enim quidam ex eo numero qui adhuc nequiter vivant,
aut etiam in haeresibus, vel in gentilium superstitionibus jaceant, et
tamen etiam illic novit Dominus qui sunt ejus. Namque in ilia ineffa-
bili preescientia Dei, multi qui foris videntur, intus sunt ; et multi qui
intus videntur foris sunt."]

SO OF THE CHURCH. [book i.,

CHAPTER IX.
OF THE DIFFERENCE OF THEM THAT ARE IN, AND OF THE
CHURCH.
BY that which hath been said, that none but the elect
are of the Church in that principal and high degree
before mentioned, we may easily understand their true mean
ing, and the truth of their meaning, who say that hypocrites,
wicked men and castaways are in, but not of the Church.
" Puto," saith Augustine, " me non temere dicere alios sic
esse in domo Dei, ut ipsi etiam sint domus Dei ; — alios autem
ita dici esse in domo ut non pertineant ad compagem do
mus, nee ad societatem fructiferse pacificaeque justitise." "I
think I may very advisedly and considerately say, some are
in such sort in the house of God, that they also are the house
of God; and that some are so in the house of God, that they
pertain not to the frame and fabric of it, nor to the society
and fellowship of fruitful and peaceable righteousness1."
2 Of them that are in the Church there are thee sorts.
For there are some only numero, some numero et merito,
some numero, merito et electione: that is, there are some
that only in external profession ; some that in profession and
affection ; and some that in profession and affection with never
altering resolution, join themselves to the company of the
1 De Baptismo [Contra Donat.J vii. 51. "Regnant cum illo qui eo
modo sunt in regno ejus, ut sint etiam ipsi regnum ejus." De Civitate
Dei, xx. 9.
2 Stapleton, Relect. Scholastica; Contr. I. De Ecclesia in se, q. 2,
art. 1, in explicat. articuli. Notabili tertio. [" Tertio notabimus quos-
dam esse in Ecclesia numero et vocatione tantum, quabs erat Judas
inter duodecim Apostolos, cui Christus dixit; Joan. 6: Units exvobis
diabolus est. Vocatione erat unus ex Apostolis, sed opere Diabolus ;
unus erat specie non virtute. De cujusmodi apostolus dicit ; formam
pietatis habentes, virtutem ejus abnegantes. (2 Tim. iii.) Propter sacra-
menta formam pietatis habent, et filii Dei dicuntur ; (ait Augustinus ;
Enarratio in Ps. xlvii. propter amissionem virtutis alieni sunt non filii.
Alii sunt in Ecclesia et numero et merito, propter virtutem ipsam pie
tatis quam retinent. Alii denique et numero, et merito et etiam elec
tione propter pcrseverantiam in bono ; de quibus Apostolus ad Rom.
viii. Quis accusabit adversus electos Dei?"]

chap. ix.J OF THE CHURCH. 31
believers, and have their hearts knit unto God for ever ; as
the elect of God called according to his purpose. These are
intrinsecus et in occulto intus, as Augustine speaketh1; and
whosoever are thus in the Church, are most fully of the
Church, and are of the special number of them that commu
nicate in the most precious effects, and most happy benefits
of effectual and saving grace. In the two former sorts many
are in the Church, which though they be also of the Church,
in that they have fellowship in some outward things with
the elect and chosen servants of God, yet principally, fully
and absolutely are not of it, nor of that special number of
those that have part in the benefits of effectual and saving
grace2.

CHAPTER X.
OF THE VISIBLE AND INVISIBLE CHURCH.
HENCE it cometh that we say there is a visible and
invisible Church, not meaning to make two distinct
Churches, as our adversaries falsely and maliciously charge
us, though the form of words may serve to insinuate some
such thing, but to distinguish the divers considerations of the
same Church ; which though it be visible in respect of the
profession of supernatural verities revealed in Christ, use of
holy sacraments, order of ministry, and due obedience yielded
thereunto, and they discernible that do communicate therein ;
yet in respect of those most precious effects, and happy bene
fits of saving grace, wherein only the elect do communicate, it
is invisible ; and they that in so happy, gracious and desirable
1 De Baptismo, contra Donatistas, v. 27. " An istae sunt spinae, in
quarum medio est ilia [i. e. sponsa Christi] sicut lilium ? — in quantum
ergo lilium, in tantum et hortus conclusus et fons signatus ; in illis vide
licet justis; — in quibus est numerus certus sanctorum predestinatus
ante mundi constitutionem. Ilia vero multitudo spinarum sive occultis
sive apertis separationibus, forinsecus adjacet super numerum."
2 " Horum munera concessa divinitus, partim sunt propria, [electo-
rum] sicut in hoc tempore infatigabilis charitas, et in futuro seculo vita
aeterna; partim vero cum nialis perversisque communia, sicut omnia
caetera, in quibus sunt et sancrosancta mysteria." Aug. ibid.

32 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
things have communion among themselves, are not discernible
from others to whom this fellowship is denied, but are known
only unto God. That Nathaniel was an Israelite1 all men
knew; that he was "a true Israelite, in whom was no guile,"
Christ only knew2.
The persons, then, of them of whom the Church eon-
sisteth are visible ; their profession known even to the pro
fane and wicked of the world, and in this sort the Church
cannot be invisible, neither did any of our men teach that it
is or may be. For seeing the Church is the multitude of
them that shall be saved, and no man can be saved unless he
make confession unto salvation, (for faith hid in the heart and
concealed, doth not suffice,) it cannot be but they that are
of the true Church, must by the profession of the truth make
themselves known in such sort, that by their profession and
practice they may be discerned from other men.
Notwithstanding, because the truth and excellence of the
faith and profession of Christians, is not discerned by the liobt
of nature, but by faith alone ; the excellency of this society
of Christians above other profane companies in the world, and
their happiness that are of it, is invisible, hidden and unknown
to natural men, and is known only to them that are spiritual.
And who they are that have fellowship among themselves, not
only in the profession of heavenly verities and outward means
of salvation, but also in the benefits of effectual and saving
grace, is known neither to the natural nor spiritual man, but
to God alone.
If a man shall further urge that Luther, and some other
that were in the beginning of the reformation of the Church,
did think the Church to be sometimes invisible, not only in
those respects above specified, but even in the truth of pro
fession, and practice of those things that to salvation are
necessary, we deny that any such thing can be collected out
of any of their writings which they have left unto posterity.
For how should there be a Church in the world, the per
petuity whereof they almost constantly defend, and none found
to profess the saving truth of God, which all are bound to
do that look for salvation ? But this surely both they and
we do teach, that though always the open, "known and con-
1 John i. 47.
2 [See Hooker's Eccles. Polity, Bool: iii. ch. 1.1

chap. x.J OF THE CHURCH. 33
stant profession of saving truth, be preserved and found
amongst men, and the ministry of salvation continued and
known in the world; (for how should there be a Church
gathered without a ministry ?) that yet sometimes errors and
heresies so much prevail, that the most part, not only of
them that apparently are without, but even of them also that
hold and possess great places of office and dignity in the
Church of God, either for fear, flattery, hope of gain, or ho
nour, or else misled through simplicity, or directly falling into
error or heresy, depart from the soundness of Christian faith,
so that the sincerity of rehgion is uphoiden, and the truth of
the profession of Christians defended and maintained but only
by some few, and they molested, persecuted and traduced, as
turbulent and seditious men, enemies to the common peace of
the Christian world. In this sense then the Church is said to
be sometimes invisible, not because there are none seen, known
or found that possess the truth of God ; but because even in
that company which is the true Church of God, many, and
those the greatest, are carried into error, so that but some few,
and they such, as (if we should judge by outward appearance,)
are most unlike to uphold and maintain the truth, are left to
defend the same; multitude, authority, reputation and opinion
of greatness in others, obscuring them in such sort, that they
which measure things by outward appearance, can possibly take
no notice of them. This was the state of the Christian world
in the time of Athanasius, when in the1 Council of Seleuciaand
Ariminum the Nicene faith was condemned ; and all the
bishops of the whole world (carried away with the sway of
time) fell from the soundness of the faith, only Athanasius ex
cepted, and some few confessors that sub Athanasii nomine
exulabant, as Hierome noteth, writing against the Luciferians ;
" Ingemuit totus orbis, et miratus est se factum esse Ari-
anum," " the world poured forth sighs, marvelling how it was
become an Arian.'" At that time it was, when Hilarius2
writing against Auxentius, bishop of Milan, complained that
1 " Tunc Ousiae nomen abolitum est ; tunc Nicenae fidei damnatio
conclamata est. Ingemuit totus orbis et Arianum se esse miratus est.
Igitur alii intra suam communionem remanere, alii ad eos confessores,
qui sub nomine Athanasii exulabant, coeperant literas mittere." Hieron.
.contra Luciferianos. [Opera, vol. iv. p. 300. Paris, 1706.]
2 Hilarius contra Auxentium, [p. 1269. Paris, 1693.]
[Field, I.] C

34 OF THE CHURCH. [book u
the Arian faction had confounded all, and therefore admo
nished all men to take heed how they suffered themselves to
be led with outward appearances : "Male [enim] vos parietum
amor cepit; male Ecclesiam Dei in tectis sedificiisque vene-
ramini ; male sub his pacis nomen ingeritis. Anne ambiguum
est in his Antichristum esse sessurum ? Montes mihi, et sylvae,
et lacus, et carceres, et voragines sunt tutiores, in his enim pro-
phetse [aut] manentes, aut demersi, Dei spiritu prophetabant."
" It is not well," saith he, " that you are in love with walls,
that you esteem the Church in respect of houses and build
ings, and in and under those shows and outward appearances
pretend and urge the name of peace. Is there any doubt of
Antichrist's sitting in these places ? The mountains, the woods,
the lakes, the prisons, the deep pits and devouring gulphs
seem to me more safe. For in these the prophets either
remaining, abiding and making them their dwelling-places, or,
as it were drowned and overwhelmed in them, prophesied
in old time." And to this purpose it is that Augustine1
writeth, most aptly distinguishing between the stars of heaven
and the sands of the sea, according to the number whereof
God promised Abraham that his seed should be. "The
Church of God," saith he, "sometimes is obscured, darkened,
and, as it were, overshadowed with the multitude of offences
and scandals that are found in it, yet even then doth it
appear and show itself in those worthies of most strong and
constant resolution, which are as the stars of heaven among
those of Abraham's seed and posterity ; but for the multitude
of weak and carnal Christians, which is like to the sand on
the sea-shore, in peaceable times they are free axid quiet,
but in dangerous times troubled, covered, and hidden with
the waters, and raging waves of tribulation and temptation."
This and no other thing our divines meant, that affirmed
1 Aug. ep. 48 [93, § 30. " Ipsa est quae aliquando obscuratur et
tamquam obnubilatur multitudine scandalorum, quando peccatores in-
tendunt arcum, ut sagittent in obscura luna rectos corde. Sed etiam
tunc in suis firrnissimis eminet. Et si aliqua in his verbis divinis dis-
tributio facienda est, fortasse non frustra dictum sit de semineAbrahee,
sicut stellce colli et sicut arena quos est ad oram maris : ut in stellis cceli
pauciores, firmiores, clarioresque intelligantur, in arena autem maritimi
littoris magna multitudo infirmorum atque carnalium ; quae aliquando
tranquillitate temporis quieta et libera apparet, aliquando autem tribu-
lationum et tentationum fluctibus operitur atque turbatur."]

chap. x.J OF THE CHURCH. 35
the Church to be sometimes invisible ; and, therefore, it is
most true that Bellarmine1 noteth, that many of his com
panions have taken much needless pain in proving against us
the perpetuity of the Church, which, as he confesseth, none
of us ever denied; but it is as true that he also laboureth
in vain, in proving that there is, and always hath been, a
visible Church, and that not consisting of some few scattered
Christians without order or ministry, or use of sacraments ;
for all this we do most willingly yield unto, howsoever
perhaps some few have been of opinion, that though all
others failing from the faith, the truth of God should remain
only in some few of the laity, yet the promise of Christ con
cerning the perpetuity of his Church might still be verified.
This question was disputed by Ocham2 and Cameracensiss,
long before our times, and who knoweth not that Cardinal
Turrecremata4, and other great divines have been of opinion,
that during the time that Christ was touching his body in
the grave, all the apostles being fallen from the faith, the
same continued in the blessed Virgin alone ; but these dis
putes we leave to them that are delighted in them, resting
in the assured and undoubted persuasion of the truth of these
things which we have delivered touching the visibility and
1 Controv. De Eccl. Militante, iii. cap. 13. ["Jam quod ecclesia
ista vera et visibilis non possit deficere facile probari possit. Notan-
dum autem est multos ex nostris tempus terere dum probant absolute
ecclesiam non posse deficere ; nam Calvinus et caeteri hseretici id con-
cedunt ; sed dicunt intelligi debere de ecclesia invisibihV'J
2 Dialogi, lib. v. prima pars, cap. 32. [" In quo probatur tribus
rationibus quod tota multitudo virorum tam clericorum quam laicorum
potest contra fidem errare et fides Catholica in mulieribus conservari."J
3 [Petri de Alliaco,] Quaestio in suis Vesperiis. [Inter Gersonii
Opera, i. 662. ed. Du Pin.]
4 Canus [De Locis Theologicis] lib. iv. cap. 5, ostendit Turrecrema-
tam et alios putasse in sola virgine fidem permansisse, idque significare
dixisse candelam quae in officiis eorum dierum sola non extinguitur,
unde discipuli lumen quod amiserant receperunt. Idem Turrecremata,
lib. iii. Summae [De Ecclesia, c. 61.] ait Apostolos omnes fuisse infi-
deles tempore mortis Christi. Vid. Canum ibidem.
" Christi tempore, deficientibus in fide apostolis, integra et omnino
perfectissima fides in sola Virgine Domini Matre remansit ; et Arianae
haereseos fervente persecutione Athanasius fere solus pro Catholica
fide agens inventus est." — Francisc. Picus Mirand. [De fide et ordine
credendi.J Theorem. 13. C 2

36 OF THE CHURCH. [book i,
invisibility of the Church ; by which it may easily appear,
in what sense the Church may be said to be sometimes in
visible, and how the same Church is at the same time both
visible and invisible in divers respects.

CHAPTER XI.
OF THE DIVERS TITLES OF THE CHURCH, AND HOW THEY
ARE VERIFIED OF IT.
HAVING thus declared the divers considerations of the
Church of God, and the different conditions of them
that are of it ; for our better direction, lest we mistake and
misapply those things that are spoken of it, we must further
observe, that the names and titles given unto it are of two
sorts : for there are some that are verified of it in respect of
the whole considered generally ; and as; it comprehendeth all
those that concur in the same entire profession of heavenly
verities, and outward means of salvation, though they be of
very divers, different, and contrary condition. So it is named,
" a great house, wherein there are vessels of honour and dis
honour ' ; in which there are that walk according to the rule
of Christianity2, and worthy of God3; and others that walk*
inordinately." It is named " a field, in which is wheat min
gled with tares5 ; it is a floor, in which there are wheat and
chaff6 : it is a company of virgins attending the coming of
the bridegroom, whereof some are wise, having oil in their
lamps, others foolish, having none7 ; it is a net cast into the
sea, that gathereth into it good fishes and bad8." Other
names and titles there are, which are not verified of the
Church, considered generally in all her parts, but only in
respect of some parts, and those the best and principal9 ; so
1 2 Tim. ii. 20. 2 phil. iii. i6, 17.
3 1 Thess. ii. 12. i 2 Thess. iii. 11.
5 Matt. xiii. 25. 6 Matt. iii. 12.
* Matt. xxv. 2. s Matt. xiii. 47.
o [" Modeste vero tamen loquendum est de hac tam Catholice, id
est, universaliter peregrinante ecclesia; ut quamvis universi renati
necdum ejecti sint ejus filii computandi, tamenj non omnibus aeque

chap, xi.] OF THE CHURCH. 37-
it is named "the spouse of Christ, and the wife of the Lamb1 ;
a royal priesthood, an holy nation, and a peculiar people2;
the love of Christ, all fair, undefiled, and without spot ; the
only dove, an orchard enclosed, a well sealed up, a fountain
of living water, a paradise with all precious, delectable, and
desirable fruit, and that nothing may be added to the honour
of it3." It is the " mystical body of Christ, which he doth
animate, formalize, and quicken with his own spirit : of this
body the wicked are not members4," though they be mem
bers of the body of the Church generally considered. It is,
therefore, a vain dispute between them that say, they are
conveniunt praeconia filiorum ; sed vocabula summae laudis, et excel-
lentiss tituli, quamvis indistincte per Scripturas de tota legantur
ecclesia, tamen de sola gloriosa parte ejus debent intelligi ; ut quae sit
nova nupta, sponsa agni, quae sit civitas sancta, Hierusalem nova de-
scendens de ccelo, a Deo parata," &c. Waldensis Doctrinalis Fidei,
Kb. ii. art. n. c. II.
1 Revel, xix. 7. 2 1 Pet. ii. 9. 3 Cantic. i. 2, &c.
4 " Rursum errant, quia non distinguunt Ecclesiam Christi in sua
latitudine a corpore Christi mystico proprie dicto. Imprimis enim, etsi
non sit membrum corporis Christi, in quo perpetuus est influxus et
participatio gratiae, vivum, operativum, ideoque re ipsa et univoce
dictum, sed nomine tantum et numero tenus, [ideoque equivoce] tamen
ipsius Ecclesiae Christi, quae ut est corpus Christi in uno sensu propter
internam gratiam, ita est domus magna Christi, est area et ager Do-
minims in alio sensu, propter externam collectionem, professionem, et
societatem per Sacramenta; hujus, inquam, Ecclesiae in hoc posteriori
sensu, qui verus et proprius sensus est, — vere et proprie membrum
est." Stapleton, [Relectio] Controv. i. quaest. 2, art. 1, notab. 5.
" Ad unionem corporis mystici sive Ecclesiae, nunquam proprie per
tinent existentes in peccato mortali; tamen refert dicere unitatem
Ecclesiae et corporis Ecclesiae. In imitate enim Ecclesiae sunt boni et
mali. • Unitas vero corporis Ecclesiae non est nisi per fidem formatam
charitate." Alexan. de Hales, pars iii. quaest. 12, memb. 3, artic. iii.
"Hieron. Non audeo eos peccatores et gehennae reos negare
membra magni corporis Christi, et grandis Ecclesiae speciosae, et fuscae,
quos Apostolus dicit : cum eo omnes in uno spiritu baptizatos, ut unum
corpus efficerentur in Christo et membra de membro, nee tamen scio
introducere eos in Ecclesiam electorum quam dicit Apostolus gloriosam
ut membra ejus, quamvis inter eos corporaliter habitent : sed ut mali
humores, non ut membra in corpore minus sano. Et August, torn. ix.
Quidam sic sunt in corpore Domini ut membra in non sano, quidam ut
humores mali : corpus non plene curatur, nisi istos evomuerit, exierant
ex me humores isti, sed non erant ex me. Non sunt ergo membra in
Christi corpore glorioso, qui forsan in Cbristi corpore magno illo regno

38 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
members of the mystical body of Christ, though not living
members, and them that say, they are parts, but not mem
bers : for they are neither parts, nor members, of the mys
tical body of Christ, though they be both in respect of the
body of the Church considered generally. ' And it is false
that Bellarmine affirmeth1, that we require inward qualities
to make a man to be of the Church, thereby making it un
known who are that Church, to whose authority and direc
tion the Lord commandeth us to submit ourselves. For we
do not require inward qualities in a man, before he can be at
all of the Church; but before he can be fully, and of the
mystical body of Christ. We say, therefore, that all they
are of the Church, that outwardly hold the faith of Christ;
and that that society wherein the sincere outward profession
of the truth of God is preserved, is that true Church of God,
whose communion we must embrace ; that happy mother, in
whose womb we are conceived, with whose milk we are
nourished, and to whose censures we must submit ourselves.
And so it is untrue that the same Bellarmine imputeth unto
us, charging us, that we affirm that none of the privileges
which Christ hath bestowed on his Church, do pertain to the
Church generally considered, but only to that more special
number of the elect of God, who communicate in the benefits
of effectual and saving grace; which who they are is' known
to none, but God only. For though we know they were all
granted for their sakes, and do benefit them only, yet we say
not that they pertain only unto them. For whereas there
are four sorts of things pertaining and belonging to the
Church, to wit : first, the promises of everlasting love and
mercy; secondly, the knowledge of God and means of sal
vation ; thirdly, the ministry and dispensation of the Word
ccelorum sunt membra." Waldensis, Ubr. ii. artic. 2, cap. xi. hsec
verba Hieron. et Aug. citat.
" Augustinus de doctrina Christiana, iii. lib. cap. xxxii. negat esse<fe
corpore Christi qui cum illo non erunt in ceternum : fatetur tamen eos
esse in Ecclesia, ideoque Ecclesiam vocari posse permixtam, non autem
corpus Christi permixtum aut bipartitum." Stapleton, Relect. Cont.
i. q. 2, art. i. notab. 5. [See also Hooker's Eccl. PoUty, Book iii. ch. l.J
1 De Ecclesia Militante, lib. iii. cap. ii. ["Atque hoc interest
inter sententiam nostram et alias omnes, quod omnes aliae requirunt
intcrnas virtutcs ad constituendum aliquem in Ecclesia, et propterea
Ecclesiam invisibilem faciunt."J

chap. xi.J OF THE CHURCH. 39
and Sacraments ; and, fourthly, the performance of such
duties as God requireth. The first sort of things pertain
only to the more special number of the elect of God ; the
second, to the whole multitude of Christians in general ; the
third, to such as are lawfully called thereunto ; )the fourth, if
they be general duties, pertain to all ; if special, to special
degrees and sorts of men in the Church, according to their
several differences.
Thus, then, we see the divers considerations of the
Church, and the different condition of them that do pertain
to it, and of whom it doth consist; notwithstanding all
which differences, for that they all concur in the same holy
profession, and use of the same happy means of salvation,
they make one holy Catholic Church, in which only the light
of heavenly truth is to be sought, where only grace, mercy,
remission of sins, and hope of eternal happiness, are found.
(" Sola Catholica Ecclesia est quaa verum [Dei] cultum reti-
net. Hie [autem] est fons veritatis, hoc est domicilium fidei,
hoc templum Dei, quo si quis non intraverit, vel a quo si
quis exierit, a spe vitas ac salutis seternse alienus est.") " It
is only the Catholic Church that hath the true worship and
service of God ; this is the well-spring of truth, the dwelling-
place of faith, the temple of God, into which whosoever
entereth not, and from which whosoever departeth, is without
all hope of life and eternal salvation1."

CHAPTER XII.
OF THE DIVERS SORTS OF THEM THAT HAVE NOT YET
ENTERED THE CHURCH.
THEY that have not entered into this society are of two
sorts, infidels and catechumens; that is, infidels and
such as, though they be believers, are not yet baptized.
The former are without, of whom the Apostle speaketh when
he pronounceth, " that he hath nothing to do to judge them
that are without." The latter, for that they make profession
of the truth of God, and with longing desires thirst after the
1 Lactantius, Divinarum Institut. iv. 30. " Sola," &c.

40 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
full enjoying of the blessed communion of the saints of God,-
wishing for nothing more than by baptism to be admitted
into the family of Christ, and household of faith, are in ves-
tibulo pietatis, as Nazianzen noteth1, and are like children
formed and fashioned in the womb and come to the birth,
though not yet brought forth.
And therefore the constant resolution almost of all divines
is, and hath been, that if without contempt and neglect, by
any unavoidable impediment, they be hindered from enjoying
the benefit of this sacramental assurance of their adoption;
they do, notwithstanding the want thereof, live and die in
the state of salvation2. These, therefore, are within, as the
apostle speaketh, though not by that solemn, outward, and
sacramental admission which they do desire, yet in desire,
purpose, and preparation fitting them unto it, which is so
far forth necessary to salvation, that no man ever was, or
shall be saved, that either wilfully neglected or contemned
the same.
And therefore it is not without great cause that Nazian
zen, in the place above-mentioned3, taxeth the folly of some
in his time, who for that they knew the greatness of the
benefit of grace which is received in baptism, (which by no
other means in so full and ample sort is bestowed on the
sons of men,) lest by the evils they might through human
frailty easily run into, they should fall from it, which could
not in the same degree and measure be recovered again,
deferred and put off their baptism as long as they could,
so that some were lifted up to bishops' chairs, before by
baptism they had set one foot within the doors of the house
1 Nazianzen. Orat. Panegyrica in sanctum Baptisma. [Orat. 40.
ews el Karqxoiipevos iv npoQipois d rrjs euo-e/3et'as. Opera, Tom. I. p.
647.J 2 [Quare quod] " Johan. de Turrecremata docet in summa de Ec
clesia, (lib. i. cap. 8. ad viii. arg.) et post eum Bannes (in secundam
secundae q. 1, art. 10,) catechumenos non numero sed merito esse de
Ecclesia: verum esse posse ut Ecclesia corpus Christi mysticum sig-
nificat." Stapleton [Relect.J Controv. I. q. 2, art. 2.
3 Nazianzenus: Orat. in sanctum Baptisma; [ibid.] et Nicetas in
Commentariis [in Orat. 40, Nazianz.J negant eos; qui vel per igno-
rantiam vol per tyrannidem a baptismo exciderunt, ccelesti gloria aut
suppliciis a justo Judice afficiendos esse, nee ad vim baptismi obtinen-
dam ipsius cupiditate teneri satis esse consent. Ed. 1611. "Nicetas
was archbishop of Heraclea a. d, 1077."

chap, xn.] OF THE CHURCH. 41
of God1 : not considering, as he wisely observeth, that while'
they sought so providently to avoid the danger of losing the
benefits once received in baptism, they did run into as great
or greater danger, never to receive the same : and that, if
the fear of losing the benefit of the grace of baptism once
received, may cause us justly to defer the seeking and ob
taining of it, we may with as good reason defer and put
off to be Christians at all, lest happily in time of perse
cution and trial we might fall away. This was the fault
of sundry in the primitive Church : and which was yet more
to be condemned, many did therefore defer and put off their
baptism, that so whatsoever evil things they did in the mean
time, might in that laver of new birth be washed away ;
thereby taking greater liberty to offend, for that they had
so present means of full remission and perfect reconciliation ;
so making that which was ordained against sin, and for the
weakening and overthrow of it, to be an encouragement
thereunto, and to give life and strength unto it.
Seeing, therefore, we are but in vestibulo pietatis, -while
we remain unbaptised, and our feet stand but in the outward
courts of the Lord of hosts, we must not rest till we enter
into His holy habitation, till we may look into the holiest of
all, and behold His glorious presence in the midst of His
saints.

CHAPTER XIII.

OF THE FIRST SORT OF THEM, THAT AFTER THEIR ADMIS
SION INTO THE CHURCH OF GOD, DO VOLUNTARILY
DEPART, AND GO OUT FROM THE SAME.
THEY which, after their entrance and admission into the
house of God, depart and go out again, are of two
sorts; for either they depart of themselves, leaving the fel
lowship and forsaking the faith, as Schismatics, and Heretics ;
or else they are cast out by the censures of the guides of the
Church, for their wicked, ungodly, and scandalous conversa-
1 In vita Ambrosii a Paulino Presbytero ad beatum Augustinum
conscripta. [§ 9.]

42 OF THE CHURCH. [booki.
tion, as excommunicate persons, and such as are enjomed
pubhc penance.
Concerning the first sort; Schismatics are they that
break the unity of the Church, and refuse to submit them
selves and yield obedience to their lawful pastors and guides,
though they retain an entire profession of the truth of God1;
as did the Luciferians and some others in the beginning of
their schism ; though for the most part, the better to justify
their schismatical departure from the rest of God's people,
Schismatics do fall into some error in matters of faith. This
is the first sort of them that depart and go out from the
Church of God and company of his people ; whose departure
yet is not such, but that notwithstanding their schism, they
are and remain parts of the Church of God. For whereas
in the Church of God is found an entire profession of the
saving truth of God, order of holy ministry, sacraments by
virtue thereof administered, and a blessed unity and fellow
ship of the people of God, knit together in the bonds of
peace, under the command of lawful pastors and guides set
over them to direct them in the ways of eternal happiness;
schismatics, notwithstanding their separation, remain still
conjoined with the rest of God's people, in respect of the
profession of the whole saving truth of God, all outward acts
of religion and divine worship, power of order, and holy
sacraments, which they by virtue thereof administer, and so
still are and remain parts of the Church of God: but, as
their communion and conjunction with the rest of God's
people, is in some things only, and not absolutely in all,
wherein they have and ought to have fellowship ; so are they
not fully and absolutely of the Church, nor of that more
special number of them, that communicate entirely and abso
lutely in all things necessary, in which sense they are rightly
denied to be of the Church. Which I take to be their
meaning that say, they are not of the Church.
1 "Inter lveresin et schisma hoc esse arbitrantur, quod hseresis
perversum dogma habeat schisma propter Episcopalem dissensionem
ab Ecclesia separctur, quod quidem in principio aliqua ex parte in-
telligi potest. Crctcrum nullum schisma non sibi aliquam confingit
haeresin, ut recte ab Ecclesia recessisse videatur." Hieron. in iii.
ad Titum. [See infra, Book iii. 5, and also Hooker's Eccl. Polity,
Book iii. ch. 1.]

eu.vr. xiv.] OF THE CHURCH. 43

CHAPTER XIV.
OF THE SECOND SORT OF THEM, THAT VOLUNTARILY UO
OUT FROM THE PEOPLE OF GOD.
HEEETICS are they that obstinately persist in error con
trary to the Church's faith ; so that these do not only
forsake the fellowship, but the faith also ; and, therefore, of
these there may be more question, whether notwithstanding
their heretical division, they still continue in any sort parts
of tho Church of God. But this doubt, in my opinion, is
easily resolved. For in respect of the profession of sundry
divine verities, which still they retain in common with right
believers, in respect of the power of order and degree of
niinisti'y, which receiving in the Church they carry out with
them, and saoraments which by virtue thereof they do ad
minister, they still pertain to the Church1. But for that
thoy hold not an entire and full profession of all such saving
truths, as to know and believe is necessary unto salvation;
for that their pastors and priests, though they have power of
order, yet have no power of jurisdiction, neither can perform
any act thereof; for that they retain not the unity of the
spirit in the bond of peace, they arc rightly denied to be of
tlie Church-: not for that they are not in any sort of it, but
1 " Propter eharacterem baptismalem quadamtenus ad militantem
Ecclesiam pertinet. — Sie luvretieus reeedens a fide non dimittitur ut
pagamis. sed propter baptismi characterem punitur ut transfuga. —
Roeonciliatus autem non de novo mitintur ut prorsus alienus. sed re-
paratione aliqua facta ad militiam sine novo saeraincnto reeipiatur.''
Stapleton [Relect.J Contr. 1. qu. ii. art. 3, notabil. 3.
a " Potest, dici quod potestas quodruplox reperitur in ministris Ee-
olesi;v. Qurodam namque est fundata super ordinem prineipaliter. ut
potestas contieieudi : qusvdam super jurisdietionem canonicam princi-
paliter. ut potestas exeommunicmidi : quandam super ordinem et emi
nent iam, ut potestas ordinandi : quredam super ordinem et jurisdietio-
nom, ut potestas absolvendi et ligandi in loro poMiitentiali. Et quoniam
character auferri non potest, ideo potestas. quse eousequitur characterem.
de facto auferri non potest. Sed quoniam jurisdictio deseendit ordi
nate a superiori ad informs, ita quod plenitudo. est in summo pontifice,
ideo potest auferre earn et potestatem qua1 consoquitur ipsam. Undo
potest exeommunicaiulo auferre potestatem absolvendi et exeonununi-
candi, sed non ordinandi." Bonavent. lib. iv. distinct. 25. qusest. 2.

44 OF THE CHURCH. [book u
for that they are not fully and absolutely of it, nor of that
more special number of them which communicate in all things
wherein Christians should. This more special number of
right -believing Christians is, for distinction sake, rightly
named the Catholic Church; because it consisteth of them
only, that without addition, diminution, alteration, or innova
tion, in matter of doctrine, hold the common faith once de
livered to the saints; and without all particular or private
division or faction, retain the unity of the spirit in the bond
Of peace. To this purpose is it that Saint Augustine, agamst the
Donatists1 (who therefore denied the baptism of heretics to be
true baptism, and did urge the necessity of rebaptizing them'
that were baptized by them, for that they are out ofthe Church),
doth show, that all wicked ones, feigned Christians, and false
hearted hypocrites, are secluded from the Church of God, con
sidered in her best and principal parts, and in the highest de
gree of unity with Christ her mystical head, as well as heretics
and schismatics. As, therefore, all they that outwardly profess
the truth, and hold the faith of Christ without schism or heresy,
are of the Church, and are within, as the Scripture speaketh2,
yet are not all of that more special number of them that are
intrinsecus et in occulto intus, but in more general sort : so
likewise heretics and schismatics, though they be not of that
special number of them that in unity hold the entire profes
sion of divine truth, are of the Church generally considered,
and of the number of them that profess the truth of God
revealed in Christ. And this surely Augustine most clearly
delivereth. For when the Donatists did object that heresy is an
harlot, and that, if the baptism of heretics be good, sons are
born to God of heresy, and so of an harlot; than which,
1 " Augustinus (De Baptismo contra Donatistas, v. 27, 28) ostendit
ab Ecclesia in suis perfectissimis membris considerata et secundum-
unitatem cum Christo conjunctissimam, non secus separari et extra
illam esse impios quam aperte per haeresim prrecisos."  Stapl. [Relect.J
Contro. I. q. 2, art. i. ad 4.
2 "Ex illis ergo omnibus, qui, (ut ita dicam), intrinsecus et in oc
culto intus sunt, constat ille hortus conclusus, fons signatus, puteus
aquae vivae, paradisus cum fructu pomorum."— De Baptismo contra.
Donatist. v. cap. xxvii. [or § 38.] >

chap. xiv. J OF THE CHURCH. 45
what can be more absurd and impious? his answer was1,
that the conventicles of heretics do bear children unto God,
not in that they are divided, but in that they still remain con
joined with the true and Catholic Church ; not in that they
are heretics, but in that they profess and practise that which
¦Christians should, and do, profess and practise.
It is not, therefore, to be so scornfully rejected by Bel
larmine, Stapleton, and others of that faction, that we affirm
that both heretics and schismatics are, in some sort, though
not fully, perfectly, and with hope of salvation, of the Church;
seeing Augustine, in the just and honourable defence of the
Church's cause against heretics, did long since affirm the
same, not doubting to say, that heretics remain in such sort
conjoined to the Church, notwithstanding their heresy ; that
the true Church in the midst of them, and in their assemblies
by baptism ministered by them, doth bear and bring forth
children unto God. The not conceiving whereof gave occa
sion to Cyprian and the African bishops of error, and after
wards to the Donatists of their heresy, touching the rebap
tization of them that were baptized by heretics. For, seeing
" there is but one Lord, one faith, one baptism," seeing God
gave the power of the keys, and the dispensation of his
Word and Sacraments, only to his Church, if heretics be not
of the Church, they do not baptize.
This their allegation they amplified and enlarged from
the nature and condition of heresy and heretics, and the high,
precious, and divine quality, force, and working, of the Sa
craments ; thereby endeavouring to show, that so excelleut
means, pledges, and assurances, of our salvation, cannot be
given by the hands of men so far estranged from God.
There is, say they, " one faith, one hope, one baptism2 ;" not
1 DeBaptist. cont. Donatist. i. 10. [§14.J "Est una Ecclesia quae sola
Catholica nominatur, et quicquid suum habet in communionibus diver-
sorum, a sua imitate separatis, per hoc quod suum in eis habet, ipsa
utique generat non illae." — Et ii. 1 [§ 3]: "Isti in quibusdam rebus
nobiscum sunt, in quibusdam vero a nobis exierunt." — :Et i. 8 [§ 10J :
" Qui seipsos a societate caeterorum separantes, charitate violata, uni-
tatis vinculum rumpunt, — si vero nonnulla eadem faciunt, non se in eis
separaverunt, et ex ea parte in texturae compage detinentur, in caetera
scissi sunt. Proinde si quern sibi sociaverint, ex ea parte nectitur
ecclesiae, in qua nee illi separati sunt."
2 Concilium Carthaginense habetur inter opera Cypriani.

46 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
among heretics, where there is no hope, and a false faith;
where all things are done in lying, false, and deceivable
manner ; where he adjureth Satan, that is the vassal of Satan,
and possessed of the devil. He proposeth the sacramental
demands and words of holy stipulation, whose mouth and
words send forth a canker ; he giveth the faith, that is him
self an infidel; he giveth remission of sins, that is himself
most wicked and sinful ; Antichrist baptizeth in the name of
Christ; he blesseth, that is himself accursed of God; he
promiseth life, that is himself dead ; he giveth peace, that is
himself an enemy to peace ; he calleth on the name of God,
that is a blasphemer of God ; he administereth and executeth
the holy office of priesthood, that is profane ; he prepareth,
furnisheth, and attendeth the altar of God, that is a sacrile
gious person. All which objections, howsoever carrying a
fair show at the first sight and view, yet are most easily
answered, if we consider that heretics, notwithstanding their
heresies, do in some sort still pertain to the Church, and
so consequently have that degree, order, office, ministry, and
calling, which is holy ; by virtue whereof they do administer
the holy sacraments ; even as in the true and Catholic Church,
many wicked ones are found, that are no less the vassals of
Satan, and possessed of the devil, dead in sin, accursed of
God, profane, sacrilegious, and enemies of peace, than here
tics and schismatics ; who yet for that they have that order,
office, and degree of ministry which is holy, do no less nor
with less effect, administer the holy sacraments, than they
that are samples of all sanctity, piety, and virtue.
1 Whereupon the schoolmen rightly note, that there are
four sorts of ministers, to wit ; good, secretly bad, openly
1 Bonaventur. lib. iv. distinct. 13, qu. 1. [" Aliqui voluerunt dis-
tinguere, ex quibus videtur fuisse Magister, quod sacerdotes mali qui
dam occulte sunt mab, et de Ecclesia saltern nomine et numero, et
quoad exteriorem faciem ; et tales possunt [conficere.J Alii vero sunt
manifeste mali et ab Ecclesia praecisi et tales non possunt. Sed haec
positio videtur consonare positioni Cypriani qui posuit quod heretici
non habeant sacramenta vera, quod satis improbat Augustinus. Si
autem loquamur quantum ad utilitatem, dicendum quod sacerdos
bonus conficit ad utilitatem suam at assistentium ; malus occultus ad
damnum suum, nihilominus tamen ad utilitatem assistentium qui cum
fide et dovotione missam audiunt. Sed precisus et hereticus ad dam-
nationem suam et omnium assistentium. "J

chap. xiv.J OF THE CHURCH 47
and apparently wicked, but not put from their office and place,
nor cast out of the Church ; and, lastly, such as are deprived
of their office and dignity, and removed from the happy fel
lowship of right believers. The first administer the sacra
ments with benefit, profit, and good to themselves and others.
The second with benefit to others, but not to themselves.
The third with hurt to themselves, and scandal to others, but
yet to the everlasting good of them that receive them, if the
fault be not in themselves. The fourth administer those
sacraments that are holy, and in their own nature the means,
pledges, and assurances of salvation, but without any benefit
to themselves or others, because they are in division and
schism. Whereas nothing1, though never so good and excel
lent, is available to their good, that are out of the unity the
people of God should have among themselves. If I give my
body to be burned2, and have not charity, it profiteth me
nothing, saith the Apostle.

CHAPTER XV.
OF THEM WHOM THE CHURCH CASTETH OUT BY
EXCOMMUNICATION.
HITHERTO we have treated of such as, being once of
the Church, of themselves go out from the company of
right believers, by schism or heresy. Now it remaineth to
speak of them whom the Church casteth out by excommuni
cation. Excommunication is that sentence of the Church, whereby
she ejecteth and casteth out wicked sinners out of her com
munion. Which communion, what it is, and wherein it con-
sisteth, that we may the better understand, we must observe,
that communion is sometimes taken for having the same
1 "Si quis — ad haereticos aut schismaticos rejectus ab Ecclesia
transeat, — etsi occisus propter nomen [DominiJ postmodum fuerit,
extra Ecclesiam constitutus, et ab unitate atque a caritate divisus, co-
ronari in morte non poterit."— Cyprian. Epist. iv. 2, 55.
2 1 Cor. xiii. 3.

48 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
things in common, and sometimes for mutual doing and re
ceiving good, to and from each other.
In the former sense the communion of the Church is of
•two sorts, outward and inward. The outward consisteth in
those things which all they that are of the Church have in
common, as the profession of the truth revealed in Christ,
and the character of baptism, which, as a note distinctive,
separateth Christians from infidels and unbehevers. The
inward consisteth in those things which only the best parts
,of the Church have in common ; as faith, hope, love, and
the like.
The communion of the Church, in the latter sense, con
sisteth in a mutual and interchangeable course of action,
whereby the parts thereof do and receive good, to and from
one another, one supplying the want and defect of another.
This is of two sorts, public and private. The public con
sisteth, first, in the prayers which the Church poureth forth
for every the least and most contemptible member thereof;
thereby obtaining of God the giving, supply, and continuance,
of all necessary good, joined with a most happy protection,
keeping them from falling into those evils they are subject
unto : secondly, in the dispensation of sacraments by the
hands of her ministers. Private, in mutual conversation of
one man with another.
Excommunication1 doth not deprive the excommunicate
of the former kind of communion. For every sentence of
excommunication is either just or unjust. If it be unjust,
they may still retain all those things which the best parts of
the Church have, inward or outward ; as sometimes it falleth
out through the prevailing of factious, seditious, and turbulent
men, that the best men are unjustly and undeservedly cast
out of the true Church ; as Austin noteth2 ; who though they
1 " Satis sit dicere non ita cjici fidclem ab Ecclesia per cxcommu-
nicationem, quin illi maneat subjectus ratione eharaeteris, ot unitus per
fidem, si alioqui illam non amittit; sed solum quia privatur dicto
jure morali ad utendum Eccles. communicationc et participatione."
Suarez. torn. v. disp. vm. sect. 1. [Tom. xx. p. 138, ed. Venet. 1749.]
Quomodo excommunicatus privatur sitjfragiis Ecclesice, idem ostendit in
eodem torn. Disp. ix. sect. 3, 4, 5.
2 De vera Religione, c. 6. [§11. "Saepe etiam sinit divina provi-
dentia per nonnullus nimium turbulentas carnalium hominum seditiones

chap. xv.J OF THE CHURCH 49
never be permitted to return again and re-enter, yet if they
continue without gathering any conventicles, or broaching of
heresies, and still love, profess, and seek to promote what in
them lieth, the truth of God which is holden and professed
in the Church of God, from the assemblies whereof they aro
unjustly excluded and banished, who dare deny them to be
of the Church ? And therefore, Bellarmine himself, though
he make shew as if he meant to prove that excommunicate
persons are not of the Church, as he endeavoureth to do
that heretics and schismatics are not, yet he altereth the
matter clean, and saith only, they are not in the Church,
"corpore et externa communicatione," as if he would only
prove that they are excluded from the meetings and assem
blies of the Church, and conversing with the people of God1.
There is therefore no doubt but that they are of the Church,
and that, if they patiently endure these indignities, injuries,
and wrongs, they shall be highly rewarded of Almighty God.
But, saith Bellarmine, they are not of the Church " corpo
rally, and in outward communion :" than which, what could
be more frivolously spoken? For who maketh any doubt,
but that they are thrust out of the assemblies, so that they
may not be bodily present when the people of God do meet
together, to perform the acts of divine worship ; but that
therefore they are not properly of the visible Church, who
that, advisedly considereth what he saith, would ever say ?
Seeing they have still the communion, which only is essential,
and maketh a man to be of the Church, in that they have
all those things, both inward and outward, which the best
among them that remain not ejected have ; as faith, hope,
love, and profession of the whole truth of God, the character
of baptism, obedient and humble submission to their lawful
superiors ; which things and no other are required to make
expelli de congregatione Christiana etiam bonos viros. Quam contu-
meliam vel injuriam suam cum patientissime pro Ecclesiae pace tule-
rint, neque ullas novitates vel schismatis vel haeresis moliti fuerint,
docebunt homines quam vero affectu et quanta sinceritate caritatis Deo
serviendum sit. — Hos coronat in occulto Pater, in occulto videns."
1 Controv. torn. n. lib. iii. ch. 6. [" Respondeo talem (sc. injuste
cxcommunicatum) esse in Ecclesia, sive desiderio quod sufi&cit illi ad
salutem, non tamen esse corpore, sine externa communicatione, quae
proprie facit hominem esse de Ecclesia ista visibili, quae est in
terris."] [Field, I.] D

50 OF THE CHURCH. [book I.
a man to be of the Church. For the performance of holy
duties is an action of them that are already of the Church,
and doth not make a man to be of the Church. Yea, the per
formance of these duties is a thing of that nature, that by vio
lence and the unjust courses holden by wicked men, we may
be hindered from it without any fault of ours.
If the sentence of excommunication be just, yet it doth
not cut the excommunicate off from the mystical body of
Christ, but doth presuppose that they have already cut off
themselves ; or that if this sentence, being duly and advi
sedly pronounced, make them not relent, but that still they
hold out against it, they will cut off themselves, and de
prive themselves of all inward grace and virtue. From the
visible Church of Christ it doth not wholly cut them off;
for they may, and often do retain the entire profession of
saving truth, together with the character of baptism, which
is the mark of Christianity; and so far forth notwithstand
ing their disobedience, still acknowledge them to be their
lawful pastors and guides, by whose sentence they are
excommunicate, that they would rather endure and suffer
anything, than schismatically join themselves to any other
communion. It doth therefore only cut them off from com
municating with the Church in the performance of holy
duties, and deprive them of those comforts, which by commu
nicating in the sacraments, &c. they might have enjoyed.
This excommunication is of two sorts ; the greater and
the lesser. The greater putteth the excommunicate from the
Sacrament of the Lord's Body and Blood, and depriveth
them of all that comfort and strength of grace, which from
it they might receive ; it denieth to them the benefit of the
Church's public prayers, and so leaveth them to themselves
as forlorn and miserable wretches, without that assistance,
presence, and protection, which from God she obtaineth for
her obedient children. Whence it is, that they are said to
be delivered unto Satan, because they are left naked, and
void of all means to make resistance, unto his will and plea
sure : and as if this were not enough, they are denied that
solace which they might find in the company and conversa
tion of the people of God, who now do no less fly from
them, than in old time they did from the lepers, who cried,
" I am unclean, I am unclean." The lesser excommunication

chap. xv.J OF THE CHURCH. 51
excludeth only from the sacramental pledges, and assurances
of God's love, which, when it is pronounced against them
that stubbornly stand out, and will not yield themselves to
the Church's direction and disposition, is properly named
Excommunication; but when it is pronounced against them
that yield when they have offended, and seek the blessed re
medies of the evils they have committed, it is not so properly
named excommunication, but it is an act of the discipline of
repentance, and of that power and authority which Christ left
unto his Church, whereby she imposeth and prescribeth to
her obedient children, when they have offended, such courses
of penitence, whereby they may obtain remission of their
sins, and recover the former estate from which they are
fallen.

CHAPTER XVI.
OF THE ERRORS THAT ARE AND HAVE BEEN, TOUCHING THE
USE OF THE DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH, IN
PUNISHING OFFENDERS.
TOUCHING this discipline of repentance, and power of the
Church in ordering offenders, and the use thereof, there
are and have been sundry both errors and heresies. The
first of the Pelagians in former times, and the Anabaptists in
our times, who for every the least imperfection cast men out
of their societies, denying that any are or can be in or of
the Church, in whom the least imperfection is found. Which
if it were true, there should be no Church in the world ; all
men being subject to sin and sinful imperfection, that either
are or have been. For it is a vain dispute of the Pelagians,
whether a man may be without sin or not ; whereof see that
which Augustine1 and Hierome2 have written against the
madness and folly of those men.
For confirmation of their error touching absolute perfec
tion, they allege that of the Canticles3, " Thou art all fair,
my love, and there is no spot in thee :" and that of the
Apostle to the Ephesians4; that " Christ gave himself for his
1 De Perfectione Justitiae, c. Coelestium.
2 Contra Pelagianos. 3 Chap. iv. 7. 4 Chap. v. 25, 26, 27.
D 2

52 OF THE CHURCH. [booki.
Church, that he might make it to himself a glorious Church,
not having spot or wrinkle, but that it should be holy and
without blame." For answer whereunto, first we must re
member that which formerly was observed, to wit, that sun
dry glorious titles are given to the Church, which agree not
to the whole totally considered, but to some parts only ; so
it is said to be " fair, glorious, and without spot or wrinkle,"
not for that all or the most part of them that are of the
Church are so, but because the best and principal parts are
so ; and for that the end, intent, and purpose of the gift of
grace given to the Church is to make all to be so, if the
fault be not in themselves. Secondly, we must observe that
there is a double perfection, purity, and beauty of the Church
" without spot or wrinkle," to wit, "absolute ; and according
to the state of this life.1' The first is not found in any among
the sons of men, while they are clothed with the body of
death. And, therefore, if we speak of that absolute purity
and perfection, the Church is said to be "pure, all fair,
and to have no spot or wrinkle, not for that actually, and
presently, it is so, but for that it is prepared to be so here
after, as Augustine fitly noteth1. The second kind of purity,
which is "not absolute, but, according to the state of this
life," consisteth herein, that all sins are avoided, or repented
of, and in Christ forgiven, and his righteousness imputed.
In this sense the Church is now presently pure, and undefiled,
and yet not free from all sinful imperfections, as the Pelagians
and Anabaptists vainly and fondly imagine, contrary to all ex
perience, and the words of the Apostle, " If we say we have
no sin, we deceive ourselves, and there is no truth in us."
The second error touching the power of the Church in
the ordering of sinners, and the use thereof, was that of the
Novatians2, who refused to reconcile and restore to the
1 " Hoc agitur utique nunc in hoc seculo, ut ad istam quam omnes
sancti cupiunt immaculatissimam puritatem Ecclesia sancta perveniat,
quae in futuro seculo neque aliquo malorum hominum sibi permixto,
neque aliqua in se lege peccati resistente legi mentis, ducat mundissi-
mam vitam in aeternitate divina." Contra Pelag. de natura et gratia,
c. Ixiii. [§ 75.]
2 "Miror— quosdam sic obstinatos esse ut dandam non putent lapsis
pcenitentiam."— Cypriani epist. iv. 2—55. In eadem epistola ostendit
Novatianos moechis et fraudatoribus communicare qui libellaticis- et

chap, xvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 53
Church's peace such as grievously offended, but left them to
the judgment of God, without all that comfort which the sacra
ments of grace might yield unto them ; and if any fell in
time of persecution, and denied the faith, how great and
unfeigned soever their repentance seemed to be, they suffered
them not to have any place in the Church of God.
The third, of certain of whom Cyprian1 speaketh, that
would not reconcile nor restore to the Church's peace such as
for adultery were cast out.
The fourth, of the Donatists2, who would not receive
into the lap and bosom of the Church, such as having in
time of persecution, to save their own lives, delivered the
books and other holy things into the hands of the persecutors,
did afterwards repent of that they had done, and with tears
of repentant grief seek to recover their former standing in
the Church of God again ; yea, they proceeded so far in this
their violent and passionate zeal, that they abandoned the
society of them that did ; held them not Christians, and re-
baptized them which came from them, to their pretended
purer societies.
The fifth, of the Luciferians, who received men returning
from heresy to the Catholic faith without re-baptization, and
enjoined them penitence, and gave them imposition of hands.
But bishops that had been drawn into heresy, they would
not admit, unless they forsook their office and ministry;
against these Hierome writeth his book against the Lucife
rians3. All these did err, urging overmuch the Church discipline
in casting off the wicked, and not admitting the unworthy
to her happy fellowship.
sacrificatis deteriores sunt. Novatus refused only to communicate with
idolaters : ihe Novatians exclude men from the Communion for other
sins, referring unto God alone the power of remitting them. Socrates.
Hist. Eccl. vii. 25.
1 "Apud antecessores nostros quidam de Episcopis istic in pro-
vincia nostra dandam pacem mcechis non putaverunt, et in totum pce-
nitentiae locum contra adulteria clauserunt : non tamen a coepiscoporum
suorum collegio recesserunt." Cypr. in eadem epist.
2 " Plusquam quadraginta anni sunt inter Cypriani passionem et
divinorum codicum exustionem, unde isti calumniarum suaxum fumos
jactantes, occasionem faciendi schismatis invenerunt." Augustin. de
Bapt. contra Donatistas, v. 1. [§ 1.]
3 Adversus Luciferianos, [Op. iv. 290.]

54 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.

CHAPTER XVII.
OF THE CONSIDERATIONS MOVING THE CHURCH TO USE
INDULGENCE TOWARDS OFFENDERS.
BUT the true Church admitteth and receiveth all, that with
sorrowful repentance return and seek reconciliation, how
great soever their offences have been ; not forgetting to use
due severity, which yet she sometime remitteth, either upon
due consideration, or of negligence. The due and just
consideration moving the Church to remit something of her
wonted severity, is either private, or public peril. Private,
as when the party being of a tender, timorous, and relenting
disposition, if he be proceeded with rigorously, is in danger
to fall into despair, or to be swallowed up with overmuch
sorrow. In this case the Apostle1, having excommunicated
the incestuous Corinthian, writeth to the Church of Corinth
speedily to receive him again, lest he should be swallowed
up with overmuch grief: and in this sort the ancient bishops
were wont to cut off great parts of enjoined penance ; which
remission and relaxation was called an indulgence2. Out of
the not understanding whereof, grew the Popish pardons,
and indulgences. Public peril is then, when the multitude,
authority, and prevailing of the offenders is so great, as that
if they be cut off, and separated from the rest, a schism
may justly be feared, without hope of any good to be effected
thereby ; in this case there is just cause why the Church
forbeareth to proceed to excommunication3. For whereas the
i 2 Cor. ii. 8, 9, 10.
2 Cajetan. Opuscu. torn. I. tract. 15, cap. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.
"Quidam distinguentes forum Dei, et forum Ecclesiae, dixerant
hujusmodi relaxationes non fieri, nee intelligi quantum ad forum Dei,
sed quantum ad forum Ecclesiae. Hoc autem sic intelbgunt. Sacri
canones pro mortabbus peccatis graves et diuturnas pcenitentias taxant;
quae poena adeo gravis est quod vix aut nunquam posset quis facere;
et pauci inveniuntur qui vellent. Ideo relaxationes constituerunt
fieri." Bonaventura [in Sentent.] lib. iv. dist. 20. quaest. 2. Aliani
ipse sequitur opinionem.
3 " Si contagio peccandi multitudinem invaserit, divinae disciplinas
severa misericordia necessaria est ; nam consiha separationis et mania
sunt et perniciosa atque sacrilega, quia et impia et superba fiunt, et plus
perturbant infirmos bonos quam corrigunt animosos malos." Augustinus
contra Epist. Parmeniani. in. [§ 14.]

CHAr. xvii.] OF THE CHURCH. 55
end of excommunication is, that evil-doers being put from
the company of right-believing Christians, and forsaken of
all, may be made ashamed of their evil doing, and so brought
to repentance, this cannot be looked for, when the multitude
of offenders hath taken away all shame.
These are the due and just motives which cause the
Church sometimes to forbear to punish with that extremity,
which the quality and condition of the offender's fault may
seem to require. But sometimes, of negligence, not led by
any of these considerations, she omitteth the due correction
of such as have offended God and scandalized his people. So
the Corinthians1, before the Apostle's letter written unto
them, suffered an incestuous person, and seemed not much
to be moved with so vile a scandal. And the like negli
gence is often found in the Churches of God, which notwith
standing their fault in this behalf, continue the true Churches
of God still2; and private men may communicate with them,
that, through the Church's negligence, are thus tolerated and
suffered, and that both in public acts of religion, and private
conversation, without being partakers of their sins, if they
neither do the same things, nor approve, like, and applaud
them that do, and if they neglect not by all good means
to seek their correction and amendment.

CHAPTER XVIII.

OF THEIR DAMNABLE PRIDE, WHO CONDEMN ALL THOSE
CHURCHES WHEREIN WANT OF DUE EXECUTION OF DIS
CIPLINE, AND IMPERFECTIONS OF MEN, ARE FOUND.
THEEE are, and have been always some, who, possessed
with a false opinion of absolute sanctity, and spotless
righteousness, reject the societies and companies of them in
1 l Cor. v. l, 2.
2 "Auferte, inquit, malum ex vobis ipsis; ut si forte non possent
auferre malos a congregatione sua, auferendo malum ex seipsis, id est,
non cum eis peccando nee eis ad peccandum consentiendo aut favendo,
integerrimi inter eos et incorruptissimi versarentur." Augustinus
contra Epist. Parmeniani, lib. iii. J 2.

56 OF THE CHURCH. [book i,
whom any imperfection may be found ; which was the furious
zeal of the Pelagians in old time, and the Anabaptists in our
time. Others there are, which, though they proceed not so
far, yet deny those societies of Christians to be the true
Churches of God, wherein the severity of discipline is so far
neglected; that wicked men are suffered and tolerated with
out due and condign punishment. These, while they seem
to hate the wicked, and fly from their company for fear of
contagion, do schismatically rent, and inconsiderately divide
themselves from the body of God's Church, and forsake the
fellowship of the good, through immoderate hate of the
wicked. Both these do dangerously and damnably err; the
first in that they dream of heavenly perfection to be found
amongst men on earth, when as contrariwise the prophet
Isaiah1 pronounceth, that "all our righteousness is like the
polluted and filthy rags of a menstruous woman." And David2
desireth of Almighty God, that he will " not enter into judg
ment with him, for that in his sight no flesh shall be justi
fied :" and Augustine denounceth a woe against our greatest
perfections, if God do straitly look upon them. The latter,
1 Isaiah lxiv. 6. " Nostra, si qua est, humilis est justitia recta for-
sitan, sed non pura ; nisi forte meliores nos esse credimus quam patres
nostros, qui non minus veraciter quam humiliter aiebant ; omnes justitia}
nostras tanquam pannus menstruates mulieris." Bernard, de verbis
Esaiae, Sermo 5. [Op. Tom. I. p. 954, ed. 1698.] " Hinc afflictus Job :
verebar omnia opera mea, ait Deo. Et iteruni, si volueris mecum conten
dere, non potero respondere unum pro mille. Cui conformis est oratio
prophetica : non intres in judicium cwm servo tuo : et rursus ; si iniqui-
tates observaveris, &c. Porro quid Isaias se cum caeteris involvens,
sibique vilescens humili confessione protulerit, legimus : omnes justitm
nostras tanquam pannus menstruates. Quis igitur justitias suas velut
gloriabundus ostentaverit. Deo plusquam pannum confusionis suae
mulier viro.'' Gerson, de Consolatione Theolog. iv. Pr. 1. [Op. Tom.
I. p. 169.]
2 Aug. in Psal. cxlii. [§ 8.] in ilia verba non justificabitur omnis
vivens, sic habet. [" Omnis ita vivens] justificari forte potest coram se,
non coram te. Quomodo coram se ? sibi placens, tibi displicens. — Noli
ergo mecum intrare in judicium Domine Deus meus. Quantumlibet
rectus mihi videar, producis tu de thesauro tuo regulam, coaptas me
ad earn, et pravis invenior." " Ad me [enim] cum respicio, nihil aliud
mourn quam peccatum invenio." " Nolo tecum habere causam, ne ego
proponam justitiam meam." " Commemorate justitias vestras, ego
novi facinora vostra, [inquit Dominus."] Aug. Confess, ix. 13.

chap, xviii.] OF THE CHURCH. 57
though they do not require absolute and spotless perfection
in them that are in and of the Church, yet think it not
possible that any wicked ones should be found in so happy
and blessed a society : not remembering that the Church of
God is compared to " a net, that gathereth into it all sorts
of fishes, great and small, good and bad1," which are not sepa
rated one from another, till they be cast out upon the shore ;
that it is like "a field sown with good seed wherein the
envious man soweth tares2 ; hke " a floor, wherein wheat
and chaff are mingled together3;" like the "ark of Noah,
wherein cursed Cham was as well preserved from drowning
as blessed Sem4." ,
But they will say, there may be hypocrites, who, for that
their wickedness is not known, cannot be separated from them,
who in sincerity serve and worship God ; but if their wicked
ness break forth, that men may take notice of it, either they
are presently reformed, or by the censures of the Church cut
off from the rest ; which course, if it be not so holden, but
that wicked ones without due punishment be suffered in the
midst of God's people, those societies wherein so great negli
gence is found, cease to be the true Churches of God, and
we may, and must divide ourselves from them. This was
the error of the Donatists5 in former times, and is the error
of certain proud and arrogant sectaries in our time. But if
the Church of God remained in Corinth, where there were
" divisions, sects, emulations, contentions, and quarrels6 ;"
"and going to law one with another for every trifle, and
that under the infidels7 ;" where that " wickedness was tole
rated and winked at, which is execrable to the very hea
thens8 ;" where " Paul's name and credit was despitefully
called in question, whom they should have honoured as a
father9 ;" where " the resurrection of the dead (which is the
life of Christianity) was with great scorn denied10;" who dare
deny those societies to be the Churches of God, wherein the
tenth part of these horrible evils and abuses is not to be found ?
i Matt. xiii. 47. 2 Matt. xiii. 24, 25.
3 Matt. iii. 12. * Gen. vii. 13.
8 Canus [De Loe. Theol.] iv. 3.
6 1 Cor. iii. 3. ? [1 Cor.] vi. 1.
8 1 Cor. v. 1. 9 2 Cor. x. 10.
10 1 Cor. xv. 12.

58 OF THE CHURCH. [book i.
We see then the difference between the turbulent disposition of
these men, and the mild affection of the Apostles of Christ, who
writing to the Corinthians, and well knowing to how many
evils and faults they were subject, yet doth not thunder out
against them the dreadful sentence of anathema, exclude them
from the kingdom of Christ, or make a division and separa
tion from them, but calleth them the Church of Christ and
society of saints. What would these men have done, if they
had lived amongst the Galatians, who so far adulterated the
Gospel of Christ, that the apostle pronounceth, that "they
were bewitched ;" and if they still persisted in circumcision,
and the works of the law with Christ, they "were fallen
from grace, and Christ could profit them nothing1;" whom
yet the apostle acknowledgeth to be the Church of God,
writing " to the Church which is at Galatia ?"
Excellent to this purpose is the counsel of Augustine, in
his third book against Parmenian, and second chapter, which
he giveth to all that are of a godly and peaceable disposition ;
" ut misericorditer corripiant quod possunt, quod non possunt
patienter ferant, et cum dilectione gemant et lugeant, donee
aut emendet Deus ac corrigat, aut in messe eradicet ziza-
nia, et paleas ventilet2." " That with merciful affection they
should dislike, reprove, and correct, as much as in them lieth,
what they find to be amiss ; what they cannot amend, that
they should patiently endure and suffer, and in loving sort
bewail and lament, till either God do here in this world cor
rect and amend it, or otherwise in that great harvest in the
end of the world, pluck up all tares, and coming with his fan
in his hand, purge the wheat from the chaff." Thus, then,
we have hitherto showed, who are of the Church, the defini
tion of it, and meaning of such sayings of our divines, as have
been by our adversaries mistaken or perverted, together with
all such errors and heresies as are or have been concerning
the nature and being of the Church.
1 Gal. iii. 1 ; v. 4.
2 [" Misericorditer igitur corripiat homo quod potest ; quod autem
non potest patienter ferat, et dilectione gemat atque lugeat donee
aut ille desuper emendet et corrigat, aut usque ad messem differat
eradicare zizania, et paleam ventilare."]

THE SECOND BOOK:

CONCERNING

THE NOTES OF THE CHURCH.

BOOK II.

CHAPTER I.
OF THE NATURE OF NOTES OF DIFFERENCE, AND
THEIR SEVERAL KINDS.
NOW it remaineth that we come to the second part of our
principal and general division; to find out the notes
whereby the true Church may be known and discerned from
all other companies and societies of men in the world. A
note, mark, or character, is that whereby one thing may be
known and differenced from another. The philosophers ob
serve, that of things not the same, there are two sorts ; some
wholly diverse, which have no common condition of nature
wherein they agree and are the same. These cannot be
apprehended by us, but the diversity of nature and condition,
found in them, must of necessity be conceived and known
likewise; so that no man, having any apprehension of the
nature of a voice or sound, inquireth wherein it differeth
from a circle or line, not finding any thing wherein they are
the same. These need not any notes or marks of difference
whereby to be known one from another.
Other things there are which have many things in com
mon, wherein they agree and are the same, and some other
which are so found in one of them, that thev are not in ano-
ther. These are not properly said to be wholly diverse, as
the former, having many things in common, wherein they
agree and are the same ; but to differ one from another, in
that something is so found in one of them, that is not in ano
ther. The distinction of these things thus differing cannot
be known by any other means, but by observing what is
peculiarly found in each of them : neither is there anything
proper or peculiar to any of them, which may not serve for
a note or mark of distinction, to discern one of them from
another. That which is proper to a thing, and peculiarly found in
it alone, is of two sorts. For either it is said to be proper

62 OF THE CHURCH. [book ii.
and peculiar, respectively and at some one time only, or abso
lutely and ever. Kespectively that is proper to a thing,
which, though it be not found in it alone, but in sundry
other, yet if we take view of it, and only some certam and
definite things besides, is so in it that in none of them, and
serveth for a sufficient note of distinction to know it from any
of them. So if we seek to difference and discern the nature
of man, only from those things that are void of life ; sense
and motion serve for notes of difference and distinction, and
are proper to man, for that they are not found in anything
void of life. But if we seek to difference the nature of man
from all other things whatsoever ; we must find out that
which is in man, and in nothing else ; in which sort also a
thing may be proper and peculiar at some one time, that is
not perpetually and ever so, as weeping, laughing, and the
like ; which though not always found in a man, (for some
times he neither weepeth nor laugheth) yet when they are,
they be notes of difference, distinguishing man from all other
things, for that nothing else is at any time capable of any of
these. Perpetually and absolutely that is proper to a thing,
which is inseparable and incommunicable, as never being not
found in that to which it is proper, nor ever being found in
anything else. Those things which are thus and in this
sort proper to a thing, either are of the essence of that to
which they are proper, or that is of the essence of them : by
both these, a thing may be known from all other whatsoever,
but more specially by them that are of the essence of that
which we desire to know. These things, thus generally ob
served touching the nature of the notes of difference, whereby
one thing may be discerned and known from another, if we
aPPty particularly to the Church, we shall easily know which
are the true, certain, and infallible notes thereof, about which
our adversaries so tediously contend and jangle, delivering
them confusedly without order, and doubtfully without all
certainty. Wherefore, seeing by that we have already observed, it
is evident, that there is nothing not proper that may, nor
proper that may not, serve as a note of difference to distin
guish one thing from another ; seeing likewise of things pro
per and pecuhar, there are two sorts, some respectively, and

chap. I.] , OF THE CHURCH. 63
some absolutely ; and of these again, some not perpetually,
but at some one time only, and some perpetually and ever ;
and these either essential to that to which they are peculiar,
or essentially depending of it, and flowing from it : let us
first see what things are proper to the Church respectively
considered ; and secondly, what (without such respective con
sideration) absolutely, generally, and perpetually ; which only
are perfect notes of difference, whereby the true Church may
be perpetually and infalHbly known from all other societies of
men, professions of religion, and diversities of divine worship
that are in the world ; and thirdly, such as are generally and
absolutely but not perpetually proper.

CHAPTER II.
OF THE DIVERS KINDS OF NOTES, WHEREBY THE TRUE CHURCH
IS DISCERNED FROM OTHER SOCIETIES OF MEN
IN THE WORLD.
THERE are presently, and were formerly, but three main
differences of religion in the world, — Paganism, Judaism,
and Christianity. Paganism is and was that state of religion
and divine worship, wherein men having no other light than
that of nature, and the uncertain traditions of their erring
fathers, to guide them, did and do " change the truth of God
into a lie, and worship and serve the creature rather than
the Creator, who is blessed for ever1." Judaism is that state
of religion, wherein men embrace the law which God gave to
the children of Abraham and sons of Jacob, reforming hea
thenish impiety, teaching salvation to be looked for through
one, whom God would send in the last days and exalt to be
Lord over all. Christianity is the religion of them that be
lieve Jesus Christ to be that Saviour promised to the Jews,
" and acknowledge him to be the Son of the living God2."
They which hold this profession, are called the Church of
Christ ; neither is there any other society or company of men
in the world, that profess so to believe, but they only.
1 Rom. i. 25. 2 Matt. xvi. 16.

64 OF THE CHURCH. [bookii.
If we take a view of this Church respectively considered,
seeking only to difference and distinguish it from the society
of Pagan infidels, the profession of divine, supernatural, and
revealed verities, is so found in the Church, that not amongst
any of these ; and so, irpos erepov, respectively, it is proper
to the Church, and may serve as a note of difference, dis
tinguishing it from these profane and heathenish companies;
but from the Jews it doth not sever it ; for it is common
to it with them ; both holding the sacred profession of many
heavenly and revealed verities. So that, if we will distin
guish Christians from Jews, we must find out that which is so
proper and peculiar to the companies and societies of Chris
tians, that it is not communicated to the Jews. Such is the
profession of divine verities revealed in Christ, whom only
these societies acknowledge to be the Son of God, and Sa
viour of the world. But for that, when neither heathenish
superstition, nor the Jews' perfidious impiety, could any
longer prevail, or resist against the knowledge and glory of
Christ, but that all the "whole world went after him;" Sa
tan, the enemy of mankind, stirred up certain turbulent,
wicked and godless men, who professing themselves to be
Christians, under the name of Christ, brought in damnable
doctrines of error, no less dangerously erring than did the
Pagans and Jews1. This profession of the faith of Christ,
though it distinguish the Christian Church from the Jews
and Pagans, and is so far proper unto it, that it is not found
in any of them, yet doth it not separate the multitude of
right-believing Christians (which is the sound part of the
Christian Church, and is named the orthodox Church) from
seduced miscreants, being common to both.
We must, therefore, further seek out that which is so
peculiarly found in the more special number of right-believing
Christians, that is not in any other, though shadowed under
the general name of Christianity. Such is the entire pro
fession of divine verities, according to the rule of faith, left
1 " Christi adventu detectus ac prostratus inimicus ;  sed videns illo
idola derelicta, et per nimium credentium populum sedes suas ac
templa deserta, excogitavferjit novam fraudem, ut sub ipso Christiani
nominis titulo fallat incautos. Hsereses invenit, et schismata, quibus
subverteret fidem, vcritatem corrumperet, scinderct unitatem." Cyp
rian, de imitate Ecclesiee; [pp. 387, 8. ed. Paris. 1841. J

chap, ii.] OF THE CHURCH. 65
by Christ, and his first disciples and scholars, the holy
apostles. This entire profession of the truth revealed in Christ,
though it distinguish right believers from heretics, yet it
is not proper to the happy number and blessed company of
Catholic Christians, because schismatics may and sometimes
do hold an entire profession of the truth of God revealed
in Christ. It remaineth, therefore, that we seek out those
things that are so peculiarly found in the companies of right
believing and Catholic Christians, that they may serve as
notes of difference to distinguish them from all, both Pagans,
Jews, heretics and schismatics. These are of two sorts ; for
either they are such as only at sometimes and not perpetually,
or such as do perpetually, and ever sever the true Church
from all conventicles of erring and seduced miscreants. Of
the former sort was multitude, largeness of extent, and the
name of Catholic, esteemed a note of the Church, in the time
of the fathers. The notes of the latter sort, that are in
separable, perpetual, and absolutely proper and peculiar, which
perpetually distinguish the true Catholic Church from all
other societies of men and professions of religions in the
world, are three : First, the entire profession of those super
natural verities, which God hath revealed in Christ his Son :
Secondly, the use of such holy ceremonies and sacraments
as he hath instituted and appointed to serve as provocations
to godliness, preservations from sin, memorials, of the bene
fits of Christ, warrants for the greater security of our belief,
and marks of distinction, to separate his own from strangers :
Thirdly, an union or connexion of men in this profession and
use of these sacraments, under lawful pastors and guides,
appointed, authorized, and sanctified, to direct and lead them
in the happy ways of eternal salvation. That these are
notes of the Church, it will easily appear, by consideration
of all those conditions that are required in the nature of
notes. They are inseparable, they are proper, and they are
essential, and such things as give being to the Church, and
therefore are in nature more clear and evident, and such
as that from them the perfect knowledge of the Church may
and must be derived. Notwithstanding, for that our adver
saries take exception to them, I will first examine their ob
jections; and secondly prove, that neither they, nor any
[Field, I.] E

66 OF THE CHURCH- [BOOKn.
other that know what they write and speak, can or do assign
any other. And because Bellarmine and Stapleton have
taken most pains in this argument, I will therefore propose
the objections I find in them, assuring myself that there are
not any other of moment, to be found in the writings of any
other of that side.

CHAPTER III.
OF BELLARMINE'S REASONS AGAINST THE NOTES OF THE
CHURCH ASSIGNED BY US.
BELLARMINE'S first objection is : " By these notes we
know not who are elect ; therefore by these we do not
certainly know which is the true Church." The consequence
of this reason we deny, as being most fond and false. He
proveth it in this sort : " The Church, according to the doc*
trine of the Protestants, is only the number of the elect ; and
therefore if the elect be not known and discerned by these
from the reprobate and castaways, the Church cannot be
known by them1." But the antecedent of this argument is
likewise false, as appeareth by that which I have formerly
delivered, touching the nature and being of the Church ; for
we do not say that the Church consisteth only of the elect,
but principally, intentionally, and finally. For otherwise it
consisteth of all that partake in the outward calling of grace,
and enjoying of the means of salvation, and so may be known
by these notes. For that society doubtless hath and en-
joyeth the means of salvation, to which the notes above speci
fied do agree.
Secondly, he reasoneth thus: "The true and certain
notes whereby the Church is known, are inseparable; but
there may be true Churches that hold not the entire and
sincere profession of supernatural truths revealed in Christ;
1 ["Use notso non sunt ullo modo sufficicutes; nam imprimis non
declarant, quse non sit vera Ecclesia secundum hsereticos, nisi pi'O-
babiliter ; non enim hinc scire possumus, qui sint electi, vel justi, et
potius discimus, ubi latcat Ecclesia, quam qute sit."] Bellarmin. Con-
trov. Tom. n. et Ecclesia militantc Dc Concil. lib. iv. cap. 2.

chap, in.] OF THE CHURCH. 67
therefore this profession is no note of the Church. That
there may be true Churches without the entire and sincere
profession of the truth of God, appeareth by the examples of
the Churches of Corinth, Galatia, and other, to whom Paul
wrote, and gave them the titles and names of the Churches of
God, and yet they erred in the matter of the resurrection,
and the necessity of the law of Moses to be joined with the
gospel1." To the minor proposition of this argument, we
answer by a double distinction ; the first taken out of Staple-
ton2, that a multitude or company of Christians may be said
to be a true Church, either only because it hath the true
nature and essence of a Church, or because, besides that, it
hath all those things that pertain to the integrity and pleni
tude thereof. The second, that there is a double sincerity
and purity of the profession of the truth of God, revealed in
Christ; the first free from all damnable, fundamental, and
pertinacious error ; the other from all error whatsoever. The
former is an inseparable note of the true Church. For there
is no being of a Church to be found, where that sincerity and
purity of profession is not. The latter is a note of a pure
and perfect Church, and is inseparably proper unto it. So
that proportionably, sincerity and purity of profession is always
inseparably proper to the Church. Absolute to the Church,
that is, absolutely perfect ; and in an inferior degree and sort,
to that which is in any sort a Church. For seeing (as Staple-
ton rightly affirmeth) the true faith is the life of the Church,
it cannot be the true Church that pertinaciously erreth in the
1 [Ibid. "Tertio, vera? note sunt inseparabiles a vera Ecclesia,
sed ecclesise Corinthiormn et Galatarum, ad quas scribebat Paulus,
vera ecclesise erant, et tamen abbi non erat aliquando sincera prae-
dicatio verbi, ut ex apostolo cognosci potest, qui dicit se scribere
ecclesiis Dei, quaa sunt Corinthi vel in Galatia, (1 Corinth, i. et Galat.
i.); et tamen 1 Corinth, xv. arguuntur Corinthii quod dicerent non
esse futuram resurrectionem ; et Galate per totam fere epistolam
reprehenduntur, quod docerent servandam esse legem Mosis cum
Evangelio."] 2 Relect. Con. i. q. 4 art. 5. exposit. articub. [pp. 117, 8. "Ipsa
vera Ecclesia dici et intelligi potest multis modis : vel propter veram
naturam et essentiam Ecclesise quam habet, vel quia prseter naturam
simpbcem, etiam omnia ilia habet quse ad ejus integritatem et plenitu-
dinem attinent, vel denique quia praeter bsec duo etiam perfectio-
nem habet, qualis in vera Ecclesia interdum reperitur."]
E 2

68 OF THE CHURCH. [bookh,
substance and main grounds of the faith. What is a funda
mental error, and what that pertinacy, that cannot be found
in the true' Church of God, I will then make manifest when
I come to speak of the nature of schism and heresy.
His third reason he proposeth in this sort : " Notes of the
Church must be proper to the Church, and such things as are
not to be found in any society or company of men besides;
but this sincerity and soundness of profession may be found
in other societies and companies of men besides, namely,
amongst schismatics, as appeared in the Luciferians, and some
others in the beginning of their schism1, though for the most
part, the better to justify their schismatical separation, they
add heresy to schism2." To the major proposition of this
argument we answer, that the notes of the Church are of two
sorts ; either absolute, full, and perfect, generally differencing
and distinguishing it from all other societies whatsoever; or only
from some certain. Those notes that absolutely and generally
distinguish the Church from all other societies and companies
whatsoever, are so peculiar to the true Church, that they are
not found anywhere else ; but they which do distinguish it
but only from certain, are proper only -n-pos erepov, and
respectively, that is, so that they are not found in any of
those things, from which they do distinguish it. Notes of
the former sort are all those three things jointly concurring,
whereof I spake in the beginning ; to wit, entire profession of
saving truth, and right use of sacraments, and union under
lawful pastors. These jointly cannot be found among Pagans,
Jews, heretics, schismatics, nor any other seduced or misled
people whatsoever. But the entire profession of saving truth
singly and by itself, is a note distinguishing the Church from
infidels and heretics only, and so is not absolutely, but re
spectively proper to the true Church, so far forth that it is
not found in any of these.
Fourthly he reasoneth, that " purity of profession can be
no note of the Church, for that absolute purity is not neces
sarily required to the being of a Church; for that the
1 Hieron. in Epist. ad Titum cap. 3. [See above, p. 42.J
2 [Ibid. "Note debent esse proprise, non communes. Sed esse
potest pura doctrina ab omni errore in falsa Ecclesia ; nam schismatici
puri ut quondam Luciferiani et Donatiste, initio integram habent
doctrinam ; ct tamen sunt extra Ecclesiam."]

chap, in.] OF THE CHURCH. 69
Church may be without it : and that other purity free from
essential and fundamental error, is no note, for that it doth
not distinguish the Church from heretics ; for there have beem
and may be heretics, which err not in any matter directly
fundamental1." But who seeth not that he reasoneth sophis-
tically, from an imperfect division of the purity of the Church's
profession ? For there are three sorts of it ; the first abso
lute, and that is not necessarily required in the being of the
Church; the second free from fundamental and essential error,
and that is necessarily required in the Church, and company
of right believers, but it is not pecuhar to it, for it may be
found among heretics; and a third free from pertinacious
error, and that is ever found in the true Church, and never
among heretics. It ' is this last kind of purity of profession,
which we make a note of the Church.
Lastly, he endeavoureth to improve the notes assigned by
us, for that, " notes must not only be inseparable and peculiar,
but they must be such as may not be challenged or pretended
by any other2." As if he should thus say, I may not direct
my man to seek out one whom I desire to speak with, being
in company with two or three more, by this note, that he is
the tallest man of the company, though evidently he be so, if
any one of the rest foolishly imagine himself as tall or taller ;
or by wearing a garment of some certain colour or dye, be
cause some one or other not exactly distinguishing the diver
sities of colours, may think himself to have the like. " But,"
1 [Ibid. "Jam vero sincera prsedicatio veritatis est nota commu-
nissima omnibus sectis, saltern opinione ipsarum : nam vel debet esse
prsedicatio pura ab omni errore, vel solum ab essentialibus et funda-
mentalibus. Si detur primum, ex hac ipsa nota colligemus, apud
nullos Lutheranorum esse ecclesiam, nam ipsi fatentur suas ecclesias
non carere nsevis. Si secundum, jam erit nota communis multis sectis.
Certe Lutherani et Zwingbani non dissentiunt de fundamento prse-
cipuo fidei, ut de Trinitate."]
2 [Ibid. " Note debent esse proprise, non communes. Si enim
velim designare tibi certum hominem, quern nunquam vidisti, ut mox
atque eum videris discernas ab aliis, non debeo dicere, est quidam qui
habeat duos oculos, duas manus, etc. nam hsec sunt communia omni
bus. Neque etiam debeo eum designare per notas, quse licet sint eo
propriae secundum rem, tamen non sunt proprise opinione aliorum,
cum multi sibi Mas vendicare soleant. • Sic enim nunquam ille, qui
quseritur, inveniretur."]

70 OF THE CHURCH. [book a
saith he, " they must be so proper, that no other must pretend
or challenge them with any probability." This likewise is
false even in the notes which himself bringeth: for who
knoweth not, that the Grecians and others pretend antiquity,
succession, universality, and the like, as well as the Church
of Rome, and that not without all probability ? Thus we see
how weakly this great champion hath performed that which
he undertook.

CHAPTER IV.
OF STAPLETON'S REASONS AGAINST OUR NOTES OF THE
CHURCH.
LET us see if Stapleton quit himself any better. His first
reason is taken from the uncertainty of our doctrine, in
this sort : " The doctrine of the Protestants is most uncertain,
doubtful, and full of contradiction ; therefore they do unad
visedly make truth of doctrine a note of the Church;" for
" the notes of the Church must be constant and perpetual1."
The antecedent of this argument we reject as most false and
calumnious. For the whole course of our doctrine is most
constant and certain, as shall appear by that which followeth.
That which he allegeth, that we agree not touching the nature,'
quality, and members of the Church, is sufliciently refuted by
that which I have already delivered touching that matter ia
the former part.
Secondly, he reasoneth from our confession ; for, saith he,
" Calvin and Melancthon acknowledge these notes to be un
certain2." This, whoso taketh a view of the places cited by
1 Relect. Controv. 1. De Ecclesia in se. q. 4. art. 5. Refutatia
notarum in quibus hseretici convenire videntur. [" Haeretici nihil
habent in sua doctrina certum et constans, ne quidem in primariis
dogmatibus, quae ad fundamentum pertinent  Jam visum est quod nee
in membris, nee in quabtate, nee in notis Ecclesise assignandis inter
so conveniant, aut constanter idem doceant. — Ergo saltern apud illos
doctrina vera non potest esse nota Ecclesia." p. 110.]
2 [Ibid. " Heretici ipsi agnoscunt has esse incertas notas. Ergo
non sunt vera) note. Calvinus docet, ubicumque hoe duos notes reperiun*

chap, iv.] OF THE CHURCH. 71
him, shall find to be most false. Calvin indeed saith, that
not the bare preaching of the truth, but the receiving, em
bracing, and professing of it, is necessary to the being of the
Church ; but touching the uncertainty of these notes he saith
nothing1. That which he objecteth, that we make the Church
to be only the number of the elect, and that therefore it
cannot be known by these notes, is answered in the refutation
of Bellarmine's first reason2.
His third allegation is this : " There are many that do
truly pertain to the Church, to whom these notes agree not ;
therefore they are no notes of the Church." The antecedent
we deny ; he proveth it out of our own doctrine. " Many
not yet called pertain to the Church ; but these notes agree
not to such ; therefore there are many to whom these notes
agree not, which yet pertain to the Church3." To the major
proposition we answer thus. Of them that pertain to the
Church, there are two sorts ; for some pertain to it actually,
some potentially only, and according to the purpose of God's
will. To both these, these notes agree, but in different sort
and manner; to them that are actually of the Church, they
actually agree, for they do presently make profession of the
truth of God, and join with the people in the use of holy
Sacraments appointed by him : to them that potentially and
according to the purpose of God's will pertain to the Church,
as do all the elect not yet outwardly called, these notes agree
only potentially, and according to the purpose of God's will,
tur, ibi aliquam esse Dei Ecclesiam ; quod aliis verbis dixit Melancthon
in locis com. : ibi manere aliquas Ecclesios reliquias, quos reliquios sunt
verce Ecclesia}."]
1 " Non dico, ubicunque pradicatur verbum, illic fructum mox
exoriri : sed nuUibi recipi et statam habere sedem, nisi ut suam effica-
ciam proferat. Utcunque sit, ubi reverenter auditur Evangelii prsedi
catio, neque Sacramenta negliguntur, illic pro eo tempore neque fallax,
neque ambigua Ecclesiae apparet facies." Calvin. Institut. iv. 1. § 10.
Idem sentit Melancthon.
2 [Relect. Contr. 1. ut supra. "Non ponunt ergo ista tanquam
certa signa quae infallibiliter et simpliciter ostendunt Ecclesiam, sed
tanquam notas probabiles, ut ibi sint aliqui de Ecclesia, ubi ista re-
periuntur. Et ratio hujus positionis est, quia juxta illos ex solis electis
constat vera Ecclesia." p. 111.]
3 [Ibid. " Calvinistarum hodie doctrina est, vere ad Ecclesiam
pertinere multos nondum vocatos. — Sed isti utraque hac nota carent.
Ergo non est propria et convertibilis cum Ecclesia."]

72 OF THE CHURCH. [bookh.
for that in due time they shall come to the knowledge and
profession of the truth, and use of those happy means of sal
vation, which others actually enjoy.
His fourth objection, that "the entire profession of the
truth agreeth to schismatics," is answered already, being like
wise objected by Bellarmine1.
Fifthly, he reasoneth thus : " The truth of heavenly
doctrine and right use of Sacraments are no notes of the
Church, because they do not shew us which is the Church."
We answer that they do : he proveth they do not, because
"the true Church is known of us before we can know any of
these2." This we deny, for we say, a man must know which
is true doctrine, and what is the right use of Sacraments,
before he can know which is the true Church. This he
thinketh impossible, because we seek to learn the truth of the
Church ; and therefore we must in the beginning of our in
quiry know, which is the true Church, and where assuredly
truth is found, or else our whole search and inquiry is doubt
ful, uncertain, and often without success. For the clearing of
this doubt, we must observe, that seeking is a motion of the
mind, desiring to know where a thing is, or what it is : he
that desireth to know where a thing is, either knoweth the
place, within compass whereof he is sure it is, or else his
search is doubtful, uncertain, and often in vain. What a thing
is, we desire to know, either by our own discourse, or by the
instructions or directions of another : he that seeketh after a
thing, desiring to know it by the directions of another, either
knoweth not particularly and certainly of whom to inquire,
with assurance that from him he shall receive satisfaction, and
this kind of search and inquiry is always doubtful, and often
1 [Ibid. " Schismatici omnes nondum heretici possunt tenere totam
veram doctrinam, et rectum sacramentorum usum, saltern proprie et
strictim acceptum." 4 Refut. p. 111.]
2 [Ibid. "Hse dua) note non demonstrant ubi sit Ecclesia, sed
Ecclesia demonstrat ubi sunt has duae. Quse enim sit vera doctrina, et
quis sit rectus usus Sacramentorum— Ecclesia docet.  Has ob causas
notior est et esse debet vera Ecclesia quam doctrina ejus. Notior esse
debet apud quern aliquid qusero, et a quo accipere aliquid debeo, quam
id ipsum quod qusero.— Non ergo Veritas ipsa seu doctrina:, seu Sacra-
mentorum, est nota qua Ecclesiam invenias aut cognoscas ; sed ipsa
Ecclesia, quoa veritatis magistra est, prius cognosci debet, ut veritatem
invenias." pp. Ill, 2.]

chap. iv.J OF THE CHURCH. 73
without success ; or else he knoweth particularly of whom to
inquire with assurance of resolution and satisfaction. Now
if we apply this which hath been said, to that which Stapleton
allegeth, we shall easily answer his objection. For when
infidels, and men wholly ignorant of the truth of God, begin
first to seek it, they do not know certainly where they may
find it; and being left to themselves, would often seek in
vain, as he saith: but being directed by divine providence,
and the help of others, to the true Church which they know
not, and being taught by her, they are established in the
persuasion of the truth taught by her, in such sort, as they
make no doubt of it ; and are further resolved, that that must
needs be the Church of God, and company of them whom he
loveth, where these truths are in such sort known and taught,
as they find them to be there. It is therefore untrue that
Stapleton saith, that " the Church is better and sooner known
than the doctrine of it." For the doctrine is in some sort
known, before we can know the Church that teacheth us.
For even as a man wholly ignorant, and knowing none of the
precepts and principles of geometry, cannot possibly know
who is learned in that kind of knowledge ; but either casu
ally, or by direction of others meeting with one excelling
therein, learneth of him ; and then by that which he hath
learned of him, knoweth him to be a skilful professor thereof,
and ever after resorts unto him, if in any thing he be
doubtful, with assurance of satisfaction; whose perfections,
when he began to learn, he knew not, but either casually
met with him, or by the directions of others, and not of his
own choice : so we know not the Church, what it is, which
it is, nor how excellent it is, till we have learned some part
of the doctrine it teacheth, and are directed to it without any
certainty of our own knowledge ; but being once established
in the certainty of the truth of the things she teacheth, we
thereby know her to be the Church of God, beloved of him,
led into all truth by him, and appointed a faithful witness,
and skilful mistress of heavenly truth ; and then in all our
doubts and uncertainties, we ever after resort unto her, with
full assurance of satisfaction and resolution. Thus then we
see, how both the Church sheweth us the truth of heavenly
doctrine, and that again the Church, but in different sort ;
the Church doctrinally proposing to us what we must embrace

74 OF THE CHURCH. [bookii.
and believe; and the doctrine of the truth, believed and
embraced by us, really demonstrating to us that to be the
Church, in which so precious and saving truths are taught
and professed ; and that the first repair and resort of infidels
to the Church, proceedeth from the direction of others, or
something which they see, that maketh them inquire farther
after her ; but not from their own knowledge of her infalli
bility, and the precious treasures of heavenly truth which
she possesseth, as Stapleton vainly fancieth.
In his sixth objection, first he saith : " Truth of doctrine
and right use of Sacraments are things, without which the
Church is not entire and full : " contrary to Bellarmine,
who therefore excludeth them from being notes, because
they are separable, and the Church may be without them.
Secondly, in the same place he saith, that " these things
do depend of the Church, flow from it, and are in order
of nature after the being of it, not giving being to it, or
concurring in the constitution of it ; and therefore cannot
be notes1;" but elsewhere he saith : " The things that give
being to the Church, are the same with the Church," and
so cannot be more evident, nor easy to be known than
the Church itself 2. Thirdly, in his seventh reason he saith :
" These are the notes whereby wise and spiritual men do
know the Church : " and again in his ninth, that " to de
monstrate the Church by these notes, is demonstrare idem
per idem, to demonstrate the same by the same : For, saith
he, " when we ask which is that society that holdeth the
true profession, &c; and they that assign these notes answer,
it is that which holdeth the true profession, &c.3" If this
1 [" Ibid. Vera doctrina et rectus Sacramentorum usus sunt dotes
et ornamenta Ecclesise nocessaria, sine quibus integra et plena non est,
sod non per quse innotescit. Ratio est, quia ab Ecclesia ipsa dependent,
profluunt, atque promanant, ut natura posteriora, non autem illam
proxime constituunt atque discernunt." p. 112.]
2 Eadem cont. q. 4. art. 5. notabili 3. ["Non omne quod vel
constituit vol perficit Ecclesiam, esso consequentor notam ejus, nisi
hujusmodi sit quod clarum ot evidens quserenti appareat. Certe quod
Ecclesiam intrinsece constituit, cum ilia coincidit, ideoque non est ali
quid ipsa notius. Quod autem perficit illam, commune judicium fugit,
ideoque ut plurimum est ignotius." p. 119.]
3 ["Ecclesia Christi a sapientibus quidem et spiritualibus ipsis,
qualos sunt Ecclesise magistri ct pastores, cognoscitur per sanam doc-

chap. iv.J OF THE CHURCH. 75
man be not possessed with a spirit of giddiness, saying, and
unsaying, affirming, [and] denying the same things in the
same page, and so indeed saying he knoweth not what, let
the reader, how partial soever he be, judge.
To that which he addeth, that "faith is known from
infidelity, religion from superstition, a believer from an in
fidel, and a Catholic from an heretic, by true doctrine and
right use of Sacraments, that they are essential to them, and
give them their being, but that the whole collected multi
tude of right believers must be known by those things which
are proper and essential to such an united multitude, as
universality and the hke1;" We say, that there is nothing,
besides sincerity of profession and right use of Sacraments,
essential to the Church as a collected multitude, but only
order and orderly connexion, or union of men concurring in
these ; while some authorised thereunto do teach, direct, and
command, others obey ; which if we add to the former two,
we shall find all, and only those notes which we assign.
Neither are sincere profession and right use of Sacraments
so essential to believing and catholic men, that they do
sufficiently distinguish them from schismatics, unless this be
added, that they " hold the unity of the spirit in the bond
of peace : " so that as they do not sufficiently distinguish
the whole body of the Church from the conventicles of
schismatics, unless an orderly connexion of men concurring
in them be added, which orderly union or connexion is essen-
trinam, et rectum Sacramentorum usum. 7 Refut. p. 113. — Postremo
hse note non magis demonstrant Ecclesiam, quam idem per idem de-
monstrari potest. Quum enim quseritur quse sit vera Ecclesia, prorsus
hoc quseritur, quse sit ilia populi Christiani societas quse veram doctri-
nam tenet et vere Deum colit, sive in sacramentis, sive aliter. Ad
hanc qusestionem respondet hodie hsereticus : Ilia societas populi
Christiani veram doctrinam tenet, apud quam est vera doctrina."
9 Refut. p. 115.]
1 [" Fides a perfidia, religio a superstitione, fidelis ab infideli, Ca-
tholicus ab hseretico et schismatico ex recta doctrina et recto Sacra
mentorum usu distinguitur ; Ecclesia autem seu multitudo collecta
fidelium a falsis conventiculis dignoscitur et distinguitur per ea quse
illi ut tab collecte multitudini competunt, quseque illi ut tali corpori
sunt propria. Ilia autem sunt notse a nobis assignate, universalitas
locorum, antiquitas seu propagatio perpetua, successio continua atquo
legitima, unitas fidei et pastorum Ecclesise." 6 Refut. p. 112.]

76 OF THE CHURCH. [bookh,
tial to the Church as a collected multitude, so do they not
a Catholic from a schismatic : but on the other side, who is
so foolish as to deny, that the profession of truth, and right
use of sacraments, are essential to the whole body of the
Church ? Seeing, as Stapleton himself saith1, Recta fides
est anima Ecclesia,, " right faith is the very life and soul
of the Church ; " which is nothing else but an orderly mul
titude of right believers, and is collected and gathered in
the true faith of Christ, and hope of eternal happiness;
which as it cannot be known and discerned from the con
venticles of schismatics, by right faith and due use of Sa
craments only, without the addition of orderly connexion;
so likewise on the contrary side, it cannot be known without
these, and therefore of necessity they must be notes, though
not sole and only notes.
In the seventh there is nothing but that which refuteth
that himself elsewhere saith, or is refuted by him. For when
he saith that " wise men do know and discern the Church by
the notes assigned by us," he doth acknowledge that they do
acknowledge the Church in the perfectest sort that may be;
which in his ninth he denieth, saying, that " to demonstrate
the Church by them, is to demonstrate the same by the
same : " and in his eighth maketh it " savour of heresy at
least, to think to find out the true Church by them." Whereas
in the same place he appropriated these notes only to the
wiser sort of men, as not being within the compass of igno
rant men's conceit. Surely those which he assigned are less
obvious to the knowledge of the vulgar sort than these, as
shall appear in that which followeth.
His eighth reason, that " the notes of the Church must
be such as may not be challenged or pretended by the
heretics," is answered already in the refutation of the reasons
brought by Bellarmine. That which he addeth concerning
their notes of " antiquity, unity, succession, and universality,
that they are so clearly proper and peculiar to the Church of
Kome, that we do not deny them to agree to it, but deny
1 Cont. i. de Ecclesia in so. q. 3, art. 6, Expos, art. notahili3.
["Tertio notabimus, quum recta fides sit anima Ecclesise, nullam homi-
num societatem quse in recto fidei substantia pertinaciter aberrate
Ecclesia) nomen retinero posse." p. 62.]

chap, rv.] OF THE CHURCH. 77
them to be notes of the true Church," is wholly false1. For
we peremptorily deny any of these notes to agree to the
Romish Church; and with such explication, as they (forced
with our arguments) now make of them, we most willingly
admit them, and will prove, that they differ not really from
them assigned by us.
His ninth, that " the notes assigned by us are no notes of
the Church, because to demonstrate the Church by them, is
to demonstrate the same by the same, (for that when we ask
which is the true Church, we ask which is the Church that
holdeth the true profession and right use of the sacraments;")
is a mere sophistical cavillation. For the better manifestation
whereof, we must observe, that he that seeketh to find out the
true Church, at the first is wholly ignorant of whatsoever
pertaineth to the nature and being of it, as infidels that know
not what the very name of the Church importeth ; and then
surely the first thing, that he, that is thus wholly ignorant,
inquireth after, is not, which is that society that holdeth the
profession of saving truth, as Stapleton saith ; (for he knoweth
not that there is any such profession or society so professing ;)
but about the signification of the word, and meaning of the
name of the Church : whom we satisfy, if we say no more,
but that it is a society or company of men called by the
working of grace to the hope of eternal happiness. But if,
when he knoweth thus much, and is not ignorant what the
word importeth, he do further desire to know which among
all the societies of men in the world it is, that hath this happy
and precious hope ; we satisfy him by shewing him, that
things are so peculiar and proper to it, that wheresoever
he findeth them, he may assure himself, that that company
and society of men hath the assured hope of eternal happi
ness, and is the true Church of God ; as namely, the entire
profession of revealed truth, according to the rule of faith left
by Christ, and the right and due use of sacraments, under
lawful pastors and guides appointed to conduct the sons of
1 [" Cont. i. de Ecclesia in se. q. 4, art. 5. Note autem debent ita
conspicuse esse, ut nee ab adversariis facile prsetexi queant, nee ullo
modo controversae aut dubise sint. — Nam ideo hseretici non disputant
an apud nos sit antiquitas, successio, universalitas, unitas ; sed hoc
disputant, an istae proprietates sint pro certis notis Ecclesise verse
habendse, quod nos abunde probavimus." 8 Refut. pp. 114, 5.]

78 OF THE CHURCH. [bookh.
God, in the ways of their eternal bliss and happiness. Now
when he knoweth the entire profession of saving truth, &c.,
to be proper and peculiar to the true Church, if yet still
he know not truth from error, and the right use of Sacra
ments from the profanation of them, and therefore ask of
us in the third place which is the true profession, and which is
the multitude that hath it, we will not tell him, as Stapleton
vainly fancieth, that it is that which holdeth and embraceth
the truth ; but we will shew him how to know the truth from
falsehood ; that so, wheresoever he findeth it professed and
taught, he may know that society that so professeth, as he
now knoweth the truth in Christ to be, is the true Church of
God. Even as, if one ask of us, how he may know such a
nobleman's servant in the prince's court, we satisfy him, if we
tell him they are clothed with scarlet, if none other but they
only be so clothed ; but if he know not scarlet, and ask of us
in the second place, which is scarlet, and who they are that
wear it, we will not tell him they that wear it, but shew him
how he may know it, that so when he seeth it, he may assure
himself he hath found the men he inquired after.

CHAPTER V.

OF THEIR NOTES OF THE CHURCH, AND FIRST OF
ANTIQUITY.
THUS having answered the reasons brought by our ad
versaries against the notes of the Church assigned by
us, let us proceed to take a view of such as are allowed
by them, and see if they be not the very same in substance
with ours. The notes that they propose unto us, are An
tiquity, Succession, Unity, Universality, and the very name
and title of Catholic, expressing the Universality \
Antiquity is of two sorts: primary, and secondary.
Primary is proper unto God, who is eternal, whose being
is from everlasting ; who is absolutely the first, before whom

1 Bellarmine, Controv. Tom. n. lib. iv. 4.

sq.

chap. v.J OF THE CHURCH. 79
nothing was, and from whom ' all things receive being, when
as before they were not. This kind of Antiquity is a most
certain proof and demonstration of truth and goodness. Of
this they speak not, who make Antiquity a note of the
Church. Wherefore letting this pass, let us come to the
other ; which, for distinction sake, we name secondary An
tiquity. This is of two sorts : the first we attribute to all those
things which began to be long ago, and since whose first
beginning there hath been a long tract of time. This is no
note or proof of truth or goodness ; for the devil was both
a liar and a murderer long ago, even immediately after the
beginning. And there are many errors and superstitions
which began long since, yea before the name of Christians
was once named in the world : and sundry heresies, that were
coa?taneal, and as ancient as the apostles' times, and that
began before the most famous Churches in the world were
planted. This kind of antiquity it is, that Cyprian speaketh
of: "Non debemus attendere quid alius ante nos [fecerit, aut]
faciendum esse putaverit, sed [quid] qui ante omnes est Christus,
prior fecerit. Neque enim hominis consuetudinem sequi oportet,
sed Dei veritatem1." Et alibi: "Non est de consuetudine
prsescribendum, sed ratione vincendum2." Et ad Pompeium :
" Consuetudo sine veritate, vetustas erroris est3." " We must
not regard what any other did before us, or thought fit to
be done, but what Christ did, who was before all. Neither
must we follow the customs of men, but the truth of God."
And in another place : " We must not prescribe upon custom,
but persuade by reason:" and writing to Pompeius : "Cus
tom without truth is nothing else but inveterate error."
There, is therefore another kind of antiquity, which is not
long continuance, or the being before many other, but the
prime, first, and original being of each thing : this is a sure
proof of goodness and perfection. For all defects found in
things are swervings, declinings, and departures from their
original and first estate. For truth is before falsehood,
and good before evil, and the habit before privation. "Veri
tas," saith Tertullian, " in omnibus imaginem antecedit,
1 Epist. Ixiii. [p. 219. Ed. Paris. 1841.]
2 Epist. ad Quint, [lxxi. p. 255.]
3 Epist. lxxiv. [p. 282.]

80 OF THE CHURCH. [bookii.
postremo similitudo succedit1." " The truth is before any
counterfeit similitude, or representation ; the truth is first,
and then afterwards there are imitations2." That therefore
that is first in any kind or sort of things, is truest and best :
and consequently, that Church that hath prime and absolute
antiquity, is undoubtedly the true Church.
This Antiquity, a Church may be said to have three ways;
either only because the first constitution of it was most ancient,
as taking beginning from the first publishers of heavenly know
ledge, the apostles of Christ, the immediate, indubitate, and
prime witnesses of the truth of God, whatsoever her declining
have been since; or because, as her first constitution was
most ancient, in that she received the faith from the apostles,
or such as she knew undoubtedly to hold communion with
them, so she is not since gone from it, in whole or in part,
but still hath the same being she first had ; or thirdly, be
cause the profession it holdeth is the same that was delivered
by the prime, immediate, and indubitate witnesses, and pub
lishers of the truth of God, though it began to be a Church
but yesterday. The antiquity of the first constitution of a
Church is no sufficient proof or note of the truth or sound
ness of it; neither do they that plead most for antiquity,
think it a good proof for any company or society of Chris
tians, to demonstrate themselves to be the true Church of
God, because they have had the profession of Christianity
ever since the apostles' times, by whose means they were
first converted to the faith, and established in the profession
of the same. For then the Church of Ephesus might at this
day prove itself a true Church of God ; yea, many Churches
in ^Ethiopia are yet remaining, which have continued in the
profession of Christianity, ever since the apostles' times. But
this is all they say, that if any Church founded by the apostles,
or their coadjutors, and left by them in the true profession,
as were the Churches of Rome, Antioch, Ephesus, and the
like, can demonstrate that they have not since departed from
their first and original estate, they thereby do prove them-
1 In his book of Prescript, against Heretics. [" Sed enim in omni
bus Veritas imaginem antecedit: post rem similitudo succedit." p.
212, ed. Venet. 1744.J
2 Contra Praxeam, [p. 635.J " Id esse verum quodcunque primum;
id esse adulterum quodcunque posterius."

cuap. v.] OF THE CHURCH. 81
selves to be the true Churches of God. And if any other
that began since, as innumerable did, can shew that they
have the faith first delivered to the saints, they thereby
prove themselves no less to be the true Church of God than
the former, which had their beginning from the apostles
themselves, and have continued in a state of Christianity ever
since. Do we not see then, that it is truth of doctrine,
whereby the Church is to be found out, even in the judgment
of them that seem most to say the contrary ? They admit
no plea of antiquity on the behalf of any Churches whatso
ever, though estabhshed by the apostles, unless they can
prove that they have not left their first faith. So that this
is still the trial, if they may be found to have the truth
of profession, &c. 1 " Ad hanc notam [antiquitatis] sibi ven-
ditandam, non satis est quod aliqua societas sub titulo Ecclesise
diu perduraverit aut prior extiterit, sed praeterea necesse est
quod sanam doctrinam semper et prius retinuerit. Hoc au
tem contra veteres hsereses, [et] maxime ipsis apostolis coeta-
neas, — notandum est." It is not a sufficient reason for a
society of Christians to challenge to itself the note of An
tiquity, because it hath long continued, and been before
others in the profession of Christianity ; but besides it is
required, that it have anciently, and ever holden the doctrine
of truth. This is specially to be noted agamst old heresies,
whereof some began in the apostles' times. And he saith of
the Churches of Greece, Ethiopia, and Armenia, that, though
their antiquity did reach as high as the apostles' times, yet
notwithstanding, " propter doctrinse novitates postea invectas,
veram antiquitatem non habent :" because they have brought
in new doctrine, they have no true antiquity2.
1 Contr. i. de Eccles. q. 4, art. 1, exposit. art. notabili 3. [p.75.J
2 Ibidem in solutione argumentorum. [p. 77.]

[Field, I.J F

82 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiu
CHAPTER VI.
OF SUCCESSION.
HITHERTO we have spoken of Antiquity, which they
make the first note of the Church. It followeth in the
next place that we speak of Succession. The ministry of
pastors and teachers is absolutely and essentially necessary
to the being of the Church. For how should there be a
Church gathered, guided, and governed, without a ministry?
Therefore the ministry of those whom God sanctified to Him
self to teach, instruct, and govern His people, is an essential
mark and note of the Church, as we have already shewed.
Now, because the Church is not to last only for some short
time, and so to cease, but to continue to the end of the
world, this ministry must continue likewise; which because
it cannot continue in the same persons (all being subject to
death) it is necessary, that when some fail, others possess
the places they formerly held, which is to succeed. Neither
is this succeeding of one into the place of another, necessary,
only by reason of that failing which is by death, but because
the places of sacred ministry must not be unfurnished; if
either the wickedness of them that are in place, cast them
out, or their weakness cause a voluntary relinquishment of
their office and standing, others must succeed. Lawful and
holy ministry, therefore, is an inseparable and perpetual note
of a true Church; for no Church can be without it; but
Succession not so; for the Churches in the first establish
ment in the apostles' time, had it not ; and many Churches
which in sundry ages since have been founded, had none,
their bishops being the first, and succeeding none in those
episcopal chairs wherein they sat. If we, therefore, should
cavil against them as they do against us, we might deny
Succession to be a note of the Church, because there have
been and may be true Churches without it ; as all at the
first., in the beginning of Christianity, and all other since
newly founded, in their first beginning. But because we
know they make not succession of pastors and bishops a
note of the Church absolutely considered, but of that which
being formerly established, is still to be continued by multi-

chap, vi.] OF THE CHURCH. 83
tudes of men and people continually succeeding and coming
into the places of others that went before them in the same
profession of Christianity ; let us see whether succession of
bishops and pastors may truly be said to be a note of the
Church. Absolutely and without limitation, doubtless it is not.
For there may be a continued succession of bishops where
there is no true Church, as at this day amongst the Grecians,
Armenians, and ^Ethiopians, which yet are not the true
Churches of God, in the opinion of them that plead for suc
cession. Bellarmine therefore saith, that Succession is in
separable, so that there can be no Church without it ; but
that it is not proper, so that wheresoever it is found, we may
assure ourselves that there is the Church1; so forgetting him
self, who requireth in the notes that they be proper, and
rejecteth our note of purity of doctrine, free from pertinacious
error, because it may be found among schismatics, though it
be inseparable, and the true Church cannot be without it.
But Stapleton handleth this point of succession much
better. For he saith, that succession is an inseparable and
proper note of the true Church, but not every succession, but
that which is true and lawful2. Let us, therefore, see what
he requireth to make a true and lawful succession. First,
there must be a place void by resignation, deprivation, or
death. Secondly, they that succeed must have election, and
ordination from them to whom it appertaineth to elect, and
ordain3. Thirdly, they must not depart from the faith that
1 Bellarmine, Controv. Tom. II. lib. 4, c. 8. " Habet quidem Ec
clesia Constantinopolitana qualemcumque successionem a tempore
Constantini [hucusque, non autem ab Apostolicis temporibus quod
prsecipue quseritur. Dico secundo] argumentum a successione adferri
a nobis prsecipue ad probandum non esse Ecclesiam ubi non est [hsec
successio," &c]
2 [" Non enim qusevis sed legitima et vera successio est Ecclesise
nota. Est autem illorum pastorum legitima successio, qui cum suis
antecessoribus a quibus ordinati sunt, unitatem tenent; et a fide, in qua
ordinati sunt, postea non recedunt. — Successio igitur infallibilis est
veritatis nota, quamdiu is, qui succedit, cum Ecclesiis antecedentibus
et originalibus conspirat."] Contr. i. de Ecclesia in se. q. 4. art. 2,
exposit. art. notabili 5. [p. 86.]
3 Nazianzen in Laudem Athanasii. [p. 377. oi yap 6 Piao-tipevos
a\X 6 fiiao-oels SiaSo^or, oiS' o Ttapavop-qo-as dXX' 6 ivpo^k-qBeis ivvoptos,
F 2

8i OF THE CHURCH. [book m
was formerly holden by them that went before, unless any
of them did first decline and go aside from the way of the
first, and most ancient, that held those places before; and
therefore in the catalogue of bishops succeeding one another
in each several see, wheresoever any first began to teach any
new and strange doctrine, different from that which was for
merly delivered, the thread and line of succession was by
him either wholly broken or somewhat endangered, according
to the quality of the error, and the manner of defending and
maintaining the same. So that this is all which Stapleton
saith1, that "wheresoever we find a Church once established
under a lawful ministry in the undoubted profession of the
truth, if afterwards there be a succession of pastors and
bishops in the same place, and that none of them depart
from the faith of the former, that so it may be evident, that
what faith was first holden is still holden by them that pre
sently are in place, there we may assure ourselves to find
the true Church.
Thus still we see, that truth of doctrine is a necessary
note whereby the Church must be known and discerned, and
not ministry or succession, or anything else without it.
But, saith he, " the people must not judge, which is true
doctrine and which is false, by the particular consideration
of the things themselves, but only by the newness, strange
ness, contrariety it hath with that which they have learned
of their pastors, guides, and forefathers." He allowed, then,
a kind of judgment to the vulgar sort, who must discern
which is the true doctrine and which is the false, though not
by particular consideration of the tilings themselves that are
taught, yet by the newness and strangeness of them. Touch
ing the judgment the people of God ought to have of the
doctrine of Christianity, I will speak when I come to the
fourth part of my first and general division. In the mean
while it sufficeth, that not bare and naked succession, but true
and lawful, wherein no new or strange doctrine is brought
into the Church, but the ancient religiously preserved, is a j
mark, note, or character of the new Church.
oibe 6 rdvavria Soi-afav dXX' 6 -rijs av-rrjs iriortas. el prj ovra ns Aeyo'
SiiSoxov, as voo-ov iyietas, Kai (parbs o-k6tos, ko.\ £a\r)v yaXrjvrjS km
o-vvecreas eKOTaaiv.]
I1 Contr. i. de Eccl. in se. q. 4. Art. 2. 5. Arg. p. 82. J

chap. vn.J OF THE CHURCH. 85
CHAPTER VII.
OF THE THIRD NOTE ASSIGNED BY THEM, WHICH IS UNITY.
THE third note of the Church assigned by them is Unity.
There are many sorts and degrees of unity found in the
Church. The first, in respect of the same beginning, and
original cause, which is God that hath called us to the fellow
ship of his Son, and to the hope of eternal life. " No man
cometh unto me unless my Father draw him." (John vi. 44.)
The second in respect of the same last end, whereunto all
they that are of the Church do tend, signified by that
"penny given to every one of the labourers." (Matt. xx.
8, 9, 10.) The third is in respect of the same means of sal
vation as are faith, sacraments, holy laws and precepts,
according to that (Ephes. iv. 5) " one faith, one baptism, &c."
The fourth, in respect of the same spirit which doth animate
the whole body of the Church : " There are diversities of
graces, but the same spirit." (1 Cor. xii. 4.) The fifth, in
respect of the same head, Christ, and guides appointed by
him, who, though they are many, yet are all holden in a
sweet coherence and connexion amongst themselves, as if
there were but one episcopal chair and office in the world ;
which unity of pastors and bishops, though they be many and
joined in equal commission, without dependence one from
another, Christ signified, by directing His words especially to
Peter: "Feed my sheep, feed my lambs," as Cyprian most aptly
noteth1. The sixth is in respect of the connexion which all
they of the Church have amongst themselves and with Christ,
i De unitate Ecclesiae. ["Et quamvis Apostolis omnibus post
resurrectionem suam parem potestatem tribuat et dicat ; sicut misit
mb Pater et Ego mitto vos, accipite Spiritum Sanctum ; si cujus re-
miseritis peccata, remittentur illi; si cujus tenueritis, tenebuntur; tamen
ut unitatem manifestaret, unitatis ejusdem originem ab uno incipientera
sua auctoritate disposuit. Hoc erant utique et ceteri apostoli quod
fuit Petrus, pari consortio prsediti et honoris et potestatis, sed exor
dium ab unitate proficiscitur et primatus Petro datur, ut una Christi
Ecclesia et cathedra una monstretur. Et pastores sunt omnes, et grex
unus ostenditur." pp. 388, 9, Ed. Paris. 1841. See "James' Corrup
tion of Scripture, Councils, and Fathers," pp. 75 — 104. Ed. Lond. 1840,
upon the corruption. of this passage.]

86 OF THE CHURCH. [book n.
and those whom He hath appointed in His stead to take care
of their souls. "We are one body and members one of
another." (Rom. xii. 5.) These being the divers kinds, and
sorts of unity in the Church, let us see what unity it is, which
they make a note of the Church. The unity which they
make a note of the Church, is first, in respect of the rule of
faith and use of the sacraments of salvation; secondly, in
respect of the coherence and connexion of the pastors and
bishops amongst themselves ; thirdly, in the due and sub
missive obedience of the people to their pastors.
This is it then which they say, that "wheresoever any
company and society of Christians is found in orderly sub
jection to their lawful pastors, not erring from the rule of
faith, nor schismatically rent from the other parts of the
Christian world by factious, causeless, and impious division,
that society of men is, undoubtedly, the true and not offend
ing Church of God." This note thus delivered, is the very
same with those assigned by us. But if any of them shall
imagine that any unity, and agreement whatsoever of Chris
tian people amongst themselves, doth prove them to be the
Church of God, we utterly deny it. For the Armenians,
^Ethiopians, and Christians of Muscovia and Russia, have
every of them an agreement amongst themselves, though
divided each from other, more perfect than they of the
Church of Rome have ; which yet, in the judgment of the
Romanists, are not the true Churches of God.

CHAPTER VIII.
OF UNIVERSALITY.

rjPHE next note assigned by them is Universality. Con-
_L cerning universality, Bellarmine observeth three things1:
" First, that to the universality of the Church, is required,
that it exclude no times, places, nor sorts of men ; in which
consideration the Christian Church differeth from the Synar
gogue, which was a particular Church tied to one time, being
to continue but to the coming of Christ ; to a certain place,
1 Controv. Tom. II. lib. iv. 7.

chap, vm.] OF THE CHURCH. 87
to wit, the temple of Jerusalem, out of which they could not
sacrifice ; and to one family, the sons of Jacob." ' Secondly,
he noteth out of Augustine, " that to the universality- of the
Christian Church it is not required that all the men of the
world should be of the Church, but that at the least there
should be some in all provinces of the world that should give
their names to Christ1." " For till this be performed, the
day of the Lord shall not come." (Matt. xxiv. 14.) Thirdly,
he noteth out of Driedo, in his fourth book de Ecclesiasticis
dogmatibus, " that it is not required that this should be all
at once, so that at one time necessarily there must be some
Christians in all places of the world. For it is enough if
it be successively2." "Whence," saith he3, "it followeth, that
though but only one province of the world should retain
the true faith, it might truly and properly be named the
Catholic Church, if it could clearly demonstrate itself to be
one with the Church and company of believers; which if
not at one time, yet at divers times hath filled the whole
world. This it cannot demonstrate, but by making it appear
that it hath neither brought in any new and strange doctrine
in matter of faith, nor schismatically rent itself from the rest
of the Christian world4."
This note of Universality thus understood, we willingly
admit : for it is the same with those we assign. For we say,
what Church soever can prove itself to hold the faith once
delivered to the saints, and generally published to the world
without heretical innovation, or schismatical violation and
breach of the peace, and unity of the Christian world, is
undoubtedly the true Church of God. But out of this which
1 [Epist. ad Hesychium ; lxxx. . " In quibus ergo gentibus nondum
est Ecclesia, oportet ut sit, non ut omnes qui ibi fuerint credant; omnes
enim gentes promissse sunt, non omnes homines omnium gentium."
§48.] 2 ["Neque Salvator in Evangelio, neque Scriptura aliqua, neque
Augustinus ex doctrina Scripturse docet Ecclesiam indies super hanc
terrain magis ac magis dilatari, usque in consummationem seculi. —
Non oportet quod pro aliquo seculo prsedicatur Evangelium in omnibus
gentibus, sed satis est quod paulatim dilatetur, donee veriflcatum fuerit
in omnibus gentibus prsedicatum esse Evangelium." Lib. iv. 2. 2.]
3 [Bellarmine ib. " Ex quo id sequitur, quod si sola una provincia
retineret veram fidem adhuc vere et proprie diceretur Ecclesia Catho
lica, dummodo clare ostenderetur earn esse unam et eandem cum ilia
quae fuit aliquo tempore vel diversis in toto mundo."]
1 See Jackson's Works, Vol. in. p. 821.

88 OF THE CHURCH. [bookhj
Bellarmine hath thus truly, wisely, and fitly observed touch
ing Universality, we deduce many corollaries of great con
sequence in this controversy touching the Church.
The first, that it may be the true and Catholic Churchy
which neither presently is, nor ever hereafter shall be, in
all or the most parts of the world, if it can continuate it
self, and prove itself one with that Church which formerly
at some time or times hath been in the most parts thereof
From whence it is easy to discern the vanity of that their
silly objection against us, who say our Church began not at
Jerusalem in the feast of Pentecost, but at Wittemberg or
Geneva, in this last age of the world; and that it is not
likely, beginning so late, that ever it will so far enlarge itself
as to fill all the whole world, and so become Catholic or
Universal. For we do not imagine that the Church began
at Wittemberg or Geneva, but that in these and sundry other
places of the Christian world, it pleased God to use the
ministry of his worthy servants for the necessary reformation
of abuses in some parts of that CathoUc Church, which,
beginning at Jerusalem, spread itself into all the world,
though not at all times, nor all places in like degree
of purity and sincerity. So that, though the Reformed
Churches neither presently be, nor perhaps hereafter shall
be, in all or the most part of the world, yet are they Catho
lic, for that they do continuate themselves with that Church,
which hath been, is, or shall be, in all places of the world
before the coming of Christ, and undoubtedly already hath
been in the most part thereof. The second, that the true
Church is not necessarily always of greater extent, nor the
multitude of them that are of it greater than of any one com
pany of heretics or misbelievers. The third, that the true
Church cannot be at all times infalhbly known from the
factions of heretics, by multitude and largeness of extent.
The fourth, that this contrarieth not the saying of Augustine
and others of the fathers, who urge the ample extent of the
Church as a proof of the truth thereof. For that they lived
and wrote in those times, when the Church was in her
growth, and we are fallen into the last and worst times
wherein she is in her declining1.
1 Aug. Psal. 101, cone. 2. reprehendit Donatistas dicentes Eccle
siam in sola Africa remansisse, hunc locum Augustini explicat Bellar-
minus loco superius notato.

chap, ix.] OF THE CHURCH. 89
CHAPTER IX.
OF THE NAME AND TITLE OF CATHOLIC.
THE fifth note assigned by them is the name and title of
Catholic ; which they say is an undoubted proof of the
true Catholic Church wheresoever it is found1. And because
our adversaries do not more insolently boast and glory of
anything than of the bare and empty name and title of
Catholic ; I will therefore make it evident to all them that
know their right hand from their left, that howsoever it was
in the days of the fathers, it is not now proper to the true
Church, but common to schismatics and heretics ; and there
fore that it cannot now serve as a mark or note distinctive,
whereby the true Church may be known from misbelievers.
This, therefore, is to be reckoned amongst those things that
are proper and peculiar to the true Church, but not perpetu
ally proper ; and so amongst those notes that may difference
the true Church from the false at some times and not at
others. The title of Catholic doth most fitly express those, both
Christian men and societies of Christians which hold the com
mon faith without particular divisions from the main body of
Christianity. While, therefore, there was but the main body
of Christianity at unity within itself and such portions of
seduced and misled people as apparently divided themselves
from it, the name of a Catholic was a note and dictinctive
mark or character to know and discern a Catholic from an
heretic, or schismatic by," and the naming after the name of
any man a note of particularity, and heretical or schismatical
faction. Whereupon2 one of the ancients said fitly to this
1 Bellarmine, Controv. Tom. II. lib. iv. 4. [" Prima nota est ipsum
-Catholicse Ecclesiae et Christianorum nomen : nam ut S. Augustinus
docet libro contra epist. Fundamenti, c. 4. etiamsi omnis hseresis velit
videri et dici Catholica Ecclesia, tamen cum interrogantur hseretici a
Paganis, ubi ad Catholicam conveniatur, nemo audet domum suam
ostendere."] 2 Pacianus in epist. ad Sempronianum, citatus a Bellarmino, loco
superius notato. [" Christianus mihi nomen est, Catholicus vero cog
nomen; illud me, nuncupat, istud ostendit; hoc probor, inde signi-
ficor." Bib. Patr. Tom. IV. p. 236.]

90 OF THE CHURCH. [book n.
purpose, " Christian is my name, and Catholic is my sur
name ; by the one I am known from infidels, by the other
from heretics and schismatics." But when the main body of
the Christian Church divided itself, partly by reason of dif
ferent ceremonies, uses, customs, and observations; partly
through the ambitious strivings of the bishops and prelates
of the greatest, richest, and most respected places ; partly by
occasion of some different opinions ; the name of Catholic
remained common to either of the parts thus divided, sun
dered, and rent one from another, though on the one side
rested not only error, but heresy also in the opinion of the
other. For who knoweth not that the Christians of the
Greek and Oriental Church are and have been as generally
named Catholics, as the friends and followers of the Western
or Latin Church ? Neither have they any name or note of
faction as all ancient heretics had ; but as in former times
before this schism began, for distinction sake, the whole
Christian Church was divided into two moieties, the one
called the Occidental or Latin, and the other the Oriental or
Greek Church ; so are they by the same notes of difference,
and no other, known at this day. Yet are the Grecians',
Armenians, ^Ethiopians, and other in the east parts of the
world, in the judgment of the Romanists, not only schismatics
but heretics also.
It was, therefore, more than ordinary impudency in
Bellarmine to affirm, that the name of a CathoUc is a note
of true Catholic profession, when he knew it to be common
to such as himself pronounced heretics. And it is yet more
intolerable that he saith, " there is no heresy which receiveth
not her name from some particular man, the author and be
ginner of it :" and that whosoever are named after the names
of men are undoubtedly heretics. For of what man had the
Apostolici their name, whose author and first beginner was
never known, (as Bernard saith1), that we might assure our
selves the devil was author of that damnable sect ? and who
dare pronounce all the Thomists, Scotists, Benedictines, and
the like, to be heretics ? That we may therefore make his
1 " Ceterae hujusmodi pestes, singulse singulos migistros, homines
habuisse noscuntur, a quibus originem simul duxere et nomen. Quo ;
nomine istos titulove ccnsebis ? Nullo : quoniam non est ab homine
illorum hsoresis," &c. Bernardus in Cant. ser. 66: [§ 2.]

chap, ix.] OE THE CHURCH. 91
folly to appear in that he saith concerning heretics, and the
naming after the names of men as we did in the former part,
touching the name and title of Catholic, we must observe,
that heretics sometimes have their names from the matter
wherein they err, as the Monothelites in old time and the
Anabaptists in ours ; the first affirming that there is but
one will in Christ, whence they were named Monothelites ;
the other urging rebaptization of such as are baptized by
heretics, whence they are named Anabaptists, that is, re-
baptizers; sometimes of that they arrogantly challenge to
themselves and make pretence of1, as the Apostolici, for
that they challenged themselves more than ordinary perfec
tion, as equalling the apostles, or coming nearer to their
examples and precedents than other men ; sometimes of the
place where they began and most prevailed, as the Cata-
phryges ; sometimes of the first author of their heresy, as
Marcionites, Donatists, and the like. Thus, then, we see
all heretics have not their names from men.
But they will say they were all heretics that were named
after the names of men. Surely is it not to be denied but
that the naming after the names of men was in the time
of the primitive Church peculiar and proper to heretics and
schismatics only.
Neither were there any Christians in the first ages of
the Church called after the names of men but such as fol
lowed wicked seducers in schism or heresy ; whereupon it
was a sure rule in ancient times, that whosoever professing
themselves Christians, were named after the names of men
(as Novatians, of Novatus, Pelagians, of Pelagius), they were
to be holden for heretics. This rule is delivered by Hierom
against the Luciferians, Sicubi, &c.2: "If anywhere thou find
men professing Christianity, called after the particular names of
men, know them to be the synagogue of Antichrist, and not the
Church of Christ." But as the honourable title of Catholic,
1 " Nempe jactant se esse successores apostolorum, et apostolicos
nominant, nullum tamen apostolatus sui signum valentes ostendere."
Bernard, ib. [§ 8.]
2 Contra Luciferianos prope finem. [Op. Tom. IV. p. 306. "Sicubi
audieris eos, qui dicuntur Christi, non a Domino Jesu Christo, sed a
quoquam alio nuncupari, ut puta Marcionitas, &c, scito non Eccle
siam Christi, sed Antichristi esse synagogam."]

92 OF THE CHURCH [BooKn.
sometimes a note of the true and orthodox Church, is now
ceased to be so ; in like sort the naming after the names
of men, sometimes a note of heresy, is now ceased to be so;
which to be most true, sundry, manifold, and divers names
of Dominicans, Franciscans, Benedictines, Augustinians, Tho-
mists, Scotists, and the like, do make it most apparent. And
besides this, there are at this day innumerable Christians in
the east parts of the world that are1 called Nestorians, that
hold not the heresy of Nestorius, nor any other special heresy,
whence they might have any such name of division, faction,
or particularity. For the better clearing of whatsoever may seem doubtful
in this matter of names, titles, and appellations, we must ob
serve, that they, which profess the faith of Christ, have been
sometimes in these later ages of the Church, called after the
special names of such men, as were the authors, devisers, and
beginners of such courses of monastical profession, as they
made choice of to follow, as Benedictines and the like ; somen
times of such principal men, whose judgment and opinion they
embraced, and followed in sundry matters of great moment in
the controversies of religion, not yet determined by consent of
the whole universal Church ; and so in our times amongst the
school divines, some following Thomas, and others Scotus,
and many and sundry main contradictory opinions, some
were named Thomists, others Scotists ; sometimes of such men
whose new, strange, and private opinions contrary to the
Church's faith, they pertinaciously embraced and followed,
as Arians of Arius, Eutychians of Eutyches : yea, sometimes
of some arch-heretics, whose opinions and heresies they hold
not, as at this day the greater part of Christians that are
in Assyria, Persia, and the rest of the eastern provinces,
are called Nestorians by all other Christians in those parts,
as the Jacobites, Maronites, Cophti, and the like ; yet do
they hold nothing that savoureth of Nestorius' heresy, as
Onuphrius reporteth in the life of Julius the Third, in whose
time sundry of them came to Rome2.
These in likelihood are called Nestorians, for that in
former times the heresy of Nestorius prevailed much in those
parts of the world, which now being clearly banished, the
1 Onuph. in suppl. Platinse in vita Julii III. [p. 317. Ed. 1572.]
2 Onuphrius in vita Julii III. [ibid.]

chap, ix.] OF THE CHURCH. 93
right believing Christians of those parts are still, notwith
standing called by that odious and hateful name, or else it
is by wrong and unjust imputation, as the Armenians are
judged by many to be Eutychians, for that they receive not
the council of Chalcedon1, which they refused to subscribe
unto, upon a false suggestion and apprehension, that in it the
heresy of Nestorius condemned in the council of Ephesus, was
revived again ; sometimes of such as collected, gathered, and
brought into a certain order, for the better direction of God's
people in his service, the prayers of the Church, and forms of
administering the sacraments and other holy things, or else
augmented, altered, or reformed those that were before ; so
when there grew a division among the Churches of this part
of the world, some following the form of divine administra
tion left by Ambrose, others embracing that prescribed by
Gregory, some were called2 Ambrosian, and some Gregorian
Churches : as likewise in our times, when Luther, Calvin,
and other worthy servants of God, had persuaded some states
of Christendom to reform, correct, and alter some things that
were amiss, and to remove and take away sundry barbarisms,
errors and superstitions crept into the prayers of the Church,
with many gross abuses and grievous abominations formerly
tolerated in the midst of the Church of God ; those states,
people and Churches which reformed themselves, abandoning
superstition and error, were by some called reformed Churches,
by other Lutheran Churches. Neither was it possible that so
great an alteration as the corrupt state of the Church required,
should be effected, and not carry some remembrance of them
by whom it was procured. We see the sincerity of our Chris
tian profession concerning the Son of God, (whom we ac
knowledge coessential, coequal and coeternal with the Father,)
cleared and published in the Nicene Council, was ever after,
for distinction from the manifold turnings and windings of
1 In Concilio Florentino in decreto Eugenii IV. [See Harduin.
Concil. ix. p. 437.]
2 "In Ecclesia Gregoriana est hsec forma: 'Per istam sanctam
unctionem,' &c. ; in Ambrosiana est hsec : ' Ungo te,' &c." Bona-
vent. Hb. iv. dist. xxm. q. iv. Cassander in prsefat. ad Ord. Rom.
[Op. p. 92. ed. 1616.] Petrus Voraginensis in legenda Gregorii I.
[c. 46.]

94 OF THE CHURCH. [book n.
heretics, endeavouring to obscure, corrupt, alter, and adul
terate the same, called the Nicene faith.
That the Church needed reformation when Luther be
gan, and that it was not necessary, nor behoveful to expect
the consent of the whole Christian world in a general council,
I will make it evident when I come to the third part of my
general division. In the meanwhile, it is most clear and
evident that the naming after the names of men is now no
certain note of heresy or schism. For if the naming after the
names of men were a certain note of heresy or schism, then
should all orders of monks and friars that are named
after the names of their first authors, be proved heretics:
yea, the followers of Thomas, and Scotus, should be con
vinced of heresy: and all the Christians that are named
Nestorians should be found heretics, which they which know
them best do deny ; yea, then all the Ambrosian and Grego
rian Churches must be charged with heresy and schism.

THE THIRD BOOK

OF

THE TRUE CHURCH
DEMONSTRATED BY THE NOTES BEFORE
AGREED UPON.

BOOK III.

CHAPTER I.
OF THE DIVISION OF THE CHRISTIAN WORLD INTO THE
WESTERN OR LATIN CHURCH, AND THE ORIENTAL
OR EAST CHURCH.
THUS then, having sufficiently examined those things
which concern the notes of the Church, so that it is
evident to all not wilfully contentious, which are the true
notes whereby the Church may be known ; it remaineth,
that by application of them, we seek out, which among so
many diversities and contrarieties in matters of religion as
are at this day found in the world, is the true and orthodox
Church of God. And because our controversies are not with
Jews, nor Pagan infidels, as in the times of the Fathers, but
with such as together with us profess themselves Christians,
letting pass all those notes which serve to prove the truth
of Christian profession in general, against heathenish and
Jewish errors, let us come to take a view of the diversities
that are found among Christians, and by the direction of the
notes agreed upon, see which is the true Church of God.
The Christian Church is divided at this day into the
Western or Latin Church, and the Oriental or East Church.
The Oriental or East Church is divided into the Greek
Church, the Nestorian or Assyrian Churches, and the Churches
of the supposed Monophysites, as the Jacobites, Armenians,
Cophti or Christians of Egypt ; the Ethiopians or Abyssenes,
and the Maronites, who are thought to be Monothelites.
The Christians that are of the Greek religion are of two
sorts. First, such as presently are, or lately were, sub
ject to the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Constantinople;
secondly, such as never were under that jurisdiction, and yet
are of the same communion : as the Melchites of Syria, and
the Georgians. Of the first sort are all the Christians of
Natolia, except Armenia the lesser and Cilicia; the Chris
tians of Circassia and Mingrelia, and Russia ; in Europe, the
[Field, I.] G

98 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
Christians of Greece, Macedon, Epirus, Thrace, Bulgaria,
Rascia, Servia, Bosnia, Walachia, Moldavia, Podolia and
Moscovia, together with all the islands of the jEgean sea, as
far as Corfu, besides a great part of the king of Polonin's
dominions, and those parts of Dalmatia and Croatia that are
under the Turk. The reason of this large extent of the
jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople was ; first, the
decree of the Council of Chalcedon, subjecting unto him all
Thracia and Anatolia except Isauria and Cilicia, belonging to
Antioch, twenty-eight Roman provinces. Secondly, the vo
luntary submission of the Grecians upon the separation of
the Churches. For thereby not only Greece, Macedon,
Epirus, Candia, and the isles about Greece, in all about
seven provinces, came under him, but Sicily also, and Cala
bria, fell from Rome, and for a long time were subject to the
jurisdiction of Constantinople. Whereupon in Curopolates1
the metropolitans of Syracusa and Catana in Sicilia, of Ehe-
gium, Severiana, Rosia, and Hydruntum in Calabria, are
registered amongst the metropolitans of that jurisdiction.
Thirdly, the conversion of sundry nations and people to the
Christian faith by his suffragans and ministers, wrought a
great enlargement of his jurisdiction. " The first of the
Sclavons, saith Cromerus2, that were converted to the faith,
were those of Bulgaria, who became Christian [in] the year
860, in the time of Nicholas the First." About these there
was much contention a long time between Rome and Con
stantinople, either of them claiming jurisdiction over them as
having won them to the true knowledge and worship of God.
But in the end the Grecians prevailed, and they were wholly
put under the jurisdiction of Constantinople. Some thirty
years after these, they of Rascia, Servia, Bosnia, Croatia,
Dalmatia, and Illyricum, received the Christian faith from
their neighbours the Grecians and Italians, in the time of the
reign of Suatoplugus amongst the Moravians, who gave his
name to Christ, and was the means of the conversion of
Borivoius, duke of the Bohemians, about the year 9003.
Not long after the conversion of the Bohemians, about 980
years after Christ, in the time of the reign of Basilius and
i [G. Codinus de Officiis Constantinopolitanis,] prope fmem, p.
117, sq.
2 [De rebus Polonorum.] Lib. in. p. 31. 3 [Cromerus, ib.]

chap. i.J OF THE CHURCH. 99
Constantine, emperors of Constantinople, the Russes began
publicly to profess the Christian faith, Volodomirus, their
prince, having married the emperor's sister, and received
teachers from the patriarch of Constantinople. This prince,
after he became a Christian, placed a metropolitan at Kiovia,
an archbishop at Novograde, and in other cities of bishops
consecrated by the Patriarch of Constantinople. Since which
time the Russians adhere most constantly to the Greek reli
gion and rites. After this the Polonians possessed themselves
of sundry parts of Russia; but the Russians, not long en
during that' subjection, cast off the yoke and became free
again, yet continued not long so : for within a short time
after, Russia in a great part became subject to the Lithua
nians, partly by conquest, and partly by marriages, and from
them was passed over again to the Polonians. For Ludo
vicus, king of Hungary and Poland, had two daughters, of
which the younger, named Heduigis, succeeded him in the
kingdom of Polonia, who was married to Jagello, prince of
Lithuania ; and thereby all Lithuania, and that part of Russia
also that was subject to Lithuania, was joined to the kingdom
of Polonia for ever1. But the histories report that while
the Russes were divided into many principalities, which fell
out immediately after the death of Volodomirus, one John
the son of Daniel, a prince amongst them, taking a good
liking of the river and tower of Moscow, repaired the tower,
before mean and base, and made it the seat of his princi
pality. So that the Russes subject to him were named Mos-
covites, from the river and town of Moscow2. And when,
long after, they of the posterity of John having joined
unto them, partly by marriages, partly by fraud, partly
by force, such people of that nation and language as lay
near unto them, formerly weakened by the incursions of the
Tartars and others, and so enlarged their principality ; all
such Russes as were joined to that empire, though much
more noble and mighty than the Moscovites, were content
to be named Moscovites, and yet still retained the name of
Russes also, as the Podolians are Russes, and yet have a
peculiar name3. These Moscovites by conquest obtained
Novograde, and after that, those Russes that were called
1 [Cromerus, ib. p. 238.] 2 [Cromerus, ib. p. 9.]
3 [Cromerus, ib.]
G2

100 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
Severianenses fell from the subjection of the Lithuanians to the
Moscovites, either moved so to do by the injuries they had
received from them as they pretended, or rather by reason
of the difference in religion between them and the good
correspondence they held with the Moscovites in this respect;
so that the principality of Moscow grew to be exceeding
great. The duke of Moscow growing thus great, obtained of
the patriarch of Constantinople to have a metropolitan of
Moscow, who was named metropolitan of Russia, both by the
patriarch and others, as well as the bishop of Kiovia, who was
long before so named, and continueth yet still so to be. In
that part of Russia that is subject to the king of Polonia
there are seven bishoprics, whereof the bishop of Kiovia is
the metropolitan : in the other, which is subject to the great
duke of Moscow, there are eleven bishoprics ; whereof the
bishop of Moscow is the metropolitan, the bishop of Novograde
and Rascavium are archbishops, the rest ordinary bishops.
All these, as being at the first consecrated and placed by
the patriarch of Constantinople, were under his jurisdiction.
Fourthly, the Turk's conquests have been an occasion of the
enlargement of the Constantinopolitan jurisdiction ; for when
sundry parts of the Christian world, formerly subject to
Rome, were brought under the bondage of the Turks, the
bishops and pastors, like hirelings, forsook their flocks, over
which the patriarch of Constantinople, pitying their case,
placed bishops and pastors of the Greek religion, who, by
little and little, won them to the liking of the same. Thus
we see how far the Constantinopolitan jurisdiction spreads
itself; so that I think it will be found that the number of
Christians under that bishop, with the Melchites and Geor
gians that are joined in communion with him, though never
under his jurisdiction, doth far exceed them of the Roman
communion, unless they draw in their new converts in the
Indies to fill up the number1.
The division and separation between the Greek and Latin
Churches grew out of the ambitious contentions of the bishop
of Rome and the patriarch of Constantinople in this sort. In
the time of the Nicene Council, and before, as appeareth hy
the acts of the council limiting their bounds, there were three
1 Annotatio Onuphrii in vit. Bonifacii, apud Platinam. [p. 67. ed.
Lovan. 1572.J

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 101
principal bishops or patriarchs of the Christian Church;
namely, the bishop of Rome, Alexandria and Antioch1. After
which time Constantinople, before named Byzantium, made
great by Constantine, and being the seat of the emperors, the
bishop of this see not only obtained to have the dignity of a
patriarch among the rest, but in the second general council,
holden at Constantinople, was preferred before both the other
of Alexandria and Antioch, and set in degree of honour next
unto the bishop of Rome2. In the great Council of Chalce-
don he was made equal with him, and to have all equal rights,
privileges, and prerogatives, because he was bishop of new
Rome, as the other of old3. But not long contenting himself
with this equality, the magnificence and glory of his city
daily increasing, making him proud and insolent, he challenged
to be superior, and would be named universal bishop, not
challenging to himself to be bishop alone, but encroaching
upon the right of all other, and thereby declaring himself
1 Nicen. Concil. Can. vi. [ra ap^aia edr) Kpareira) to. iv AlyvnTa Kai
Aifivr] Ka\ YlevrairoXei, acre tov ' ' AXe^avbpeias iino-Koizov navrwv tovtoiv
eyeiv tt)v i^ovo-lav. eVeifi^ Kai Tffl iv Ty 'Voipy iino-Kona tovto o~vvrjdis
io-nv' opoias he Kai Kara ttjv 'AvrK>x«aj» Kai iv rals aXkats cVap^i'atr ra
Trpeo-pela o-ffifeafiat rals exfcXijcriais. See also Hammond's Works ("An
swer to Schism Disarmed,") Vol. n. ch. iv. § 4. sq.
2 Sub Theodosio seniore [Synod. Constant, i.] can. 3. and Socrates
Eccl. Hist. lib. v. cap. 8.
3 Actio xv. can. 28, in Grsecis codicibus. ["Sanctorum Patrum
decreta ubique sequentes, et canonem qui nuper lectus est, centum
et quinquaginta Dei amantissimorum episcoporum agnoscentes, eadem
quoque et nos decernimus ac statuimus de privileges sanctissimse Ec
clesise Constantinopolis, novae Romse. Etenim antiquse Romse tbrono
quod urbs ilia imperaret, jure patres privilegia tribuerunt. Et eadem
consideratione moti centum quinquaginta Dei amantissimi episcopi,
sanctissimo novas Romse throno sequalia privilegia tribuerunt, recte
judicantes urbem quse et imperio et senatu honorata sit, et sequalibus
cum antiquissima regina Roma privilegiis fruatur etiam in rebus ec-
clesiasticis, non secus ac illam, extolli ac magnifieri, secundam post
illam existentem: et ut Ponticse et Asianse et Thracise dioeceseos
metropolitan! soli, prseterea episcopi prsedictarum dioecesum quse sunt
inter barbaros, a prsedicto throno sanctissimse Constantinopolitanse
ecclesiae ordinentur; unoquoque scilicet prsedictarum clicecesum me-
tropolitano cum provincial episcopis, provincise episcopos ordinante,
quemadmodum divinis canonibus est traditum ; ordinari autem, sicut
, dictum est, prsedictarum dioecesum metropolitanos a Constantinopo-
litano archiepiscopo, convenientibus de more factis electionibus et ad
ipsum relatis.'' Ex cod. Gent. Hervet. Harduin. Concil. n. 614.]

102 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
greater and more honourable than any of the rest, and the
chief bishop of the whole world, because his city was the chief
city of the world1. About this was the contention between
Gregory the First and John of Constantinople2, which, not
being ended in the days of Gregory, because the emperor
Mauritius was averse from him, favouring the claim of his
adversary, Bonifacius3 obtained of Phocas to have the matter
in such sort concluded between them, that the bishop of Rome
should have the first and chief place in the Church of God,
and the patriarch of Constantinople the second : which con
clusion was not of such force but that the succeeding bishops
of Constantinople continued the same challenge their prede
cessors made ; and as any opportunity was offered, sought to
advance their pretended title, till at length, there growing
some difference between them in the matter of the proceed
ing of the Holy Ghost, whom the Latins affirmed to proceed
from the Father and the Son, the Greeks from the Father
only, either pronounced the other to be heretics and schis
matics. Wherefore let us see what the religion of the Greek
Church is, and whether these Christians be so far forth ortho
dox, that we may account them members of the true Catho
lic Church of God, or so in error that we may reject them
as schismatics and heretics, though in number never so many.
Bernard, speaking of them, saith, "Nobiseum sunt et non
sunt, juncti fide, pace divisi ; quanquam et in fide ipsa clau-
dicaverint a semitis rectis :" that is, " they are with us and
they are not with us ; they are of the same profession with
us touching matters of faith, but they hold not the unity of
the Spirit in the band of peace4;" although they have halted
also, and in some sort declined from the straight paths, in
matters pertaining to the Christian faith.
1 Casterarum sedium privilegia, et eai-undem episcoporum conse-
crationem ad se unum revocare, eosque in ordinem cogere, et sibi sub-
dere conatus est. [It is uncertain whether this passage is quoted by
the author or not.]
" Post consecrationem Antiocheni episcopi quam tibimet contra
canonicam regulam vindicasti," etc. Leo Epist. Iiii. [lxxx. § 2.]
2 Greg. Epist. iv. cap. 36. 38, 39 ; vi. 168, 169.
3 Beda, in lib. de temporum ratione. Platina in vita Bonifacii III.
[p. 66.]
4 Do consid. ad Eugcnium, lib. m. [cap. 1.]

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 103
Touching the state of these Christians, the Romanists lay
down these propositions. First, that there is a double sepa
ration from the Church of God, the one by heresy overthrow
ing the faith, the other by schism breaking the unity. The
second, that schismatics, though they fall not into heresy, are
out of the Church, cut off from being members of the same,
and consequently in state of damnation. " Believe certainly,
and no way doubt," saith St Augustine, " that not only all
pagans, but all Jews, heretics and schismatics also, dying out of
the communion of the Catholic Church, shall go into everlasting-
fire1." The third, that the Grecians are schismatically divided
from the Roman Church, that they have long continued so,
that they are excommunicate with the greater excommunica
tion thundered out against all schismatics in Bulla ccence Do
mini, and consequently are in state of damnation. But whe
ther they be not only schismatics but heretics also, as some
fear not to pronounce, they are not yet agreed2- Azorius
thinketh they are not to be censured as heretics, and yieldeth
a reason of his so thinking3; because in those articles of the
faith where they are thought to err, they differ verbally only,
and not really from those that are undoubtedly right be
lievers : and giveth instance, first in the question touching the
1 De fide ad Petrum, c. 38. [Firmissime tene et nullatenus dubites
non solum omnes paganos, sed et omnes Judseos, et omnes hsereticos
atque schismaticos, qui extra Ecclesiam catholicam prsesentem flniunt
vitam in ignem seternum ituros qui paratus est diabolo et angelis ejus."
Fulgentius is supposed by the Benedictine editors and others to be the
author of this treatise. See Coci Censura quorund. Script, pp. 341,
2. ed. Helmes. 1683. Riveti Crit. Sacr. p. 389. ed. Genev. 1626.]
2 Tho. a Jesu, 1. vi. c. 8, [p. 281. ed. Antvp. 1613.]
3 Institut. moral. 1. viii. c. 20, q. 10. [" Alii vero opinantur eos
solum esse schismaticos qui a Romani Pontificis jurisdictione et potes-
tate se subtrahunt ; hsereticos non item quoniam in prsedictis fidei arti-
culis potius nomine quam re a Romanse Ecclesise sensu dissentiunt —
"Et ideo, ad hoc significandum Grseci dicunt: 'Spiritum Sanctum
a Patre per Filium procedere ab omni seternitate. — Nee dimtentm-
omnino Romanum Pontificem Petri successorem in Ecclesia primatum
a Christo Domino accepisse. Sed nihilominus profitentur totam Eccle
siam cum in generalem est synodum coacta majorem potestatem
habere in rebus fidei et ceteris, quse ad generalem Ecclesise statum
pertinent, definiendis; quse fuit etiam sententia Gersonis et Parisien-
sium tbeologorum nondum ab Ecclesia tanquam hseretici generali
decreto damnati."]

104 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiii.
proceeding of the Holy Ghost, wherein he thinketh they
differ but in form of words from them that seem to be their
opposites : and secondly, in the questions touching the Pope,
his power, privileges, and authority, concerning all which he
affirmeth, they have no other opinion than Gerson and the
Parisians, who were never yet pronounced heretics, for they
yield a primacy to the bishop of Rome, but no supremacy.
They acknowledge him to be patriarch of the West, amongst
all the patriarchs in order and honour the first, as long as he
continueth orthodox, and seeketh not to encroach upon the
jurisdiction of others. But they deny, as also the Parisians
do, that his judgment is infallible, or his power and authority
supreme and absolute : they teach that he must do nothing
of himself in things pertaining to the state of the universal
Church, but with the concurrence of others his colleagues,
and that he is subject to a general council. All which things
were defined in the Councils of Constance and Basil, and the
contrary positions condemned as heretical. Neither want
there at this day many worthy divines living in the commu
nion of the Roman Church, who most strongly adhere to the
decrees of those Councils, and peremptorily reject those of
Florence and Trent, wherein the contrary faction prevailed.
For the whole kingdom and state of France admit those and
reject the other, and would no less withdraw themselves from
all communion with the Roman bishop than the Grecians do,
if they should once be pressed to acknowledge that his
power and authority is supreme and absolute, that he can
not err, and that he may dispose the kingdoms, and depose
the kings and sovereign princes of the world, as the Jesuits
and other the Pope's flatterers affirm and defend. Whence
it will follow that they are not only free from heresy, as
Azorius resolveth, but from schism also. So that after so
great clamours and so long contendings, they must of neces
sity be forced in the end to confess they have done them in
finite wrong, and sinned grievously against God, in condemn
ing to hell for no cause so many millions of Christian souls,
redeemed with the most precious blood of his dearest Son.
"There are," saith Andreas Fricius1, "who think that the
Russians, Armenians, and other Christians of the East part,
pertain not to the Christian Church ; but seeing they use the
1 De Eccl. lib. iv. cap. 2.

chap. I.] OF THE CHURCH. 105
same sacraments which we do, seeing they profess to fight
under the banner of Christ crucified, and rejoice in their suf
ferings for his sake, far be it from us ever to think that
they should be cast off and rejected from being fellow-citizens
with the saints, and of the household of God, having borne
the burthen and endured the heat of the day, so many ages
in the vineyard of the Lord. Nay, rather, I think, there
can be no perfect consociation and union of the whole Church
without them. For the Latin Church alone cannot be taken
for the universal Church : that which is but a part cannot be
the whole."
But some man happily will say, whatsoever we think of
these differences touching the power and authority of the
bishop of Rome, yet in the article of the proceeding of the
Holy Ghost they err damnably, and so are heretics, and that
Azorius was deceived when he thought otherwise. Where
fore for the clearing of this point, first I will make it evident,
that not only Azorius, but sundry other great and worthy
divines, think the difference about the proceeding of the Holy
Ghost to be merely verbal. Secondly, I will show how the
seeming differences touching this point may be reconciled.
Thirdly, I will note the beginnings and proceedings in this
controversy. The Grecians, saith Peter Lombard1, affirm that the Holy
Ghost proceedeth from the Father only, and not from the
Son ; yet we must know that the Greeks do acknowledge the
Holy Ghost to be the Spirit of the Son as well as of the
Father, because the apostle saith, "the Spirit of the Son;"
and Truth itself, in the gospel, " the Spirit of truth2." Now
seeing it is no other thing to be the Spirit of the Father and
the Son, than to be from the Father and the Son, they seem
to agree with us in judgment touching this article of faith,
though they differ in words. Grosthed3, the famous and
1 Lib. i. d. 11. [" Grseci tamen dicunt Spiritum Sanctum pro-
cedere tantum a Patre et non a Filio. — Sciendum est tamen quod
Grseci confitentur Spiritum Sanctum esse Filii sicut et Patris ; quia et
Apostolus dicit Spiritum Filii : et Veritas in evangelio, Spiritum
veritatis."] 2 Galat. iv. [6J. [John xvi. 13.]
3 In notula quadam super finem epistolse de trlsagio, apud Scotum,
lib. i. d. II, q. 1. ["Sententia Grsecorum est quod Spiritus Sanctua

106 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
renowned Bishop of Lincoln, writing upon a part of Damas
cene, delivereth his opinion touching this controversy, in
these words : " The Grecians are of opinion that the Holy
Ghost is the Spirit of the Son, but that He proceedeth not
from the Son, but from the Father only, yet by the Son ;
and this opinion seemeth to be contrary to ours : for we say
the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Son.
But haply, if two wise and understanding men, the one of
the Greek Church, the other of the Latin, both true lovers
of the truth, and not of their own sayings, because they are
their own, might meet to consider of this seeming contrariety,
it would, in the end, appear, that this difference in deed and
in truth is not real, but verbal only. For otherwise, either
the Grecians, or we that are of the Latin Church, are truly
heretics. But who dares charge this author (John Damas
cene), or those blessed ones, Basil, Gregory the divine, or
Gregory Nazianzen; Cyril, and other Greek fathers of like
esteem, with heresy ? And again, on the other side, who
dares brand blessed Hierome, Augustine, Ambrose, Hilary,
and other like Latin fathers, with the note of heresy ? There
fore, it is likely, that though there be contrariety in the
words of these fathers, so that they seem to be contrary to
one another, yet in judgment and meaning they agree."
Stanislaus Orichovius, as Andreas Fricius reporteth1, a man
renowned for wit, eloquence, and profound science in divers

est Spiritus Filii, sed non procedens a Filio, sed a solo Patre, per
Filium tamen ; et videtur hsec sententia contraria nostrse, quia dicimus
Spiritum Sanctum a Patre et Filio procedentem. Sed forte si duo
sapientes, unus Grsecus et alter Latinus, uterque verus amator veritatis
et non proprise dictionis, unde propria est, de hoc visa contrarietate
disquirerent, pateret utique tandem ipsam contrarietatem, non esse
veraciter realem sicut est vocalis; alioquin vel ipsi Grseci, vel nos
Latini sumus vere hseretici. Sed quis audet hunc auctorem, Joannem,
sc. Damascenum, et beatos, sc. Basilium, Gregorium Theologum, Gre-
gorium Nazianzenum, Cyrillum, et similes Patres Grsecos arguere
hsereseos ? Quis iterum argueret hsereseos B. Hieronymum, Augusti-
num, et Ambrosium, Hilarium et consimiles Latinos ? Verisimile igitur
est quod non subest dictis verbis contrariis contrariorum Sanctorum
sententia discors : multipliciter enim dicitur, sicut, hoc hujus, sic hoc
ex illo, vel ab illo ; qua multiplicitate forte intellecta et distincta pa
teret contrariorum verborum non discors sententia."]
1 De Ecclesia, 1. iv. c. 2.

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 107
kinds, hath written of the opinion of the Russians ; and in an
epistle to Peter Gamrat, an archbishop in Polonia, he sheweth
how the differences touching the proceeding of the Holy
Ghost, where they seem especially to be contrary to us, may
be agreed and composed. Thomas a Jesu1 resolveth clearly,
that this question touching the proceeding of the Holy Ghost
is only de modo loqumdi, and that the difference is not real,
which he sheweth to be true in this sort. " The Greeks, who
deny the Holy Ghost to proceed from the Son, acknowledge
that He is the Spirit of the Son, and that He is given unto
us by the Son." "We do not say," saith Damascene2, "that
the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Son, but we name Him
the Spirit of the Son. ' If any man,' saith the apostle,
'have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of His.' And
we affirm, that He appeared by the Son, and was given unto
us by Him; for He breathed upon His disciples, and said
unto them, ' Receive ye the Holy Ghost;' but we never say
that the Son is the Son of the Holy Ghost, or proceeded
from Him. They teach, therefore, that the Spirit is, and pro
ceedeth from the Father by the Son, as the brightness is from
the sun by the beam ; and that, as we may say, the bright
ness is the brightness of the sunbeam, as well as of the sun,
but not that the beam is the beam of that brightness ; so the
Spirit is the Spirit of the Son, but the Son is not the Son of
the Spirit. So then we say the Holy Ghost proceedeth or
receiveth essence and being from the Father only, as from
the original and fountain, but by the Son, as a middle person
in order of subsistence between Them, receiving being imme
diately from the Father, and so mediately deriving and com
municating it to Him." Neither Greeks nor Latins, therefore,
deny the Holy Ghost to receive being and essence from the
1 Lib. vi. p. 249.
2 [De Fide Orthodoxa, 1. 8. circa finem. iii tov Ylov di to nvevpa
ov Xfyofiev, irvevpa de Yloi ovopd^opev' e'i rtr yap to nvevpa Xpio-rov ovk
i'xei, (prjo-lv 6 6eios airoa-ToKos, ovtos ovk eanv avrov' lial 6V Ylov ire(pave-
pwo-dai Kai peTa8i8oo-8ai r\p?ut opoXoyovpev ive(pvcrrlo-e yap, <f>no-i, Kai
erne rois pa6r)Tais avrov, Xa/3ere irvevpa Sytov' ao-irep iic tov jJXi'ou pev ij
Te aKTis Kai rj eXXap^jns- airbs yap io-flv r) mr\yx\ -rfjs uktIvos Kai ttjs iX-
Xdp\j/eas' Bid 8e ttjs oktIvos j) eXkapyffts rjpiv perabldorai Kai avrr) io-rlv
fi <paTl£ovo-a rjpas Kai perexopevt] v(f> r\paw. rbv de tlbv oi're tov -irvev-
paTos Xiyopev ovre pfjv i< tov nvevpaTas.

108 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiii.
Son, and consequently to proceed from Him as from a middle
person in order of subsistence between the Father and Him,
in such sort as the brightness that floweth from the sun, is
from the sunbeam between the sun and it. Neither of tbem
deny the Father to be the fountain and the original ; as the
sun is the fountain whence floweth both the beam and bright
ness of light. And both agree, that the Father from whom,
and the Son by whom, the Spirit receiveth being, are one
cause, or one beginning ; and that by one eternal breathing
the Spirit receiveth essence or subsistence from them both, in
such sort as the sun and beam are one cause, and do by one
action send forth that shining brightness that floweth from
them. " By that which hath been spoken," saith Thomas a
Jesu, " it is easy to understand that those Greeks which seem
to differ from the Latins, differ but in words only, and that
the Churches may easily be brought to a reconciliation and
agreement, if they will but endeavour to understand each the
other. But the Latins and those Greeks that agree with
them, speak more fitly, and express the thing whereof they
speak better than the other1."
Howsoever, it is certain that some of the fathers expressed,
that they conceived of this mystery in one sort, and some in
another. Tertullian saith, the Holy Spirit is from the Father
by the Son ; his words are, " Spiritum non aliunde puto, quam
1 ["Ut ergo Bessarion, cap. 7, suse orationis recte notavit, ea
ratione dumtaxat Damascenus et nonnulli alii ex Grsecis affirmant
Spiritum Sanctum procedere ex Patre per Filium, non secus ac
splendor procedit a sole per radium. Renuunt vero concedere proce
dere ex Filio quoniam apud eos dictio ex denotat emanationem at
aliquo tanquam a prima origine et fonte, quo pacto Spiritus Sanctus a
solo Patre procedit, quoniam is solus a se et non ab alio habet vim
qua spirat Spiritum Sanctum. Verum quia Filius spiranda vim sicut
et reliqua accepit a Patre per generationem eternam, haud secus quam
radius a sole accipit vim fundendi splendoris, idcirco licet Spiritus
Sanctus proficiscatur a Filio, sitque ejus Spiritus, quinetiam ab eo
detur et mittatur, renuunt tamen aliqui Grseci Patres concedere hanc
propositionem ; Spiritus Sanctus procedit ex Filio; licet concedaut
hanc aliam ; Spiritus Sanctus procedit a Patre per Filium, tanquam per
suppositum et causam intermediam inter Patrem et Spiritum Sanctum,
eo modo quo radius media causa est inter solem et splendorem. Atque
id dicunt denotare dictionem, per. — Ex hactenus dictis facile intelli-
gitur eos Grsecos qui a Latinis dissentire videntur solis verbis differre,"
etc. Thomas a Jesu, p. 248.]

3HAr. i.] OF THE CHURCH. 109
a Patre per Filium1." Hilary saith, He is from the Father
and the Son ; his words are, " De Patre et Filio authoribus
confitendus est, &c.2" "When the Holy Spirit is sent,"
saith Hierome, " he is sent of the Father and the Son ; and
in Scripture he is called sometimes the Spirit of the Father,
sometimes of the Son3." And again, " Spiritus de Patre
egreditur, et propter societatem naturae a Filio mittitur :" that
is, " The Spirit proceedeth from the Father, and in that He
is of the same nature and essence with the Son, He is sent
of Him4." " Why should we not believe," saith Augustine,
" that the Holy Spirit proceedeth from the Son also, seeing
He is the Spirit of the Son5 ?" The Greeks say not ex
pressly that He proceedeth from the Father and the Son ; for
in the creed of Athanasius, as it is found in the Greek, the
words are : " The Spirit is of the Father, not made, nor
created, nor begotten, but proceeding," without the addition
ofthe Son6. But some of them say, He is, or received being
from the Father, that He appeared by the Son, and is a per
fect image of the Son7 : others, that not only the Father,
but the Son also, sendeth the Holy Spirit8. Some, that He
proceedeth from the Father, and receiveth of the Son : and
others, that He is from the Father by the Son9. In all which
1 Contra Praxeam. [c. iv.]
J De Trinitate. [ii. § 29. "Most MSS. read qui for de." Brewer's ed.]
3 In Epist. ad Hedibiam. [qusest. ix. " Spiritus Sanctus quum mit
titur, a Patre et Filio mittitur : in alio atque alio loco Spiritus Dei
Patris, et Christi Spiritus appellatur."J
* [Comment, in] Esai. [lvii. 16.]
8 Tract, in Joan. xcrx. [de cap. 16. "Cur ergo non credamus quod
etiam de Filio procedat Spiritus Sanctus, cum Filii quoque ipse sit
Spiritus?"] 6 Nyssen. in vita Greg. Thaumaturg. [in. 546, ed. 1628. iv Uvevpa
ayiov ck 6ro0 ttjv mrap^iv 'i)(Ov' Kai 81 Ylov irecpijvbs SrjXaSr) tois avdpm-
ttois' ehmv tov Ylov, TeXeiov TeXeia.]
7 Chrys. hom. in Joan. 76 [vel 77, § 3. Idov ovk en 6 Uan)p povos
dXXa Kai 6 Ylos io-nv 6 Tripiriov.]
8 Epiphan. hseres. LXIX. [§ 18. e« Uarpbs iKiropevopevov Kai tov Ylov
Xapfiavov.] 9 Maximus in Zachariam cap. iv. citatus a Bassarione [in Orat.
Dogmatica, cap. VI. ro yap Uveiipa to ayiov ao"irep (pvaei, kot ova-lav
v-rrapxei tov Geot) Kai Uarpbs, ovra Kai tov Ylov Kar oicriav icrrlv, as e/c
tov Uarpbs ovo-tmdws di Ylov yevvvdevros dcppao-Tais iKwopevopevov. Har-
duin, Concil. ix. 341.]
Tarasius in Epist. ad Patriarch. Orientales. Habetur in vii.

110 OF THE CHURCH. [book ni.
diversity of words and forms of speaking there was one and
the same meaning, and therefore no exception was taken by
one against another.
But the controversy that now is touching this point began
in this sort. The first pubhshers of the gospel of Christ
delivered a rule of faith to the Christian Churches which
they founded, comprehending all those articles that are found
in that epitome of Christian religion which we call the Apostles'
Creed. But in process of time, when Arius and his [accom
plices questioned the deity of Christ, and denied him so to be
the Son of God as to be co-equal, co-eternal, and co-essential
with the Father, Constantine called a council, and assembled
the bishops of the Christian world at Nice, a city in Bithynia:
these bishops cleared the point in controversy, and with
unanimous consent composed a symbol, containing a full ex
plication of whatsoever might be questioned touching the
deity of Christ. This form of Christian profession was
called the Nicene Creed, and was received as a most excellent
rule of faith, by all right believers throughout the world. In
this creed there was nothing expressly put down touching
the Holy Ghost, more than was found in the Apostles' Creed,
"that we believe in the Holy Ghost." But when Macedo-
nius and Eunomius denied the deity of the Holy Spirit, the
fathers assembled in the first council of Constantinople added
to the Nicene creed these words : "I believe in the Holy
Ghost, the Lord, and Giver of life, who proceedeth from the
Father ; who, together with the Father and the Son, is wor
shipped and glorified ; who spake by the prophets ;" so ex
pressing His proceeding from the Father, without any mention
of the Son. This creed, or form of Christian profession, was
confirmed in the council of Ephesus, and all they accursed
that should add anything unto it : meaning, as it may well
be thought, to condemn such addition as might make any
alteration, and not such as might serve for more full and
definite explication. But howsoever, this Nicene creed, thus
enlarged in the council of Constantinople, without any further
addition, was confirmed, and proposed to the Christian world
for a rule of faith in all the general councils that ever were
Synodo, act. 3. [ro Uvevpa to ayiov, to Kvpiov Kai faonoiovv, to k toS
Uarpbs di Ylov imopevopevov. Harduin, Concil. iv. p. 161. Compare
also ix. 573.]

chap. I.] OF THE CHURCH. Ill
holden, and was so publickly received in sundry Christian
Churches in their liturgies.
But in time the bishops of Spain began to add the pro
ceeding from the Son, saying, "We believe in the Holy
Ghost, the Lord, and Giver of life ; who proceedeth from the
Father and the Son." And the French, not long after, ad
mitted the same addition : but the Romans admitted it not.
Whereupon, Charles the Great, in his time, called a council
at Aquisgrane, in which it was debated, whether the Spaniards,
and after them, the French, had done well in adding to the
Creed, the proceeding of the Holy Ghost from the Son ; and
whether, supposing the point of doctrine to be true, it were
fit to sing and recite the creed in all public service of the
Church with this addition ; the Church of Rome, and some
other churches, refusing to admit it. Besides this, some
were sent to Leo the Third about that matter; but he would
by no means allow of this addition, but persuaded them that
had given way unto it, by little and little to put it out, and
to sing the creed without it. The same Leo caused the
symbol to be translated and written out in a table of silver,
in such sort as it had been delivered in the councils, placed
the same behind the altar of Saint Peter ; and left it to pos
terity, out of the careful desire of preserving the true faith
as he professed1. And in this symbol, in the article touching
the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, the Father only is named
in this sort ; " And in the Holy Ghost, the Lord and Giver
of life, who proceedeth from the Father," Neither was this
the private fancy of Leo only ; for after his time, John the
Eighth shewed his dislike of this addition likewise ; for,
writing unto Photius, patriarch of Constantinople, he saith
these words : " Reverend Sir, that we may give you satis
faction touching that addition in the creed [and from the
Son], we let you know, that not only we have no such
addition, but also we condemn them as transgressors of the
direct word, and [who] were the first authors of this addition2."
And afterwards he addeth, " We carefully labour, and endea
vour to bring it to pass, that all our bishops may think as
we do : but no man can suddenly alter a thing of such con
sequence, and therefore it seemeth reasonable to us, that no
1 [Pithceum Op. Miscell. p. 31. ed. 1609.]
2 Vid. Pithceum [Op. Miscell. p. 35.]

112 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiii.
man be violently constrained by you to leave out this addi
tion." But in the year 883, the Romans also made the
same addition to the creed, in the time of Pope Nicholas the
First. Here, by the way, we may note the inconstancy,
irresolution, and uncertainty of the Roman bishops, one of
them admitting that as right and good, which another, not
long after, condemned as a transgression of the direct law.
And further, that in matters of great importance, other
bishops have gone before them, and drawn them to do that,
in the end, which at first they misliked ; so that all direction,
in former times, was not sought from Rome. By that whieh
hath been said, it appeareth that the difference between the
Churches, touching this point, is not such as it should cause
any division or breach. Yet was this addition no sooner
made, but so great dislikes grew upon it (many thinking
nothing might be added, at least without a general council,
to the creed formerly published in so many general councils
as a rule of faith), that though the difference in truth and
in deed were but verbal, yet either side endeavoured to shew
the other erred dangerously : and so this verbal difference
was an occasion, amongst other things, to cause a schism and
separation between them1.
Thus having cleared this point, wherein, if in anything,
the Grecians may be thought to have erred, let us see what
other errors are imputed to them2. Guido Carmelita3, and
after him, Prateolus, impute unto them sundry errors, which
Lucianus of Cyprus, a learned Dominican and a worthy man,
as he is accounted by Possevine4, sheweth to be falsely
ascribed unto them. As first, that simple fornication is no
sin. Secondly, that they condemn second marriages, which
he sheweth to be untrue likewise, though the priest bless
only in the first, and not in the second. Thirdly, that they
think the contract of marriage may be broken, and the bands
1 [See Abp. Laud's Conference with Fisher, p. 19. ed. Oxon.
1839. Ant. de Dominis, De Repub. in. p. 170. Bp. Forbes, Instruct.
Hist. Theolog. i. 6. § 6. See also Opuscula, p. 639, ed. 1679, Grotius.
Bramhall's Schism Guarded, (Works, Vol. n. p. 597. ed. Oxon. 1842),
ar/d, Stillingfleet's Rational Account, &c. p. i. 1.]
2 ["This is taken from Thomas a Jesu, p. 234." Brewer's ed.]
3 Citatus a Prateolo [De Sectis, p. 199. ed. 1569.]
* Apud Possev. Bibl. 1. vi. c. 1.

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 113
dissolved at the pleasure of the parties ; whereas, contrariwise,
he affirmeth they allow no divorce, so as to permit a second
marriage, while both the parties live. Fourthly, they are
said to affirm, that the sacrament consecrated on Maundy
Thursday is of more force, virtue, and efficacy, than con
secrated any other day ; wherein he sheweth that they are
no less wronged than in the other imputations. Fifthly, they
are charged to teach that it is no sin to lend upon usury ;
and, which is worse, that it is not necessary to make restitu
tion of things unjustly taken away ; in both which imputa
tions, he saith, they are much wronged ; for they think
usury to be sin, and urge the necessity of restitution. Sixthly,
they are said to think if a priest's wife die, he ceaseth to be
a priest any longer, which is a mere slander, as the rest
were. So that it is true that Thomas a Jesu hath, that one
of the principal things that maketh the Grecians so averse
from the Latins, is, that they are wronged by them, by un
true reports and unjust imputations. The things wherein
they differ indeed from the Church of Rome are these.
First, they deny the Pope to be head of the Universal
Church, or to have any supreme commanding authority in
the Church, and over other bishops ; they say that there are
five patriarchs or chief bishops of the Christian Church ; to
wit, the bishop of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch,
and Jerusalem, and amongst these they yield a primacy of
order and dignity to the bishop of Rome; so that in all
councils and meetings he is to have the first place in sitting,
or giving voice, in subscribing, or defining and determining
things concerning the faith and state of the Church, but not
any power or commanding authority over them. We, saith
Marcus Ephesinus1, think the pope to be one of the five
patriarchs, if he be orthodox. But they that met in the
Florentine council, and subscribed to the union there made,
do teach that he is the vicar of Christ, the father and teacher
of all Christians.
Secondly, in the ministering of Baptism they differ much
from the Roman Church. For first, the words of form with
them are, " Let the servant of the Lord be baptized, in the
name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;"
1 ["In the Florentine synod. See Harduin's Concil. ix. 665."
Brewer's ed.]
[Field, I.] H

114 OF THE CHURCH [book in,
and not " I baptize thee," as in the Latin Church. Secondly,
They dip the baptized thrice in the water ; whereas many
among the Latins do only pour water upon the top of the
head. Thirdly, They use not salt, spittle, and the like, as
the Latins do. Fourthly, They anoint1 them with chrysm,
or holy oil, in the forehead2, so as in the Latin Church they
are anointed in confirmation, and in some other parts also
saying, " Sigillum et obsignatio doni Spiritus Sancti :" that
is, the seal and obsignation of the gift of the Holy Ghost ;
and use no other confirmation. Whereas the Latins make it
a sacrament to be ministered by none but a bishop. Fifthly,
According to the old custom used in the primitive Church,
they minister the sacrament of the Eucharist to children
when they baptize them.
Thirdly, they differ much more from the Latins touching
the sacrament of the Eucharist. For first, they use leavened
bread ; and some of them proceed so far, as that they think it
no sacrament if it be ministered in unleavened bread. 2ndly,
They consecrate one loaf, which tbey divide into many parts,
and give to the communicants. 3rdly, They keep the bread
and wine covered until they come to bless, and then draw
ing aside the curtain, they bring them into sight, and lift
them up from the mystical table, that the people may see
what heavenly food is prepared for them. And to this pur
pose with them serveth the elevation. 4thly, They think the
consecration is made by the prayers and blessing, and that
the reciting of the words of Christ, " this is my body," &c,
serveth only to put us in mind what was then done when
he first instituted this sacrament, and to give a power or
aptness to the sacramental elements to be changed mystically
into his body and blood ; whereas the Latins think the bare
recital of the words of Christ do work the consecration.
5thly, They pronounce the words of Christ aloud, that all
may hear and understand ; the Latins so that they are not
heard. 6thly, They give the sacrament to the hands of the
communicants ; the Latins put it in their mouths. Vthly,
They condemn private masses, as appeareth by Marcus Ephe
sinus, who saith, the priest in the Latin Church eateth all
and drinketh all himself, giving no part to any that are pre-
i Cyrill. Catech. p. 524. [xxi— iii. § 4.]
2 [See Dr Covel's State of the Greek Church, pp. 185. et sq.J

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 115
sent, no, not to the deacon that assisteth him, and yet crieth
aloud, Take and eat. So do they many things, saith he, in
the celebration of this holy mystery, contrary to the tra
dition received from the fathers, contrary to the words
of Christ, and contrary to themselves and their own words
8thly, They minister the communion in both kinds to all
communicants, and think it necessary so to do ; the Latins
minister it only in one kind to the lay people, and such
priests and clergymen as consecrate not, but are present only
to communicate. 9thly, They teach that there is a conver
sion of the bread and wine into the body and blood of
Christ ; but such as that is, whereby the iron is turned into
fire, or rather into a fiery nature and being, whence it be-
cometh burning iron ; in which there is no abolishing of the
substance, but such a change that it is no longer merely
iron, but the nature and properties of fire appear in it, rather
than of iron. So that, as iron is turned into fire, not by
an absolute ceasing to be, or losing of former properties, but
by a suspension of them for a time, so that they appear
not, and by becoming one in such sort with the fire, that
it hath all the properties and actions of it ; so the bread is
turned into the body of Christ, not by an absolute ceasing to
be, but by becoming one in such sort with Christ's body,
through the presence of the Spirit descending and coming
down upon it, as that the communicating in the one is the
partaking in the other, and an imparting of all such graces
as may or do flow from any union with the same. The
bread and wine, saith Damascene1, are so changed into the
body and blood of Christ, by the presence of the Spirit
descending and coming down upon them, as that they are
no longer two, but one and the same thing. And as the coal
is no longer mere wood or iron, but so united to the fire, that
it is become one with it ; so the bread wherein we com
municate is no longer mere bread, but united unto the Deity.
He doth not say the bread ceaseth to be, or is abolished ; but
that it ceaseth to be that it was, mere bread. What kind of
1 Orthodoxse Fid. lib. iv. c. 13. [ovras 6 -rfjs irpo6eo-ea>s apros, oivos
re Kai vdap dtii rrjs iiriKXyaeas Kai im<poirijo-eais tov ayiov Uveiparos virep-
(pvas peraTroiovvTai els to oS>pa tov XfuoroO Kai to alpa, Kai ovk elo-l 8vo,
aXX' ev Kai to avro. — avBpat; di £iXov Xitov ovk eonv aXX' ijvaipevov -rrvpl
ovra Kai 6 apros rrjs Koivavias, ovk apros Juto's ianv, aXX' -fjvwpevos deoT-qn.]
H2

116 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
conversion this is, we may learn out of Cyril1. " Vos uncti
estis," saith he, "unguento facti participes et consortes Christi,
caeterum vide ne illud putes unguentum tantum. Quemad-
modum enim panis Eucharistise post Sancti Spiritus invoca
tionem non amplius est apros XtroV, sed corpus Christi; sic
sanctum hoc unguentum non amplius est unguentum nudum
post invocationem ; neque, si quis ita malit appellare commune,
sed donum Christi." Here we see he maketh the consecrated
and holy ointment to be the gift of Christ, as the bread is
the body of Christ ; and so to cease to be mere oil or oint
ment, as the bread which we break ceaseth to be mere
bread ; whereas yet no man imagineth any such transub
stantiation of the oil or holy ointment, as to abolish the
nature and substance of it. But that the Greeks never
dreamed of any such conversion of the bread and wine as
should utterly abolish the former substance, it is evident by
Theodoret, in his Dialogues. For whereas the Eutychian
heretic objects, that as the outward signs in the sacrament
of the Eucharist are changed after they are consecrated, so
the body of Christ, after it was assumed, was changed into
the divine substance ; the orthodox and right believer an-
swereth, that he is taken in that snare which he laid for
others. For the mystical signs do not change their nature
after consecration, but remain and continue in the same sub
stance, figure, and shape, and are visible and may be handled,
as before; but they are conceived and beUeved to be that
which now they are made ; and are adored, as being that
which they are believed to be2. Here we see is no such
1 Catech. in. p. 525. [Ipels di pvpa ixplo-8r]Te, Koivavol Kai peroxoi
tov Xpio-rov yevopevoi. aXX' Spa pri vwovoijo~r)s iKeivo to pvpov yjriXbv
elvai' ao-nep yap 6 apros ttjs eixapiorias pera ttjv i-KiKXricriv tov ayiov
Uvevparos ovk en apros Xitos aXXa o-apa Xpio-rov, ourai Kai to ayiov tovto
pvpov ovk en yjnXbv oi8 as av e'liroi tis koivov per iTriKXrjcriv, aXXa Xp«r-
roO xaPl0~lJ-a- Cateches. xxi. Mystag. iii. § 3.]
2 Dialog. Inconfus. [p. 126. ao-nep to'iwv to. o~vp$oXa tov deo--
tiotikov o-dparos re Kai aiparos aXXa pev eio-i npb rrjs lepariKijs imKXijaeas
pera de ye Tr/v imKXrjo-iv peTaftaXXeTai Kai erepa yiverai, ovno to SeoTTOTiKov
oapa pera ttjV avaXrjij/iv, els rrjv ovo-'iav peTajSXijdt] Tqv deiav. OP0.
e'aXas als vtprjves hpKVo-iv. oide yap peril tov dyiao-pbv ra pvariKa o-vpj3oXa
rijs oiKeias i^io-rarai (pvo-eas. pevei yap inl ttJs -irpoTepas ovo-'ias, Kai tov
u-XVparos Kai rov el8ovs, Kai opa'ia eVri Kai anra, ola Kai 7tp6repov tfv
voelrai di Kai airep iyevero Kai TTioreveTai, Kai -n-poo-Kweirai as eKeaia ovra
Hirep TTUTTeveTai. ed. Schulze.]

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 117
change of the mystical signs as to abolish their substance and
former being, for then the conversion in the sacrament had
been such as the heretic imagined it to be in the body of
Christ assumed ; and so Theodoret could not truly have said,
he was taken in the snare which he laid for others. Where
fore to conclude this point, the Grecians teach, that there is a
conversion of the sacramental elements, but of that kind which
I have before shewed, that abolisheth not the things which
were, but maketh them to be that they were not. Which
may further appear, in that they say likewise there is a
change of the communicants into the being of Christ, and make
the end of the sacrament to be nothing else but nerovaia
Xoktto?, a transubstantiation into Christ ; rwv /mereyovrwv
eK0ewcris, the making of them that communicate partakers
of the divine nature, according to that of the Apostle, who
saith, "we are made the body of Christ;" and yet is not
our former being abolished, but we are made to be that which
we were not, in a divine and supernatural sort, according to
that of Damascene1 : " Let us come and receive the body of
Him that was crucified, let us partake of that divine burning
coal, that the fire of desire being kindled in us by that coal, may
burn up our sins, and lighten our hearts ; all that being changed
into that divine fire, we may become fire, and be in a sort
deified, and made partakers of the divine nature." All which
changes neither abolish nor confound substances. For as Cyprian
saith well2, " Nostra et ipsius conjunctio, nee miscet personas,
nee unit substantias, sed affectus consociat et confoederat volun-
tates;" thatis, "The union and conjunction that is betwixt
Christ and us, neither causeth any mixture of the persons, nor
maketh them to be substantially the same, but joineth affections
and confederateth the wills." Lastly, touching the sacrament
of the Lord's body and blood, they teach that it is a sacrifice,
and that we may the better conceive what they mean, they
lay down these propositions. First, that under the law two
1 Orthodoxse Fidei, 1. iv. C. 13. \rrpoo-eX8apev avra 7r68a diaKael Kai
o~Tavpoeidas Tas naXapas rxmaa-avres, tov ioravpapivov to o-apa vjrode£a-
pe8a, Kai iiriSivres 6(p8dXpovs Kai x*&1 Kal piraira, tov 8eiov avdpaKOS
peTaXafiapev, iva to -irup tou iv rjpiv iroSov irpoo-Xafibv ttjv e/c tov av8paKos
¦nvpao-iv KaTa<j>Xe£ri fipav Tas apaprtas, Kal cpaTia-T/ -qpav ras Kapdtas, Kai
rrj peTOva-la roO 8eiov Trvpbs irvpadapev Kal 8ea8apev.]
2 De coena Domini, [p. 97.]

118 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
sorts of things were presented unto God, gifts and sacrifices.
Gifts, as vessels of gold or silver, and things of like nature :
which they dedicated unto God, and set apart from profane
and ordinary uses. Sacrifices, as sheep, oxen, and the like
things, when they were slain and their blood poured out ;
and generally all such things as were consumed in the fire.
The second proposition is, that the body of Christ was both a
gift and a sacrifice ; for He was dedicated to God from His
first entrance into the world, as the firstfruits of our nature,
and as the first born of Mary his mother ; and afterwards He
became a sacrifice when He was crucified. The third, that
bread and wine are presented unto God in the holy sacra
ment, in the nature of gifts before they are consecrated.
The fourth, that the bread and wine are consecrated, and so
changed as to become the sacrificed body and blood of Christ.
The fifth, that it may be truly said, that there is not only
an oblation in the holy Eucharist, but a sacrifice also, in that
the body of Christ which was once sacrificed is there. The
sixth, that the bread cannot be said to be sacrificed, for then
the sacrifices ofthe New Testament should not excel those of
the Old. The seventh, that in the sacrificing of a hving
thing, the killing of it is implied. The eighth, that the
body of Christ cannot be said to be sacrificed in the Eucharist,
because He can die no more, but is immortal and impassible.
The ninth, that Christ may be said to be newly sacrificed and
slain commemoratively, in that the sacrificing of Him on the
altar of the cross is there commemorated and lively expressed,
and the benefits of it communicated to them that are made
partakers of those holy mysteries, according to that of Lyra1 :
" Sed dices, sacrificium altaris quotidie offertur in Ecclesia,
etc. ; dicendum, quod non est ibi sacrificii reiteratio, sed unius
sacrificii in cruce oblati quotidiana commemoratio. Secundum
illud Lucae xxii. ' Hoc facite in Meam commemorationem :' "
that is, " If thou say, the sacrifice of the altar is daily
offered; the answer is clear and easy, that the body of
Christ is not newly sacrificed on the altar, but whereas
Christ once offered Himself as a sacrifice on the cross, the
same is daily commemorated ; according to that of Luke xxii.
' Do this in remembrance of Me.1 " And therefore Chry-
1 In Hebr. x. [where ed. 1472 reads continua for quotidiana, &c]

chap. i.J OF THE CHURCH. 119
sostome, writing upon the Epistle to the Hebrews1, having
named it a sacrifice, addeth by way of explication, or cor
rection, that it is a sacrifice, or rather the commemoration
of a sacrifice. So that herein they differ from the Romanists,
who teach that there is a new real sacrificing of Christ.
In the doctrine of free-will they do not so clearly express
themselves as St Augustine and others that follow him. For
they teach that we must first will the things that are right
and good, and that God then helpeth, confirmeth, and setteth
us forward ; so that they suppose he followeth our wills, and
goeth not before them, lest the liberty thereof might be pre
judiced. Their meaning, I think, is, that no good can be
wrought in us without our consent ; which St Augustine also
confesseth to be true ; but it is God's grace that winneth,
inclineth, and boweth us to consent to that good which itself
suggesteth ; in which respect it may be truly said to go before
our will, and yet not to prejudice our liberty. If they speak
not so distinctly touching this point as some others do, it is
not to be marvelled at; seeing the Greek Fathers are not so
clear in this point as the Latins are. Whereupon Aloisius
Lippomannus in Catena Aurea, in his preface to the reader,
hath these words : " I have thought good to admonish thee,
that if in this whole work thou shalt anywhere find any such
sayings of Chrysostome, as that when man endeavoureth, and
doth that which pertaineth to him, God will abundantly give
grace; thou wisely and warily read that holy Doctor, lest
thou fall into any such error as to believe that God's grace
is given for our merits. For if out of merit, it is not grace.
But far be it from us to think, seeing we cannot so much as
endeavour or do anything that pertaineth to us, without God's
grace preventing us. According to that in the Psalm, ' His
mercy shall prevent me,' and again, ' His mercy shall follow
me all the days of my life.' And that of holy Church, ' Let
thy grace, 0 Lord, we beseech thee, prevent and follow us.' "
Sixthly, touching justification they lay down these propo
sitions : the first, that we must have faith to believe the things
revealed unto us of God. The second, that this faith maketh
us see what the estate of man's nature should be, what it was
at first, and how much we are fallen from that we were.
1 Cap. 10. [ovk aXXr/v 8vo-iav, Kadcmep 6 ap^tepeiiy Tore, aXXa ttjv
av-niv del noioipeV paXXov de dvapuno-iv epya£6pe8a 8vo~ias.]

120 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
The third, that out of this faith must flow a dislike of those
sinful evils, into which we are fallen, and a fear of woful con
sequents, if we be not freed from them. The fourth, that
hence must grow a desire of remission of that which is past,
of grace that we may cease to do evil and learn to do well ;
and of assistance of the same grace, that we may go on,
continue, and not be turned out of the good way when we
are entered into it. The fifth, that no man obtaineth remis
sion of sins without dislike of sin, and desire and purpose to
leave off to do evil. The sixth, that being thus converted
unto God in longing desires of reconciliation, we must not
doubt, but assure ourselves, of the obtaining of it. The
seventh, that being justified, no man can be saved without the
study and care of well-doing, and that works are necessary
unto salvation. The eighth, that when we have done all, we
must confess we are unprofitable servants, that in many things
we sin all. That if God do mark and observe our defects,
we cannot abide it. That we must not trust in our works,
but in God's mercy. That even those things which seem
small to us, deserve great punishment if God enter into judg
ment with us. And that it is not our well-doing, but His
mercy, that maketh us escape condemnation. So that they
differ from the Romanists touching the perfection of inherent
righteousness, the merit of congruence and condignity, and
works of supererogation.
Seventhly, the Romanists teach, that sins committed after
baptism, are not so remitted for Christ's sake, but that we
must suffer that extremity of punishment which they deserve,
and therefore either we must afflict ourselves in such sort and
degree of extremity as may answer the desert of our sin, or
be punished by God, here or in the world to come, in such
degree and sort that His justice may be satisfied. But they
that are orthodox teach, first, that it is injustice to require
the payment of one debt twice. Secondly, that Christ suf
fered the punishment due to all sins committed before and
after baptism, and therefore so satisfied the justice of God,
that they are partakers of the benefit of His satisfaction, so
far forth as that they are made partakers of it, are freed
from the guilt of punishment. Thirdly, that the satisfaction of
Christ is applied and communicated unto us upon the condition
of our faith and repentance, without suffering the punishment

chat, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 121
that sin deserveth. Fourthly, that it is no less absurd to say,
as the Papists do, that our satisfaction is required as a con
dition, without which Christ's satisfaction is not appliable unto
us, than to say, Peter hath paid the debt of John, and he
to whom it was due accepteth of the same payment, con
ditionally if he pay it himself also. Fifthly, that as one man
payeth another man's debt, and the payment of it is accepted
upon condition of his dislike of former evil courses, and pro
mise of amendment, and not otherwise ; so it may be truly
said, that neither Christ hath paid our debt, or God the
Father accepted the payment of it for us, but upon condition
of our sorrowful conversion and repentance. Sixthly, that
the penal and afflictive courses which the sinner putteth him
self into, may be named satisfaction dispositive, in that they
put us into an estate wherein we are capable of the benefit
of Christ's satisfaction, freeing us from the punishment of sin.
In this sort the Greeks urge the necessity of satisfactions,
and not as the Romanists do, which appeareth by the reasons
and causes which they deliver. Whereof the first is, that
correcting ourselves, and amending that which otherwise God
by His chastisements must drive us to do, we may escape
punishment. The second, that we may pull up the root of
sinful evils, that is, the inordinate desire and pleasure we had
in things which either we should not desire, or not so as we
do. The third, that this correction may serve us as a bridle
to restrain us from running into the like or worse evils here
after. The fourth, that we may frame ourselves to labour
and a strait course of life, virtue being a laborious thing
and requiring painful endeavours. The fifth, that we may
make it appear to ourselves and others that we hate sin
truly and from the heart. These are true reasons why men
should put themselves into penitential courses, and these only
are assigned by the Grecians ; but they never give any such
reason thereof as the Romanists fancy. And as they receive
not the Romish doctrine of satisfactions, so they never ad
mitted any use of such indulgences as are granted in the
Roman Church, nor ever dreamed of any power in the
Church of communicating the overplus of one man's satisfac
tions and sufferings, to supply the want of another.
Eighthly, touching the state of the departed : first they
think that neither the saints are already entered into the

122 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiii.
kingdom prepared for them, nor that the sinners are already
cast into hell ; but that both are in an expectation of that lot
that remaineth for them, and shall so continue till the resur
rection and judgment. This opinion prevaileth generally
amongst all the Eastern Christians, and it was the opinion of
many of the ancient fathers. Secondly, they believe that the
souls of such men as excel in virtue, are worthy of eternal
life ; and such as merely embrace this present world, of eternal
punishment : but that they who were in a course of virtue,
yet not without sundry defects, and die in the same, are not
to be punished eternally, nor yet to be made partakers of
God's glory till they have obtained remission of those sinful
defects in which they die without particular repentance. So
that they believe there is remission of some sins not remitted
here, obtained after this hfe. But whether they whose sins
are so remitted be subject to any punishment after their de
parting hence, or God do freely, without inflicting any punish
ment, remit them out of his merciful disposition, and at the
entreaty of the Church, they do not so clearly resolve1.
Though they incline to think that this remission is free, and
amongst many other reasons for proof of the same, allege
that as some few good things in them that are generally and
principally evil, shall have no reward in the world to come ;
so some few evil things in them that principally embrace
virtue, shall not be punished. But if they be subject to any
punishment, they all agree, that it is only the wanting of the
clear light of God's countenance that shineth upon others, or
the being in a strait or restraint, or the sorrowful dislike of
former evils ; and not any punishment inflicted from without,
to give satisfaction to the justice of God, or to drive them to
dislike that which they formerly liked well, and so to purge
them from the impurity of sin; as they of the Church of
Rome imagine. Thirdly, they pray for the dead, not, as the
papists, to deliver them out of purgatory, but for their resur
rection, and the remission of their sins, and public acquittal
in the day of judgment, the perfecting of whatsoever is yet
wanting unto them, the possessing of them of heavenly happi
ness, and, in the meanwhile, the placing of them where in best
sort they may expect till they be perfected.
Lastly, touching the saints departed, they lay down these
1 Apologia Greecorum de Purgatorio.

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 123
propositions. First, that, truly and properly, God only is to
be invocated. Secondly, that saints are invocated improperly
and by accident only. Thirdly, that Peter and Paul hear
none of those that invocate them, but the grace and gift that
they have, according to the promise, " I am with thee till the
end of the world ;" meaning (as it may be conceived) that the
saints hear not them that invocate them, but Christ the Son
of God, who was given unto them, and promised to be with
them; and the Holy Ghost, which is likewise given unto
them, and abideth and dwelleth in them for ever. So that
whatsoever their words seem to import when they speak to
the saints, their meaning is, to direct their petitions to that
God that promised to be with them, and to hear the petitions,
and grant the requests, of all such as by them should be con
verted, and should seek to Him, in hope to obtain such things
as by them he made them promise of. " The question is pro
posed," saith Hugo de Sancto Victore, " whether the saints,
when we entreat them to intercede for us, do pray for us,
and how?" The answer hereunto is, that the saints are no
otherwise said to pray for us, but in that the favour and
acceptation they have with God, induceth him to do good to
such as he findeth well affected towards them for his sake.
So that it is nothing, whether they hear us or not ; for it
sufficeth that God heareth us, to whom we principally direct
ourselves. Ninthly, touching images. First, they differ from the
Church of Rome, in that they allow no image of God. " Who
can make an image," saith Damascene1, " of God, who is
invisible, incorporeal, incircumscriptible ? It is great folly
and impiety to seek to have any representation of Him that
is an infinite and incomprehensible spirit." Secondly, they
admit no graven, carved or molten images, of gold, silver,
wood or stone ; but think they savour of heathenish supersti
tion. Thirdly, they have the pictures of the saints, not only
for history and ornament, which might be allowed ; but so as
in reference to Christ and his saints, to bow and incline them
selves before them : this they do, following the second Nicene
council, which though it condemned all religious adoration of
the saints and their pictures, and seemeth to permit no other
1 Damascen. De Orthod. Fide, iv. 17. [tov doparov Kal do-aparov
Kal drrepiypanTOV Kal do-xipwio-Tov 0eov tis 8vvarai iroirjo-aoSai ptprjpa;]

124 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
acts of outward reverence and respect to be done to pictures
of saints, than they yield to all sacred and holy things, as
books, vessels, vestments, and places dedicated to the service
of God ; nor the expressing of any other affections towards
them, or remembrances of them, than holy men here in this
world bear one towards another, and so far short of the con
ceit of the Romanists ; yet the Western Church, in the time
of Charles the Great, and a long time after, condemned that
council, and the image worship, which they that met in that
council sought to bring in : neither can the Greeks be excused
from superstition in this point l.
Tenthly, they permit such as are to be priests, if they
like not to live single, to marry wives before they be ordained
and made priests, and to live with them after they are en
tered into that degree and order; knowing that God hath
ordained marriage, that it is honourable amongst all men, and
that they that condemn priests' marriage, are the occasion of
much sinful impurity. " The Romanists," saith Photius, " do
so press the law of single life, that many grievous scandals
follow the same. For with them many virgins become
mothers that never were wives, and many mothers are found
to nurse the children of such fathers as may not be known.
And yet, these endeavour to make the true priests of God,
that live in lawful marriage, to be odious and hateful." So
then the Grecians leave it free to them that are to be or
dained priests to take unto them wives before their ordination,
and to live with them afterwards : but if they then refuse so
to do, they permit them not to marry afterwards. Yet if
any do, they dissolve not the marriage, but put them from
the execution of their office and ministry.
Lastly, touching abstinence, they differ not a little from
the Church of Rome : for they fast Wednesday, because on
that day Judas agreed with the Jews to betray Christ ; and
Friday, because on that day Christ was crucified. But they
fast no Saturday in the whole year, but only Easter-eve. In
the Lent they abstain on Saturday from flesh, but all the
year besides they freely eat flesh that day. They keep four
Lents in the year. The first, that which the Western
Christians observe. The second from the octaves of Whitsun
tide until the holidays of Peter and Paul, which they call the
i [See the Orthodox Confession, Q. Iv.]

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 125
fast of St Peter. The third from the first of August until
the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin. The fourth, six weeks
in the Advent, beginning presently upon the feast of St Philip,
according to the calendar of the Russians ; and therejoj^call
it the fast of St Philip. Their monks and bishops, as halting
been monks, do never eat flesh. Lastly, they all abstain
from things strangled, and blood, observing (as they suppose)
the canon of the apostles.
Thus we see the extent of the jurisdiction of the Patriarch
of Constantinople, and the religion of them that are under
the same. This jurisdiction hath been greatly straitened
within these few years; for both the Russians, both that
under the Muscovites, and the other subject to the King of
Polonia, are fallen from the same. But the number of them
that profess the Greek religion is not diminished. For all
those Christians still retain their former religion, rites, and
ceremonies. " The metropolitan of Moscow," saith Possevine1,
" was wont to be confirmed by the Patriarch of Constanti
nople, but now he is chosen by the prince, and consecrated
by two or three of his own bishops, without seeking any
confirmation from the Patriarch of Constantinople, to whom
yet the Emperor of Russia sendeth yearly a certain sum of
money by way of alms." The occasion of this breach and
falling off, Possevine saith, was the coming of a certain priest
from Constantinople unto Russia, in the time of Basilius.
For this priest finding the Moscovites to differ in some things
pertaining to religion, not only from the Latins, but the
Greeks also, freely reprehended them, and shewed his mis-
like ; this his reproof so enraged the emperor, that though
he had sent for him before he came, yet he cast him into
prison, and would never release him, though the great Turk
wrote unto him on his behalf. Since this time the Muscovites
seek no confirmation of their metropolitan from the patriarch
of Constantinople. The Russians that are under the king of
Polonia in the year 1595, finding they could not have re
course to the patriarch of Constantinople, living under the
tyranny of the Turk, in such sort as was fit, fell from that
jurisdiction and submitted themselves to the Roman bishop,
yet not without reservation of the Greek rehgion, and sundry
1 [Moscovia, p. 89. ed. 1587.]

126 OF THE CHURCH. [booh m,
limitations in subjecting themselves to that government, as
we may see at large in Thomas a Jesu1-
With these Christians that presently are, or lately were
subject to the patriarch of Constantinople, the Melchites of
Syria and the Georgians hold communion, and are of the
same rehgion with them.
Touching the Melchites, we must observe, that after the
ending of the council of Chalcedon, there grew a very great
distraction in the east part of the world ; for many disliked
and questioned the proceedings in that council, and would not
consent to the decrees of it. Amongst those that thus re
fused to admit the council, some ran into dangerous errors
and heresies : the emperor Leo, therefore, for the remedying
and preventing of evils of this kind, required the bishops of
those parts by their subscription, to confirm the faith esta
blished in that council ; and they that so did at the emperor's
command, were by the rest in scorn and contempt called
Melchites, as if you would say, men of the king's religion,
of Melchi, which in the Syrian tongue signifieth a king ;
but they were indeed, and were reputed, right believers by
all the sounder parts of the Church throughout the world.
These fell from the communion of the Roman Church when
the Greeks did, and are wholly of the same religion ; yet
were they never subject to the patriarch of Constantinople,
but of Antioch : these for their number are reputed the
greatest sort of Christians in the Orient2. Their patriarch
resideth at Damascus, whither the patriarchal seat was trans
lated ; Antioch itself (where they that believed in Christ
were first called Christians, and which was therefore named
Theopolis, the City of God), lying in a manner waste, or
broken and dissevered into small villages, of which only one
of about threescore houses, with a small temple, belonged
to Christians : but in Damascus there are above a thousand
houses of Christians.
The Maronites which inhabit Mount Libanus have a
patriarch of their own, whom they honour as patriarch of
1 Lib. vi. p. 328.
2 Boter. relat. p. 3. lib. ii. cap. de Melcb. [" See Forbes' Instruct.
Hist. Theolog. iii. 17 • Brerewood's ' Enquiries touching the Diversity
of Religions, &c.' ch. xvi. . Renaudot, Liturg. Orient.' ii. p. 1 : and
especially, Assemanni, Bib. Orient, i. 507." Brewer's ed.]

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 127
Antioch ; as likewise the Jacobites of Syria have a patriarch
of their own residing in Mesopotamia, whom they account
patriarch of Antioch. But the Melchites, who retain the
ancient religion of Syria, acknowledge none for patriarch but
their own chief bishop residing at Damascus, and reject the
other, as having departed from the faith, obedience, and com
munion of the true patriarch.
The Georgians inhabit Iberia : they are, saith Volateran,
great warriors, and cruel to their bordering neighbours. They
are named Georgians1, as some think, from St George, whose
banner they carry when they go to war against infidels. But
he rather inclineth to think they were the same that were
named Georgians by Pliny before St George was born ; and
that it is not a name of sect, but of their country named
Georgia and Iberia. They follow the opinion of the Grecians
touching matters of religion ; and in their divine service and
writings they partly use the Greek tongue and partly the
Chaldee. They have an archbishop residing in Mount Sina,
in a monastery of St Catharine, whom they obey without any
further relation or dependence. Between these and the river
Tanais, along the coast of Masotis and the Euxine Sea, lie
the Mengrellians and the Circassians, who are not only of
the Greek religion, but subject also to the Patriarch of Con
stantinople. Thus having spoken of the Christians of the Greek re
ligion, it remaineth that we come to the rest. Amongst
whom, the first that offer themselves to our consideration are
the Assyrians, commonly named Nestorians. What the heresy
of Nestorius was, is known to all. For he professed to be
lieve that the son of Mary is a divine man, and that God is
with him2, but would not acknowledge that he is God, and
therefore would not yield, that it may be truly said that
Mary is the mother of God. But they that are now named
Nestorians3 acknowledge that Christ was perfect God and
i [" Ofthe Georgians, see Thos. a Jesu, vii. 408." Id.]
2 [" 8eo(p6pov avdpairov tov Xpio-rbv Kal oixl Si) paXXov 8ebv eivai Kar
dXr}8eiav, as Yibv eva Kal <j)vo-ei, Kadb yiyove o-ap£ 6 Adyor. See St Cyril's
Letter to Nestorius, Harduin's Concil. I. p. 1294." Id. ]
3 [" Upon the Nestorians, see Thos. a Jesu, vii. 1, 2, 3. Canisii The
saurus, by Basnage, vol. I. Renaudot, Liturg. n. 566. Assemanni De
Patriarchis Chald. et Nestor. 4to. 1775 ; and Morinus De Ordinatio-
nibus, p. 364." Id.]

128 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
perfect man, from the first moment of his conception, and
that Mary may rightly be said to be the mother of the Son
of God, or of the Eternal Word, but think it not fit to call
her the mother of God, lest they might be thought to
imagine that she conceived and bare the divine nature of
the three persons ; the name of God containing Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost. This scruple might be tolerated
in them, but they have another leaven that soureth the
whole lump. For they are said to affirm, that the nature
of man is imperfect without personaUty, and therefore that
the Son of God, who assumed not an imperfect human
nature, assumed the nature of man, together with the per
sonality of the same. Whence it seemeth to follow, that
there are two persons in Christ. For the clearing of this
point it is to be noted, that personality is nothing but the
existence of nature in itself, which is in two sorts, potentially
or actually. The human nature which the Son of God
assumed, potentially existeth in itself, and would have ex
isted actually, if it had been left unto itself. And in this
sense they say the Son of God assumed the nature of man,
together with the personality of the same, that is, with a
potential aptness to exist in itself. But it was not left, but
prevented before it might actually exist in itself, and assumed
into the divine person, and so suspended from actually ex
isting in itself. In which sense we rightly say, the Son of
God assumed the nature of man without the personaUty of
the same ; and that it must not be granted that there are
two persons in Christ, as there are two natures. Neither
do these Christians so say there are two persons in Christ,
as if the human nature did actually exist in itself, but only
to imply, that there is a potential aptness in it so to exist,
if it were left unto itself. Yet the form of words which
they use is not to be allowed, for it savoureth of heresy, and
took beginning from heresy. But that they have no here
tical meaning it is more than probable, because otherwise
they should contrary and overthrow their former true con
fession, that Christ was perfect God and perfect man from
the first moment of his conception. And that Mary, that
conceived and bare him, may truly be said to be the mother
of the Son of God. And also because the archbishop of the
Indians was permitted to retain his ancient religion, when

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 129
first he submitted himself to the Church of Rome, which he
might not have been suffered to do, if he had erred in the
article of the incarnation. These Nestorians inhabit (though
mixed with Mahometans and infidels) a great part of the
Orient. For besides the countries of Babylon, Assyria,
Mesopotamia, Parthia, and Media, where very many of them
are found, they are scattered in the east, northerly to Cataia,
and southerly to India. So that in the histories we find men
tion of them, and no other sort of Christians, in sundry re
gions of Tartary. These have a patriarch residing in Muzal,
on the river Tigris, in Mesopotamia. This Muzal either is
the city of Seleucia, so honoured in times past, that the
government of those parts was committed to the bishop thereof,
with the name of a Catholic, and place of session in councils
next the Patriarch of Jerusalem ; or if that were destroyed,
the patriarchal seat was thence translated to Muzal. In this
city (though subject to Mahometans) the Jacobites have three
temples, the Nestorians fifteen, being esteemed to be about
forty thousand souls1. In the time of Julius the Third, cer
tain of these Nestorians fell from the bishop of Muzal, and
took for their head Simon Sulaca, of the order of St Basil,
who submitted himself to the bishop of Rome, exhibited an
orthodox confession of his faith, and was by him confirmed
bishop of Muzal in title and name ; but the other held the
place still. So that when he returned, he was forced to
abide in Caramit. This Simon Sulaca made certain arch
bishops and bishops, and caused the memory of Nestorius
to be put out of their Uturgies ; and in the end he was slain
by the Turk's ministers. But Abdesu, of the same order,
succeeded him ; and after him, Aatalla : after him, the arch
bishop of Gelu and Salamas, renouncing the obedience of
the Bishop of Muzal, was elected patriarch, and confirmed
by the Bishop of Rome. So that there were four patriarchs,
successively following one another, that held communion with
the Church of Rome, but no one of them ever possessed that
city, but resided either in Caramit, Seert, or Zeinalbach in
the confines of Persia. All these were undoubtedly orthodox
touching the article of the incarnation of the Son of God.
And Elias2, one amongst the bishops that held the seat of
1 Onuphr. in Jul. III. Thomas a Jesu, lib. vii. part i. cap. 3, 4.
2 Leonard. Episcop. Sidon. citat. a Thomas a Jesu, ibidem.
[Field, I.] I

130 OF THE CHURCH. [book in;
Muzal, desired to be joined in communion with the Church
of Rome, and sent his confession, which was found to be
orthodox and right ; so that they of that faction also seem
not to have differed much in judgment touching any article
of faith. The Nestorians are subject to these two patriarchs to this
day. The patriarch of Muzal hath under him twenty-two
bishops, more than six hundred territories, in which there are
at the least twenty-two rich and flourishing cities, and in every
one of them five hundred families : in Muzal, one thousand,
whereof every one containeth about forty persons ; and other
lesser territories containing about two hundred or three hun
dred families a-piece, and thirty monasteries. In India also
there are many families subject to this patriarch, by the name
of patriarch of Babylon, to whom he was wont to assign
bishops. There were in India before the Portugals coming,
about 15,000 or 16,000 families. About some thirty years
since, their archbishop fell from the patriarch of Muzal or
Babylon, to the bishop of Rome, by the persuasion of the
Portugals ; yet retaining the ancient religion which was per
mitted. But his successor, in another synod holden at Diam-
per, not far from MaUapur, by the Archbishop of Goa, in the
year 1599, received the religion of Rome also, and suffered
their liturgy to be altered, as we find it in "Bibliotheca
Patrum1." But let us proceed to take a view of the particular points
of their religion. First, all clergymen amongst the Chal
deans2, and also aU laymen that excel in devotion, receive the
sacrament of the Lord's body and blood in their own hands
under both kinds ; the rest receive into their mouths the body
of the Lord dipped into the blood. They contract marriages
within the degrees prohibited, marrying in the second degree
without dispensation. Their priests are married ; and after the
death of the first wife, have liberty to marry the second, or
third time, or oftener. They minister the communion in
leavened bread. They use not auricular confession, nor con
firmation. They deny the supremacy of the pope.
The specialties of the religion of the Indians, or Christians
of St Thomas, before they admitted any alteration, were
1 Auctarii Tom. n. in fine. [Thos. a Jesu, p. 354.]
2 [Upon the Chaldeans, see Thomas a Jesu, vii. 4.]

chap. I.] OF THE CHURCH. 131
these. First, they distributed the sacraments in both kinds.
Secondly, they used bread seasoned with salt ; and, instead of
wine, India affording none, the juice of raisins softened one
night in water, and so pressed forth. Thirdly, they baptized
not their children till they were forty days old, except in
danger of death. Fourthly, their priests were married, but
excluded from the second marriage. Fifthly, they had no
images in their churches, but the cross only. Sixthly, they
denied the supremacy of the pope.
From the Assyrians and Indians, unjustly named Nesto
rians, let us pass to those Christians that are supposed to be
Monophysites, as the Jacobites, Armenians, Cophti or Chris
tians of Egypt, the Ethiopians or Abissenes1. These believe
that the natures of God and man were so united in the person
of Christ, that he is truly God and truly man, and that after
the union they remain distinct in their being of essence and
property, so that the divinity is not of the same essence, sub
stance, and nature with the humanity ; for the divinity is
infinite, incomprehensible, and increated ; and the humanity is
finite and a created essence : yet, because they are united and
conjoined in the unity of the same person, they say they are
but one nature, and will not acknowledge, as we do, that
there are two natures in Christ. That we may the better
know what we are to think of these Christians differing thus
from us, I will first historically shew how this difference grew;
secondly, more largely refute their opinion ; and thirdly,
make it appear, that in respect of this difference, they are not
to be rejected as heretics.
There lived at Constantinople a certain man whose name
was Eutyches, a priest and an abbot. This Eutyches, in
opposition to Nestorius, who divided the person of Christ,
proceeded so far that he confounded the natures, imagining a
conversion of the divinity into the humanity, or of the hu
manity into the divinity, or a kind of mixtion of them2. This
Eutyches was weU acquainted with Eusebius bishop of Dori-
lfKum, who understanding by conference with him that he
was fallen into such a damnable heresy, made the matter
known to Flavianus, the bishop of Constantinople, wishing
him to call Eutyches unto him and sharply to rebuke him,
1 [See Thos. a Jesu, p. 359. sq.]
2 [Vid. Forbes Instruct. Hist. Theol. ii. 9.] I 2

132 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
lest the faith might be endangered. Flavianus, as soon as
he understood thus much, called together thirty of his bishops,
and in their presence asked of Eutyches, whether he did be
lieve that Christ's body is of the same substance with ours ?
He answered, he had never said so hitherto, but would,
seeing they would have it so ; to whom Flavianus replied,
that not they, but the fathers required him so to profess,
and therefore if he did so believe, he should anathematize
all that thought otherwise. To whom Eutyches answered,
he had never hitherto professed so to beUeve, yet would now
for their sakes ; but would never be induced to anathematize
them that think otherwise, for that if he should, he must, as
he supposed, accurse the holy fathers and scriptures, which
do so speak, that they deny Christ's body to be of the same
substance with ours. When Flavianus heard him thus speak,
he put him out of the order of presbyters, and removed him
from his office and dignity of an abbot1. Eutyches, thus de
graded and deprived, resorted oft to the emperor, complaining
that he was wronged by Flavianus. Whereupon Theodosius,
then emperor, caUed a council at Ephesus2, that it might be
there examined whether Eutyches were duly proceeded against
or not ; and made Dioscorus, bishop of Alexandria, president
of the council, who caused the proceedings of Flavianus to
be read, but suffered him not to say anything in his own
defence', neither would he give him leave to ask any question
if any doubt arose; and for Eusebius, who was to accuse
Eutyches, he would not so much as suffer him to speak.
The conclusion was, he deposed Flavianus, and restored
Eutyches. Things being thus violently carried, they that
suppUed the place of the bishop of Rome, returned home,
made all known to Leo, the bishop. He presently went to
Valentinian, who wrote to Theodosius to call another council ;
but he refused so to do, thinking Dioscorus had duly pro
ceeded. But after his death, Martianus called a council at
Chalcedon3. In the first session of this council Dioscorus
appeared, where he clearly anathematized those that bring in
either a confusion, conversion, or commixtion of the natures
of God and man united in Christ ; so condemning Eutyches,
whom, out of partiality and sinister respect, he had formerly
acquitted : but yet professed, that after the union we must
1 [a.d. 448.] 2 [a.d. 449.] 3 [a.d. 451.]

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 133
not say there are two natures, but one nature of the Son of God
incarnate ; and told them he had to this purpose sundry testi
monies of the holy fathers, Athanasius, Gregory, and Cyril.
For confirmation of this his saying, Eustathius, bishop of
Beretum, produced an epistle of Cyril to Acacius bishop of
MeUtinum, Valerianus of Iconium, and Successus bishop of
the province of Diocsesarea, wherein more fuUy explaining
certain things contained in his former epistles, he saith ex
pressly, We must not say there are two natures in Christ,
but one nature of the Son of God incarnate. Which when
they of the east disliked, he brought forth the book, and
read the very same words unto them, and after the reading of
them, brake forth into these words : " Whosoever saith there
is one nature, to deny the flesh of Christ which we believe to
be consubstantial with ours, let him be anathema : and whoso
ever saith there are two natures, to make a division in Christ,
let him be accursed also:" adding, that Flavianus admitted
this doctrine of Cyril, and therefore that he was unjustly con
demned by Dioscorus. But Dioscorus answered, that he con
demned him, because he affirmed that there are two natures in
Christ after the union, whereas the fathers tell us, we must
not say there are two natures after the union, but one of the
Word incarnate. And after this time he refused to appear any
more in the council. Whereupon, for his former violent and
sinister proceedings, and for his present contumacy, he was
condemned and deposed, and not for heresy, as is expressly
delivered by AnatoUus in the council. For whereas there
was a form of confession composed which Asclepiades recited
in the council, wherein was contained, that Christ consisted of
two natures; there arose presently a great doubt amongst
the bishops : the nobles and great men therefore that mode
rated, spake unto them in this sort : " Dioscorus saith that
Christ consisteth of two natures ; Leo, that he consisteth in
two natures, without mutation, confusion, or division : whom
follow ye ? " To whom the bishops, rising up, answered with
one voice, " As Leo, so we all believe : accursed be Dios
corus." At the hearing hereof, Anatolius said, Dioscorus was
not deposed for erring in faith, but because he excommuni
cated Leo, bishop of Rome ; and refused to come into the
council when as he was required so to do. Neither was the
form of confession recited by Asclepiades rejected as ill, but

134 OF THE CHURCH; [book m.
as imperfect. That which some aUege, that Dioscorus had been
condemned as an heretic if he had appeared, is childish. For
if the fathers there assembled had judged his sayings heretical,
they might, and no doubt would have condemned him as an
heretic though absent, as weU as the council of Ephesus con
demned Nestorius, though absenting himself, and, as much as
in him lay, declining their judgment. So the council of Chal-
cedon condemned Eutyches as an heretic, and deposed
Dioscorus for his contumacy and other sinister, violent, and
disordered proceedings in that second council, wherein he was
president ; and so ended. But after the ending thereof there
arose woful distractions and divisions in the Christian world.
For besides those that followed Eutyches in his heresy there
were many found who, though they were far from adhering
to cursed Eutyches, yet disliked the proceedings against
Dioscorus, and stiffly maintained that form of confession that
was published by Asclepiades, not only as good, but as per
fect and sufficient; affirming that two natures were united
in Christ without mutation, conversion, commixtion, or confu
sion ; but that being united there are no longer two, but one ;
so that we may say, Christ consisted of two natures, but we
must not say he consisteth in two natures, as Leo and the
council. Urging to this purpose that authority of Cyril, that
we must not say there are two natures in Christ, but one of
the Word incarnate ; his words are : " Post unionem, sublata
in duo divisione, unam esse credimus Filii (pvaiv creaapKo/ne-
vov, Kal evavOptoirricravro's. Nestorianus agnoscit Verbum
incarnatum, sed dum duas nominat naturas, dividit et se-
jungit ab invicem."
This opinion prevailed mightily in those times, and con-
tinueth in many Christian Churches till this day. For the
Christians of Egypt, Ethiopia, Armenia, and the Jacobites of
Syria, defend the same, accursing Eutyches as an heretic,
and acquitting Dioscorus, yea, honouring him as a good and
holy man. Wherefore seeing it is against the law of charity
to condemn so many millions of souls to hell, unless they be
clearly convinced of heresy, let us more exactly consider
what it is they say. First therefore they teach, that Christ
is truly God and truly man, that he received his divine
nature of his Father before all eternity, his human nature
from his mother in the fulness of time. Secondly, they

chap. i.J OF THE CHURCH. 135
accurse all them that spoil him of either of these natures.
Thirdly, they say that these natures were so united, that
there was no confusion, mixtion, or conversion of one of them
into another; nor such composition as that a third nature
might arise out of them. Fourthly, that the deity and hu
manity of Christ are not all one. Fifthly, they confess, that
it may truly be said, the divinity of Christ is aliud natura ;
that is, a thing of different condition and nature from his
humanity. Sixthly, that they are not of the same nature
and substance. Seventhly, that their properties are not the
same, the one being finite, and the (other infinite. So that
this is it which they say ; that the two natures which were
united in Christ remain after the union, without mixtion,
confusion, or conversion, in their distinct being of essence and
properties: but are become one, first, in the being of sub
sistence ; secondly, in respect of mutual inexistence ; and
thirdly, in communion of mutual operation, in that the one
doth nothing without the communion and concurrence of the
other. And in this sort is that saying of Cyril to be under
stood, when he saith, there are not two natures in Christ,
but one nature of the Word incarnate, that is, the two
natures united are not two and distinct, but one in subsist
ence. For the nature of man hath no subsistence but that
of the Word communicated unto it, in which they are
one. And so it is expounded in the eighth canon of the fifth
general council. Leonardus, bishop of Sidonia, reporteth,
that when he conferred with the patriarch of the Jacobites
to this purpose, he clearly accursed Eutyches confounding
the natures of God and man in Christ, but yet affirmed that
they are so united, that there is one personated nature,
arising out of two natures not personated ; professing that
they think as the Latins do touching the thing itself, but
differ from them in form of words more aptly expressing the
thing, as they suppose1. Tecla Abyssen saith, the Ethiopians
think there is but one nature in Christ : being asked, whether
they think there is one nature resulting out of the two na
tures that were united, he answereth, that they say no such
thing ; but that they profess simply that there is one nature,
and that is the divine nature ; meaning, as it seemeth, that
1 Apud Thomas a Jesu, lib. vii. par. i. c. 14. [p. 387]. Leonardus
was papal nuncio, and gave an account of his embassy in MS., where
this information is found.

136 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
the divine nature only subsisteth in its own subsistence, and
that the humanity is drawn into the unity of the same1.
Thomas a Jesu reporteth2, that, in the time of Gregory the
Thirteenth, there were certain learned men sent into Egypt
to win the Christians of those parts to join in communion
with the Roman Church. And in the year 1582, a synod
was holden at Cairo, where at the third meeting, after six
hours' disputation touching the two natures of Christ, aU with
one consent, by God's happy direction, decreed, as the truth
is, touching the thing itself; anathematizing aU them that
should spoil him of either nature, who being God and man
received his deity from the Father, and his humanity from
his mother. And though the Christians of Egypt refuse to
say there are two natures in Christ, yet they confess him to
be God and man. Nicetas saith, the Armenians are Mono-
physites, and that Immanuel the emperor, in the year 1170,
sent Theorianus to confer with their cathoUc or chief bishop,
and to reclaim them, if it might be, from that heresy. The
disputation between them he setteth down at large. But
Genebrard feareth not to censure him ; pronouncing, that both
he and Theorianus were deceived, if that be indeed the an
swer of the Armenian bishop to the objections of Theorianus,
as is there put down8. For, Nature being sometimes taken
for a part, sometimes for the whole consisting of the several
parts ; as in Aristotle, sometimes it importeth the whole, some
times the parts of which the whole consisteth ; the Armenian
bishop said truly, the things whereof Christ consisteth are of
different nature, or different in nature ; and that they are but
one nature in that they are so joined and put together, that
they are one in the being of subsistence, that one of them
inexisteth in the other, and either of them hath a communion
of operation with the other. But he in no sort imagineth
that they are so one, as if a compounded nature did arise
out of the putting of them together, in such sort as the
nature of man is a compound nature arising out of the
putting together of the soul and body. So that these
Christians are unjustly charged with the heresy of the Mo-
nophysites, anciently condemned. For they imagined, that
1 Apud Thomas a Jesu, Ub. vii. p. i. c. 13. [379.]
2 Thomas «, Jesu, lib. vii. c. 6. [p. 362.]
3 Lib. xvii. Orthodoxisc, citatus a Genebrardo, Chron. ad annum,
1153.

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 137
the two natures united in Christ are become one in the
being of essence and property ; but these confess them to
remain distinct in both these respects, and to become one only
in respect of the being of subsistence, mutual existence, and
the communion the one hath with the other in action and
operation ; comparing this union to that of the iron and fire.
Neither is it to be marvelled at, that they are thus wronged.
For as Genebrard noteth, the Greeks often wrong the Orien
tal Christians, laying an imputation of heresy upon them out
of sinister respects : so that they are to be suspected, as often
as writing of the Syrians, Maronites, Ethiopians, Persians,
Indians, Georgians, Egyptians, they call them Jacobites or
Nestorians. For they that travel into these parts, find them
to be orthodox and right believers, differing from other parts
of the true Church rather in certain ceremonies than in sub
stance. Having thus cleared these Christians from the impu
tation of heresy undeservedly laid upon them, let us proceed
more particularly to consider of the specialities of religion
professed by them, and first of the reUgion of the Jacobites.
The Jacobites have their name from one Jacobus of
Syria, surnamed Zanzalus, living about the year of our Lord
530 ; who, amongst others that rejected the council of Chal-
cedon, laboured greatly to persuade the people of Syria to
refuse the same ; and taught them to believe, that the two
natures which were united in Christ, after the union, are
become one ; not in such sort as Eutyches imagined, who con
founded them into one; but as Dioscorus taught, who made
them to be one by adunation without mixtion or confusion.
That this was his opinion, it is evident by his followers, who
honour Dioscorus as a saint, and condemn Eutyches as an
heretic. These, as Leonardus bishop of Sidonia reporteth,
are dispersed throughout the cities, regions, and towns of
Syria, Mesopotamia, and Babylon ; mixed with other sects :
and their number is so great, that there are fifty thousand
families of them. They chiefly inhabit in Aleppo of Syria,
and in Caramit. They have, and long have had, a patriarch
of their own, to whom they yield obedience. For we read
of the patriarch of the Jacobites in the time of Heraclius the
emperor. This patriarch resideth in Caramit, but the patri
archal Church is in the monastery of Zafra, without the city
Moradin, in Mesopotamia. They were, before the breach,

138 OF THE CHURCH. [book ni.
subject to the patriarch of Antioch ; but when they fell off
from other Christians in opinion, they departed from the
patriarch that then was, and entitled one of their own making
to that honour ; supposing the other to be in error, and them
selves right. And, even to this day, they account their chief
bishop, patriarch of Antioch, caUing him always Ignatius : and
to him the metropoUtan of Jerusalem, whom the Jacobites call
the fifth patriarch, is subject ; as anciently the bishops of Je
rusalem were, before the council of Chalcedon, which took from
Antioch the three provinces of Palestina, and assigned them
to the bishop of Jerusalem for his patriarchal jurisdiction.
Besides the bishop of Jerusalem, who acknowledgeth him for
his superior, he hath under him seven archbishops, with many
bishops. Let us therefore take a view of their reUgion.
Touching the two natures in Christ, they beheve as I
have already deUvered. The other particulars of their re
ligion are these. First, they confess their sins to God only,
and not to the priest; or but very seldom : so that many
communicate without confession. Secondly, they admit not
purgatory, nor prayers for the dead. Thirdly, their priests
are married. Fourthly, they consecrate the eucharist in
unleavened bread. Fifthly, they minister the eucharist in
both kinds. Sixthly, they use circumcision even of both
sexes. Seventhly, tbey sign their children before baptism
with the sign of the cross imprinted with a burning iron;
some in the arm, some in the forehead, that they may be
known to be Christians, and that if ever they fall away, they
may, by this mark, be known to be apostates : hence grew
the false report that they baptized with fire. Eighthly, they
add to the trisagium this appendix, qui crucifixus est pro
nobis ; and hereupon are charged to attribute the passion of
death to the Divinity, and consequently to the whole Trinity ;
which is made more probable, because they acknowledge but
one nature in Christ. Touching this hymn, it is to be noted,
that in the time of Theodosius the emperor there was a most
fearful earthquake, which specially appeared in Constanti
nople, where the wall, with fifty-seven towers, fell down ; so
that the people were forced to go out of the city and to abide
in the fields, to avoid the danger of the ruins. While they
were crying Curie eleeson, a child was suddenly taken up
into the air, and upon the prayers of the godly, let down

chap. I.] OF THE CHURCH. 139
again to the ground without any hurt; who, when he was
come down, told them he had heard a choir of angels singing,
ayios o Geos, ayios io-yvpos, ayios aOavaros, eXer/crov r\\xS>v,
willing them so to sing, that the earthquake might cease.
When Proclus the bishop heard this, he commanded the whole
congregation to sing ; and the earthquake ceased, and imme
diately the child died. Hereupon Theodosius the emperor
commanded this hymn to be sung in all Christian churches
throughout the world, so that it grew to be in great request l.
Petrus Gnapheus, bishop of Antioch, added to this hymn,
qui cruciflxus est pro nobis ; and was bitterly reproved by
many bishops for so doing. Ephraim, bishop of Antioch,
finding that certain were divided from the communion of
other Christians in respect of this addition, telleth them, that
they of the east understand this hymn of Christ, and so sin
not in adding, qui cruciflxus est pro nobis2- But they that
inhabit Constantinople and the Nestorian parts, understand
it of the Trinity, and therefore endure not this addition,
because it is impious to attribute the passion of death to the
blessed Trinity. The vicar of the patriarch of the Jacobites
being conferred with by some Western Christians about this
addition, told them, that they understand this hymn of Christ,
and so apply the passion of death on the cross to Christ
only, and not to the holy Trinity. Ninthly, they deny the
supremacy of the pope.
Next to these in order are the Armenians. These inha
bit Asia, in that part which lieth between the mountains Tau
rus and Caucasus : their country, Armenia, reacheth from
Cappadocia to the Caspian Sea. They are subject to two
patriarchs : for the greater Armenia is subject to one, and
the lesser to another. The patriarch of the greater Armenia
resideth in the monastery and church of Ecmeazin, near the
city Ervan, in Persia. The families that are subject to this
patriarch are more than 150,000, besides exceeding many
monasteries, bishops, priests, religious men, and deacons. There
are also certain primates, or rather patriarchs of this Arme
nian nation, in the remotest parts of Persia, and in Constan
tinople, who though of right they should be subject to this
patriarch, yet sometimes acknowledge no such thing. The
1 Cent. [Magd.] v. p. 1486.
2 Phot. Bibl. p. 403. [747. ed. 1653.]

140 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
patriarch of the lesser Armenia resideth in the city Sis, in
SiUcia, named at this day Caramania. This patriarch hath
under him twenty-four prelates, archbishops, and bishops,
besides three hundred priests, and exceeding many deacons
and clerks living of alms and their own labour ; and about
20,000 families of Christians, which live in cities, villages,
and castles of Syria and Silicia ; and twenty monasteries, in
every of which there are an hundred religious persons. These
Armenians, both the greater and the lesser, are lately taken
by the Persians from the Turks, and added to the Persian
empire. Touching their religion, Nicephorus attributeth
unto them sundry damnable heresies concerning the Trinity
and the incarnation of Christ1 ; but most untruly, according to
Genebrard's observation before mentioned, as may appear by
their own Confession extant, sent by the mandate of the
cathoUc of Armenia to the patriarch of Constantinople, not
fifty years ago, by which it is evident that they are ortho
dox in these points. The specialties of their religion are
these : first, touching the two natures in Christ, they are of
the same opinion with the Jacobites, formerly expressed.
Secondly, they admit only three general councils ; they reject
that of Chalcedon : they condemn Leo bishop of Rome : they
accurse Eutyches, and honour Dioscorus. Thirdly, they add
to the Trisagium, as the Jacobites also do, qui crucifijous est
pro nobis; but in the same sense as they do, and without any
heretical meaning. Fourthly, 'they affirm, with the Grecians,
that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father only.
Fifthly, they think the souls of the just shall not enjoy hea
ven happiness till after the resurrection. Sixthly, they deny
purgatory, and pray not for the dead. Seventhly, they deny
marriage to be a sacrament. Eighthly, they deny the local
presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament. Ninthly,
they deny that the sacraments give grace. Tenth, they
think that the eucharist is to be given to all that are baptized,
together with their baptism. Eleventh, they mingle not
water with wine in the holy eucharist. Twelfth, they con
demn the adoration of images. Thirteenth, they admit mar
ried priests, and as some say, admit none to be secular priests
except they be married ; and yet exclude the second marriage.
1 [Hist. Eccl. xviii. 53.]

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 141
Fourteenth, they fast Wednesday and Friday, and on those
days eat neither oil nor fish, neither do they drink wine ;
and they abstain in Uke sort the whole Lent, save that on
Saturday and Sunday they eat butter, cheese, and eggs.
Fifteenth, in the Lent they never consecrate but on Saturday
and Sunday, which days they fast not. Sixteenth, out of
Lent they eat flesh on all Saturdays throughout the year.
Seventeenth, from Easter till Whitsuntide they fast not any
Friday, but freely eat flesh. Eighteenth, they know not the
Ember fast. Nineteenth, they solemnize not Christmas-day
on the 25th of December, but fast that day, and instead of
it keep the day of the Epiphany as Christ's birth-day, accord
ing to an ancient custom l, as we may read in Epiphanius and
Chrysostome. Twentieth, on Sunday before Easter they eat
eggs and cheese in the evening, saying, that Christ rose in
the evening. Twenty-first, they eat not of such beasts as
are judged unclean in the law. Twenty-second, they admit
not the sacrament of auricular confession, as it is in the
Roman Church ; neither of confirmation, nor extreme unction 2.
Twenty-third, they deny the supremacy of the pope. Lastly,
they are charged to deny original sin ; but, unjustly, as it
seemeth3; seeing they teach that the children of infidels, not
baptized, go to heU with their unbelieving parents.
Having spoken of the Jacobites and Armenians, it
remaineth that we come to take a view of the religion and
rites of the Cophti and Abyssens, or Ethiopians. The word
Cophti is not a name of sect, but of country, importing no
more than an Egyptian Christian*. The particulars of the
religion of the Cophti are these. First, they reject the council
of Chalcedon, they condemn Leo bishop of Rome, they accurse
1 See Casaub. [Rycaut, 420.]
2 Thomas a Jesu, lib. vii. c. 23.
3 Thomas a Jesu, lib. vii. c. 17.
* ['"Ab oppido Thebaidis celebratissimo utpote quod commune est
^Egyptiorum et Arabum emporium vergens ad mare rubrum quod et
toti iEgypto nomen dedit, nimirum ut sit aia guptos, sive koptos vel rrjs
kotttov.' Abudacni, p. 4. The same is variously derived by different
writers: some conceiving it to be only a corruption of Jacobites; others,
diro tov Ko-nreo-dai, from the rite of circumcision being still practised
among the people; and Kircher, from ko-htos, incisus, applied in con
tempt to the Christians by the Turks. For their errors, see Asse-
mann, iii. 305. 355." ed. Brewer.]

142 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
Eutyches, and honour Dioscorus and Jacobus Syrus as holy
men; and, touching the incarnation, teach as the Jacobites
and Armenians do, refusing to acknowledge two natures in
Christ, and yet confessing him to be truly God and truly
man, and accursing them that spoil him of either nature,
or deny that they remain in him distinct and unconfounded,
in being and property, in sort before expressed. Secondly,
they add to the Trisagium, as the former, but in the same
sense, and without all touch of heresy. Thirdly, they per
mit none to baptize but a priest, in what necessity soever ;
nor anywhere else but in a church ; nor before the fortieth
day. Fourthly, they dip the baptized into the water after
the manner of the Greeks, but pronouncing the words as
the Latins do. Fifthly, they presently anoint the baptized
and minister the eucharist to them in both kinds : they
sometimes used circumcision, but now have abrogated that
custom, at least in Alexandria and Cairo ; happily since the
synod there holden, whereof I spake before. Sixthly, they
minister the sacrament of the eucharist in both kinds; the
priests never celebrate without the assistance of the deacons
and the subdeacons, and these always communicate with the
priest ; but the lay people seldom, but only at Easter. Se
venthly, they consecrate in leavened bread. Eighthly, they
neither minister extreme unction nor the eucharist to the
sick. Ninthly, they give the inferior holy orders even to
children so soon as they are baptized. Tenth, they acknow-
lege that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Son, yet leave
out those words, and from the Son, in the creed. Eleventh,
they contract marriage in the presence of the priest and in
the face of the Church, after the manner of the Roman
Church, but with more ceremonies. Twelfth, they sometimes
dissolve marriage, and permit a second marriage. Thirteenth,
they admit married priests. Fourteenth, they admit not pur
gatory nor prayer for the dead. Fifteenth, they read in the
churches certain fabulous things, as the book called Secreta
Petri, and the Gospel of Nicodemus. Sixteenth, they deny
the supremacy of the pope, and think him no less subject to
error than other bishops. They condemn the Latin Church
as erring in sundry points of religion, and thereupon refuse
to communicate with the Christians of these parts. And
though Baronius have a large narration of an embassage,

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 143
sent from the Church of Alexandria to Clement the Eighth,
wherein is reported, that Mark the patriarch, and with him
aU the bishops and people subject to that jurisdiction, sub
mitted themselves to the bishop of Rome, as to the head of
the Church1 ; yet afterwards it was found to be a mere
imposture and cozenage, as Thomas a Jesu reporteth. But
Casaubon teUeth us, that the patriarch of Alexandria wrote a
most pious letter to the now lord archbishop of Canterbury,
desiring to join in communion with these Churches of Eng
land, &c;2 which letter under his patriarchical seal is to be
seen ; besides another letter to the same purpose from a
bishop of Asia. To this patriarch are subject all the Chris
tians of Egypt; the Christians of Abassia; that small remainder
of Christians that are found about the Bay of Arabia, and in
Mount Sinai, eastward; or in Africa, as far as the great
Syrtes, westward : and under this jurisdiction the Nubians
also were, as some think, before their defection from Chris
tianity ; Nubia being a part of Abassia, which was put under
the bishop of Alexandria by the Nicene council3. The
number of Christians in Egypt is greatly diminished : for
whereas Burchardus reporteth4, that in his time, about three
hundred and thirty years since, there were found in Cairo
alone above forty Christian temples, now there are but three
in Cairo, and no more in Alexandria : and the number of
Christians is esteemed to be about fifty thousand in that great
and populous country, but in Abassia almost innumerable;
for, the kingdom of Abassia, subject to that great monarch
whom we by error call Prester John ; they, John Encoe or
Belul, is as large in circuit and compass of ground, as Italy,
Germany, France, and Spain ; but nothing so populous, nor
without mixture of Mahometans and pagans in some parts
of it. The Abassines have a patriarch of their own, whom in
their language they call abuna, that is, our father. This
patriarch was to have the seventh place in sitting in general
councils, next after the bishop of Seleucia5, as appeareth by
1 Baronius, torn. vi. in fine.
2 [This will be found at the end of Pagitt's Christianography.]
3 Concilii Nicen. lib. iii. c. 36.
4 Descrip. Terrse Sanctse, pars ii. c. 3.
5 Concil. Nicen. Lib. in. can. 36.

144 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
the Arabic book of the Nicene Council, translated by Pisanus ;
but he is subject to the patriarch of Alexandria, and being
elected by the Abassine monks of St Anthony's order re
siding at Jerusalem, he is consecrated and confirmed by him,
and so sent to Abassia. And, answerably hereunto, in their
Liturgy1, they pray for the patriarch of Alexandria before
their own patriarch, terming him the prince of their arch
bishops. Wherefore let us descend to take a view of their
religion. First, touching the holy Trinity, they are orthodox,
professing as we do. Concerning the incarnation of the Son
of God, they think as the Jacobites, Armenians, and Egyp
tians before mentioned; teaching that two natures were
united in Christ, but that after the union they are become
one, not by mixtion, conversion, confusion, or such a com
position as that a third should arise and result out of them,
but by coadunation only, in sort before expressed. So that
they may be said to be one nature not in the being of essence
or property, which cannot be conceived without confusion;
but in respect of the being of subsistence, the mutual inex-
istence of one of them in another, and the communion of action
or operation, one of them doing nothing without the other2.
Thirdly, they reject the council of Chalcedon; they condemn
Leo bishop of Rome ; they accurse Eutyches, and honour
Dioscorus and Jacobus his disciple. Fourthly, they are bap
tized in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in
such sort as other Christians are ; but they are also circum
cised, both male and female; which may seem to cut them
off from the feUowship of true Christians, and the hope of
salvation, according to that of the apostle ; " If ye be cir
cumcised, ye are fallen from grace, and Christ shall profit
you nothing."
For the clearing of this point, Thomas a Jesu3 deUvereth
these propositions. First, that circumcision and other legal
observations were so abrogated after the promulgation of
the Gospel, that the continuing of them became not only a
dead thing and of no force, but deadly also : so that Ce
rinthus and Ebion, thinking otherwise, were condemned as
heretics. Secondly, that some legal observations, though
1 Liturg. iGthiop. Biblioth. Patrum, Tom. IV.
2 Tecla Abiss. apud Thom. a Jesu, lib. 7, c. 13.
3 Lib. 7, c. 12.

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 145
not as legal, may be, nay are, retained and continued amongst
Catholic Christians. For the better understanding of this
proposition, he noteth, that legal and ceremonial things may
be observed four ways. First, as they are legal ; that is,
with an intention to keep the law, and to do as the law
prescribeth : and in this sort Christ submitted himself to be
circumcised. Secondly, that things prescribed or forbidden
in the ceremonial law may be done or omitted, not only in
respect of obedience to the law, but as figuring the coming
of Christ, or as figures of Christ to come; as Thomas Aquinas
sheweth1 : so the holy fathers that Uved before Christ kept
this observation. Thirdly, we may do or omit such things
as are commanded or forbidden in the ceremonial law, neither
as figures of Christ to come, nor as being bound by the law
so to do, or not to do, but only to make it known that such
laws were not evil, but of God ; howsoever they are now no
longer to have any binding force : thus the Christians after
the resurrection and ascension of Christ, before the full pro
mulgation of the Gospel, retained circumcision for a time,
that they might bury the Synagogue with honour. Fourthly,
such things may be done or omitted as the law forbiddeth
or prescribeth, materialiter sine ulla fofvnalitate vel respectu
ad legem veterem ; that is, though the same thing be done
that is there prescribed, yet it is not done as there pre
scribed, but for other ends : as we keep the Feast of Pentecost
which the Jews observed, but not because it was prescribed
in the law, nor for the same reasons for which they kept it ;
1 ["Judicialia prsecepta non habuerunt perpetuam obligationem
sed sunt evacuata per adventum Christi, aliter tamen quam csere-
monialia: nam cseremonialia adeo sunt evacuata, ut non solum sint
mortua sed etiam mortifera observantibus post Christum. Prsecepta
autem judicialia sunt quidem mortua quia non habent vim obligandi,
non tamen sunt mortifera. — Et hujus differentiae ratio potest accipi ex
prajmissis. Dictum est enim quod prsecepta cseremonialia sunt figu-
ralia primo et per se, tanquam instituta principaliter ad figuranda
Christi mysteria, ut futura, et ideo ipsa observatio eorum prrejudicat
fidei veritati secundum quam confitemur ilia mysteria jam esse com-
pleta. Prsecepta autem judicialia non sunt instituta ad figurandum
sed ad disponendum statum illius populi qui ordinabatur ad Christum:
[et] ipsa eorum observatio absolute non prsejudicat fidei veritati sed
intentio observandi tanquam ex obligatione legis."] Prima 2dK
q. 104. Art. 3.
[Field, I.] K

146 OF THE CHURCH. [book ru.
for it was therefore a solemn day with them, because as on
that day the law was given unto them upon Mount Sinai ;
but with us, because on that day the law of the Spirit and
life was given. So in Uke sort some Christians consecrate
in unleavened bread; yet are they not to be condemned as
Jewish, seeing the reasons of their observation are very
different from those motives the Jews had. So that to omit
or do such things as are forbidden or commanded in the
ceremonial law, materialiter tantum, that is, without any of
the former respects, is undoubtedly lawful : as if a man
should be circumcised ; or should abstain from swine's flesh
for physical considerations, or keep Saturday holy, as many
Christians do : but to omit or do such things as are for
bidden or prescribed in the ceremonial law, because they are
there forbidden or prescribed, or as figures of Christ, is he
retical. Wherefore let us see in what sort the Abyssens use cir
cumcision. Zaga Zabo professeth1 that they use it only as
an ancient observation of their country, which they had re
ceived before they became Christians, even from the time
that the queen of Sheba went to see Solomon; and that they
retain it only for the honour of their nation, that they may
thereby shew that they are of the stock of David. And
indeed Herodotus, speaking of certain nations that were cir
cumcised before the coming of Christ, amongst the rest he
numbereth the Ethiopians2 ; which being so, I see not why
we should censure them as heretics for this observation.
William Reynolds, speaking of the Abyssens, hath these
words3: "The Abyssens Christianly, and as we that believe
as Christians should, do baptize their infants ; and that they
may shew from how noble a stock they are come, circumcise
them also, but not as if circumcision were of any force, or a
man might put any trust in it as the Jews do ; which being
so, I would no more condemn them in respect of circumcision,
than a man that should abstain from swine's flesh which was
forbidden by the law, upon the advice of his physician only."
Cajetan and Bartholomseus de Medina think they sin not in
retaining this observation ; but, supposing it to be lawful,
whether it be fit they should be tolerated still so to do,
1 Apud Damian. a Goes, p. 69. 2 [Herod, n. 104.]
3 Quoted by Thomas a Jesu, vii. 12.

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 147
many taking offence at it. I had rather, saith Cajetan, hear
the Church speak, than other particular authors. Some
impute to them that they are not circumcised only or prin
cipally for the causes before expressed, but in imitation of
Christ, and consequently to fulfil the law, which was the end
of circumcision; and thereupon condemn them as observers of
the ceremonial law. But first, it will hardly be proved, as I
think, that they use circumcision in imitation of Christ's
circumcision. And secondly, it will not follow, if it be so,
that they are circumcised to the same end that he was ; but
only that they desire to be like unto him in the outward act,
and to have that done unto them in the honour of him. So
that I rather incline to the opinion of Cajetan and Bartholo-
ma3us de Medina, who acquit them, than to that of Soto and
others, that condemn them, upon this supposal.
The particular points of their religion are these : First,
they think that the soul is ex traduce. Secondly, they use
the same form of words in baptizing that the Latins do ;
saying, " I baptize thee in the name of the Father, and of
the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." Thirdly, none baptizeth
with them but the priest, or in his absence the deacon.
Fourthly, their males are not baptized till the fortieth day,
their females till the eightieth ; till which time the mother is
not purified, nor entereth into the church, but if there be
danger of death they are baptized sooner ; but they must
not suck the breasts of the mother until she be purified1.
They are unjustly charged, that they baptize with fire, for
there is none amongst them that do so ; but in some pro
vinces they sign themselves in the forehead2, either that they
may differ from the Mahometans, or for the cure of diseases
incident to the eyes. Fifthly, on twelfth-day, in memory of
the baptism of Christ, they go forth in great multitudes to
the river, and, after many prayers said by the priests, they
put themselves into the water ; but no man is newly baptized.
Sixthly, they think that the infants of believing parents are
sanctified in the womb, as Jeremy and John the Baptist were;
and therefore, if they die without baptism, dare not pronounce
of them as the Romanists do. Seventhly, they deny con
firmation and extreme unction to be sacraments. Eighthly,
touching the eucharist, they consecrate ordinarily in un-
1 Zaga Zabo in Damianus a Goes, p. 64. 2 Novacula. K2

148 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
leavened bread; but on Maundy Thursday in unleavened
bread and in wine, or the juice of raisins moistened in water
and so pressed out. They minister the communion in both
kinds to aU, both clergymen and laymen. The priest minis-
tereth the bread, and the deacon the wine in a spoon. They
give this sacrament to infants when they are baptized, in this
sort : the priest dippeth his finger into the consecrated wine,
and putteth it into the mouth of the child. They have
neither elevation, nor reservation, nor circumgestation, as the
Roman Church hath. They all communicate twice every
week, but the sacrament is never ministered in private
houses, no not to the patriarch or emperor himself. Ninthly, 4
touching purgatory, they believe that souls after death are
detained in a certain place, named in their tongue Mecan
aaraft, id est, locus alleviationis, that is, a place of refresh
ing : in which, the souls of such as die not having repented
of their former sins in such fuU and perfect sort as was fitting,
are detained : and so, whether the souls of good men do enjoy
the vision of God before the resurrection, they resolve not.
Tenthly, they say no masses of the dead : they bury them
with crosses and prayers, but speciaUy they use the be
ginning of St. John's Gospel; the day following they give
alms, and so a certain number of days; and make feasts also.
Eleventh, they grant no indulgences. Twelfth, they have no
cases reserved. Thirteenth, they beheve that the saints do
intercede for us ; they pray unto them : they have painted
images, but none molten or carved ; they much esteem them
in respect of those holy ones they represent, and make sweet
perfumes before them. Fourteenth, their priests receive no
tithes, but they have lands on which they live. Fifteenth,
their bishops and priests are married, but may not marry a
second wife and continue in those degrees and orders, unless
the patriarch dispense with them. Sixteenth, they think it
unlawful to fast on Saturday or Sunday, and urge to that
purpose the Canon of the apostles. Seventeenth, they keep
Saturday holy as well as Sunday, following the ancient
custom of the East Church; they eat flesh on that day
throughout the whole year, except only in Lent ; and in some
provinces they eat flesh in that day even in the Lent also.
Eighteenth, they fast Wednesdays and Fridays till the sun-
setting, and celebrate not on those days till the evening.

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 149
Nineteenth, between Easter and Whitsuntide they eat flesh
freely on those days. Twentieth, they abstain from things
strangled and blood, observing the Canon of the Apostles in
so doing, as they suppose : and besides, forbear to eat of such
kinds of meat as were forbidden by Moses' law. Twenty-first,
the emperor hath a supreme authority in all causes, as well
ecclesiastical as civil, though the patriarch also exercises a
spiritual jurisdiction. Twenty-second, they deny the supre
macy of the Roman bishop, but they yield a primacy unto
him, acknowledging him to be the first amongst bishops.
Having spoken of the Grecians, Assyrians, and supposed
Monophysites, it remaineth that we come in the last place
to treat of the Maronites. Touching the name, Baronius
sheweth, that it was not from any heretic named Maron, but
that there was a holy man so named, and that in honour of
him a certain monastery was founded, which was named the
monastery of St Maron, and that all the monks of that
monastery were named Maronites. These in time, as it may
be thought, joined themselves to the Monophysites formerly
described, though happily not without some little difference ;
and hence all the Christians that professed to beheve so as
these did, were named Maronites. They have a patriarch
of their own who claimeth to be patriarch of Antioch : he
resideth in a monastery some twenty-five miles from TripoUs,
in Syria: he hath under him some eight or nine suffragan
bishops. These Maronites inhabit Mount Libanus ; and some
of them in Damascus, Aleppo, and some parts of Cyprus1.
Mount Libanus is of such extent, that it is in compass seven
hundred miles : it hath no cities, but villages, which are
neither few nor small. Within this compass none inhabit
but Christians, though under the Turk ; for they redeem it
at a high rate, and pay an intolerable tribute to Uve without
mixture of Mahometans.
The particulars of their religion are these. First, they
beUeve that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father
only. Secondly, they bless and consecrate the water so
often as any are to be baptized ; and not, as the Roman
Church, on the Saturday before Easter only, for the whole
year. The reason of which observation is, for that at Easter
and at Whitsuntide only, in the primitive Church, they minis-
1 [And also Egypt. Muller, p. 17.]

150 OF THE CHURCH [book hi..
tered baptism ; which they did, because in baptism men are
mortified to sin and quickened in the Ufe of grace by virtue
of Christ's death, resurrection, and giving of the Spirit ; all
which things are commemorated in these solemnities. Thirdly,
they never baptize males and females together, lest they
should contract a kind of affinity. Fourthly, none baptizeth
with them, in what necessity soever, but a priest or deacon.
Fifthly, they require not the intention of the minister, but
think the faith of the Church sufficeth. Sixthly, they baptize
not a male till the fortieth day, nor a female till the eightieth,
in respect of the impurity of the mother, which they think
continueth so long. Seventhly, they seek no confirmation
from the bishop, nor have any other anointing than that
which is used in baptism. Eighthly, they consecrate the
eucharist in unleavened bread in a massy loaf, out of which
they give a piece to every communicant. Ninthly, they give
the sacraments to laymen, in both kinds. Tenth, they
celebrate but once in one day, upon one and the same altar
Eleventh, they think the person of the Holy Ghost to be in
the holy oil, in such sort as the person of Christ is in the
eucharist. Twelfth, they think that the eucharist received
into the mouth, goeth not into the stomach, but presently
diffuseth itself through all the members of the body. Thir
teenth, on fasting days they celebrate not till the evening,
which custom Thomas a Jesu saith, is not to be altered,
affirming, that it was most ancient in the Church of God ;
the council of Cabilon, related in the decrees1, prescribing
that they should celebrate the Sacrament, in the Ember fasts,
in the evening ; and, on the Saturday before Easter, in the
beginning of a night. "And although," saith he, "the
Church yielding to our infirmity, permit the Latins to do
otherwise, yet where the old custom may be kept, it is not
only not to be taken away, but much to be commended;
that men when they fast may put it off as long as may be
before they eat anything." In former times they did not
eat in Lent till the evening, as appeareth by the council
formerly mentioned; which custom continued till the time of
Thomas Aquinas, for he saith, they did eat nothing in his
time on their fasting days till the ninth hour, in which hour
Christ gave up the ghost. Fourteenth, they think it not
1 Do Cons. Dist. I. can. Solent. [Cabilon, i. o. Chalon.J

chap, i.] OF THE CHURCH. 151
lawful to carry the eucharist to them that are sick. Fifteenth,
touching marriage, they have these opinions : first, they
think the state of marriage is not inferior to virginity :
secondly, they think if the son contract without consent of
the father, the father may void the marriage, and so likewise
the father of the wife : thirdly, they think the bond of
marriage is dissolved by adultery, and that the parties
separated may marry again : fourthly, they permit not the
father and the son to marry with the mother and the
daughter, nor two brethren with two sisters: fifthly, they
dislike the marriage of widows of sixty years of age : sixthly,
they allow not the fourth marriage, whereas Jerome saith,
" non damno bigamos imo nee trigamos, ac si dici potest,
octogamos ;" that is, " I dare not condemn them that marry
the second, third, or eighth time." Sixteenth, touching
Orders: first, they ordain children of five or six years of
age deacons ; second, no man is ordained a priest or deacon
amongst them, except he have first contracted matrimony,
and that with a virgin, not with a widow or woman dis
honoured: but neither of these is permitted to marry a
second wife. Seventeenth, they think it unlawful to eat of
things strangled, or blood. Eighteenth, they judge it un
lawful to fast Saturday or Sunday. Lastly, they teach, that
no man entereth into the kingdom of heaven until the general
judgment. These Maronites are now said to be joined in
communion with the Church of Rome, since the time of
Clement the Eighth : but how far forth they have changed
either their opinions, or their rites and ceremonies, it doth
not appear. These only and the Indians, of all the Chris
tians of the Orient, hold communion with the Church of
Rome. Out of all that which hath been said, two things are
observable. First, that, by the merciful goodness of God,
aU these different sort of Christians, though distracted and
dissevered, by reason of diversity of ceremonies and outward
observations, different manner of delivering certain points of
faith, mistaking one another, or variety in opinion touching
things not fundamental, do yet agree in one substance of
faith, and are so far forth orthodox, that they retain a
saving profession of all divine verities absolutely necessary
to salvation, and are aU members of the true Catholic Church

152 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
of Christ. The second, that in all the principal controversies
touching matters of religion between the papists and those
of the reformed Churches, they give testimony of the truth
of that we profess. For, first, they all deny and impugn
that supreme universality of ecclesiastical jurisdiction which
the bishop of Rome claimeth. Secondly, they think him
subject to error, as all other bishops are. Thirdly, they
deny that he hath any power to dispose the principaUties
and kingdoms of the world, or depose kings. Fourthly, they
acknowledge all righteousness to be imperfect, and that it is
not safe to trust thereunto, but to the mere mercy and goodness
of God. Fifthly, they admit not the merit of congruence,
condignity, nor works of supererogation. Sixthly, they
teach not the doctrine of satisfactions, as the Romanists do.
Seventhly, they believe not purgatory, neither pray to deUver
men out of temporal punishments after this Ufe. Eighthly,
they reject the doctrine of the Romanists touching indulgences
and pardons. Ninthly, they believe not there are seven
sacraments. Tenth, they omit many ceremonies in baptism
which the Roman Church useth, as spittle, &c. Eleventh,
they have no private masses. Twelfth, they minister the
communion in both kinds to all communicants. Thirteenth,
they believe not transubstantiation, nor the new real sacri
ficing of Christ. Fourteenth, they have the divine service in
the vulgar tongue. Fifteenth, their priests are married, and
though they permit them not to marry a second wife without
special dispensation, yet if any do, they do not void nor
dissolve the marriage. Sixteenth, they make no image of
God. Seventeenth, they have no massy images, but pictures
only. Eighteenth, they think that, properly, God only is to
be invocated; and howsoever they have a kind of invocation
of saints, yet they think that God only heareth them, and
not the saints.

chap, ii.] OF THE CHURCH 153

CHAPTER II.
OF THE HARSH AND UNADVISED CENSURE OF THE ROMANISTS,
CONDEMNING ALL THESE CHURCHES AS SCHISMATICAL
AND HERETICAL.
ALL these Churches and societies of Christians, in number
many, in extent large, in multitudes of men and people
huge and great, in continuance most ancient, in defence of
the Christian faith constant and undaunted (though enduring
the malice and force of cruel, bloody, and potent enemies),
the bishop of Rome, with his adherents, judgeth to be heretics,
or at least schismatics, and consequently, to have no hope of
eternal salvation ; for that it is, on the peril of everlasting
damnation, imposed upon every soul to bow and do reverence
at the sight of his triple crown, to kiss his sacred feet, and
to believe nothing more nor longer, than His Holiness shall
decree and define. And therefore, the most part of the
Christian world is plunged into hell, abandoned into utter
darkness, and reserved in chains unto the judgment of the
last day1; ever since that schismatical act of that base,
ignoble, and contemptible council of six hundred bishops
assembled at Chalcedon; who, forgetting themselves, pre
sumed to equal another bishop to the peerless and incom
parable Vicar of Christ, his Vicegerent-general on earth ; in
comparison of whose greatness, all other episcopal and patri-
archical dignity, regal or imperial majesty, is no more than
the Ught of a candle at midday, when the sun shineth in
strength2. But because we have not received the mark of
this antichrist and child of perdition in our foreheads, nor
sworn to take the foam of his impure mouth and froth of
his words of blasphemy, wherein he extolleth himself above
all that is named God, for oracles and infaUible certainty and
1 " In Concilio n [generali non fuit] Episcopus Constantinopoli-
tanus [sequatus Romano sed solum] fuit antepositus Alexandrino et
Antiocheno. — In Concilio Chalcedonensi act. 6, ad istum canonem
addiderunt, oportere eum paria habere privilegia cum Romano pon-
tifice, sed cum a legatis ponteficiis reclamatum esset, ausi non sunt
mentionem facere parium privilegiorum." Bellarm. i. Tom. Contro.
generali de pontifice, ii. 18.
2 Vid. Gesta Innocentii, Vol. i. 29, ed. 1632.

154 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiii.
the rule of our faith ; let us therefore see what that heresy
and schism is, that cutteth off from the company of right
believers, in such sort, that, whosoever is convinced of it is
thereby clearly without all hope of eternal life.

CHAPTER III.

OF THE NATURE OF HERESY; OF THE DIVERS KINDS OF THINGS
WHEREIN MEN ERR ; AND WHAT PERTINACY IT IS THAT
MAKETH AN HERETIC.
HERESY is not every error, but error in matter of faith :
nor every error in matter of faith ; (for neither Jews
nor Pagans are said to be heretics, though they err most
damnably in those things which every one that wiU be saved
must believe, and with all the maUce, fury, and rage that can
be imagined, impugn the Christian faith and verity); but it is
the error of such as by some kind of profession have been
Christians: so that only such as, by profession being Chris
tians, depart from the truth of Christian reUgion, are named
heretics 1.
These are of two sorts : for there are hairetici scientes,
and there are hairetici nescientes; that is, there are some
that are wittingly heretics, some unwittingly2. For though
1 Occam Dial. lib. iii. part I. cap. 2, 3. ["'Hereticus est vere
baptizatus vel pro baptizato se gerens pertinaciter dubitans vel errans
contra Catholicam veritatem.' This is the proper definition of the
term heretic in Ocham's acceptation; who makes five distinctions of
the word, as generally used. 1. Every excommunicated person,
according to the Gloss. : omnis excommunicato dicitur hereticus.
2. Every perverter of things sacred, as simoniacal persons 3. Every
one who, as the Jews or the Turk, believes the Christian faith to be
false or fictitious. 4. Every baptized person who obstinately errs
against the truth. 5. Every person who pertinaciously adheres to
any error savouring of heretical pravity." ed. Brewer.]
2 Occam Dial. lib. iv. part i. cap. 2. (" Secundum Augustinum
quidam est hereticus scienter ; quidam vero inscienter : ita quidam est
pertinax scienter, ille sc. qui putat fidem Christianam, per aliquam sui
partem esse falsam : ot quidam est pertinax nescienter, qui sc. credit

chap, m.] OF THE CHURCH. 155
no man do, or can, wittingly err, or be deceived, yet a man
may wittingly be a heretic : and though no man think that
to be true which he knoweth to be false, or that to be false
which he knoweth to be true, which were wittingly to err ;
vet a man may forsake that which he knoweth to be the
profession of Christians, judge it erroneous, false, and impious,
and choose some other kind of religion; which is, wittingly to
be a heretic: such are apostates, which depart from that
which thev know to be the Christian faith. Heretics un
wittingly, are such as think that they do most firmly cleave
to the doctrine of Christ, his blessed apostles, and holy
Church, and will not be induced to think the whole profession
of Christians to be false and erroneous, as do apostates ; yet
do err in many particulars that pertain to the faith, and
think that to be the only true Christian profession which
indeed is not; as did the Marcionites, Manichees, and the
rest of that sort.
The things that pertain to the Christian faith and reUgion
are of two sorts. For there are some things cvplicite, some
things implicite credenda; that is, there are some things
that must be particularly and expressly known and beUeved ;
as that the Father is God, the Son is God, and the Holy
Ghost God ; and yet there are not three Gods, but one God :
and some other, which though all men at aU times be not
bound upon the peril of damnation to know and beUeve ex
pressly, yet whosoever will be saved must beUeve them at
in genere totam fidem Christianam esse veram, in speciali tamen alicui
errori pertinaciter contra fidem adhferet"
" De nesciente heretico distinguitur. Quidam enim sunt, vel esse
possunt, nescienter heretici: quia scienter et explicite arbitrantur
aliquas assertiones, sub forma propria scriptas, in Scriptura divina ad
fidem Christianam nullatenus pertinere: tales fuerunt Manichsei. —
Quidam autem sunt nescienter heretici qui assertionem nullani, per-
tinentem ad fidem Christianam, sub propria forma scriptam, in Scrip
tura divina repertam, dubitant esse veram ; quia totam Scripturam
divinam recipiunt: sed tamen aliquas assertiones sequentes ex illis
(propter hoc quia aliter intelligunt Scripturas divinas quam sensus
Spiritus Sancti flagitat a quo sumpfce sunt) non credunt esse veras,
quia non putant quse sequuntur ex illis : quia autem credunt irrevoca-
biliter contrarias assertiones esse veras, ideo heretici sunt censendi;
qui tamen in genere credunt totam fidem Christianam esse veram."
Ib. cap. 3. Compare a similar statement in Tract i. part. n. fol. clxxu".
cap. 10.]

156 OF THE CHURCH. [book ni.
least implicite and in generality ; as that Joseph, Mary, and
Jesus fled into Egypt 1-
Men are bound to know and beUeve things, particularly
and expressly ; either in respect of their office and standing
in the Church of God; in which consideration the pastors and
guides of the Church, who are to teach others, are bound to
know many things, which others of more private condition
are not : or else, for that they are particularly offered to
their consideration : and so a layman, finding it written in
the Scripture, that Onesimus was a fugitive servant, and
recommended to Philemon his master, by Paul, is bound
particularly to beUeve it, which a great bishop not observing,
or not remembering, is not : or, lastly, because they do
essentiaUy and directly concern the matter of our salvation.
He that erreth in those things which every one is bound
particularly to believe, because they do essentiaUy and directly
1 Occam. Dial. Tract, i. part n. cap. 10. fol. lxxi. ["Duse sunt
differentiae credendorum. Qusedam enim sunt credenda explicite ; et
qusedam sunt credenda implicite. Patet aperte ; quia nullus Christia-
nus debet totam fidem Christianam ignorare ; igitur sibi non sufficit
solummodo credere fidem Christianam esse veram : sed oportet quod
aliquid explicite credat quod ad fidem pertinet Christianam. — Quod
vero abqua sunt credenda implicite est manifestum: nam quilibet
Catholicus tenetur credere totam Scripturam divinam quam tamen
ignorat ; et ita non possunt ea credere explicite : sufficit igitur eis quod
credat earn implicite. — Secundo notandum quae sunt ilia quse sunt
credenda explicite : circa quod notandum quod aliqua sunt credenda
ab omnibus Christianis de communi lege; quia omnes Christiani de
communi lege ea credere tenentur explicite. Alia vero credenda non
sunt ab omnibus explicite de necessitate, sed ab aliquibus tantum.
Prima credenda explicite sunt ilia quse sunt apud omnes Catholicos :
cujusmodi sunt articuli fidei contenti in Credo, etc. Praeter quos etiam
sunt nonnulla aha quse omnes tenentur credere, explicite, licet in
dictis articulis non contineantur. — Aliqua vero sunt credenda explicite
non ab omnibus, quia non omnes Catholici tenentur credere ea ex
plicite, sed illi sc. qui sciunt ipsa in Scriptura divina aut in doctrina
EcclesisB contineri  Qusedam [etiam] sunt quse de necessitate spectant
ad ofiicium aliquorum; sicut qui habent officium prsedicationis abqua
tenentur credere explicite ad quse alii non tenentur: qusedam vero
sunt ab aliquibus credenda explicite et non ab omnibus, quia ad ali
quorum pervenit notitiam quod in Scriptura divina aut in doctrina
universalis Ecclesise explicite continentur. — Sic potest contingere quod
laicus tenetur aliquid explicite credere ad quod credendum explicite
episcopus minime tenetur — si non teneret in memoria."]

chap, iii.] OF THE CHURCH. 157
concern the matter of our salvation, is without any further
inquiry to be pronounced a heretic1.
Neither need we to ask, whether he join obstinacy to his
error, for the very error itself is damnable : as if a man shall
deny Christ to be the Son of God, coessential, coequal, and
coeternal with his Father ; or, that we have remission of sins
by the effusion of his blood. But, other things that do not so ,
nearly and directly touch the substance of Christian faith,
and which a man is not bound upon the peril of damnation
expressly to know and believe, but it sufficeth if he believe
them implicite, and in, pravparatione animi; (that is, if he
carry a mind prepared, and ready to yield assent unto them,
if once it shall appear that they are included in, and by
neccessary consequence to be deduced from, those things which
expressly he doth and must believe ; as, that Moses saw the
promised land, but entered not into it2 ; or that the queen of
the South came from the uttermost ends of the world to hear
the wisdom of Solomon3 ;) a man may be ignorant of, and
be deceived in them, and yet without aU touch of heresy or
peril of damnation, unless he add pertinacity unto error.
Neither doth every pertinacy joined with errors in this kind
make them heresies ; (for, aU they are in some degree to be
judged pertinacious, that neglect the censure and judgment of
them whom they should reverence and regard, and stand in
defence of those errors, which, if they had used that careful
diligence which they should in searching out the truth, they
had not faUen into) ; but that only, when men erring in
things of this kind, they are so strongly carried by the
streams of mispersuasion, that rather than they will alter
their opinion, or disclaim their error, they will deny some
part of that, which, every one that will be saved must know
and believe.
So, in the beginning, Nestorius did not err touching the
unity of Christ's person in the diversity of the natures of God
and man ; but only disliked that Mary should be called the
1 "Dubius in fide est [Hereticus et] infidelis: Quod utique veritatem
habet, dum quis ilia dubitat quse per eruditionem Sacrsc Scripturse
certa tenetur et expbcita fide tenere : neque enim generalis sufficeret
credulitas in multis." Gers. p. 3, Hb. iv. de Consolat. prosa I. [Vol. I.
170.] 2 Deut. xxxiv. 4. si Kings x.

158 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
Mother of God ; which form of speaking, when some demon
strated to be very fitting and unavoidable if Christ were God
and man in the unity of the same person, he chose rather to
deny the unity of Christ's person, than to acknowledge his
temerity and rashness in reproving that form of speech which
the use of the Church had anciently received and allowed1.

CHAPTER IV.
OF THOSE THINGS WHICH EVERY ONE IS BOUND EXPRESSLY TO
KNOW AND BELIEVE ; AND WHEREIN NO MAN CAN ERR
WITHOUT NOTE OF HERESY.
SEEING then the things which Christian men are bound
to believe are of so different sort and land, let us see
which are those that do so nearly touch the very Ufe and
being of the Christian faith and religion, that every one is
bound particularly and expressly to know and beUeve them
upon peril of eternal damnation. They may most aptly be
reduced to these principal heads.
First, concerning God, whom to know is eternal Ufe, we
must believe and acknowledge the unity of an infinite, in
comprehensible, and eternal essence, full of righteousness,
goodness, mercy, and truth : the Trinity of persons subsist
ing in the same essence, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
coessential, coeternal, and coequal; the Father not created
nor begotten ; the Son not created, but begotten ; the Holy
Ghost not created, nor begotten ; but proceeding.
Secondly, we must know and beUeve, that God made all
things of nothing, that in them he might manifest his wis
dom, power, and goodness; that he made men and angels
capable of supernatural blessedness, consisting in the vision
and enjoying of himself; that he gave them abiUties to
attain thereunto, and laws to guide them in the ways that
lead unto it ; that nothing was made evil in the beginning ;
that all evil entered into the world by the voluntary aversion
of men and angels from God their Creator ; that the sin of.
1 Socrat. vii. 32.

chap, iv.] OF THE CHURCH. 159
angels was not general, but that some fell, and others con
tinued in their first estate ; that the sin of those angels that
fell is irremissible, and their fall irrecoverable; that these
are become devils and spirits of error, seeking the destruction
of the sons of men ; that by the mispersuasion of these lying
spirits, the first man that ever was in the world fell from
God by sinful disobedience and apostacy ; that the sin of the
first man is derived to all his posterity, not by imitation only,
but by propagation and descent, subjecting aU to curse and
malediction, yet not without possibility and hope of merciful
deliverance. Thirdly, we must beUeve, that for the working of this
deliverance, the Son of God assumed the nature of man into
the unity of his divine person : so that he subsisteth in the
nature of God and man, without all corruption, confusion, or
conversion of one of them into another : that in the nature of
man thus assumed, he suffered death ; but being God, could
not be holden of it; but rose again, and triumphantly ascended
into heaven : that he satisfied the wrath of his Father ; ob
tained for us remission of sins past, the grace of repentant
conversion, and a new conversation, joined with assured hope,
desire, and expectation of eternal happiness.
Fourthly, we must constantly believe, that God doth call
and gather to himself, out of the manifold confusions of
erring, ignorant, and wretched men, whom he pleaseth, to
be partakers of these precious benefits of eternal salvation,
the happy number and joyful society of whom we name the
Church of God, whether they were before, or since the mani
festation of Christ the Son of God in our flesh. For, both
had the same faith, hope, and spirit of adoption, whereby
they were sealed unto eternal life ; though there be a great
difference in the degree and measure of knowledge, and the
exceUency of the means which God hath vouchsafed the one
more than the other.
Fifthly, we must know and believe, that for the publishr
ing of this joyful deliverance, and the communicating of the
benefits of the same, the Son of God committed to those his
foUowers, whom he chose to be witnesses of all the things
he did and suffered, not only the word of reconciliation, but
also the dispensation of sacred and sacramental assurances of
his love, set means of his gracious working ; that those first

160 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
messengers, whom he sent with immediate commission, were
infallibly led into all truth, and left unto posterities that sum
of Christian doctrine that must for ever be the rule of our
faith ; that these blessed messengers of so good and happy
tidings departing hence, left the ministry of reconciliation to
those whom they appointed to succeed them in the work so
happily begun by them.
Lastly, we must know and be assuredly persuaded, that
seeing the renovation of our spirits and minds is not perfect,
and the redemption of our bodies still remaining corruptible,
is not yet ; therefore God hath appointed a time when Christ
his Son shall return again, raise up the dead, and give
eternal life to all that, with repentant sorrow, turn from
their evil and wicked ways, while it is yet the accepted time
and day of salvation; and contrariwise, cast out into utter
darkness, and into the fire that never shaU be quenched, all
those that neglect and despise so great salvation.
That all these things, and these only, do directly concern
the matter of eternal salvation, is evidently proved by un
answerable demonstration. For how should they attain ever
lasting happiness that know not God, the original cause and
end of all things, the subject, matter, and cause of aU happi
ness ; that know not of whom they were created, of what
sort, to what, whereof capable, and how enabled to it ; how
far they are fallen from that they originally were, and the
hope of that which they were made to be ; whence are those
evils that make them miserable, and when the deUverance
from them is to be looked for ; by whom it is wrought ; what
the benefits of it are, the means whereby they are communi
cated, to whom, and what shall be the end both of them that
partake, and partake not in them ? We see then that all
these things, and these only, essentiaUy and directly touch
the matter of our eternal salvation.
Other things there are that attend on them, as conse
quents deduced from them, or some way appertaining to them ;
whereof some are of that sort, that a man cannot rightly
be persuaded of these, but he must needs see the necessary
consequence and deduction of them from these, if they be
propounded nnto him. As, that there are two wills in
Christ ; that there is no salvation, remission of sins, or hope
of eternal life, out of the Church ; that the matrimonial society

chap, iv.] OF THE CHURCH. 1 61
of man and wife is not impure, as the Marcionites, Tatianus,
and others supposed1 ; nor any kind of meats to be rejected
as unclean by nature, as the Manichees and some other here
tics fondly and impiously dreamed. Other things there are
that are not so clearly deduced from those indubitate prin
ciples of our Christian faith : as namely, concerning the place
pf the fathers' rest before the coming of our Saviour Christ ;
concerning the local descending of Christ into the heU of the
damned. In the first sort of things, which are the principles that
make the rule of faith, a man cannot be ignorant and be
saved. In the second, which are so clearly deduced from
those principles, that, whoso advisedly considereth them, can
not but see their consequence from them and dependence of
them, a man cannot err and be saved ; because if he beUeve
those things which every one that will be saved must parti
cularly know and believe, he cannot err in these. The third
a man may be ignorant of, and err in them without danger
of damnation, if error be not joined with pertinacy.
The principal grounds of Christian doctrine above men
tioned are the whole platform of all Christian religion ; the
rule of faith so often mentioned by tho ancient ; by the measure
of which all the holy fathers, bishops, and pastors of the
Church made their sermons, commentaries, and interpretations
of Scripture. This rule (every part whereof is proved so
nearly to concern all them that look for salvation) we make
the rule to try aU doctrines by ; and not such platforms of
doctrine, as every sectmaster, by himself, can deduce out of
the Scriptures, understood according to his own private fancy;
as the Romanists falsely charge us2. This rule is delivered
by Tertullian3, Irenaeus4, and other of the fathers : and, with
addition of conclusions most easily, clearly, and unavoidably
deduced hence, by Theodoret in his Epitome Dogmatum.
i Theodoret. in Epitome decretorum divinorum. [cap. 24, 25. Vol.
vi. 460.] Augustin. de moribus Manicheorum, ii. 15. Tertul. contra
Marcion. lib. i. [1.]
2 Annot. in Rom. xii.
3 De prsescriptionibus adversus hsereticos [§ 13. sq.] et adversus
Praxean. [§ 21. sq.]
* Irenseus, lib. i. [cap, 22=19.]
[Field, l.J L

162 OF THE CHURCH. [book in

CHAPTER V.
OF THE NATURE OF SCHISM, AND THE KINDS OF IT; AND, THAT
IT IN NO WAY APPEARETH THAT THE CHURCHES OF GREECE,
ETC. ARE HERETICAL OR IN DAMNABLE SCHISM.
OUT of this which hath been delivered, it is easy to
discern what is heresy, and what errors they are that
exclude from possibiUty of salvation. It remaineth to speak
of schism, and the kind and degrees of it. Schism is a breach
of the unity of the Church. The unity of the Church con
sisteth in three things : first, the subjection of people to their
lawful pastors ; secondly, the connexion and communion
which many particular Churches and the pastors of them
have among themselves ; thirdly, in holding the same rule of
faith. The unity of each particular Church depends of the
unity of the pastor, who is one to whom an eminent and
peculiar power is given, and whom all must obey1. In
respect of this first kind of unity, consisting in the subjection
of each people, or portion of the flock of Christ, to their lawful
pastors ; if they who should obey this one pastor, as being in
the stead and place of Christ, do either whoUy withdraw
themselves, refusing to be subject to any ministry ; Uke Core
and his accomplices2, pretending that aU the people of God
are holy, and that the guides of the Church take too much
upon them: or, when one is elected, do set up another against
him ; and, forsaking the right, cleave to him that hath no
right ; this is the first kind of schism.
Secondly, because there must be an unity3, not only
1 " Ecclesise salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet ; cui si non
exsors qusedam et ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, tot in Ecclesia
efficientur schismata quot sacerdotes." Hieronym. contra Luciferianos.
[iv. ii. 295.]
2 Numb. xvi. 1, 2, 3.
3 Cyprian, de Unitate Ecclesise. "Episcopate unus est, cujus a
singulis in solidum pars tenetur. Ecclesia quoque una est, quse in
multitudinom latius inoremento fecunditatis extenditur. Avelle radium
solis a corpore, divisionem lucis unitas non capit. Ab arbore frange
ramum, fractus germinare non potent. A fonte prsecide rivum, prse-
cisus arescit. Sic et Ecclesia Domini luce perfusa per orbem totum
radios suos porrigit, unum tamen lumen est, quod ubique diffunditur,
nee unitas corporis separatur. — Quisquis ab Ecclesia segregatus adul-

cuap. v.] OF THE CHURCH. 163
among the parts of each particular Church, but also of many
particular Churches, and the pastors and guides of them
anions: themselves ; the Churches which forsake the com-
munion of other Churches without just cause, do faU into
schism. And if they not only refuse to communicate with
them in the performance of the acts of religion, upon causeless
dislike, but swerve from the rule of faith the other do cer
tainly hold, they become not only schismatical but heretical
also. These are the several kinds of schism, of which one is
much more dangerous than another. The forsaking the rule
of faith, or absolute refusal to be subject to the holy ministry,
saying as they did, " Are not all the people holy ? Tou take
too much upon you," &c. is damnable schism. In each
Church wherein there must be one pastor having eminent
and peerless power, when one is lawfully called, they who
presume to set up another, if they know the former to be
lawfully possessed of the place ; or, their ignorance thereof be
affected; or, they be so violently carried with the streams of
contention and faction, that they would not yield though the
right should appear unto them ; this schism is likewise dam
nable. But, if it be doubtful, and men carry minds ready to
yield when they shall see the right, it is not so1.
When whole Churches, with their pastors and guides,
divide themselves from other, refusing to communicate with
them ; if this separation grow out of the pride and pharisaical
conceit of fancied perfection and absolute hoUness, as did the
schism of Novatus, Donatus, Lucifer, and others of that sort ;
it is damnable schism : but if out of ignorance, or error not
overthrowing the rule of faith ; or over earnest urging of
ceremonies, rites, and observations (as the separation of
Victor, bishop of Rome2, and churches of Asia had been, if
terse jungitur a promissis Ecclesise separatur. Nee perveniet ad Christi
prsemia qui relinquit ecclesiam Christi. Alienus est, prophanus est,
hostis est. Habere jam non potest Deum patrem qui Ecclesiam non
habet matrcm." [Ed. Paris. 1841, pp. 89, 90.]
1 "In schismate prsesenti tarn dubio, temerarium, injuriosum, et
scandalosum est, asserere omnes tenentes istam partem vol alteram,
vel omnes neutrales [etiam absolutos] esse universaliter extra statum
salutis, vel excommunicatos, vel rationabiliter de schismate suspectos,"
&c. Ger. de modo habendi se tempore schismatis.
2 Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. v. cap. 23.
L2

16-i OF THE CHURCH. [book ni.
Irenaeus had not interposed himself) ; or striving for pre
cedence ; it is dangerous, but not damnable ; unless it be
joined with such pertinacy, that though it should appear they
were in error, or did amiss and contrary to the rule of cha
rity, they would not yield.
This being the nature of schism and heresy, and these
the kinds and degrees of them more or less dangerous, let us
in the next place see what is to be thought of aU those
Churches of Graecia, Armenia, Ethiopia, Russia, before men
tioned ; every of which is in some sort rent and divided from
other. We dare not with the proud Romanists, condemn so
famous Churches as culpable of damnable heresy and schism ;
and cast so many milUons of souls into hell, for every difference
in matter of opinion, or rent from the other parts of the body
ofthe Church.
All these, therefore, holding the rule of faith1, and be
lieving all those things that are, on the peril of eternal dam
nation, to be particularly and expressly known and beUeved ;
and their separation not growing, for aught we know, out of
pharisaical and damnable pride, (as did that of Novatus,
Donatus, and the like), but out of error not directly con
trary to the rule of faith, or some other human infirmity and
defect; and, it no way appearing that their obstinacy is
such, that though they knew they did amiss, they would
still continue so to do ; we account them in the number of
the Churches of God, and doubt not but that innumerable
living and dying in them, notwithstanding their sundry
defects, imperfections, and wants, are and have been saved.
1 "Diligenter considerandum esset, quid dicere vellent; vel in-
veniendum esset medium expediens, ut omnia ponerentur ad con-
cordiam, non persistendo in probatione omnimoda veritatis hujus
articuli contra eos ; vix enim convincerentur homines qui vellent re-
pugnare. Nota hie, quomodo aliquse determinationes Parisiis factse
duntaxat ligant Dioecesanos, et si sic dici possit de Latinorum Ecclesia.
Notate si de uno articulo posset fieri non articulus, ponendo res in
talem statum, in quali erant ante determinationem. Exemplum:
determinatio Bonifacii annihilata fuit per quendam successorem ejus. —
Si Grseci habeant leges vel consuetudinos beneficia conferendi, etc.
Et ad hoc facit, quod dicunt aliqui, eos alias scripsisse Papse : potentiam
tuam recognoscimus, avaritiam tuam imphi-c non possumus, vivite per
vos." Gerson, P. iv. Serm. de pace et unitate Grsccorum. [Vol. n.
p. 147.]

chap, v.] OF THE CHURCH. 165
We conclude therefore, that their schisms and separations are
sinful, wicked, and dangerous ; and their errors inexcusable,
ensnaring the consciences of many to endless perdition, and
greatly endangering all that are, or have been, misled with
them ; but not damnable, excluding from all possibiUty of
salvation. We make a great difference between them that
were the first authors and beginners of those divisions1, and
such as walk in the ways and insist in the steps of their
misled and seduced fathers ; between such as are more, and
such as are less, deeply plunged into error.

CHAPTER VI.
OF THE LATIN CHURCH, THAT IT CONTINUED THE TRUE
CHURCH OF GOD EVEN TILL OUR TIME: AND, THAT
THE ERRORS WE CONDEMN WERE NOT THE
DOCTRINES OF THAT CHURCH.
TOUCHING the Latin Church likewise, we are of the
same opinion, that it continued still a part of the Ca
tholic Church, notwithstanding the manifold abuses and su
perstitions that in time crept into it, and the dangerous and
damnable false doctrine that some taught and defended in
the midst of it. It is therefore most fond and frivolous,
that some demand of us, where our Church was before
Luther began? for we say, it was where now it is. If
they ask us, which ? we answer, it was the known and
apparent Church in the world, wherein aU our fathers lived
and died, wherein Luther and the rest were baptized, received
their Christianity, ordination, and power of ministry. If
they reply, that that Church was theirs and not ours, for
that the doctrines they now teach and we impugn, the cere
monies, customs, and observations which they retain and
defend, and which we have abolished as fond, vain, and
1 " Qui sententiam suam quamvis falsam atque perversam, nulla
pertinaci animositate defendunt, prsesertim quam non audacia suae
prsesumtionis pepererunt, sed a seductis atque in errorem lapsis pa-
rentibus acceperunt, quaerunt autem cauta sollicitudine veritatem,
corrigi parati, cum invenerint, nequaquam sunt inter hsereticos de-
putandi." Aug. Epist. clxii.=43. Glorio Eleusio, &c.

166 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
superstitious, were taught, used, and practised in that Church
wherein our fathers lived and died ; we answer, that none of
those points of false doctrine and error which they now
maintain and we condemn, were the doctrines of that Church
constantly delivered, or generaUy received by all them that
were of it; but doubtfully broached and devised without
all certain resolution, or factiously defended by some certain
only, who, as a dangerous faction, adulterated the sincerity
of the Christian verity, and brought the Church into miser
able bondage.
Touching the abuses and manifold superstitions which we
have removed, it is true they were in that Church wherein
our fathers lived, but not without signification of their disUke
of them, and earnest desire of reformation ; as shall appear by
that which foUoweth. As therefore the Churches of Corinth1,
Galatia, Pergamus, and Thyatira, had in them emulations,
division, neglect of discipUne, contempt of the apostles of
Christ, some that denied the resurrection of the dead, that
joined circumcision and the works of the law with Christ in
the work of salvation, them that maintained the doctrine of
the Nicolaitans, and suffered the woman Jesabel, which called
herself a prophetess, to deceive the people of God, and make
them commit fornication, and eat things sacrificed unto idols,
&c, yet it is not to be thought that all that were of these
Churches with one consent denied the resurrection, and fell
into all the errors and evils above-mentioned ; for then doubt
less these societies had ceased to be the true and Catholic
Church of God : so, though sundry dangerous and damnable
errors were broached in the midst of the Church and house
of God, in the days of our fathers, which did fret as a canker2,
as Gerson confesseth; yet were they not with fuU approbation
generally received, but doubted of, contradicted, refuted, and
rejected, as uncertain, dangerous, damnable, and heretical.
And, as in the reformation of those Churches of Corinth,
Galatia, Pergamus, and Thyatira, if some had stiU persisted
in the maintenance of those errors and abuses approved by
the Spirit of God and the blessed apostles of our Saviour
Christ, whilst others, moved by the admonition of the Spirit
1 1 Epist. ad Corinth., Epist. ad Galat. Rev. ii. 12. 18.
2 Gers. part I. De potestate Eccles. consid. 12. [Vol. n. 247, "ut
cancer serpens tam medullitus imbibitum."]

chap, vi.] OF THE CHURCH 167
of God, and the words of the holy apostles, reformed them
selves ; and so a division or separation had grown ; it had
been a vain challenge for the stiff maintainers of errors and
abuses, to challenge the reformed part for novelty, to ask of
them where their Church was before this reformation began,
seeing it was even the same wherein in one communion they
formerly Uved together, with toleration of all those evUs
which the one part stiU retained, and the other justly re
jected : so when many princes, prelates, and great states of
the Christian world, have, in our days, shaken off the yoke
of miserable bondage whereof our fathers complained, re
moved those superstitious abuses they disUked, condemned
those errors in matters of doctrine which they acknowledged
to be dangerous and damnable, fretting as a canker, and
ensnaring the consciences of many ; it is no less vain and
frivolous for the patrons of error to ask us, which, and where
our Church was before the reformation began; for it was
that wherein all our fathers lived, longing to see things
brought back to their first beginnings again ; in which their
predecessors, as a dangerous and wicked faction, tyrannized
over men's consciences, and perverted all things, to the end
less destruction of themselves and many others with whom
they prevailed.
If they shall further reply, that the Church wherein our
fathers lived was not ours, because there were many things
found in it which we have not; who seeth not that this
reason stands as strong against them as against us? For
there are many errors and superstitions, which they have
rejected, and do not retain at this day, which were in being
in the days of our fathers. And besides, this objection would
have served the patrons of error in the Church of Corinth,
Galatia, and the rest ; for they might have said, after those
Churches were reformed, that they were new, and not the
same that were before; for that in the former, the resur
rection of the dead was denied, circumcision urged and prac
tised, discipline neglected, and the apostles of Christ con
temned ; which things, afterwards, were not found in them.
As therefore this had been a shameless objection of those
erring miscreants against the godly and well-affected in those
times, so it is in ours. And as those errors were not general

168 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
in those Churches, so were not they which we have con
demned in the Churches wherein our fathers lived. As those
errors and heresies were not the doctrines of the Churches of
Corinth, Galatia, and the rest, but the lewd assertion of some,
perverting and adulterating the doctrine of the Churches ; so
likewise the errors which we condemn at this day, where
upon the difference groweth between the Romish faction and
us, were never generally received, nor constantly delivered,
as the doctrines of the Church ; but uncertainly and doubt
fully disputed and proposed, as the opinions of some men in
the Church, not as the resolved determinations of the whole
Church.

CHAPTER VII.
OF THE SEVERAL POINTS OF DIFFERENCE BETWEEN US AND OUR
ADVERSARIES, WHEREIN SOME IN THE CHURCH ERRED,
BUT NOT THE WHOLE CHURCH.
FOR neither did that Church wherein our fathers Uved
and died, hold that canon of Scripture which the Ro
manists now urge, nor that insufficiency they now charge it
with, nor corruption of the originals, nor necessity of foUow
ing the vulgar translation, nor the heresies touching man's
creation brought into the Church by certain barbarous
schoolmen, as that there are three different estates of men;
the first, of pure nature, without addition of grace or sin ;
and two other, the one of grace ; the other of sin. That all
those evils that are found in the nature of man since his fall,
as ignorance, concupiscence, contrariety between the better
and meaner faculties of the soul, difficulty to do well, and
proneness to do evil, were all natural, the conditions of pure
nature ; that is, of nature considered in itself [as] it would
come forth from God. That these evils are not sinful, nor
had their beginnings from sin; that they were the consequents
of nature in the state of creation, but restrained by addition
of supernatural grace, without which the integrity of nature
was full and perfect. That men in the state of pure nature,

chap, vii.] OF THE CHURCH. 169
that is, as they might have been created of God in the in
tegrity of nature, without addition of grace, and in the state
of original sin, differ no otherwise, but as they that never
had, and they that have lost, rich and precious clothing ; so,
that original sin is but the loss of that without which nature's
integrity may stand. That no evils are brought in by the
fall, but nature left to herself to feel that which was before,
but not felt nor discerned while the addition of grace bettered
nature. None of these errors touching the state of man's
creation were the doctrines of the Church, but the private
fancies and conceits of men.
So, likewise, touching original sin, there were that taught,
that it is not inherent in each particular man born of Adam,
but that Adam's personal sin is imputed only. That the
propagation of sin is not general, [the Virgin] Mary being
conceived without original sin. That the punishment of it is
not any sensible smart or positive evil, but privative only ;
and that therefore there is a third place, neither hell nor
heaven, named limbus puerorum ; which is a place where, as
some think, they who are condemned thither, though they
be excluded from the kingdom of heaven and all possibility of
ever coming thither, yet are in a state of natural happiness,
and do enjoy the sweet content of eternal life. These Pe
lagian heresies were taught in the Church of God, but they
were not the doctrines of the Church ; being condemned,
rejected, and refuted, as contrary to the Christian verity, by
many worthy members and guides of the Church, who, as
they never received these parts of false doctrine, so likewise
the Church wherein they lived neither knew nor approved
that distinction and difference of venial and mortal sins,
which the Romanists now teach ; nor power of nature to
do the works of the law, according to the substance of the
things commanded, though not according to the intention of
the lawgiver ; to love God above all, and to do actions
morally good, or not sinful, without concurrence of special
grace; nor election and reprobation depending on the fore
sight of something in us positive or privative ; nor merit of
congruence and condignity ; nor works of supererogation ;
nor counsels of perfection, as they now teach; nor justification
by perfection of inherent qualities ; nor uncertainty of grace ;
nor seven sacraments, properly so named ; nor local presence ;

170 OF THE CHURCH. [book ni.
nor transubstantiation ; nor oral manducation of the body of
Christ ; nor real sacrificing of it for the quick and the dead ;
nor remission of sins after this Ufe ; nor tormenting of the
souls of men, dying in the state of salvation, in a part of heU,
hundreds of years, by devils, in corporeal fire, out of which
prayer should deliver them ; nor that the saints hear our
prayers, know or are acquainted with our particular wants ;
nor the gross idolatry in those times committed, and intolerable
abuses found in the number, fashion, and worship of their
images ; nor their absolution, as now they define it ; nor
treasure of the Church, growing out of the superfluity of
saints1 merits not rewardable in themselves, to be disposed by
the pope for supply of other men's wants, to release them
out of purgatory by way of indulgence ; nor the infaUibiUty
of the pope's judgment, and plenitude of his power, such and
so great that he may depose princes, and dispose of their
crowns and dignities ; and that whatsoever he doth he may
not be brought into order, or deposed by authority of the
whole Christian world in a general council. These are the
errors which we condemn, and our adversaries maintain and
defend : these, we are well assured, were not the doctrines of
that Church wherein our fathers Uved and died, though we
do not deny but they were taught by some in that Church.
All these we offer to prove to be error in matter of our
Christian faith; and that seeing we could no longer have
peace with our adversaries but by approving these impieties,
we had just cause to divide ourselves from them, or (to
speak more properly), to suffer ourselves to be accursed,
anathematized, and rejected by them, rather than to sub
scribe to so many errors and heresies contrary to the
Christian and cathoUc verity.

chap, viu.] OF THE CHURCH. 171

CHAPTER VIII.
OF THE TRUE CHURCH, WHICH, AND WHERE IT WAS BEFORE
LUTHER'S TIME.
THUS then it appeareth which we think to have been the
true Church of God, before Luther or others of that sort
were heard of in the world; namely, that wherein all our
fathers lived and died ; wherein none of the errors reproved
by Luther ever found general, uniform, and full approbation ;
in which all the abuses removed by him were long before by
all good men complained of, and a reformation desired1. And
therefore though we acknowledge Wickliffe, Huss, Jerome of
Prague, and the Uke, who with great magnanimity opposed
themselves against the tyranny of the see of Rome and the
impiety of those who withheld the truth of God in unright
eousness, who being named Christians served antichrist (as
Bernard2 complained of some in his time), to have been the
worthy servants of God, and holy martyrs and confessors,
suffering in the cause of Christ against antichrist ; yet do we ,
not think that the Church of God was found only in them,
or that there was no other appearance of succession of Church
and ministry, as Stapleton, and others of that faction, falsely
impute unto us. For we most firmly beUeve, all the Churches
in the world, wherein our fathers Uved and died, to have
been the true Church of God, in which undoubtedly salvation
was to be found ; and that they which taught, embraced, and
believed those damnable errors which the Romanists now
defend against us, were a faction only in the Churches ; as
were they that denied the resurrection, urged circumcision,
and despised the apostles of Christ in the Churches of Corinth
and Galatia.
If any of our men deny these Churches to have been the
true Churches of God, their meaning is Umited in respect of
the prevailing faction that was in the Church, and including
1 [See Thorndike's Just Weights, p. 1, and Bramhall's answer to
Militiere, Works, Vol. i. p. 40. Ed. Oxon. 1842.]
2 Serm. xxxni. [in Cantica.] "Omnes amici et omnes inimici;
omnes necessarii et omnes adversarii; omnes domestici et nulli pacifici;
ministri Christi et serviunt antichristo.'' [Opera, p. 1393.]

172 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
them and all the wicked impieties by any of them defended ;
in which sense their negative is to be understood. For how
soever the Church (which is not to be charged with the
errors and faults of all that in the midst of her did amiss)
held a saving profession of the truth of God ; yet there were
many, and they carrying the greatest shew of the Church,
that erred damnably, and held not a saving profession of
divine truth ; whereupon Gerson saith1, that before the
council of Constance, the false opinions touching the power
of the pope did fret like a canker, and prevailed so far,
that he would hardly have escaped the note of heresy that
had said but half so much as was defined in the council of
Constance by the universal consent of the whole Christian
world. Gregorius Ariminensis sheweth2, that touching the power
of nature to do things morally good, and to fulfil the law,
without concurrence of special grace, touching the works of
infidels, predestination, reprobation, and punishments of original
sin, the heresies of Pelagius were taught in the Church ; and
that, not by a few or contemptible men, but so many and of
so great place, that he almost feared to follow the doctrine of
the fathers, and oppose himself against them therein. The
same doth Gerson report3, concerning sundry lewd assertions
prejudicial to the states of kings and princes, which the coun
cil of Constance could not be induced to condemn, by reason
of a mighty faction that prevailed in it ; though many great
ones much urged it ; and though they made no stay to con
demn the positions of Wickliffe and Huss, seeming to derogate
from the state of the clergy, though many of them might
carry a good and catholic sense, if they might have found a
favourable construction. Whereupon he breaketh into a
bitter complaint of the partialities and unequal courses holden
1 De Potestate Ecclesiastica consid. 12.
2 Lib. ii. dist. 26, q. I. art. 1, dist. 30, q. in.
3 Dial. Apolog. (judicium de Concilio Constantiniensi.) [Vol. n.
387. "Primitus enim Bohemi, dehinc Anglici detulerunt errores
Wicliff; pro quorum reprobatione zelavit publico advena. Videat
autem prudentia tua, si non existimare justum erat, nee temerarium,
non minori diligentia, zelo vel constantia procedi debere ad damna-
tionem doctrinas, magis in moribus et republica pestiferse, et hoc omni
tergiversatione vel personarum acceptione rejectis?" Compare with
this the commencement of the tract.]

chap, vm.] OF THE CHURCH. 173
in the Church, and protesteth that he hath no hope of a
reformation by a council, things standing as they then did.
The like complaint did Contarenus make in our time1,
that if any man did debase the nature of man, deject the
pride of sinful flesh, magnify the riches of the grace of God,
and urge the necessity of it, he was judged a Lutheran, and
pronounced a heretic ; though they that gloried in the name
of Catholics were themselves Pelagian heretics, if not worse
than Pelagians. " Alas," saith Ockam2, " the time is come
the blessed apostle St Paul (2 Tim. iv.) prophesied of, ' when
men will not suffer wholesome doctrine, but having their ears
itching, after their own lusts get them a heap of teachers,
turning their ears from the truth, and being given unto fables.'
This prophecy is altogether fulfilled in our days. For behold,
there are many that pervert the holy Scriptures, deny the
sayings of the holy fathers, reject the canons of the Church,
and civil constitutions of the emperors ; which molest, persecute,
bring into bondage, and, without mercy, torment and afflict,
even unto death, them that defend the truth ; and (that I
may conclude many things in few words), with harlots' fore
heads, and execrable boldness, do endeavour to subvert im
perial and regal power, and to overthrow all laws, both of
God and man. Neither are these young men, or unlearned,
but they are the elders of the people, high-priests, scribes,
pharisees, and doctors of the law, as they were that crucified
Christ : so that we may rightly say of our times, that Daniel
long since pronounced in his thirteenth chapter, ' Iniquity is
gone out from Babylon, from the elders and judges that
seemed to govern and rule the people.' For many that
should be pillars in the Church of God, and defend the truth
even unto blood, do cast themselves headlong into the pit of
1 In libro de Prsedestinatione. ["Alii enim Catholicse sese re-
ligionis titulo venditantes, et Lutheranorum adversarios jactitantes,
dum arbitrii libertatem nimium adstruere conantur, Christi se gratise
plurimum detrahere non intelligunt ; et nimio Lutheranos oppugnandi
studio maximis Ecclesise Christianse luminibus, primisque Catholicse
veritatis doctoribus adversantur in Pelagii hseresim plus aequo decli-
nantes." Opera, p. 604.]
2 Occam, prol. Comp. err. Johannis xxii. ["Quse severa pro-
phetia diebus nostris — est penitus adimpleta. Nam insurrexerunt in
me et alios viros, utique realiter Christianos, etc. testes iniqui: qui
Scripturas sacras subvertunt,'' etc.]

174 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
heresies." Thus spake he in his time of the corrupt state of
the Church, wherein so damnable a faction prevailed, danger
ously perverting all things, that in the end he submitteth all
his writings to the judgment and correction of the true and
catholic Church ; but not of the Church of malignant mis
creants, heretics, schismatics, and their favourers.

CHAPTER IX.
OF THE APOSTACY OF SOME IN THE CHURCH.
THUS then we think with Lyra1, that as there was an
apostacy or revolt of many kingdoms from the Roman
empire, and of many Churches from the communion of the
Roman Church ; so there hath been an apostacy from the
Catholic faith in the midst of the Church : not for that all at
any time did forsake the true faith ; but for that many fell
from the sincerity of the faith, according to the saying of our
Saviour, when the time of antichrist draweth on, " Iniquity
shall abound, and the charity of many shall wax cold ;" and
that, 1 Tim. iv. "In the last times some shall depart from
the faith, attending to spirits of error ;" and 2 Tim. iii. " In
the last days there shall be perilous times : men shall be lovers
of themselves, men of corrupt minds, reprobate concerning the
faith." This he speaketh of an apostacy in the midst of the
Church itself, answerably to that of Nazianzen2, who saith,
1 In 2 Thes. ii. "Nisi venerit discessio primum; quod exponunt
aliqui de discessione a Romano imperio — alii exponunt de recessu ab
obedientia Romance Ecclesise, a qua jamdiu recessit Grsecia. Sed
salvo meliori judicio, mihi videtur melius intelligendum de recessu a
fide Catholica (sicut exponunt aliqui): non tamen sie intelligendo
quod omnes sint a fide catholica recessuri ; quia dominabitur in ali
quibus usque ad finem mundi ; sed quia major pars credentium dis-
cedet ab ea."
2 Orat. in laud. Athanasii: [wr yap vdaros evbs repverai, ov tovto
povov ocrov ;) \e fy" a'P'iKev apvopevrj, aXXa Kal Sow rfj xf'P' 7repieo-xi8>] rav
daKTiiXav iKpiov, out(i> Kai r/pav ovx oaov do-eftis o-^i'ferai povov, dXXii Kal
oo-ov evo-efieorepov, oil irepi doyparav povov piKpav Kal irepiopao-8ai al-iav.
Nazianz. Opera, Vol. I. 395.]

ouap. ix.] OF THE CHURCH. 175
that as when one taketh water into his hand, not only that
which he taketh not up, but that also which runneth forth
and findeth passage between his fingers, is divided and sepa
rated from that which he holdeth inclosed in his hand ; so,
not only the open and professed enemies of the Catholic
verity, but they also that seem to be her best and greatest
friends, are sometimes divided one from another.
There is no cause then, why it should seem so strange to
our adversaries, that our divines affirm, there hath been an
apostacy from the faith ; not of the whole Church ; but of
many in the Church, dangerously erring, and adulterating
the doctrine of faith delivered by Christ and his blessed
apostles ; and that some say, this apostacy began sooner,
some later. For if wo speak of those grossest illusions,
wherewith men were abused in these later ages, surely that
degree of apostacy did not cuter into the Church in former
times. For there was no thought in any Christian man
living six hundred years ago, that the Pope could dispense
the merits of tho saints1, and give pardons ; that he might
depose princes for supposed heresy2; that the sacrament not
received but elevated, gazed on, and adored, is a sacrifice
propitiatory for the quick and the dead3; that [the Virgin]
Mary was conceived without original sin*; that the people
1 No mention of indulgences in Peter Lombard, nor others of that
time, and the schoolmen speak very doubtfully of them.
3 '* Nimirum, ut paeo omnium bonorum dixerim, luce novitas non
dieam luvrosis, nccdum in mundo emerserat. ut saeerdotes illius qui
regnare facit bypocritam propter peccata populi, docerent populum:
quod malis regibus nullam debeat subjeetionem, et licet iis sacra-
mentum fidelitatis fecerit, nullam tamen debeat ndelitateui." Sige-
bertius in Chron. an. 1088.
3 "Diu li.ro consuetude obtinuit, ut prsesentibus omnibus Eu-
charistia [corporis et sanguinis Domini] distribueretur. — Tota quoque
sacra precis, qucm canoncm voeant. compositio, publieiv tantum
niissto acconimodata videtur; — quo fit, ut nonnulli veteres, Romani
ordinis expositores, qui apud nos sunt, canonom in publiea tantum, non
autem quotidiana et privata actioue legendum contendant.' Cassander,
Piwf. in lib. ord. Eom. a so editi, [Opera p. 94.]
¦' Bonavent. lib. iii. d. 3. q. 2. ["Aliorum positio est quod saue-
titicatio Virginis subsecuta est originalis peeeati contractionem ; et hoc
quia uullus immunis fuit a culpa originalis peeeati. nisi solum Filius
Virginis. — Hie autem modus dicendi magis concordat sauetorum auc-

176 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
are to be partakers of the sacrament but only in one kind ;
and sundry other things of like nature. But if we speak of
a decUnation from the sincerity of the Christian faith, it is
certain it began long ago, even in the first ages of the Church.
Of this sort was the error that the souls of the just are in
some part of hell till the last day, as TertuUian1, Irenaeus2,
and sundry other of the ancient did imagine3; and that they
see not God, nor enjoy heaven's happiness, till the general
resurrection, which was the opinion of many of the fathers.
That all catholic Christians, how wickedly soever they
live, yet holding the foundation of true Christian profession,
shall in the end, after great torments endured in the world
to come, be saved " as it were by fire." This was the error
of sundry of the ancient, who durst not say as Origen, that
the angels that fell shall in the end be restored: nor, as
some other, mollifying the hardness of Origen's opinion, that
all men, whether Christians or infidels : nor, as a third sort,
that all Christians, how damnably soever erring in matter of
faith, shall in the end be saved : but thought it most reason
able, that all right beUeving Christians should find mercy,
whatsoever their wickedness were4. This opinion was so
toritati, pro eo quod communiter sancti cum de materia ilia loquuntur,
solum Christum excipiunt ab ilia generalitate, qua dicitur: Omnes
peecaverunt in Adam. Nullus autem invenitur dixisse de his quos
audivimus auribus nostris, Virginem Mariam a peccato originali fuisse
immunem.'' Opera, v. p. 32.]
1 De Anima, c. 55. "Habes etiam de paradiso a nobis libellum,
quo constituimus omnem animam apud inferos sequestrari in diem
Domini." 2 Irenseus contra hsereses prope fmem. [v. 31.]
3 Sixtus Senens. Biblioth. lib. vi. annot. 345.
4 " Sicut diaboli et omnium negatorum atque impiorum, qui dixerunt
in corde suo : non est Deus, credimus seterna tormenta ; sic peccatorum
atque impiorum, [et tamen Christianorum], quorum opera in igne pro
banda sunt [atque purganda], moderatam arbitraniur et mixtam cle-
mentise sententiam Judicis." Hieron. in comment, in Esaise lxvi.
prope finem. [Vol in. 515.] Et contra Pelagianos, lib. i. Christianos
in peccato prseventos salvandos post poenas scribit. [Vol. iv. ii. 502.]
Aug. de civitate Dei, li. 21, cap. 24, 25, 26, 27 [potius c. 17, sq.]
Proponit opinionem Originis et aliorum, et Enchiridio ad Laurentium,
c. 67 ; ait eos, " qui credunt (se Christianos impios et peccatores post
poenas salvandos) et tamen Catholici sunt, humana quadam bene-

chap, ix.] OF THE CHURCH. 177
general in Augustine's time, that very fearfully he opposed
himself against it ; and not daring wholly to impugn that
which he found to have so great and reverend authors, he
qualified it what he could, and so, doubtingly broached that
opinion ; which gave occasion to the Papists of their heresy
touching purgatory. For, saith he, if they would only have
us think that the souls of men living wickedly here in this
world, may, through the goodness of God and the prayers
of the living, find some mitigation of their pains in hell, or
have their punishments suspended and deferred for a time,
yet so that they be confessed to be eternal, I would not
strive with them ; yea, saith he, it may be that men for some
lighter sins and imperfections cleaving to them while they are
here, may find pardon and remission in the world to come,
and be saved as by fire : which, whether it be so, or whether
there be no other purging but in this Ufe by the fire of
tribulation, he professeth he knoweth not, nor dareth not
pronounce. Of this sort was the opinion of a double resurrection ;
the first of the good, who shall live in all happiness on the
earth a thousand years before the wicked should have
awaked out of the sleep of death; and another, after the
thousand years expired, when the wicked also should rise
and go into everlasting fire, and the good into everlasting
life ; which they supposed to be the second resurrection.
How generaUy this error spread itself in the true Church,
they that have but looked into the writings of the fathers,
and monuments of antiquity, cannot be ignorant1.
The opinion of the necessity of infants receiving the
sacrament of the Lord's body and blood as well as baptism,
did possess the minds of many in the Church for certain
hundreds of years, as appeareth by that Augustine writeth
of it in his time2; and Hugo de Sancto Victore, so many
volentia mihi falli videri." [See also his treatise De Fide et Operibus,
c. 14, sq. Gamier thinks that St Augustine refers more immediately
to St Jerome. Append, ad Mercat. p. 117. See also the note of the
Benedictines, 1. c. Brewer's Ed.]
1 Sixtus Senensis, Bibliothecse Sanctse, lib. v. annot. 233 ; ubi
ostendit Hieronym. et August, summa cum reverentia dissentire, quia
multi ecclesiasticorum virorum et multi martyres Chiliastarum opinio-
nem amplectebantur.
2 Cyprianus de Lapsis [ed. Paris, 1841]. Augustinus contra n.
[Field, I.] M

178 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
hundred of years after him1, yea, the Greek2 and Ethiopian
Churches3 continue that error and the practice of communi
cating infants as soon as they are baptized, even unto this day.
Touching predestination, how many obscurities, uncer
tainties, and contrarieties shall we find ? Surely before
Augustine's time4, many great and worthy prelates and
doctors of the Church, not having occasion to enter into the
exact handling of that part of Christian doctrine, did teach
that men are predestinated for the foresight of something in
themselves. And Augustine himself, in the beginning of his
conflicts with the Pelagians, was of opinion, that at the least,
for the foresight of faith, men are elected to eternal life ;
which afterwards he disclaimed as false and erroneous5, and
taught that man's salvation dependeth on the efficacy of that
grace which God giveth, and not his purpose of saving upon
the uncertainty of man's will. This doctrine of Augustine
was received and confirmed in the Church against the Pela
gians, and. Semi-Pelagians. And Bellarmine professeth6, that
Augustine's doctrine in this case is the doctrine of the
Church; yet so, that many followed the former conceit, as
we may easily see by the writings of the schoolmen', many
Epistolas Pelagianorum ad Bonifacium, lib. i. c. 22. Hypognosticon,
lib. v. [c. 5.] Epist. cvii. [ccxvii. § 18.] ad Vitalem. Rhenanus in libro
Tertulliani de Corona Militis, ostendit baptizatos statim sanctse com-
munionis participes effectos. [p. 451, ed. 1528]. Maldonatus in Joan.
vi. 53 : "Missam [inquit] facio Augustini et Innocentii primi sententiam,
quse sexcentos circiter annos viguit in Ecclesia, Eucharistiam etiam
infantibus necessariam."
1 Hugo de S. Victor. Eruditionis theolog. de Sacramentis, lib. i.
c. 20: "Pueris recens natis idem sacramentum in specie sanguinis
est ministrandum digito sacerdotis," &c.
2 [Stan. Socolovius in] Censura Orientalis Ecclesise, c. ix.
3 Damianus a Goes. [p. 69.]
4 Sixtus Senensis Bibliothecse Sanctse, lib. vi. annotatione 251.
5 Retractatio, c. 23, et Da Prsedest. Sanctorum, c. 3.
6 Bellar. lib. ii. c. 2. de'Gratia et Libero Arbitrio : [" Secundo loco
probari potest Veritas prsedestinationis gratuitse ex traditione Eccle
siastical nam quamvis ante exortam hceresim Pelagianam, vetores
patres quosstionem illam non adeo accurate tractaverint, sed tantum
occasione oblata breviter sententiam suam aperuerint ; tamen post.
illam hseresim exortam, omnes omnino qui sanctitatis nomine in Ec
clesia claruerunt hanc ipsam sententiam aportissime docuerunt."]
7 Rofutat. Gregor. Arim. lib. i. dist. xl. q. i. art. ii.

chap. ix. j OF THE CHURCH. 179
of whom do teach, that men are elected for the foresight of
something positive or privative in themselves.
How far some did Montanise in the matter of second
marriage, so far disliking it, that they would not have it
blessed in the Church, but imposed penance on them that
married a second wife after the death of the first ; Jerome
against Jovinian, and certain ancient provincial councils, are
proofs more than sufficient1.
Touching the state of saints departed, their generahty of
presence in aU places, their universal knowledge of all things,
and admirable working everywhere where their memories
are solemnized, are not more confidently affirmed by Jerome2
and Gregory3, than they are modestly denied and doubted
of by Augustine4, Hugo de Sancto Victore5, the author of
the Gloss6, and others7.
That there were superstitions and abuses in the primitive
Churches, we have such witnesses as the Romanists dare not
except against. Doth not Jerome confess8, that the burning
of Ughts at noonday, used in some Churches, was an act of
1 " Presbyterum convivio secundarum nuptiarum interesse non
debere, maxim e cum prsecipiatur secundis nuptiis pcenitentiam tri-
buere. Quis ergo erit presbyter, qui propter convivium illis consentiat
nuptiis }" Concilium Neocesariense, can. vii. [Hard. i. 284.] Amb. in
cap. 7. 1 Cor. [ad fin.] "Primse nuptise sub benedictione Dei cele-
brantur solenniter: secundse etiam in prsesenti carent gloria (id est
benedictione); concessse sunt autem propter incontinentiam." Rhe-
nanus, in argumento in Exhort. Tertulliani ad Castitatem : " Veteres
(inquit) omnes, atque adeo Hieronymus ipse matrimonio parum sequi
fuerunt. Certe constat Hieronymum hac de causa Romse male audi-
isse." [p. 567. Hieron. in Jovinian. p. 146.]
2 Hier. contra Vigilantium: ["Argumentatur contra signa atque
virtutes quse in basilicis martyrum fiunt, et dicit Vigilantius eas in-
credulis prodesse non credentibus; quasi nunc hoc quseratur quibus
fiant et non qua virtute." Vol. rv. ii. 2S5.]
3 Greg. dial. iv. cap. 33.
1 Aug. de cura pro mortuis [§ 16] : " Si tanti patriarchse, quid erga
populum ex iis procreatum ageretur ignoraverunt,"' &c.
5 Hugo, Eruditiones theologicse, de Sacramentis Fidei, lib. ii. part
xvi. cap. 2.
6 Glossa in Esaioe, Ixiii. 1 [See chap, xx.]
8 Hier. contra Vigilantium: ["Cereos autem non clara luce ac-
cendimus, sicut frustra calumniaris, sed ut noctis tenebras hoc solatio
temperamus. — Quod si aliqui per imperitiam : confiteor :elum Dei
habent, sed non secundum scientiam." Vol. rv. ii. 284.]
M2

180 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
zeal, but not according to knowledge? Did not a council
forbid those pernoctations in the cemeteries and places of the
martyrs' burial1, which when Vigilantius reproved, Jerome,
with such fierceness and rage as cannot well be excused,
traduced him as the vilest monster the earth did bear2?
Are not these vigils long since abolished3?
Doth not Augustine confess4, there were certain adora-
tores sepulchrorum et picturarum, worshippers of tombs and
pictures, in the Church, in his time ? It is therefore much to
be marvelled at, that our adversaries charge us with I know
not what impiety, for that we say, there hath been a defection,
not only of heretics from the Church and faith, but also, in
the Church, of her own children, from the sincerity of the
heavenly truth, sometimes more and sometimes less ; in some
things by some, and in some other by others : that this
defection began long ago, but found greater and stronger
opposition in the first six hundred years than after, there
being in later times a great decay of the ancient piety ;
whence it came, that many more and worse errors, than ever
before were broached, and they which were in some begin
nings before, were augmented and more dangerously defended.
In which sense some of our men have said, that Gregory was
the last of the good bishops, and the first of the bad5 ; for
that all things since his time have greatly decayed, and the
state of the Church been much corrupted.
1 Concilium Eliberitanum, can. 34, 35.
2 Hier. contra Vigilantium.
3 Bellar. De cultu Sanctorum, iii. 17 : " Quoniam paulatim oc
casione nocturnarum vigiliarum abusus quidam irrepere coeperant,
vel potius flagitia non raro committi, placuit Ecclesise nocturnos con-
ventus, et vigilias proprie dictas intermittere, ac solum in iisdem
diebus celebrare jejunia."
4 Aug. de moribus Ecclesise Cath. lib. i. cap. 34 : " In ipsa vera
religione [quidam] superstitiosi sunt," etc.
5 " Ita vixit ut usque ad tempora nostra neminem ex successoribus
parem habuerit." Platina in vita Greg. [I. sub init.] Idem in vita
Stephani III. " Severos et graves viros reformidat hie noster clerus.
Quid ita? quia in tanta licentia malunt vivere, quam bene monenti
aut cogenti obtemperare, et ob earn rem Christiana religio quotidie in
pejus labitur."

chap, x.] OF THE CHURCH. 181

CHAPTER X.
OF THEIR ERROR WHO SAY, NOTHING CAN BE AMISS IN THE
CHURCH, EITHER IN RESPECT OF DOCTRINE OR DISCIPLINE.
IT is vain, saith Gerson1, that some object the Church is
founded on a rock, and therefore nothing can be amiss
either in the doctrine or discipline of it, nothing that should
need any reformation. " If it be so," saith he, " then where
is the observation of the canon, that clerks go not into inns
or taverns? That monks in their own places attend only
prayer and fastings, without intermeddling with ecclesiastical
or secular business ? Whence is the superfluous pomp and
princely state of cardinals and bishops, making them forget
that they are men? What say they to that abomination,
that one man holdeth two or three hundred ecclesiastical
benefices? That the sword of excommunication is so easily
drawn out against the poor for every trifle ; as for debts :
and that the lords of the clergy use it for the maintenance of
their own temporal states? That strangers are appointed
by the pope to have cure of souls, not understanding the
language of them over whom they are set, nor living amongst
them?" " Open your eyes," saith he, " and see if the houses of
nuns be not stews of filthy harlots : if the consecrated monas
teries be not fairs, markets, and inns: cathedral churches,
dens of thieves and robbers : priests, under pretence of maids,
keep harlots : consider whether so great variety of pictures
and images be fit, and whether it occasion not idolatry in the
simple. Look upon the number and variety of reUgious
orders, the canonizing of new saints, though there be too
many already, as Bridget of Suetia, Charles of Brittany ; the
feasts of new saints being more religiously kept than of the
blessed apostles. Inquire if there be not apocryphal scrip
tures, hymns, and prayers, in process of time, either of
purpose or of ignorance, brought into the Church, to the
great hurt of the Christian faith. Consider the diversities
of opinions, as of the conception of Mary, and sundry other
1 Gerson, Declarat. defectuum virorum Ecclesiasticorum. [Vol. n.
314.]

182 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
things. See if there be not intolerable superstition in the
worshipping of saints ; innumerable observations without all
ground of reason ; vain credulity in beUeving things concern
ing the saints, reported in the uncertain legends of their lives ;
superstitious opinions of obtaining pardon and remission of
sins, by saying so many Pater nosters in such a church
before such an image : as if in the Scriptures and authentical
writings of holy men, there were not sufficient direction for
all acts of piety and devotion, without these fabulous and
frivolous additaments : nay, which is yet worse, see if these
observations, in many countries and kingdoms of the world,
be not more urged than the laws of God ; even as we shall
find, in the decrees and decretals, a monk more severely
punished for going without his cowl, than for committing
adultery or sacrilege1."

CHAPTER XI.
OF THE CAUSES OF THE MANIFOLD CONFUSIONS AND EVILS
FORMERLY FOUND IN THE CHURCH.
THESE are the evils, deformities, and sores of the Church,
which this worthy man in his time complained of; the
causes whereof he thought to be principally two. First, the
neglecting of the laws of God and direction of the Scriptures,
and following human inventions. Secondly, the ambition,
pride, and covetousness of the bishop of Rome. Touching
the first, which is the neglect of divine laws, and infinite
multiplying of human inventions, he pronounceth confidently,
there can be no general reformation of the Church, without
the abolishing of sundry canons and statutes, which neither
are, nor reasonably can be, observed in these times, which do
nothing else but ensnare the consciences of men to their
endless perdition. That no tongue is able sufficiently to
express what evil, what danger, what confusion, the contempt
of holy Scripture (which doubtless is sufficient for the govern
ment of the Church, for otherwise Christ had been an im-
1 Gerson, de Diroctiono Cordis. Considorationo 16, et soqucntibus.
[Vol. m. 471.]

cuap. xi.] OF THE CHURCH. 183
perfect lawgiver), and the following of human inventions,
hath brought into the Church1. " For proof hereof," saith
he, " let us consider the state of the clergy, to which heavenly
wisdom should have been espoused : but they have committed
whoredom with that filthy harlot, earthly, carnal, and devilish
wisdom ; so that tho state of the Church is become merely
brutish and monstrous ; heaven is below and the earth above ;
the spirit obcyeth and the flesh commandeth ; the principal is
esteemed but as accessory, and the accessory as principal: yet
some shame not to say, that the Church is better governed
by human inventions than by tho divine law and the law of
the gospel of Christ, which assertion is most blasphemous.
For, tlie evangelical doctrine, by the professors of it, did
enlarge the bound of the Church and Ufted her up to heaven ;
which these sons of Hagar, seeking out that wisdom which is
from the earth, have cast down to the dunghill. And that
it is not wholly fallen, and utterly overthrown and extinct, it
is the great mercy of our God and Saviour."
Touching the second cause of the Church's ruin, which is
the ambition, pride, and covetousness of the bishop and court
of Rome, he boldly affirmeth, that whereas the bishops of
Rome (challenging the greatest place in the Church) should
have sought the good of God's people, they contrarily sought
only to advance themselves : " Ad imitationem Luciferi ut
udorari veUnt sicut Dii, neque reputant se subditos esse cui-
quam, ' sicut filii Belial sine jugo * [Judic. xix. 22] ; nee sibi
posse dici, cur ita facis? Qui nee Deum timent, nee hominem
reverentur2." " In imitation of Lucifer, they will be adored
and worshipped as Gods. Neither do they think themselves
subject to any ; but are as the sons of Belial that have east
off the yoke, not enduring, whatsoever they do, that any one
should ask them why they do so ? They neither fear God
1 Gerson, Part i. Sermo. in die eircumcisi. consid. I. [Vol. h. 61.]
2 Gorson, post tractatulum, Do unitato Ecclesia?, addit quatuor
eonsiderationes ad fuleimentum prremissorum. In quarto habentur
hsec verba : ['• Forte aliquibus videretur quod sit expediens Ecclesife
Universali redire omnia ad pristinum statum Ecclesia1. seu illius qui
fuit tempore Apostolorum, quantum fieri congrue posset : — vel red-
eundum esset ad statum Ecclesia? tempore Sylvestri et Gregorii, quando
quilibet Pnclatus dimittcbatur in sua jurisdictione et solicitudinis parte,
et Papa tenebat qua? sua erant absque tot rcservatiouibus, etc."]
Gerson, de Concil. generali unius obedieutirc. [Vol. h. 27.]

184 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
nor reverence man." Whereupon he feareth not to deUver
the opinion of many good and worthy men in his time ; that
there being a schism in the Church, by reason of the con
tention of the three popes, which continued for a long time
in that age wherein he lived, it were good to take the ad
vantage of the time, and never to restore to any pope
again that universal administration of the temporaUties of the
Church, and swaying the jurisdiction of the same ; but that
it were best, that all things were brought back to that state
they were in in the times of the apostles, or at least in the
times of Sylvester and Gregory, when each prelate in his
own jurisdiction was permitted to govern them committed to
his charge, and dispose of the temporalities belonging to the
Church, without so many reservations and exactions as have
been since brought in1; the popes in time getting all into
their own hands, with so many abuses, frauds, and simonies,
all serving to maintain the state of the Romish Church, and
of that head thereof, which long since grew too heavy for
the body to bear2.
Neither was this the private opinion and conceit of
Gerson only ; but Petrus de Aliaco, CardinaUs Cusanus, Picus
Mirandula, and innumerable more of the best, wisest, and
hoUest men the Church had, saw those abuses, errors, un
certainties, and barbarisms, wherewith the glory of the
Church was greatly blemished and almost quite defaced ;
and wished and expected a reformation. Tea, nothing was
more certainly looked for a long time before Luther was
born, than the ruin of that pompous state of the Church ; the
staying of the furious, covetous, and tyrannous proceedings
of the court and bishop of Rome ; and the freeing of the
Church from that Egyptiaeal bondage wherein it was holden.
1 Gerson, part I. De potestate Ecclesise : " Papa ita prsesideat bonis
Ecclesiasticis, ut de iis statum habere sufficientem et decentem oporteat;
sed non ita ut caput gravidum membra reliqua obruat mole sua."
[Vol. n. p. 28.]
2 Gerson, De signis ruinse Ecclesise: "Moderno tempore unus-
quisque interpretari et trahere non veretur sacram Scripturam, jura
sanctorumque Patrum instituta, ad libitum suse voluntatis," etc.
[Opera, Vol. n. p. 312.]

chap, xn.] OF THE CHURCH. 185

CHAPTER XII.
OF THE DESIRE AND EXPECTATION OF A REFORMATION OF
THE CORRUPT STATE OF THE CHURCH : AND, THAT THE
ALTERATION WHICH HATH BEEN IS A REFORMATION.
WHEN the pope1 resolved to accurse, anathematize,
and excommunicate Grostead, the renowned bishop of
Lincoln, because he contemned his papal buUs and letters
(who was therefore in his time named Romanorum malleus
et contemptor), the cardinals opposed themselves ; saying, he
was a right good man, and holier than any of them ; the
things he charged the pope with most true ; and that there
fore it was not safe thus to proceed, lest some tumult should
foUow ; especiaUy, say they, seeing it is known there must
be a departure from us, and a forsaking of the Roman see.
The same Grostead, a little before his death, complaining of
the wicked courses holden by the Romanists (whose scourge
he was), said, the Church should never find any ease from
the oppressive burthens laid upon her, nor be delivered from
the Egyptiaeal bondage she was holden in, till her deliverance
were wrought in ore gladii cruentandi, in the mouth of the
sword aU bathed in blood.
Savonarola2, holden by many for a prophet, surely a
renowned man for piety and learning, told the French king,
Charles the Eighth, he should have great prosperity in his
voyage into Italy, and that God would give the sword into
his hand ; and all this, to the end he should reform the
corrupt state of the Church ; which if he did not perform, he
should return home again with dishonour, and God would
reserve the honour of this work for some other : and so it
fell out. At that time when Luther began to reprove the
abuses of the Church of Rome3, things were in so bad state,
1 Innocentius IV. in Mattheo Paris. Hist. Anglias, in Hen. III.
p. 872. "Nonne rex Anglorum noster est vasallus et ut plus dicam
mancipium?" Papam antichristum [Grossetest] pronunciat. p. 875.
"Ejus avaritise totus non sufficit orbis: ejus luxurise meretrix non
suflicit omnis." P. 876.
2 Philip de Comines, lib. viii. cap. 2. He preached that the state
of the Church should be reformed by the sword, &c.
3 Guicciardini, Hist. lib. xiii.

186 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
that not only the blood of Christ was profaned, the power of
the keys by abuse made contemptible, and the redemption of
souls out of purgatory set as a stake at dice by the pardon-
sellers ; but so many grievances there were besides, that all
the world sighed under the burthen of them, and wished
that some man of heroical magnanimity would oppose himself.
When God had stirred up so noble an instrument, what did
the pope and his adherents ? Surely, as Guicciardine reports1,
there were that year many meetings in Rome, to consult
what were best to be done. The more wise and moderate
sort wished the pope to reform things apparently amiss, and
not to persecute Luther, lest continuing those intolerable
disorders, abuses, and villanies (whereof aU good men com
plained), and persecuting him that reproved them with so
great applause of the whole Christian world, men should
think innocency, virtue, and piety in him to be persecuted
and oppressed; and so be incensed against so pertinacious
and stiff maintainers of the Church's confusions. This counsel
would not be followed : whence ensued this alteration of
things we now see, resisted by the pope and papists, set
forward by many Christian countries, kingdoms, and states,
and long before wished for and foretold before it came to
pass. For, what is now done in this reformation, which
Cameracensis, Picus, Savonarola, Gerson, and innumerable
other worthy guides of God's Church, long before thought
not necessary to be done ? as appeareth by what we have
already delivered touching that matter.
Thus, then, it being evident, that the number of laws2,
canons, and customs, formerly in use, and by us taken away,
was a burthen to the Church, and an ensnaring; of men's
consciences ; that in the feasts, fasts, holy days, worship of
God, and honour of his saints, there were abuses in that very
kind which we have reprehended ; and that a reformation
was wished for; and the popes were so far from setting it
forward, that when they saw the states of the world ready
to accomplish it (even with division of themselves from them),
1 Guicciardini, Hist. lib. xiii.
2 "Reformatio Ecclesise [universalis] fieri non potest [in moribus]
sine abolitione multorum statutorum super excommunicationibus et
ceteris traditionibus nimis multiplicatis," etc. Gorson, De Concilio
unius obedientise. [Vol. n. p. 26.]

chap, xii.] OF THE CHURCH. 187
they would in no sort consent unto it, though the wisest
about them persuaded them to it, as the likeliest way to
keep all in quietness ; seeing it was necessary for the (good
of the Church to free itself from that bondage it was formerly
holden in under the pope taking all into his own hands by
innumerable sleights, and treading down under his feet the
crowns of kings and jurisdiction of bishops (as hath been
shewed, and proved out of authors not to be excepted against) ;
seeing in matters of doctrine, wherein we differ from them,
we found uncertainty, contradiction, and contrariety ; some
saying that we now say, and others that which they defend,
and the things they defend not having the consenting testi
mony of other Churches in the world ; as of Armenia, Grecia,
^Ethiopia, &c, nor the certain approbation of antiquity ; and
the places of Scripture on which they were grounded being-
most apparently mistaken, as now, in this light of the world,
they themselves are forced to confess; seeing it is certain
there was great ignorance of tongues, and all parts of good
learning1, neglect of the study of Scripture, and mixture
without judgment of things profane with divine2 ; seeing in
numerable errors, superstitions, barbarisms, and tautologies,
were crept into the prayers of the Church3 ; seeing there was
great corruption, ignorant mistaking, and shameless forgeries
of the monuments of antiquity and writings of ecclesiastical
1 Picus, Theor. viii. loquens de erratis glossatoris, " non mirum est,
inquit, setatis vitium fuit ; perierunt enim tum et in desuetudinem
abierunt bonse literse, et excultiores disciplinse pessundabantur."
"Hsec non referrem, nisi conduceret in commune, notari scrip-
torum hujusmodi non dicam imperitiam, sed impudentem arrogantiam,
perinde quasi pecudibus aut truncis scribat non hominibus." Erasm.
in Scholiis in praefat. Hier. in Pentateuchum Mosis. [Vol. iv. fol. 6.
Ed. 1516.]
2 "Bonaventura recedit a curiositate quantum potest, non im-
miscens positiones extraneas, vel doctrinas seculares, dialecticas aut
physicas terminis theologicis obumbratas, more multorum : unde fac
tum est, Ut ab indevotis scholasticis, quorum (proh dolor) major est
numerus, ipse minus extiterit frequentatus." Gers. de exam. doct.
[Vol. i. 21.]
3 " Multa quae in decretis nominantur Apocrypha, et ita apud
Hier. habentur, nihilominus in ofiiciis divinis leguntur: multa item
quse apud nonnullos vera non creduntur.'' Picus, Theo. vi. "Non
abhorrerent hodio a lectione officii viri docti, quemadmodum faciunt;
propter barbariem nescio quam Latinitati et compositioni additam."
Platin. in vita Gregor. I.

J 88 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
authors in favour of errors then maintained1, which have
been detected in this age wherein learning is revived, and
with and out of learning, the purity of religion ; seeing it
was long before resolved, the Church must be reformed2;
that this reformation was never likely to be obtained in a
general council, and that therefore several kingdoms were to
reform themselves3; seeing it was then feared, the proceeding
in this reformation, thus severaUy, without general consent,
would breed too great difference in the courses that would be
taken, as we see it hath now fallen out, to the great grief of
all well-affected who mourn for the breaches of Sion ; seeing,
notwithstanding this disadvantage, in that one part of Christ
endom knew not what another did in this work of reforma
tion, nor consulted with other, that so they might proceed in
the same in one and the same sort, yet it so fell out by the
happy providence of God, that there is no essential, funda
mental, or material difference among those of the reformed
religion, whose confessions of faith are published to the view
of the world; howsoever the heat, ignorant mistaking, and
inconsiderate writings of some particular men, and the diver
sity of ceremonies, rites, and observations, make show of a
greater division than indeed there is : it is most undoubtedly
clear and evident, if we be not wilfully blinded, that this altera-
tion of things in our times was a reformation, and not, as our
adversaries blasphemously traduce it, an heretical invocation4.
1 " Sunt meo judicio ilia de Constantino apocrypha ; sicut fortassis
etiam qusedam alia longa et magna scripta Sanctis Clementi et Ana-
cleto Papse attributa. In quibus volentes Romanam sedem, omnem
laude dignam, plusquam Ecclesise sanctse expedit et decet, exaltare,
se penitus aut quasi fundant." Cusan. Concord. Cath. iii. cap. 2.
See the censure of Erasmus and others, upon the books falsely at
tributed to Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and the rest.
2 Gerson, Part in. Dial. Apolog. judicium de Concilio Constanti-
ensi. [ii. 392. " Video quod Ecclesise reformatio nunquam fiet per
Concilium sine prsesidentia ductoris affectati."]
3 " Remotiones statutorum et canonum antiquorum, aut additiones
novorum, fieri nequeunt rationabiliter pro tota Ecclesia, sine consensu
communi; alias posset esse statim diversitas nimia in moribus et
judiciis. — Nolo tamen dicere quin in multis partibus possit Ecclesia
per suas partes reformari, immo hoc necesse esset ; sed ad hoc agen
dum sufficerent Concilia Provincilia." Gerson, De Concilio unius
obediential [Vol. li. 26.]
* [It would seem that " invocation" (and it is so in the old edition)
was a misprint for innovation. Ed.]

chap, xiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 189

CHAPTER XIII.
OF THE FIRST REASON BROUGHT TO PROVE THAT THE CHURCH
OF ROME HOLDETH THE FAITH FIRST DELIVERED,
BECAUSE THE PRECISE TIME WHEREIN ERRORS
BEGAN IN IT CANNOT BE NOTED.
NOTWITHSTANDING, to stop the mouths of our ad
versaries, whom a spirit of contradiction hath possessed,
and to satisfy all such as be any way doubtful, I will, by
appUcation of the notes of the Church formerly agreed upon,
examine the matter of doubt, and answer all such reasons as
from thence are taken, and by them urged against us, either
for proof of their profession and faith, and the soundness of
their own Church, or reproof of ours. The first note assigned
by them is Antiquity ; by which they understand, not simply
and ^absolutely long continuance in the profession of Chris
tianity, but, the retaining and having that faith which was
first deUvered to the saints by the apostles, the immediate
and prime witnesses of the truth which is in Christ. Let us
therefore see how they endeavour to make proof that they
now hold that ancient profession. This they endeavour to
demonstrate three ways. First, it being confessed the Church
of Rome was the true Church, established in the faith of
the blessed apostles, and the faith thereof commended and
renowned throughout the world, they think they can prove
there hath been no change, alteration, or departure, from
that sincerity which sometimes was found in it. Secondly,
they offer to shew the consent and agreement of that form
of doctrine they now teach, and that the fathers of the pri
mitive Church did teach in their times and commended to
posterity in their writings. Thirdly, they presume they can
shew, that our doctrine, who dissent from them, is nothing
else but the renewing of old heresies long since condemned
in the best times of the Church by consent of the whole
Christian world. If they could as easily prove these things,
as they confidently undertake it, there were no resisting
against them. But, seeing they faU therein so much that
very children may discern their weakness, therefore I will
propose whatsoever I find alleged by any of them in this

190 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
kind that carrieth any show of probability, that all men may
see how weakly their persuasion is grounded in these things
which are of greatest consequence. First, therefore, let us
see how they prove that there hath been no change in the
doctrine, discipUne, profession, and state of the Roman Church
since the apostles' times.
In every great and notable mutation, say they1, may be
observed the author, the time, place, beginnings, increasings,
and resistance made against it. But the Protestants are not
able to note these circumstances in that mutation in matters
of religion, which they suppose hath been in the Church of
Rome : therefore it is evidently convinced there hath been no
such mutation. For the more full answering of this objection
we must observe, that there are four kinds of mutation or
change in matters of reUgion. The first, when the whole
essence of religion is changed : such is the change from
Paganism to Christianity, or from Christianity to Paganism.
The second, when the essence remaining the same, the state is
changed : such was the change of Judaism into Christianity ;
there being in the latter new sacraments, ceremonies, and a
new ministry, that was not in the former, and the per
formance of that whieh was but in expectation only before.
The third is, when, not the whole essence and state of re
ligion, but some parts of it only are so changed, that some
impugning and denying those things which others always did
and do hold most certain, the opposition is so great that
there groweth an apparent separation between them, the one
sort refusing to communicate with other : as when the Arians
denied the Son of God to be co-essential, co-equal, and co-
eternal with his Father. The fourth, when men so brine: in
new opinions and observations into the Church, that yet both
they, and other not led away by the same error, hold com
munion still. In the three first kinds of mutation, all those
circumstances they speak of may be noted ; but not always
in the fourth. Now the mutation in matters of faith and
religion which hath been in the Roman Church, is of the
1 Bellar. Tom. I. Contro. 4, Lib. iv. cap. 5. De Nota Antiquitatis,
["In omni insigni mutatione religionis semper ista sex demonstrari
possunt: 1. Auctorem ejus. 2. Dogma aliquod novum. 3. Tempus
quo ccepit. 4. Locus ubi coepit. 5. Quis earn oppugnaverit. 6. Ex-
iguus aliquis ctetus qui paulatim crescore cceperit."]

chap, xiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 191
fourth and last sort : for the errors thereof were so brought
in, that both they that were the authors of them, and others
that never fell into them, were both of one communion ; as I
will make it most clear and evident in that which followeth.
And therefore it is most absurd to require us to shew these
circumstances they speak of.
Secondly, for the better clearing of this matter, we must
note, that the aberration which hath been in the Church of
Rome from her ancient purity and simplicity, consisteth in
four things. First, in certain canons, laws, and traditions,
evil and hurtful from the beginning. Secondly, in the mul
titude of laws and canons in respect of the number growing
to be a burden. Thirdly, in that the state of things and
conditions of men altering, the same constitutions and ordi
nances become hurtful that were formerly good ; or, in that
things instituted to one end are, in process of time, appUed
to another ; or, evil and dangerous opinions, corrupting the
use of that which was not wholly to be misliked in the be
ginning, are newly added. Fourthly, in errors in matters
of faith. Touching that aberration of the Church of Rome
which consisteth in the bringing in of laws, canons, and con
stitutions hurtful from the beginning, we can note the begin
ning of it, and assign who were the authors of such laws.
But, when the laws themselves are not evil, but the number
of laws, canons, and constitutions is a burden to the Church,
and the evil complained of, it is most foolish to urge us to
shew the first author thereof. As likewise when laws, not
evil in the beginning, by alteration of times grow hurtful ;
or, when things from one use grow to another. Hugo de
Sancto Victore noteth1, that the custom was to communicate
Uttle children in the sacrament of the Lord's body and blood :
which being in time ceased, yet still they continued in his
time to give wine (though not consecrated) to children new
baptized, which he confesseth to be a superstitious and
foolish custom ; yet it is not possible to shew the beginning
of it. The aberration in the Church of Rome in matters of
doctrine was in such things, and so carried, in the beginning,
that the authors of those new and false opinions were not
disclaimed and noted as damnable heretics, as were those
1 Eruditionis Theologicse de Sacramentis, Lib. I. cap. 20. [Quoted
above, ch. 9.]

192 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
that erred in things most clearly resolved before, or, that
erred with such pertinacy that they divided themselves from
all that thought otherwise ; but the authors of these errors,
and they that were free from them, were, notwithstanding
these differences, both of one communion. And, therefore,
the circumstances by them required in these mutations cannot
be shewed, as it wiU easily appear by these instances following.

CHAPTER XIV.
OF DIVERS PARTICULAR ERRORS WHICH HAVE BEEN IN THE
CHURCH, WHOSE FIRST AUTHORS CANNOT BE NAMED.
THE opinion of two resurrections of men's bodies, the first
of the good, the second of the wicked (there being be
tween the one and the other a thousand years), was an
error, but the author of it is not known. For I hope the
Romanist will not say the fathers learned it of any heretic,
the first author of it. The opinion, that the souls of the just
are in hell, and see not God tiU the general resurrection, was
an error ; but they cannot teU who was the first author of it.
The opinion, that all Catholic Christians, how wicked soever,
shall in the end be saved as by fire, was an error ; but the
author is not known. The opinion, that men are elected for
the foresight of something in themselves, is an error, or else,
the doctrine of Augustine, who was of that opinion sometimes,
but afterwards condemned it in himself and others. The
opinion, that infants could not be saved, unless they were not
only baptized, but did receive the sacrament of the Lord's
body, was an error ; but the author of it is not known.
The opinions, that the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, the
Maccabees, and the like, are apocryphal, and that they are
canonical, are contradictory ; and the one of them an error
in matter of faith : yet is not the author of that error known.
The innumerable contradictory opinions holden in the Church
1 See the ninth chapter of this book, where they ai-e named that
defended these erroneous opinions, whose authors and first devisers
are not known. [See below, ch. 16, sq. and the Appendix.]

chap, xiv.] OF THE CHURCH. 193
of Rome touching matters of faith, as that the pope is sove
reign temporal lord of all the world, and all kings and princes
hold of him in fee, and that he is not1 ; that he may depose
kings erring in faith, and persecuting the faithful, and that
he may not ; that papally he cannot err, and that he may,
and sometimes doth; and many other like, must needs be
errors on the one side or the other : yet is not the author of
those errors to be nominated.
It was doubtless, in the confession of the adversaries, the
custom of the Western or Latin Church, as well as of the
rest, to communicate in both kinds2: when and where that
custom of communicating the lay people only in one kind
began, cannot be precisely noted. It was the custom to
impose penance first, and after the performance of it, to give
absolution3; now, absolution is first given, and then penance
imposed to be performed afterwards : when this alteration
began it cannot be noted. It was the general opinion that
Mary was conceived in sin ; it grew afterwards to be gene
rally thought she was not : the first author of this latter
opinion cannot be known, nor of the former neither, as I
suppose4. The custom was to grant indulgences, or re
laxations only, from enjoined penance ; the form of these was
afterwards altered5: I think it can hardly be noted by whom,
1 Bellar. lib. v. De Potestate Temporali Pontificis, cap. 1.
[" Primo ostendemus pontificem jure divino non habere directe tem-
poralem potestatem."]
Waldensis (Doctrinalis Fidei, lib. n. art. 3, q. 78) negat potestatem
Papse quoad regna principum ; et Sigebertus in Chronico an. 1088.
Stapleton (Controv. 3, q. 4.) proponit contrarias opiniones de
infallibili Papse judicio, et ait, non esse de fide quod non possit errare.
[" Hsec media Veritas est nunc apud Catholicos certa et recepta, etsi
non de fide." Opera, i. 706.]
2 Liquet ex lectione antiquorum, eucharistiam laicis in manus
datam olim, nunc in os : olim dominicum sanguinem fistulis hauriebant;
'" siquidem etiam nunc Romanus Pontifex quoties publice sacrificat,
aureo calamo sugit sanguinem dominicum e calice, cum diacono et
subdiacono." Rhenanus in annot. in lib. Tertul. de Corona Militis.
[p. 42. ed. 1597.]
3 " Apud veteres absolutio nisi satisfactione purgatis fere non im-
pertiebatur." Lindan. panoplise lib. iv. c. 70.
4 Bonavent. lib. iii. dist. 3, q. 2.
5 Cajet. opusculorum, Tom. i. tract. 15, c. 7. " Servavit Ecclesia
multo tempore hunc stilum, ut exprimeret in Uteris relaxationem ab
[Field, I.] N

194 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
&c. The custom was, on the days which they kept as fasting
days, not to eat till three o'clock in the afternoon, or till the
even ; so that to dine and not to fast were synonymies in the
primitive Church1; but in the Romish Church they did dine
on their fasting days, and therefore said the evensong between
ten and eleven o'clock in the morning : I think it hard to
note precisely the time when this alteration began. Thus
then we see there may be and have been many alterations in
the state of religion and matters of faith in the Church of
Rome, though all those circumstances they urge us to shew
cannot be noted in them. And, therefore, the first reason
brought to prove that the Romish Church is not departed
from her first and original purity, is found too weak.

CHAPTER XV.
OF THE SECOND REASON BROUGHT IN TO PROVE THAT THEY
HOLD THE ANCIENT FAITH, BECAUSE OUR MEN, DISSENTING
FROM THEM, CONFESS THEY DISSENT FROM THE FATHERS ;
WHERE SUNDRY INSTANCES ARE EXAMINED.
LET us see the other. The other way whereby they
endeavour to prove the antiquity of their faith and
religion, is, by shewing the agreement and consent between
it and the doctrine of the primitive fathers. This, say they,
they cannot do, but either by proposing the several parts of
Christian doctrine delivered by the fathers, and comparing
the doctrine of their Church with it ; or, out of our own
confession. The first course, they think, would be too tedious;
and therefore they endeavour to prove, by our own con-
injunctis pcenitentiis," etc. in tantum, ut dubitet an Papa dederit ali
quando, " indulgentiam, non solum ab injunctis, sed a quomodolibet
debitis pcenis pro peccatis : " et tamen fatetur, Petrum Paludanum, et
Johannem Monachum in extravaganti Bonifacii VIII. de Jubilei ex-
positione, tale aliquid referre, et formam plenarise indulgentise tale
aliquid probare agnoscit: sed ait, "editam illam formam secundum
opinionem illam, valde, ut videtur, communem ; scilicet, quoad indul-
gentia liberet ab injunctis et non injunctis pcenis.''
1 Lindan. Panopl. lib. m. c. 11.

chap, xv.] OF THE CHURCH. 195
fession, that the doctrine of the Church of Rome and of the
ancient fathers is all one.
The greatest divines, say they, of the reformed Churches,
when they impugn the assertions of the Romanists, confess
they go against the stream of all antiquity : therefore they
are forced to confess the doctrine of the fathers and of the
Church of Rome to be all one. This is a vile and wicked
calumniation, neither are they able to justify it1. But let us
see what they say. Calvin, they say, in the article of free will,
condemning the Roman Church of error, is forced to reject
and refuse the judgment of all antiquity. For the clearing
of this, we must observe, that the will of man may be said to
be free in divers sorts : first, from all necessity of seeking
and having divine support, help, and assistance : secondly,
from divine direction and ordering: thirdly, from sin: fourthly,
from misery : fifthly, limitation of desire, natural necessity,
and constraint. These being the divers kinds that may be
conceived of the freedom of man's will ; Calvin denieth the
will of man to be, or ever to have been, free from the ne
cessity of seeking and having divine support, help, and general
assistance, without which it hath no force or faculty at all.
Secondly, he denieth it to be free from divine direction,
ordering, and guidance : for, in this sort, neither the wills of
men nor angels were so free in the day of their creation, as
to exempt themselves from the ordering of the divine pro
vidence, which most sweetly disposeth all things. Thirdly,
from misery there is no freedom in this world, nor from the
bondage of sin, without the benefit of grace making free.
" Habemus," saith Bernard2, " liberum arbitrium, sed nee
cautum a peccato, nee tutum a miseria." "We have free
will, but neither so wary as to avoid sin, nor so safe as to be
free from danger." From limitation of desire, natural ne
cessity, and constraint, he confesseth the will to be free,
though it be subject to a conditional or moral necessity which
1 Bellar. lib. iv. cap. 9. De Conciliis, et Ecclesia. [" Calvinus in
sua Institutione cum nostrse oppugnat, passim fatetur se repugnare
toti antiquitati, ex quo sequitur nostram esse omnino antiquitati con-
sentaneam." Sic igitur ait, lib. ii. cap. 2, § 4. " Semper apud Latinos
nomen liberi arbitrii extitit, apud Groscos vero avre^oio-tos vocabulum,
multo arrogantius. Et infra § 8. Ego vero neque ipse, hujusmodi vocem
usurpare velim, et alios si me consulant, abstinere optarim."]
2 De Gratia et Libero Arbitrio. [§ 12. Opera, p. 608.]
N2

196 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
by Bernard is most aptly named male libera -nccessitas. The
will of man being thus overruled by divine providence, and in
so divers sorts enthralled to sin and misery, Calvin thinketh
the titles of avTe^ova-iov and libvrmn arbitrium, taken from
the philosophers and used by tho fathers, to be too glorious
to express a thing so weak and miserable ; and that in his
opinion it is not safe to use these words, unless we add, for
the clearing of our meaning, the limitations with whieh the
fathers do restrain thom ; which, yet, many will not so care
fully observe, as they will unadvisedly suck the poison of
error out of the words themselves. Thus, then, we see,
Calvin confesseth, the fathers used ihese words in a good and
godly sort.
But, saith Bellarmine1, he feareth not to pronounce, that
all tho fathers (Augustine excepted) are so uncertain, per
plexed, and doubtful in the delivering of this point, that a
man can gather no certainty out of tbem. Surely it is most
true that bo saith of them, tbey are doubtful and uncertain
in this point ; yet so that it appears, that in this ambiguity,
ascribing little or nothing to the power of man's will, they
give all the praise of well-doing to tho Holy Spirit of God.
To this purpose he allcgetli sundry excellent sentences out of
Cyprian, Eucherius, and Chrysostom ; and concludes, that it
was tho drift of these fathers, howsoever they seem some
times too much to amplify the power of man's will, yet
wholly to diivo men from the confidence in their own
strength, to seek their strength in God. This then is all
that Calvin saith, that, before Augustine was stirred by the
Pelagians exactly to examine these things that concern tho
grace of God and power of nature, the fathers delivered not
this point so distinctly as afterwards it was, nor so fully, but
that somo things wore found in their writings not so fit as
was to be wished2. That this is most true, tho writings of
the fathers thomselvcs will witness, and tho testimonies
1 [lb. " Dicit (Calvinus) omnes vetoros, excopto Augustino, in line
ro plus roquo oxtulisso humanas vires et do libero arbitrio aut variasso
aut vacilasse, ut nihil corti ex oorum script is sumi possit."]
" Calvin. Instit. lib. it. cap. 9. [Magnum mihi prtrjudioium attulisso
forsan vidoar, qui Scriptorcs omnes Ecclosiasticos (excepto Augustine)
ita ambigue aut vario in hac ro locutos csso confossus sum, ut ccrtuni
quidpinm ex oorum scriptis habori ncqueat."]

eu.u\ x\.] OF TUT. CHURCH. 197
alleged out of (hem by the Pelagians agamst Augustine will
sufficiently prove it1: which are no otherwise answered by
him than they are by Calvin ; that their drift was to deject
(be pride of sinful flesh, and extol the greatness of God's
mercy and goodness : that it' they spake some things not so
distinctly and fully as men did afterwards, it is not to be
marvelled at. seeing they did not purposely enter into tlie
examination of these things, before the Pelagian heretics
(whoso heresy was in these things'! were known in the
world4. For the farther justifying ol' Calvin's censure, let the
reader consult Sixtus Senensis. alleging many testimonies out
of the fathers, affirming that men are elected to eternal life
for the foresight of something in themselves'. And. surely,
this should not seem incredible, that many of the fathers were
in this error, seeing Augustine himself was of this opinion.
before ho entered into conflict with the Pelagians : which
error when be corrected, most men dishked his doctrine
touching election, the grace of God. and power of nature, as
it appeareth by the epistles of Prosper and Hilarius, for that
he seemed unto tbem to ascribe so much unto the grace of
God, and detract so much from the power of man's will, that
they greatly feared his doctrine would weaken that careful
ness that should be in men to arise from sin. discourage them
from all good endeavours, and give an occasion of negligence
and careless slothfulness. That which Bellarmine addetb,
that Calvin disliketh that saying of Augustine, "that man's
1 Prosper, in Epist. ;ul Augus. de rcliquiis Pelagiana? horesoos.
" Obstinationom suam votustato det'eiidunt. et ea qua.? de epistola
Apostoli Pauli ad Romanes seribontis, ad manitestationom Dei gratia?
pnvveniontis oleetorum merits proferuntur. a nullo unquaiu Keele-
siasticorum ita esse intolleota, ut nunc semiuntur. affirmant."
8 Aug. de Pra-destinatione Sanctorum, c. 14. [$27.] "Quid opus
est ut eorum scrutemur opuscula qui priusquam ista haavsis orirotur
non habuerimt neoessitatem in hac diilieili ad solvondum quastiono
\orsari.'" F.adem modo respondet Bcllarmimis de Gratia et Libero
Arbitrio. lib. H. cap. 14. ["Kespondet. idem Augustinus in libro,
' l>o bono porse\erantia?' [e, 20] veteres Patres qui ante Pclagium
tloruerunt qua'Stiouem istam mmqu.-un accurate traetosso sed iuci-
denter solum."]
s Bibliotheca-. Sancta?. lib, vi. annot. 2M. lV.stola? Frosperi ot
llilarii inter opera Augustini.

198 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
will concurreth with grace, not as precedent unto it, but as
following after it, and as handmaid attending on it," is most
false ; for he approveth the saying of Augustine, but re
proveth the Master of Sentences for misunderstanding and
misapplying it1.
That which followeth, that Calvin dissenteth from Augustine
in the matter of justification, is of the same nature2. For he
saith only, that though nothing be to be disliked in the
matter itself deUvered by Augustine, for that it is plain3,
that, acknowledging the imperfection of inherent justice, and
thinking it our greatest perfection to, know our own imper
fections and seek remission of our sinful defects, he cannot
but acknowledge the imputation of Christ's righteousness to
be that, in confidence whereof we stand in the sight of God ;
yet his manner of delivering this article is not so full, perfect,
and exact, as we are forced to require in these times against
the errors of the Romanists ; for, that when he speaketh of
grace, he seemeth, for the most part, to understand nothing
else thereby, but that sanctification whereby the holy Spirit
of God changeth us to become new creatures ; seldom men
tioning the imputation of the righteousness of Christ.
That which Bellarmine chargeth Calvin with, in the next
place4, argueth his intolerable impudence. Calvin, saith he,
1 Calvin. Instit. lib. n. cap. S, 7. ["Erunt forte qui concedent
voluntatem a bono suapte ingenio aversam soli Domini virtute con
vert! : sic tamen ut praparata, suas deinde in agendo partes habeat :
quemadmodum docet Augustinus, omne bonum opus gratiam prsece-
dere, et id comitante non ducente ; pedissequa, non prsevia voluntate ;
quod non male a sancto viro dictum, prapostere hue detorquet Pet.
Lombax-dus."] 2 Ibidem Calvin, lib. in. cap. 11. J 15. [" Quod non adeo impurutti
in illo(sc. Augustino) erat, corrumpit Lombardus."]
3 In libro De perfectione Justitice [§ 33]. " Cum rex Justus sederit
in throno, quis gloriabitur castum se habere cor, aut quis gloriabitur
mundum, se esse a peccato f Nisi forte isti, qui volunt in sua justitia
non in ipsius judicis misericordia gloriari." Cf. Ps. cxlii. § 6.
Et Hieron. contra Pelagianos, lib. i. " Tunc justi sumus cum nos
peccatores fatemur, et justitia nostra non ex proprio merito, sed ex
Dei consistit misericordia." [Opera, iv. ii. 490.]
4 Ibidem, lib. ii. 143. [" Hie excusari non potest veterum error,
qui dum ad Mediatoris personam non attendunt, totius fere doctrinas
qute in Evangelio Joannis agitur genuinum obscurant sensum seque
implicant multis laqueis."]

chap, xv.] OF THE CHURCH. 199
doth think, that the Son of God is subject to the Father in
respect of his Deity ; which because all the fathers deny, he
pronounceth they all erred, and that their error cannot be
excused. Let the reader peruse the place, and he shall find
that Calvin saith no such thing, but the clean contrary.
Indeed, Hugo de S. Victore, in his questions on the first
Epistle to the Corinthians, xv. saith, that Christ is subject to
his Father according to his divine nature ; and sheweth that
many have been of that opinion1. But Calvin saith no such
thing ; neither doth he charge the fathers with any error
touching the distinction of the natures of God and man in
Christ, or the unity of his person ; but saith only, that, some
of them applying those things distinctly to one of the natures
of Christ which are applicable to the whole person of the
mediator, entangle themselves in some doubts which otherwise
might easily be cleared; which will easily appear by that
place of Hugo before mentioned. The kingdom, saith Hugo,
which Christ shall deliver to his Father, and so become sub
ject unto him, either was given unto him in that he was God :
and then he cannot resign it, nor become subject to his Father,
because in that respect he is equal unto him ; whence we say,
" sequalis Patri secundum divinitatem, minor Patre secundum
humanitatem :" or, in that he was man : and that seemeth
not conceivable ; for the nature of man is not capable of that
infinite power that is implied in the kingdom which God gave
his Son. He answereth, that he may be said to be subject
1 [" Quseritur, secundum quam naturam Filium subjectum Patri
dicat. Nam si secundum divinam, eo minor erit; quod falsum est;
quia secundum divinitatem sequalis est Patri. Item si secundum hu-
manam hoc sit dictum, tunc secundum earn omnia sunt subjecta ei;
et secundum humanam est Dominus omnium, quare et Creator, et sic
secundum eamdem, videtur esse sequahs Patri ; secundum quam minor
eo est; unde legitur, osqualis Patri, secundum divinitatem; minor Patre
secundum humanitatem.
" Solutio : potest hoc sane intelligi secundum utramque naturam ;
sc. divinam et humanam. Secundum humanam omnia sunt subjecta
ei ; secundum quam ad sequalitatem Patris sublimatus est, dum verbo
consubstantiali Patri in unam personam humana natura unita est, se
cundum quam plenitudinem donorum et ipse accepit. — Item secundum
divinam naturam quidam sic intelligunt, quod subjectus est Filius Patri,
quia ab eo habet esse, a quo habet quicquid habet. — Unde Pater prin-
cipium Deitatis dicitur." Opera, Vol. i. 429.]

200 OF THE CHURCH.' [book in-
to his Father, in that he is God, because though he have the
same essence with him, yet he hath received it from him.
How aptly this may be said, I will not now examine : but,
how in this sense He may be said to give up his kingdom to
his Father, is yet more hard to conceive.
Ambrose saith1, He may be said to give it up, not by
real resigning of that he had, but by bringing us to his
Father, and shewing us that fountain whence he received it,
and all that fulness whereof we are partakers. These are
doubts which, Calvin saith, the fathers do not clear, attributing
the kingdom of Christ unto him distinctly, in respect of this
or that nature. But he affirming that the kingdom of Christ
doth not agree unto him distinctly or severally in respect of
this or that nature, but to the whole person considered in
both natures, easily expresseth himself. For, saith he, God
gave to his Son by eternal generation the same essence he
had in himself, and with it the same power and kingdom ;
and this he shall never resign. Secondly, he gave to the
nature of man, not by formal transfusion, but in the person
of his Son (which in the admirable work of incarnation he
bestowed upon it, to support and sustain it), aU that power
he had originally in himself, and eternaUy gave his Son2;
so that the Son of God, after the taking of our nature into
the unity of his person, administereth not his kingdom without
the union, knowledge, assent, and co-operation of the nature
of man ; which he shaU continue to do while we need media
tion, and tiU he have brought us to his Father's presence,
and to the clear view and sight of his majesty. Then shall
he cease to rule in this sort any more; his human nature
shall not need to be interposed any longer, but he shaU ap
pear in the glory of his Godhead : then shaU he be subject
to his Father in the nature of man, in more special sort than
now he is ; because, though now he be inferior unto God in
that he is man, and so subject to him, yet that nature of man
1 In 1 Corinth, xv. " Filius ostendet illis non se esse ex quo omnia,
sed per quem sunt omnia : et hoc erit traderc regnum Deo ct Patri."
[Opera Ambrosii, m. p. 426, ed. 1596.]
2 Hereunto agreeth Hugo in the place above mentioned, saying :
" Secundum humanam naturam ad oequalitatcm Patris sublimatus est
dum verbo consubstantiali Patri in imam personam humana natura
unita est." [See note 1, p. 199.]

chap, xv.] OF THE CHURCH. 201
intermeddleth with the administration of the kingdom in such
sort as then it shall cease to do, though it shall never lose
that power and kingdom which in the person of the Son of
God it is honoured with.

CHAPTER XVI.
OF LIMB US PATRUM, CONCUPISCENCE, AND SATISFACTION ;
TOUCHING WHICH CALVIN IS FALSELY CHARGED TO CON
FESS THAT HE DISSENTETH FROM THE FATHERS.
THE next imputation is touching limbus patrum1, sup
posed to be a place below in the earth, near hell, if not a
part of heU; which Calvin pronounceth to be but a fable,
though it have great authors and patrons : as if this were so
strange a thing, that a fable and mere fancy should find ap
probation among some of the fathers. The opinion of the
Millenaries, I suppose, BeUarmine thinketh but a mere fancy :
yet had it great and reverend patrons. If he say that all
the fathers did hold the opinion of limbus, and that Calvin
opposeth himself against them aU, he is clearly refuted by
Augustine, who doubted of it2- Besides, that their popish
limbus, supposed to have been a receptacle for the souls of
the patriarchs, but only till the death and resurrection of
Christ, as being then emptied by him, is a mere private
conceit of their own, wanting the testimony of the most
1 Ibid, lib n. 16, 9. ["Haec fabula tametsi magnos auctores habet,
et hodie quoque a multis serio pro veritate defenditur nihil tamen
quam fabula est. Nam concludere in carcere mortuorum animas
puerile est: Christi autem animam illic descendere, ut eas manu-
mitteret quid opus fuit."]
2 In Epist. xcix. [§ 8 = 164.] ad Evodium. "Unde illis justis qui in
sinu Abrahae erant, cum ille in inferna descenderet, nondum quid con-
tubsset inveni, a quibus eum secundum beatificam praesentiam sua;
divinitatis nunquam video recessisse." Et ibid. [§ 7.] " Quia ne ipsos
quidem inferos uspiam Scripturarum in bono appellatos potui reperire.
Quod si nusquam in divinis authoritatibus legitur, non utique sinus ille
Abrahae, id est, secretse cujusdam quietis habitatio aliqua pars inferorum
esse credenda est." [Opera, n. 748.]

202 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
ancient fathers; for Tertullian, Irenaeus, and others, did
think the souls of all men to be holden in hell till the last
day1. And if it were resolved that there was such a limbus2,
as they fancy, yet their schoolmen are not agreed of the
place ; neither dare they affirm that it was below in the
earth, though they seem most inclinable to that opinion.
The next false report that Bellarmine maketh of Calvin
is, that he opposeth himself against all antiquity, in the
question whether concupiscence in the regenerate be sin or
not. This he endeavoureth to make good in this sort.
Calvin, saith he, professeth, that Augustine hath truly and
faithfully gathered the opinions of the fathers, and that his
judgment is their judgment : but be opposeth himself against
Augustine, therefore against all the fathers.
This assumption we deny. For, Calvin no way dis-
senteth from Augustine, but saith only, it may seem that
there should be some little difference between Augustine and
us ; for that we affirm that concupiscence in the regenerate
to be sin ; but he is fearful to call it sin, unless it be con
sented unto ; naming it rather an evil, sickness, infirmity, or
the like. But elsewhere taking away this doubt, he saith,
that Augustine feareth not sometimes to call it sin : whereby
the consent and agreement between Augustine and Calvin
appeareth. It were easy to shew, that not only Augustine,
but the fathers generally, were of the same opinion that we
are of, and that the popish opinion is a most dangerous and
damnable error, if this were a fit place to enter into the exact
handling of that question.
But let us see the rest of his objections. Calvin, saith
he, in the matter of satisfaction, chargeth all the fathers with
1 Supra, cap. 9.
2 Ib. lib. in. 3, 10. ["Neque opus est multuin investigando
laborare, quid hie veteres senserint : quando unus Augustinus sufficere
ad id potest, qui fideliter magnaque diligentia omnium sententias
collegit.^ — Porro inter ilium et nos hoc discriminis videri potest inter-
esse, quod ipse quidem quum fideles concedat, quamdiu in corpore
mortali habitant, sic illigatos teneri concupiscentiis, ut non possint non
concupiscere, eum tamen morbum peccatum vocare non audet. — Nos
autem illud ipsum pro peccato habemus, quo aliqua omnino cupiditate
contra legem Dei homo titillatur — Docemus itaque in Sanctis, donee
mortali corporo exuantur, semper esso peccatum ; quia in eorum carne
residet ilia concupiscendi pravitas."]

chap, xvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 203
error1. This is as true as the rest. For, Calvin doth not
say they erred in this matter of satisfaction ; for he sheweth
plainly, that they were far from the absurdity of the popish
conceit: but he saith, disjunctively only, that either they
erred, or at least used some phrases or forms of speech that
may seem hard, and need a good and favourable construction,
rather than be wrested to a worse sense than they were
uttered in, as the manner of the popish sophisters is to deal
with the writings of the fathers.
For the clearing of this matter we must observe, that in
sin there are two things : the sinfulness, and the punishment
which for it the justice of God inflicteth. Both these are
taken away by Christ, but in a different sort : the sinfulness,
by the operation, working, and infusion of grace ; and the
punishment by the imputation of Christ's sufferings, who
suffering that he deserved not, freeth us from that we were
deservedly to have suffered. From one of these we cannot
be freed, unless also we be freed from the other ; and in
what degree we are delivered from the one, we are dis
charged from the other : if we be freed only from the
dominion of sin, we are only discharged from the condemna
tion of eternal death ; if from all sinfulness, we are discharged
from all touch of any punishment. But the Romanists do
teach touching sins committed after baptism, that God con-
tenteth not himself with the most perfect abolishing and
extinguishment of all sinfulness, by working of divine grace,
and the satisfaction of Christ's sufferings ; but that he doth
require that we suffer the extremity of that we have deserved,
only some little mitigation procured by the bloodshed of
Christ, and the eternity excepted, from which our ceasing
from sin doth free us ; the punishment of sin being eternal
because sin is eternal2.
1 lb. lib. in. 4, 38. [" Parum autem mo movent quae in veterum
scriptis do satisfactione passim occurrunt. Video quidem eorum non-
nullos (dicam simpliciter, omnes fere quorum libri extant) aut hac
in parte lapsos esse, aut nimis aspere ac dure locutos: sed non
concedam eos ipsos adeo fuisse rudes et imperitos, ut eo sensu ilia
scripserint quo a novis istis satisfactionariis leguntur."]
2 " Poena aeterna mutatur in temporalem in remissione culpae : tem
poralis magna et supra vires, in temporalem quae viribus competit, in
sacerdotis absolutione." Alex, de Hales, part iv. q. 83, memb. i. art. 1, 2.
" God upon our repentance pardoning the sin and the eternal

204 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
Hence it cometh that they teach, that if we will not suffer
and endure the extremity of punishment we have deserved,
we must make some other recompense to God's justice for it1.
This is a blasphemous assertion, and contrary to the doctrine
of all the fathers, who know and teach as we do, that the
justice of God and his wrath against sin is satisfied in Christ :
that this satisfaction is imputed to us, not continuing in, but
ceasing from sin : that, according to the degree of our ceasing
from sin, this satisfaction is diversely imputed; so that if we
cease from sin, only so that it hath no more dominion over
us, it is imputed in such sort as it dischargeth us only from
condemnation ; but if we wholly cease from sin, it is so im
puted unto us, as that it freeth us from all punishment what
soever: so that if there were found in any of us a perfect
leaving and forsaking of sin, God's justice would lay no
punishment upon us. But the Romanists think it might and
would for precedent sin, though now wholly forsaken and
quite abolished.
It is true indeed, that the fathers sometimes used the
name of satisfaction in their writings, but to another purpose
than the Romanists do. They knew that evils are cured by
contraries ; and, therefore, in the curing of sinful souls they
prescribe that which Calvin also doth, that men having
offended in yielding too much to their own desires, pleasures,
delights, and profits, should, for the freeing of themselves
from the evil of sin, deny something to themselves which
otherwise they might lawfully enjoy ; which if they do not,
they shall, in the punishments which God will bring upon
them, taste the bitterness of that that seemed sweet unto
them in sin. This exercise of repentant mortification the
fathers called satisfaction ; not as if the justice of God were
not satisfied in Christ, or we were tied, yea, though we
should wholly forsake sin, yet to satisfy for that is past, by
suffering so much as our sins have deserved, or else to do
some painful thing equivalent to such sufferings ; which is
punishment due unto it, through Christ, doth exact of every man a
temporal satisfaction answerable to the fault committed." Reformat.
of a Deformed Cathol. by D. B. P. cap. 6, of Satisfaction. [By Dr.
William Bishop.]
i " Sane ubi prorsus de medio factum fuerit omne peccatum, causa
quidem omnino sublata, nee ipse quoque deincops manebit effectus."
Ber. in Psal. Qui habitat. Serm. x. [§ 4. Opera, p. 8E5.]

chap, xvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 205
the popish error : but, because we must do that, in this kind
of repentant mortification, which may be sufficient for the
finding out of the depth of that wound which sin hath made
in the soul, for removing the causes of it, the extinguishment
of that remaineth of it, the taking away the occasions, and
the preventing of the re-entrance of it again. This if we do,
we shall prevent the hand of God, which otherwise would
smite us, not to be satisfied in the course of justice (which at
our hands cannot be looked for, and which is abundantly
satisfied in Christ, and would not touch us for anything past,
if by perfect forsaking of sin we were fully joined unto Him),
but, to drive us by bitter sorrow to purge out that sinfulness
and those remainders which our precedent sins left behind
them, in respect whereof we are not yet fuUy joined to Christ.
These remainders of sin, if we dislike, cast off, and forsake,
and judge and condemn ourselves as the apostle speaketh, we
shall not be judged of the Lord for them. This happy
course, of preventing the hand of God, and turning away his
punishments by bitter and afflictive recounting of our sins, the
fathers call satisfaction. Some sayings of the fathers, it may
be, there are which are hard, and must with a favourable
construction be reduced to the sense we have expressed : and
that is all that Calvin saith ; for which how justly he is
blamed, let the reader judge.

CHAPTER XVII.
OF PRAVER FOR THE DEAD ; AND MERIT.
THE next calumniation is concerning prayer for the dead1.
Let the reader observe what it is that Bellarmine is to
1 lb. lib. in. 5. 10. [" Quum ergo mihi objiciunt adversarii, ante
mille et trecentos annos usu receptum fuisse, ut precationes flerent
pro defunctis, eos vicissim interrogo, quo Dei verbo, qua revelatione,
quo exemplo factum sit. Neque enim hie Scripturae testimonia desunt
tantum ; sed qua?cumque illic leguntur Sanctorum exempla, nihil tale
ostendunt — "Verum ne glorientur adversarii nostri, quasi veterem
Ecclesiam erroris sui sociam habeant. — Agebant illi memoriam mor-
tuorum, ne viderentur omnem de ipsis curam abjecisse, sed simul
fatebantur se dubitare de ipsorum statu."]

206 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
prove, and he shall find that he doth nothing but trifle. For
he is to prove that Calvin confesseth that, more than a thou
sand and three hundred years since, the popish doctrine and
custom of prayer for the dead did prevail, and was generally
received in the whole Church of God throughout the world.
This if he will prove, he must reason thus. The custom of
praying to deliver the souls of men out of the pains of pur
gatory, is the custom and practice which the Roman Church
defendeth and Calvin impugned : but this custom Calvin
confesseth to have been in use more than a thousand and
three hundred years since : therefore he acknowledgeth the
doctrine and practice of the Roman Church to be most
ancient, and to have been received a thousand and three
hundred years ago. The minor proposition of this reason is
false : and Calvin, in the place cited by BeUarmine, pro
testeth against it ; most constantly affirming, that the fathers
knew nothing of purgatory, and therefore much less of
prayer to deliver men from thence. But Bellarmine will
reply, that the custom of praying for the dead was most
ancient. We answer, the custom of remembering the de
parted, naming their names at the holy table in the time of
the holy mysteries and offering the eucharist (that is, the
sacrifice of praise) for them, was a most ancient and godly
custom, neither is it any way disliked by us. And surely it
appears, this was the cause that Aerius was condemned of
heretical rashness, in that he durst condemn this laudable
and ancient custom of the commemoration for the dead1.
In this sort they did most religiously observe and keep, at
the Lord's table2, the commemoration of all patriarchs,
prophets, apostles, evangelists, martyrs, and confessors, yea,
of Mary the mother of our Lord ; to whom it cannot be con
ceived, that by prayer they did wish deliverance out of pur
gatory, since no man ever thought them to be there : but if
they wished anything, it was the deliverance from the power
1 Epiph. Haeres. Ixxv. § 3.
2 Liturgia Chrysostomi. "We offer this reasonable service, that
is, the eucharist of praise and thanksgiving, to thee, O Lord, for all
that are at rest in the faith of Christ, even for the patriarchs, pro
phets,'' &C. [irpoo-(j)ipopiv aoi tijv XoyiKijv TavTt]v Xarpiiav virip Tav
iv irlo-rei dva-iravopevav irpoiraropav, waripav — Kal Ttavrbs tivos iv irlo-rei
TercXetapevov.]

chap, xvii.] OF THE CHURCH. 207
of death, which as yet tyrannizeth over one part of them ;
the speedy destroying of the last enemy, which is death ; the
hastening of their resurrection ; and joyful pubUc acquittal of
them in that great day wherein they shall stand to be judged
before the Judge of the quick and dead. This was the
practice of the whole Church, and this the meaning of their
commemorations and prayers, which was good and no way to
be disliked. Notwithstanding, it is most certain that many
particular men extended the meaning of these prayers further,
and, out of their own private errors and fancies used such
prayers for the dead, as the Romanists themselves, I think,
dare not justify. And so it is true, that Calvin saith, that
many of the fathers were led into error in this matter of
prayer for the dead, and not that all, as if the whole Church
had fallen from the truth, as Bellarmine falsely imputeth unto
Calvin, who saith no such thing.
First, therefore, it was an opinion of many of the fathers,
that there is no judgment to pass upon men till the last day ;
that all men are holden either in some place under the earth,
or else in some other place appointed for that purpose, so
that they come not into heaven, nor receive the reward of
their labours till the general judgment. Out of this conceit
grew that prayer in James's liturgy1, that God would re
member all the faithful that are fallen asleep in the sleep of
death, since Abel the just till this present day ; that he would
place them in the land of the living, &c. And the like are
found in the mass-book. Of this opinion was Justin Martyr,
Tertullian, Clemens Romanus, Lactantius, Victorinus Martyr,
Ambrose, Johannes Romanus Pontifex2, and sundry others3.
The second opinion was, that men may be delivered from
the punishments of sin after this life, if they die in the pro
fession of the true faith, how wickedly soever they lived ; or
1 Liturgia Jacobi ii. ["Praestet illos dignos venia delictorum et
remissione peccatorum; nosque et illos pervenire faciat ad regnum
suum in ccelis." Renaudot, n. 37, and the notes, p. 104.]
2 Sixtus Senensis Bibliothec. Sanct. lib. vi. annot. 345.
s Gers. Serm. in Festo Paschae, " Hodie (inquit Christus) mecum
eris in Paradiso," Lucae xxiii. 43. "Propter quod insuper apparet
falsitas doctrinae Papse Joh. xxii. quae damnata fuit cum sono bucci-
narum vel tubarum coram rege Philippo avunculo tuo per Theologos
Parisienses, de virgine beata, et credidit potius Theologis Parisiensibus
quam curiae." [Opera, ii. 1205.]

208 OF THE CHURCH. [book ni.
at least, if the punishment of such be eternal and cannot be
ended, yet it may be deferred or mitigated. How many of
the fathers were in this error, and made prayers for the
dead upon this false persuasion, that all Christians, how
wickedly soever they lived, may find mercy at God's hands
in the world to come at the entreaty of the Uving, they that
have read anything can soon report.
Thirdly, whereas there are three estates of the souls of
men : the first, in the body ; the second, when they are
severed from the body, and stand before God immediately
and instantly upon the dissolution ; and the third, after they
have received their particular judgment; the godly do not
only recommend them unto God while they are yet in their
bodies1; but when, departing thence, they go to stand before
the judgment-seat of God, they accompany them with their
prayers and best good wishes, even to the presence of the
Lord. Hence were all those prayers that were used on the
days of the obits of the saints conceived, respectively to their
passage out of this world and the dangers they do, by the
goodness of God, escape in that fearful hour of their dis
solution; which prayers were again repeated in the anni
versary remembrances of their obits. Of this sort was that
prayer in the mass-book2. " Libera, Domine, animas omnium
fidelium defunctorum de poenis inferni, et de profundo lacu :
libera eas de ore leonis, ne absorbeat eas Tartarus, ne cadant
in obscurum," etc. " Deliver, 0 Lord, the souls of aU faith
ful ones departed, from the pains of hell and the deep lake ;
deliver them from the mouth of the lion, that heU swaUow
them not up, and that they fall not into the dungeon of utter
darkness." How hard this was, to use these prayers in a set
course, in the days wherein they did only commemorate and
represent the days of men's departure hence, and so to pray
for them long after their death, as if they were but even then
in the passage, and so in danger of faUing into the hands of
their ghostly enemies and not yet secure and assured of their
eternal future state (which, yet, Bellarmine confesseth3, is the
1 Preces pro commcndatione animae apud Cassandrum in lib.
Precum Ecclesiast. [Op. p. 385.]
2 Officium pro defunctis in anniversariis.
s Bollar. lib. n. cap. 5. De Purgatorio. ["Altera solutio est, quod
Ecclesia vere orat quantum ad intentionem suam ut animae liberentur

chap, xvii.] OF THE CHURCH. 209
best construction that can be made of them), I leave to the
consideration of the wise. These are the several kinds of
praying for the dead ; all which, I hope, Bellarmine dareth
not justify. But, for the Romish manner of praying for the
dead, it hath no certain testimony of antiquity ; no man ever
thinking of purgatory, till Augustine1, to avoid a worse error,
did doubtingly run into it ; after whom many in the Latin
Church embraced the same opinion ; but the Greek Church
never received it to this day. Thus, then, we see how un
justly Calvin is traduced by Bellarmine in this matter of
prayer for the dead ; and how weakly he proves that it is
confessed that their opinion and the doctrine of antiquity is
the same. His next chaUenge is scarce worth the mentioning,
much less the refuting1. Calvin saith, the fathers were far
from the popish error touching merits, and that yet they
used the word ; whence men have since taken occasion of
error : therefore he dissenteth from all antiquity, and ac-
knowledgeth the Roman faith to be the ancient faith and
reUgion. Truly I am weary in following him in these sense
less fooleries2
a pcenis purgatorii, tamen utitur eo modo loquendi, quasi animae tunc
migrarent a corpore, et in periculo essent setemae salutis, quia com-
memorat, et representat diem depositionis sive obitus ; ut enim in
celebritatibus festorum incarnationis, natalis, etc. Domini, Ecclesia
ita orat, ac si tunc deberet Christus vel incarnari, vel nasci, etc., quia
repraesentat ilia mysteria ut prsesentia, et tamen non intendit ad lit-
teram precari, ut verbum carnem assumat aut nascatur de Virgine, etc.
sed ut nobis applicetur fructus eorum mysteriorum; ita quoque in
sacrificio pro defunctis, quia commemoratur dies obitus illorum, Ec
clesia ita pro illis orat, ac si tunc morerentur : et tamen intendit orare
ut liberentur ab inferno eo modo, quo liberari possunt, id est, ut non
detineantur diutius in illis poenis, vel ut refrigerium aliquod doloribus
misceatur."] 1 [In Ps. xxxvi. § 3. See also Canisius, Opus Catechisticum, p. 358.
ed. 1606.]
2 Ib. lib. hi. 15, 2. ["De meriti nomen id mihi praefari necesse
est; quicunque primus illud operibus humanis ad Dei judicium com-
paratis aptavit, eum fidei sinceritati pessime consuluisse. — Usi sunt,
jfateor, passim vetusti Ecclesiae Scriptores ; — quamquam nonnullis ipsi
quoque locis testantur quam non praejudicare veritati voluerint."]

[Field, I.] ^ 0

210 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.

CHAPTER XVIII.
OF THE FATHERS' STRICTNESS IN ADMITTING MEN INTO THE
MINISTRY ; OF SINGLE LIFE ; AND OF THEIR SEVERITY
IN THE DISCIPLINE OF REPENTANCE.
THAT which followeth is altogether of the same kind1.
Calvin saith, the fathers were too severe in that they
required more in them that were to be ordained to serve in
the holy ministry of the Church, than the blessed apostle
St Paul doth require: therefore, saith Bellarmine, he dis-
senteth from all antiquity, and confesseth Romish doctrine
and practice to be most ancient. This consequence is very
weak : for the Romanists retain nothing of that ancient
severity, but break aU the canons of discipUne that the
fathers observed, by their ordinary dispensations, or rather,
dissipations of all order and neglect of aU orderly govern
ment. For, where is that canon observed, that no man attain
to the order and degree of a presbyter tiU he be thirty
years of age2 : that no man be ordained loosely, or at ran
dom, but to be employed in some certain charge of ministry3:
that one man have no title, interest, and living, in two
Churches4 ; whereas, in the Church of Rome, one man hath
1 Ib. iv. 4. § 10. ["Peccarunt hie nonnihil immodica severitate,
quod plus requirere voluerunt in Episcopo quam Paulus requirat, ac
praesertim temporis successu ccelibatum."]
2 Synodus [quini] Sex. cap. xiv. [6 rav dyiav 8eo<f>6pav irarepav
¦qpav Kpareira Kavav Kal iv rovra ao~re irpeo-fivTepov -irpb rav TpiaKovra
irav pr) xelPOTOVe'i-o-8ai, Kav ndvv -g avSpanos a|tos, dXXd &TroTT)peio-8ai,
6 yap Kiipios 'Vqo-ovs Xpio-rbs iv Ta TpiaKoara erei ij3airTio-8r] Kal *]p£aTO
8i8ao-Keiv, opoias pijre diaKOVOS irpb rav elKocrmivre irav pyre diaKovia-Q-a
irpb rav Tea-o-epaKovra xpovav x«/>oroi,eiV#<o.] Neocaesariensis, can. 11.
[wpeo-fivrepos wpb rav TpiaKovra irav pr/ x*lP°r°veio-8a, eav Kal irdvv 17 6
avBpanros a^ios, dXXa. d-norripeio-Ba, 6 yap Kvpios 'irjo-ois Xpioror iv tw
TpiaKOO-ra erei i(paTio-8rj Kal ijp^aro diddo-Keiv.]
3 Synodus Chalcedonensis, can. 6. [pvdeva d-iroXeXvpivas x€lP°-
roveio-Bai, prjTe -rrpeo-fivrepov, prjre diaKovov, pr/re SXas riva rav iv iKKXe-
o-iao-TiKa rdypari, el pi] IdiKas iv ckkXijo-i^ iroXeas tj Kaprjs, rj paprupia fj
povao-rrfpia, 6 x"P°rovovpevos ewiKrjpvTToiTo, tovs di dnoXiiTas xelp°rovov-
pivovs apio-ev 17 dyla uivodos b.Kvpov i'xeiv rf)v TOiavrqv x"po8eo-lav, Kal
ptjdapov dvvao-8ai ivepyeiv icf>' vftpei tov x^'poTovr/o-avTos.]
* Gers. Declarat. defectuum virorum Ecclesiasticorum. ["Quod

chap, xvm.] OF THE CHURCH. 211
two hundred or three hundred ecclesiastical livings : that
men ambitiously and covetously go not from one Church
because it is meaner, to another because it is greater1 ?
Calvin therefore was not so ignorant as to think the Romanists
to be too severe in the observation of discipline, and therein
to be like the primitive fathers : he saith therefore the clean
contrary to that which Bellarmine imputeth unto him ; that
in the choice of such as were to be admitted into the holy
ministry, the fathers of the primitive Church followed the
prescription of Saint Paul, and the examples of the blessed
apostles; that they proceeded therein with very great and
religious reverence, and invocation of the name of God ; that
they had a set form of trial and examination, according to
which they made enquiry both into the Ufe and doctrine of
them that were to be chosen ; but that, contrariwise, in the
Church of Rome, there have been very few found to have been
chosen for the space of an hundred years last past ; that the
old canons reject not as wholly unworthy of ecclesiastical
honour and employment, as drunkards, adulterers, sodomites,
and the like monsters ; to pass by less matters, as that boys
of ten years of age, by the pope's dispensations, have been
admitted to bishoprics. The Church of Rome, then, by her
practice, condemneth the whole course of proceeding in former
times, which Calvin reverenceth as most religious, and wisheth
that things were brought back to that ancient order again :
only he saith, that the fathers of those times may seem a
little to have exceeded in too much severity, in that they
required more things in them that were to be elected, than
the blessed apostle St Paul doth. This censure need not
seem so strange unto us, if we remember that such as had
been baptized by heretics, or when they were in fear and
danger of death2, which were named clinici in those times,
clerici in duabus civitatibus et Ecclesiis prsebendas vel praebationes
non habeant." Opera, n. p. 314.]
1 Synodus Sardicensis, can. 1. [prjdevl rav iirio-Kemav if-fj diro
iroXeas ptKpas els erepav iroXiv pe8'iaTaa-8ai.  oidels yip nairore eipedrjvai
emo-KOTrav dedivr/rai bs d-rrb pei^ovos iroXeas els iXaxio-roripav ttoXiv
eo-7rov8acre peTao-Tijvai, 58ev o-vveo-rqKe dianvpa wXeove^ias Tpoira imeK-
Kaieo-8ai tovs toiovtovs.]
2 Concilium Neocaesari, can. 12. [iav voo-av ns (pano-8!j, els irpeo--
fivrepov ayeo-8ai ov dvvaTut,—ovK eK -jrpoaipea-eas yap >j ttiotis avrov,
o2

212 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
might not (unless their conversation, learning, and deserts,
afterwards were very highly approved), be admitted into the
ministry ; that he which had married a widow, though he
were now free, she being dead, might not enter into the
degree and order of ministry J ; that he which had one wife,
yea, though it were before he became a Christian, or were
baptized ; and, after his being a Christian, his first wife
being dead, married another, was judged incapable of minis
terial order ; against which Jerome declaimeth in his epistle
to Oceanus : " Behold," saith he, " men suppose adulteries,
whoredoms, incests, sodomitries parricides, impieties against
God, and whatsoever things are so wicked that they are not
to be named, are washed away in baptism, and that after all
these horrible crimes a man may be admitted to the ministry,
as being washed from them in the laver of new birth ; but if
a man had a wife before, which was no crime ; and after his
baptism, she being dead, marry another, he may not. Thus
these hypocrites" (for so in the heat of his passion he caUs
them) " do strain at a gnat and swallow a camel2." For this
dXX i£ dvdyKTjs, — el prj Taxa did ttjv pera ravra avrov o-7rov8r]V Kal 7rio~nv
Kal did o-irdviv dvSpdrrav.]
Cornelius, speaking of Novatus's ordination, saith, many withstood
the fact, affirming that none baptized in bed, as he was, should be
admitted into ecclesiastical order. Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 43.
1 Concilium Teleptense, can. 5. ["Ut is, qui laicus viduam
duxerit, non admittatur ad clerum."] Leo in Epist. Episcopis per
Campaniam, etc. ne viduarum mariti. [cap. 11. "Constat ad sacer-
dotium pervenisse viduarum maritos, quosdam etiam quibus fuerint
numerosa conjugia, et ad omnem licentiam vita liberior ad sacrum
ordinem passim patefactis aditibus fuisse pennissos, contra illam beati
apostoli vocem, qua talibus exclamat, dicens: unius uxoris vh-um : et
contra illud antiquae legis prseceptum, quo dicitur et cavetur : Sacerdos
virginem uxorem accipiat, non viduam, non repudiatam. Hos ergo, qui-
cumque tales admissi sunt, ab Ecclesiasticis officiis, et a sacerdotal!
nomine, Apostolicae Sedis autoritate jubemus arceri.'' Opera, p. 112
ed. Venet. 1748.]
2 [Epist. 82, als. 83, inter Opera iv. 2, 648. " Certe de baptizatis
apostoli sermonem esse, nemo dubitat. Si ergo omnia quae in ordina-
tione quaeruntur episcopi, non preejudicant ordinando, licet ea ante
baptisma non habuerit (quoeritur enim quid sit et non quid fuerit)
quare solum nomen uxoris impediat, quod solum peccatum non fuit?
Dicis quia peccatum non fuit, idcirco non est dismissum in baptismate.
Rom novam audio : quia peccatum non fuit in peccatum reputabitur.
•Omnia scorta, et publicso colluvionis sordcs, etc. mutata natura, Christi

chap, xvm.] OF THE CHURCH. 213
Ruffinus challengeth him as a contemner of the constitutions
and decrees of the fathers, though he shew that innumerable,
not only presbyters, but bishops, were in all the parts of the
world admitted, contrary to the prescript of these pretended
canons. That which Calvin addeth, that in process of time
they forbade marriage and forced all them that would enter
into the holy ministry to live single, was never general nor
in one sort.
In the council of Nice1, Paphnutius dissuadeth the bishops
from putting those of the clergy from the matrimonial society
of their wives ; affirming, that marriage is honourable among
all men, and the bed undefiled ; and that the forcing of single
life would bring many evils into the Church. This counsel
and persuasion of Paphnutius was not only yielded unto by
the fathers of that council, but in the sixth general council,
the fathers there assembled condemned the practice of the
Roman Church in forbidding marriage2, not only as hard,
injurious, and being an occasion of many evils, but as contrary
to the canons of the apostles of Christ : from whence it is,
that all the Churches of the world, the Church of Rome only
excepted, admit married men, continuing in the state of mar
riage, into the holy ministry ; as the Churches of Armenia,
Graecia, Syria, Ethiopia, and whatsoever Christians there
are in any part of the world.
How long it was before this decree of forced single life
prevailed in the Latin Church3, and what resistance there
fonte purgantur; uxoris inhserebunt maculae, et lupanaria thalamis
praef erentur ? — Vere Scribarum et Pharisseorum similes," etc.]
1 Socrates, lib. i. cap. 11.
2 Can. 13. [cVeiSij iv rrj 'Papaiav e/e(cXj/<n'a iv rdl-ei Kavovos napade-
doo-dai bieyvapev, roiis peXXovras biaKovov 17 npeo-^vrepov d£iovo-8ai xflP°~
Tovias KadopoXoyelv, as ovKen rals avrav awdnrovrai yaperdis' ypels ra
dpxala it-aKoXovBovvres kovovi rrjs aTroo-ToXiKijs aKpif$e'ias Kal rd£eas, rd
rav lepav avdpav Kara vopovs o-vvoiKeo-ia Kal anb tov wv ippaoBai j3ovX6-
pe8a, pr/dapas avrav Trjv wpbs yaperds o-vvd<fieiav diaXvovres fj diroo-re-
povvres airovs Tijs irpbs dXXijXous Kara Kaipbv tov irpoonJKovTa opiXias.
Harduin, in. p. 1665.]
3 Sigebertus in Chronico, 1074 : " Gregorius Papa celebrata Sy-
nodo — uxoratos sacerdotes a divino officio removit, et laicis missam
eorum audire interdixit — ex qua re tarn grave oritur scandalum, ut
nullius haeresis tempore, sancta Ecclesia graviori schismate scissa sit : —
continentiam paucis tenentibus, aliquibus earn [modo] causa quaestus
et jactantiae simulantibus, multis incontinentiam perjurio aut multipli-

214 OF THE CHURCH. [book in. .
was made against Pope Hildebrand for the same by the
whole clergy of Christendom, calling him heretic, monster,
and enemy of mankind, author of all mischief, impurity, and
confusion, the histories of those times report ; affirming that
upon the publishing of that his decree, there foUowed such
disturbance of the peace of the Church, such confusions,
indignities, contempts, and profanations of all holy things, as
that the Church was never so grievously and dangerously
afflicted in any of her most bloody persecutions under the
heathen emperors, nor in her greatest conflicts with heretics.
What good success this decree had after it prevailed, and
what a pure and holy clergy it representeth to the world, let
Gerson report1, who acknowledgeth that the places of holy
ministry were possessed by adulterers, wantons, sodomites,
and such like monsters; that the number of the offenders
in this kind was so great, as that there was no proceeding
against them ; that the canons against concubinaries notoriously
so known, requiring all men to refrain from communicating
with them, could not now be continued ; that it were best to
allow them to keep harlots, for the avoiding of greater evils,
and to tolerate their wickedness in that kind, as the stews
are permitted.
Thus then I hope it doth appear to be true that Calvin
saith, that they did ill deserve of the Church, that forced her
ministers to single life ; and that the speech of Pope Pius the
Second was most true2, that what reason soever they had
that forbade marriage in former times, there were more
reason in our times to leave it free again.
Now let us proceed to consider this next exception against
ciori adulterio cumulantibus, etc. Laici sacra mysteria temerant, —
baptisant infantes, sordido aurium humore pro sacro Chrismate
utentes." Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, fol. 212, sic scribit, "Hilde-
brandus Papa cum Episcopis Italiae decreverat, ut presbyteri uxores
non habeant, habentes aut dimittant, aut deponantur: — adversus hoc
decretum vehementer infremuit tota factio clericorum, hominem plane
hsereticum et vesani dogmatis esse," etc. Sigebertus in Chronic. Ann.
1085. " Hildebrandus moriens, confessus est Deo et Sancto Petro, et
toti Ecclesise, se valde peccasse in cura pastorali, — et suadente diabolo
contra humanum genus odium et iram concitasse."
1 Gerson, De Vita Spirituali Animae, lect. iv. corrolar. 14, [Opera,
in. p. 51] et part 4, De Exterminatione Scbismatis. [Op. n. 109.]
2 Platina in vita Pii II.

chap, xviii.] OF THE CHURCH. 215
Calvin1, in proposing whereof he reasoneth thus : Calvin
thinketh that all the fathers were of opinion, that, after the
remission of sin, men must suffer the punishment their sins
deserve to satisfy God's justice ; and that therefore they were
so severe in imposing penance on them that had offended :
but this is the opinion of the Romanists, which Calvin so
much disliketh : therefore he confesseth the doctrine of the
Romanists to have been the doctrine of all the fathers. The
major or first proposition of this reason is a most vile calum
niation: for Calvin denieth that the fathers were of that
opinion the Romanists are of, touching the punishments of
sin after remission of them ; as hath been sufficiently cleared
already. Neither doth he dislike the fathers' severity upon
that ground ; for then he should condemn their imposing of
penance absolutely, as a thing wholly unlawful, which he
doth not, but most highly commendeth it : only whereas the
end of these penitential corrections was, and is, to remove
and take away iU examples, to provide that neither God's
name be blasphemed, nor others provoked and encouraged to
do evil by seeing them that offend to escape without condign
punishment, and that the sinner may be brought to a right
sense, knowledge, dislike, and forsaking of his sin ; when it
appeareth that the sinner is truly penitent, and carefully
endeavoureth to satisfy the Church which was scandalised by
him, there must be great consideration had, lest he be
swallowed up with over much heaviness, and so fall into
desperation. In this respect, Calvin thinketh those courses
of ancient discipline, in putting men from the communion of
the Church for the space of three, four, or seven years, and
1 lb. lib. rv. 12, 8. [" Quum hoc in excommunicatione quseratur ut
ad pcenitentiam perducatur peccator, et mala exempla tollantur e
medio, ne vel male audiat Christi nomen, vel ad imitationem alii pro-
vocentur, haec si intuebimur, licebit facile judicare quousque progredi
et ubi desinere debeat severitas. Qua in parte excusari nullo modo
potest immodica veterum austeritas, quse et prorsus a Domini prae-
scripto dissidebat, et erat mirum in modum periculosa. Nam quum
peccatori pcenitentiam solennem et privationem a sacra communione
nunc in septem, nunc in quatuor, nunc in tres annos, nunc in totam
vitam indicerent ; quid inde sequi potuit nisi vel magna hypocrisis, vel
maxima desperatio ? Similiter quod nemo qui iterum lapsus esset, ad
secundam pcenitentiam admitteretur, sed usque ad finem vitae ejiceretur
ab Ecclesia, id nee utile erat, nee rationi consentaneum."]

216 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii^
sometimes for the whole time of their life, to have been very
dangerous, unless they were wisely moderated by the dis
cretion of the pastors, as he confesseth they were; without
which moderation, who does not see that they were carnificina
conscientiarum, a cruel, bloody, and merciless tormenting
and murdering of the souls of men ? Now, as the severity
of the primitive fathers was very great in the prescription of
these canons, yet mixed, tempered and sweetened with good
moderation in the execution of them, and therefore not to be
disliked; so their extreme severity towards those that fell
after penitency, whom they rejected and cast out of the
Church without hope of a second reconciliation, cannot well
be excused1. This denying of reconciliation to such as fell
after they had once before done open and public penance
the papists restrain to solemn penitency2, which they dis-
1 Aug. Epist. ad Macedonium 54, [als. 153, etc. " Quamvis caute
salubriterque provisum sit, ut locus illius humillimae pcenitentiae semel
in Ecclesia concedatur — quis tamen audeat dicere Deo; quare huic
homini qui post primam pcenitentiam rursus se laqueis iniquitatis ob-
Stringit, adhuc iterum parcis?"] Concil. Toletan. m. can. 11. ["Quo
niam comperimus per quasdam Hispaniarum Ecclesias non secundum
canonem sed foedissime pro suis peccatis homines agere pcenitentiam,
ut quotiescumque peccare voluerint toties a presbytero se reconciliari
expostulent; ideo pro coercenda tarn execrabili praesumptione id a
sancto Concilio jubetur, ut secundum formam canonicam antiquorum
detur poenitentia; hoc est ut prius eum, quern sui pcenitet facti, a
communione suspensum faciat inter reliquos pcenitentes ad manus
impositionem crebro recurrere ; expleto autem satisfactions tempore,
sicuti sacerdotalis contemplatio probaverit eum communioni restituat :
hi vero qui ad priora vitia vel infra pcenitentiae tempus vel post recon-
ciliationem relabuntur, secundum priorum canonum severitatem dam-
nentur."] Erasmus in Epitaphio Fabiolse ait Augustinum semel lapso
aperire Ecclesiae fores, relapso claudere: nee tamen huic claudere-
fores coeli cui claudit fores templi. Ambrosius De Poenitentia, ub. n.
c. 10. " Si vere agerent pcenitentiam, iterandam postea non putarent ;
quia sicut unum baptisma, ita una poenitentia : quse tamen publice
agitur: nam quotidiani nos debet pcenitere delicti: sed haec delictorum
leviorum, ilia graviorum."
2 Bellar. lib. I. c. 21. De Poenitentia.
" 1. Poenitentia solennis, quam Augustinus humillimam vocat, in
Epist. 54, et Ambrosius, aliique patres communiter publicam appellare
solont ; non nisi pro gravissimis criminibus quae totam civitatem con-
turbassont, magnumve scandalum attulissont, imponi consueverat.
"Publica autem non solennis poenitentia, pro publicis quibus-

chap, xviii.] OF THE CHURCH. 217
tinguish from public and open, as being imposed for sins of
the highest nature ; otherwise confessing that the fathers'
severity cannot be excused. But, this distinction of public
and solemn penitency is a mere device of their own, without
any ground of authority or show of proof. For, how doth
Bellarmine prove the difference of these two kinds of peni
tency ? Surely, he saith, solemn penitency is imposed only
for the most grievous crimes ; public, for those that are not
so grievous : but proveth it not. Further he addeth, that
solemn penitency could not be twice imposed, public might,
and they that had done it be admitted into the clergy ; that
solemn penitency could not be imposed upon married folks
without consent, nor upon young folks ; public might ; that
none but bishops might reconcile those that were enjoined
solemn penitency ; but, those that had been enjoined public
penitency others of meaner condition might absolve. These
feigned distinctions of theirs between solemn and public
penitency have no testimony of antiquity l ; but it is clear and
cumque peccatis, licet non ita gravia essent, neque scandalum afferunt,
imponi consueverat.
" 2. Poenitentia solennis semel tantum concedebatur, ut patet ex
Origine, (Hom. xv. in Levit.) Ambrosio, (De Poenitentia, n. 10.) Au-
gustino, (Epist. 64.) — Quia poenitentia solennis, est solennis quaedam
professio non redeundi iterum ad publica ilia scandala, sicut bap-
tismus. " 3. Poenitentia solennis sacerdotibus imponi non poterat ; et
contra, qui pcenitentiam solennem egissent ad ordines promoveri ne-
quibant. " 4. Poenitentia solennis non poterat imponi conjugatis sine mutuo
consensu. — Cujus rei ratio est quia pcenitentibus interdicebatur of-
ficium conjugale. — Propter eandem causam juvenibus non facile
solennis poenitentia concedebatur. — Id autem locum non habebat in
poenitentia non solenni.
" 5. Poenitentia solennis a solo episcopo indicebatur et ab eodem
reddebatur pax pcenitentibus, neque id presbyteris licebat, nisi in
absentia episcopi, urgente necessitate. — At pcenitentiam non solennem,
presbyteri quoque injungere poterant et pcenitentes reconciliare."]
Lindan. Panop. lib. iv. c. 62. Ubi reprehendit Rhenanum, qui
dicit nonnullos veteres in hac fuisse opinione, et inter eos August.
["falso Aurel. Augustinum Novatianismi affinem insimulat beatus
Rhenanus."] 1 August. Seleuciae Epist. 108 [=265] distinguit triplicem pceni
tentiam : quarum " prima agitur ante baptismum : — [secundam] agunt
homines, si post baptismum ita peccaverint ut excommunicari et

218 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
evident they were all one ; and therefore seeing they mislike
the denying of reconciliation, generally, to such as fell after
public penitency, they cannot justify the fathers who did so
deny it.

CHAPTER XIX.

OF THE LENT FAST ; OF LAYMEN'S BAPTISM ; AND OF THE
SACRIFICE OF THE MASS.
THE next allegation is touching the Lent fast1, wherein, as
in the former, Calvin is charged to condemn the judge
ment and practice of all antiquity. That the falsehood of
this allegation may the better appear, we will lay down what
Calvin liketh or disliketh in the matter of fasting in general ;
and, particularly, in the set fast of forty days anciently ob-
postea reconciliari mereantur: — est etiam poenitentia, bonorum et
humilium fidelium pene quotidiana, in qua pectora tundimus, dicentes
Dimitte, etc. sed ilia utique quae humanse fragilitati quamvis parva
tamen crebra subrepunt." [Opera, ii. 1169.]
1 Ibid. lib. iv. 12, 20. [" Hujus quoque partis [sc. jejunii] ob
servatio, sicuti est utilis, ita veteri ecclesiae ab ipsis usque Apostolis
semper fuit usitata. Quamquam ne ipsi quidem Apostoli primi
fuerunt auctores, sed exemplum sumpserunt ex lege et prophetis. —
Id ergo secuti sunt Apostoli quod et populo Dei novum non erat, et
utile fore praevidebant.
" Sanctum ac legitimum jejunium tres habet fines. Eo enim
utimur, vel ad macerandam ac subigendam carnem, ne lasciviat; vel
ut ad preces ac sanctas meditationes melius simus comparati; vel ut
testimonium sit nostrse coram Deo humiliationis dum volumus reatum
nostrum coram ipso confiteri — At vero semper in primis cavendum
nequid obrepat superstitionis, quemadmodum antehac magno ecclesiae
malo accidit. — Et tunc passim invaluerat superstitiosa quadragesimse
observatio, quia et vulgus eximium aliquod obsequium Deo se in ea
praestare existumabat, et pastores earn commendabant pro sancta
Christi imitatione : quum planum sit non ideo jejunasse Christum ut
aliis exemplum praescriberet, sed ut Evangelii prsedicationem sic auspi-
cando, non humanam doctrinam esse, sed e ccelo profectam reipsa
comprobaret. — Non saepius jejunat Christus (quod fieri oportuit si
anniversarii jejunii legem tradero vcllet) sed semel tantum. — Fuit
igitur mere KaKofrjk'ia et superstitionis plena, quod titulo ac colore
imitationis Christi jejunium ornabant."]

chap, xix.] OF THE CHURCH. 219
served in the Church before the joyful solemnities of the
resurrection of Christ. First, therefore, he acknowledgeth
the use and necessity of fasting to be continued amongst
Christians to the end of the world, as well as formerly it
was amongst the Jews. Secondly, he sheweth that fasting
is not a thing that God requireth in respect of itself, but,
respectively to certain ends, and as serving to express and
set forward the inward affections of the heart. Thirdly, he
sheweth what those ends are ; namely, to tame the flesh ; to
give a greater edge unto our prayers ; to testify, express,
and set forward what may be our dislike of sin, and of
ourselves for sin ; to testify our humiliation and dolour, pro
ceeding from the fearful apprehension of God's displeasure ;
to make it appear we take no pleasure in anything till God
be reconciled to us; to amerce and punish ourselves for our
manifold abuses of God's good creatures ; and, lastly, to shew
that in holy meditations and contemplations we foretaste the
sweetness of that heavenly manna which maketh us for a time
to forbear to taste of any sweetness of corporal meats ;
thereby shewing the excellency of that spiritual life which
we shall live in heaven without any of these outward nourish
ments, being filled with the happy fruition, vision, and enjoy
ing of him that is the fountain of life.
The faults he findeth are, when men sever this outward
exercise from the inward affection, when they think it a
thing for itself respected, and commended by Almighty God,
and a matter of rare and special virtue and merit in its own
nature. The fathers, he confesseth, did rightly and truly
deliver the nature of religious fastings ; yet so, that by their
exceeding great admiration and commendation of it, they may
seem to have given some occasion of that erroneous persuasion,
that it is in itself highly pleasing to God. This, saith Calvin,
I do the rather think, for there was and appeared superstition
even in their times, in the observing of that principal fast of
forty days, in that both the common people thought the keep
ing thereof, in its own nature a thing highly pleasing God
(whereas no fast is accepted but respectively to the ends
above mentioned), and the fathers commended it under the
name of an imitation of Christ; whereas it is plain, that
Christ did not fast, principally for that end, that we should

220. OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.'
follow his example, but to begin the new law1, as Moses did
the old : and, therefore, to take it as imposed upon us by
Christ's example, in the nature of a precept, and to be done
in imitation of Christ, and as being in itself a thing pleasing
unto God, for that it is an imitation of his Son's action, is
KaicofyXia, as Calvin rightly noteth, and not void of super
stition and error.
Now that the fathers either erred themselves in this sort,
or sought to abuse others, neither Calvin nor we ever thought.
For, they never imagined that the principal reason that moved
the authors and beginners of this fast to prescribe it was the
only imitation of Christ's fast, or, because they thought it in
its own nature a thing respected by God merely as an imita
tion of his Son's action ; but that, whereas it is very fit, there
be a solemn time, at least once in the year, wherein men may
call themselves to an account for all their negUgences, repent
them of all their evil doings, and with prayers, fastings, and
mournings turn unto the Lord ; this time was chosen as fittest2,
both, because that herein we remember the sufferings of
Christ for our sins, which is the strongest and most prevaiUng
motive that may be to make us hate sin, and with tears of
repentant sorrow bewail it, (which could no otherwise be
taken away but by the blood-shed of the Son of God); as
also, for that after this meditation of the sufferings of Christ,
and conforming ourselves to them, his joyful resurrection for
our justification doth immediately present itself unto us in
the days following, in the solemnities whereof men were wont
with great devotion to approach to the Lord's table, and they
which were not yet baptized were by baptism admitted into
the Church. Thus, then, it was not without great considera
tion that men made choice of this time wherein to recount aU
their negligences, sins, and transgressions, and to prepare
themselves, by this solemn act of fasting, both for the better
performance of their own duties in those ensuing days of
joyful solemnity, as also, to obtain at God's hands the
gracious acceptance of such as they offered unto him to be
i Jansenius Comment, in Concordiam Evangelicam, c. 15, in ilia
verba, " cum jejunasset quadraginta diebus."
2 Bellar. lib. il. cap. 16. De Bonis Operibus in particulari, ostendit
istas fuisse rationes instituendse quadragesimae.

chap, xix.] OF THE CHURCH. 221
entered into his covenant. For, the manner was in the
primitive Church, never to present any unto baptism, unless
it were in the case of necessity and danger, but only in the
feasts of Easter and Pentecost1. Thus, then, these being the
reasons moving to institute a set and solemn fast, and to ap
point it at this time and season of the year, rather than any
other ; for the limitation of the number of days, men had an
eye, as to a convenient direction, to Christ's fast of forty days
in the dedication of the new covenant2; which number also
Moses as being the giver, and EUas as being the restorer, of
the old law, kept and observed before him. Not as if they
had been precisely and absolutely tied by force of these ex
amples ; for then they would precisely have kept that number,
which yet they did not ; for, the Saturdays and Sundays
deducted, which were not anciently fasted3, neither in the
Greek Church, nor in some of the Latin Churches, there
remain not forty days : and, if only the Sundays be deducted,
as in the Latin Church, there will want of the number ; for
those in capite jejunii, which being added to the rest, make
up the number of forty, were not observed from the begin
ning, but added afterwards4.
1 Synod. Autissiodorensis, can. 18. ["Non licet absque paschse
solemnitate ullo tempore baptizare; nisi illos quibus mors vicina
est, quos grabatarios dicunt."]
Leo, Epist. 4 [als. 16, p. 130.] ad universos episcopos per Siciliam
constitutes, prohibet baptizare nisi tantum in festis Paschatis et Pente-
costes, nee permittit in festo Epiphaniae, licet eo die Christus putetur
baptizatus a Johanne.
Rhenanus in lib. de Corona Militis ; " per tempora Caroli Magni et
Ludovici Augusti, neminem, excepto mortis articulo, praeterquam in
Pascha et Pentecoste, baptizant, ut indicant leges ab illis sancitse, pro-
hibentes aliis temporibus baptismum celebrari."
2 Mat. iv. 2 ; Exod. xxxiv. 28 ; 1 Kings xix. 8.
3 Ambrosius de Elia et Jejunio, cap. 10. " Quadragesima totis
praeter Sabbatum et Dominicam jejunatur diebus."
4 Hanc additionem esse " valde antiquam in Latina Ecclesia, per-
spicuum est ex Alcuino" [De Officiis Ecclesiasticis] inquit Bellarm.
lib. n. cap. 15. (De Bonis Operibus in particulari) " S. Gregorius
Homil. xvi. dicit jejunium quadragesimae constare xxxvi. diebus :
tametsi enim ipse ignorare non posset addi solere iv. dies ad nume-
rum xl. perficiendum ; tamen sciebat etiam quadragesimam proprie
dictam non ultra xxxvi. dies extendi." Bellar. lib. n. 16. De Bonis
Operibus in Particulari.

222 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
Our divines, therefore, do teach, that fasting is com
manded by Almighty God, not as a thing in itself regarded,
but, respectively to those ends before-mentioned ; that God
hath set no certain times fasting, but that the Church may
appoint, upon set and ordinary, or special and extraordinary
occasions and causes, times of fasting, and that men are bound
to obey. The fast of Lent they do not dislike, but think it may
be kept as a convenient tradition of antiquity (dispensable by
authority of the Church, upon due consideration of times and
persons), so that no false or superstitious opinions be added :
but the practice of the Romanists they condemn ; for that,
whereas they pretend to follow the ancient custom of fasting
and to be tied unto it, they retain no show of the ancient
fast1, but make a mere mock of God and man, as their own
best friends are forced to confess; besides their erroneous
opinions of merit and satisfaction, and gross superstition in
the difference of meats. Thus then we did not put down the
true and right use and exercise of fasting, but the mockery
of it ; and do wish that in the fuU establishment of the
Churches, the ancient discipline of fasting, due consideration
had of times and conditions of men, may be restored again.
If any of our divines seem to dislike that there should be any
set fasts, as being Jewish, it is not the general resolution of
the Reformed Churches, but the private opinion only of some
particular men, who were carried, with the hate of Romish
errors and superstitions in the set fasts, to dislike them
wholly : which advisedly I see not how they could do ; and
I am weU assured, many of very great esteem do allow and
approve the use of them.
1 "Jejunia nostra quae et vini copia natant, et piscium varietate
carnis superant delicias, adeoque cum Deo ludere videntur ; dum pro
intercepto qui ex ovis oritur calore, olei flammas, vini sestum, omnis-
que aromatum generis ignes helluoni infarciunt stomacho, vetcribus
Christianis omnino fuisse non modo incognita, sed et intolerabilia,
adeoque abominanda [constat] — Jejunium quod antea non nisi ad
novem horam tertiam sive ad pomeridianam solvebatur, ante meri
diem nobis interrumpitur, atque earn in rem non modo mysteria,
sed et vesperae suum mentientcs tempus anticiparcntur. — Extremam
tantum jejunii prisci umbram hodie apud plerosque videamus in Ec
clesia Cathobca reliquam." Lindan. Panopliae, lib. in. cap. 11.

chap, xix.] OF THE CHURCH. 223
The next objection is most frivolous. Calvin saith, lay
men long since presumed in times of necessity to baptize1:
wherein, whether they did well or not, the fathers, in those
times wherein they were suffered thus to do, could not nor
did not resolve. What can be inferred of this? Whether
they did well or not, Calvin saith, the fathers were not
resolute ; and he thinketh their doing can hardly be excused
from usurpation of that which no way pertained to them :
therefore, saith Bellarmine, he dissenteth from all antiquity,
and confesseth the doctrine of the Romish Church to be most
ancient. Let Bellarmine give us leave to reason from his
speeches in the same sort, and he will soon perceive that he
hath wronged Calvin. BeUarmine saith, the fathers were
doubtful whether, if men, not yet baptized, should attempt to
baptize, it were baptism or not2 ; he pronounceth peremptorily
it is : therefore he dissenteth from all antiquity. As likewise
they doubted, whether baptism administered sportingly, were
true baptism or not3 : he and his consorts make no question
of it : therefore they dissent from aU antiquity.
But, let us proceed to the next allegation. Calvin saith,
it is most certain that aU antiquity is clearly against the
Romish doctrine of the real sacrificing of Christ in the blessed
sacrament, and that the fathers did most rightly conceive of
this sacred mystery, without derogating any way from the
sufficiency and plenitude of Christ's sacrifice. A man would
hardly think any man would allege this place to prove that
Calvin confesseth the doctrine of the fathers and the opinion
of the Romanists are all one : and yet this doth the Jesuit :
so forcible and powerful he is in reasoning, that what a man
most constantly denieth, he can prove he affirmeth. But he
1 Ibid. lib. rv. 15, 21. [" Quod autem multis abhinc sseculis
adeoque ab ipso fere Ecclesise exordio usu receptum fuit, ut in peri-
culo mortis laici baptizarent, si minister in tempore non adesset, non
video quam firma ratione defendi queat. Ne ipsis quidem veteribus
qui hunc morem vel tenebant, vel patiebantur, constabat an recte
id fieret."] 2 Lib. i. cap. 7. De Sacramento Baptismi.
3 August. (De Bapt. contra Donat. lib. vn. cap. 53) non audet
definire, sed ait expectandam Dei revelationem : at Bellarminus (De
Sacramentis in Genere, lib. i. cap. 28,) ait definitum in conciliis,
scilicet Florentino et Tridentino.

224 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi-
will say, that Calvin in the same place doth except against
the fathers. Surely, he saith, he thinketh they cannot be
altogether excused, in that they so much urged the mystical
sacrificing of Christ's body in the sacrament, and thereby
made it carry a kind of show of a new, and newly repeated,
sacrifice ; for that, by misconstruction of that they meant
well, others turned the sacrament into a new offering of the
Son of God for the quick and dead. The reason, doubtless,
that moved the fathers so much to urge that mystical sacri
ficing of Christ in the blessed Sacrament was, for that they
lived in the midst of Jews and Gentiles, both whose religion
consisted principally in sacrifice. The fathers, therefore, to
shew that Christian religion is not without sacrifice, and that
of a more excellent nature than theirs were, did much urge
that Christ once offered for the sins of the world upon the
altar of his cross, is daily in mystery offered, slain, and his
blood poured out, on the holy table ; and, that this sacrifice
of Christ slain for the sins of the world, thus continually
represented and living in our memories, is the sacrifice of
Christians. If any man shall allege, that these were reasons
sufficient to move the fathers to speak as they did notwith
standing any occasions of error that might by ignorant men
be taken, Calvin doth not pertinaciously resist, for he said
only what he thought; not peremptorily judging or con
demning those, whom so just and good causes have made
honourable in the Church for ever.

CHAPTER XX.

OF THE INVOCATION AND ADORATION OF SAINTS, TOUCHING
WHICH THE CENTURY WRITERS ARE WRONGFULLY
CHARGED TO DISSENT FROM THE FATHERS.
THUS, then, I hope it appeareth, that Calvin doth not
confess that the doctrine of the Romanists hath any
testimony or approbation of antiquity. Bellarmine, there
fore, passeth from him to the writers of the Centuries, in
whom he hopeth to find something for his purpose : but they

chap, xx.] OF THE CHURCH. 225
stead him as little as Calvin did1. Let us therefore take
a view of that he saith. Touching free-will, justification,
merits, and the like, there is nothing in them but that which
hath been sufficiently, I hope, cleared in Calvin ; the things
they say being the same. Only two things I find imputed
to them by Bellarmine, and not to Calvin. For first they
are supposed to acknowledge the popish invocation of saints
to have been in the time of the fathers, and allowed by
them2. Secondly, they are charged to blame the fathers,
for magnifying too much the excellency of martyrdom, the
praises whereof, Bellarmine saith, they dislike, because they
will not admit that martyrdom is a kind of baptism serving
for the expiation and washing away of sin3.
Touching the invocation of saints, it is evident it was not
known in the first ages of the Church, nor approved by the
primitive fathers. But because it hath mightily prevailed in
these latter times, and the superstition and idolatry therein
committed hath been such as cannot be excused ; therefore,
for the better answering of Bellarmine's cavils, and the satis
fying of ourselves and others, let us consider from what
grounds, and by what degrees, it entered into the Church.
First, there was in the Church from the beginning a true
and certain resolution, that the saints departed do, in general,
tender, respect, and wish well unto, their brethren and fellow-
servants whom they have left behind them in the warfare of
Christ in this world. Secondly, men grew afterwards to
think, that men departing out of this world carry with them
the remembrance of the state of things wherein, departing
hence, they leave them; and, that out of their love, which
never falleth away, they do most carefully recommend unto
God the particular necessity of their brethren made known
unto them while they lived there. Thirdly, from hence it
came, that men entreated their friends yet living, that if they
prevented them, and came before them into Christ their
master's joyful and happy presence, being freed from the
dangers, miseries, and evils of this present life, they would
1 Ibid. [De Notis Ecclesia, iv. 9.]
2 Centur. hi. cap. 4, col. 83. ["Videas in doctorum hujus saeculi
scriptis non obscura vestigia invocationis sanctorum."]
3 Centur. in. 4, col. 85. ["Martyrium immodice extulerunt omnes
hujus aetatis doctores."]
[Field, I.] P

226 OF THE CHURCH. [bookhi.
not forget to recommend them unto God that are in them
still1. Fourthly, whereas by an ancient custom, they did
remember the names of the departed at the Lord's table,
giving thanks unto God that had made them so glorious in
their life and death through his goodness, and praying him
by their examples to frame them to the Uke ; and, besides,
kept the anniversary remembrances of the days of their
death, as if they had been their birth-days, with aU tokens
of joy2, in the orations they made to set forth the goodness
of God towards them and to propose their example for imi
tation, they did sometimes, by way of apostrophe, speak unto
them as if they had been present and had sense and appre
hension of that they spake, whereof they were yet doubtful,
as appeareth by Gregory Nazianzen3, Jerome4, and others :
and, not contented thus to commune with them, they entreated
them, if they had any sense or knowledge of things in this
world, to be remembrancers for them and the Church here
below. This was a kind of doubtful compeUation and soUciting
of them, if their state were such as that they could take notice
of these things, that they would not forget to procure the
good of their brethren ; but was no invocation, which is a
retiring of ourselves in aU our needs, necessities, and dis-
1 " Si quis istinc nostrum prior divinae dignationis celeritate prae-
cesserit, perseveret apud Dominum nostra dilectio, pro fratribus et
sororibus nostris apud misericordiam patris non cesset oratio." Cypr.
Epist. lvh. [p. 206.]
2 " Nos autem martyribus nostris non templa sicut diis, etc. Nee
ibi erigimus altaria in quibus sacrificemus martyribus, sed uni Deo et
martyrum et nostro sacrificium immolamus, ad quod sacrificiuni sicut
homines Dei qui mundum in ejus confessione vicerunt suo loco et
ordine nominantur : non tamen a sacerdote qui sacrificat invocantur."
Aug. de Civitate Dei, lib. xxn. cap. 10. "Sacriftcia pro iis semper ut
meministis offerimus quoties martyrum passiones et dies anniversaria
commemoratione celebramus." Cypr. Epist. xxxiv. [p. 109.]
3 Oratione in laudem Gorgoniae: "si hoc praemium Sanctis ani-
mabus a Deo confertur, ut ista persentiscat," etc. [el di ns o-ol Kal rav
yperipav ion Xoyos, Kal tovto rals oo-'iais ^rvxais iK Qeoii yipas, rav
roiovrav iwaio-BdveaBai. Opera, I. 1S9.] Et in Julianum [Orat. in.] al-
loquitur pias animas imperatorum, dicens, "si quis mortuis sensus," etc.
[d.K0ve fj roil peydXov Kavo-ravriov l/^X'/. « ns aia-BrjO-is. Ib. p. 50.]
4 In Epitaphio Nepotiani [ad Heliod. Ep. xxxv. p. 266.] "stupet
animus, manus tremit, caligant ocuh, bngua balbutit; quicquid dixero,
quia ille non audit, mutum videtur."

chap, xx.] OF THE CHURCH. 227
tresses, with assured hope of help, to him that we hope can
stead us in what distress soever we be.
This, then, though the fathers did sometimes ; when they
had particular occasion to remember the saints and to speak
of them, by way of apostrophe turn themselves unto them,
and use words of doubtful compellation, praying them, if
they have any sense of these inferior things, to be remem
brancers to God for them ; yet shall our adversaries never
prove that they did prostrate their bodies, bow their knees,
or make prayers to them in a set course of devotion ; but
this both adoration and invocation of saints and angels was
directly condemned by them. We honour the saints, saith
Jerome, but do not worship or adore any creature, neither
angels, archangels, nor any name that is named in this world,
or that which is to come1. The council of Laodicea, reported
by Theodoret, directly condemneth this kind of adoration
and invocation, not of saints only, but of angels also2.
The popish distinction of latria and doulia doth not
answer these authorities and testimonies of antiquity : for
those erring miscreants mentioned by Paul, the council of
Laodicea, Theodoret, Epiphanius, and others, did not think
the angels to be God, or equal to the Most High, neither did
they worship them in such sort as to ascribe infinite greatness
unto them, which the papists mean by their latria ; but they
gave spiritual worship and adoration unto them in an inferior
and lower degree, such as the papists call doulia, because
they thought them to mediate between God and mortal man
in very exceUent sort. Either then the fathers condemned
these without cause for worshipping creatures; or, they meant
1 Adversus Vigilantium ad Ripatium Presbyterum. [See the ar
gument generally.]
2 Theodoret in Epist. ad Colos. [cap. 2.] " Qui legem defendebant,
eos etiam ad angelos colendos inducebant, dicentes legem fuisse per
illos datam. Mansit autem diu hoc vitium in Phrygia et Pysidia :
quocirca synodus quoque quse convenit Laodiceae, quae est Phrygise
metropolis, lege prohibuit ne precarentur angelos: et in hodiernum
usque diem licet videre apud illos et eorum finitimos oratoria Sancti
Michaelis. Illi ergo hoc consulebant, utique humilitate utentes, di
centes universorum Deum nee cerni, nee comprehendi, nee ad eum
perveniri posse, et oportere per angelos divinam conciliare benevo-
lentiam : hoc est quod dixit [sc. Apostolus Col. ii. 23,] in humilitate et
cultu angelorum."
P2

228 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
to restrain more than that adoration which ascribeth infinite
greatness to him that is adored; which undoubtedly they did,
even the least and lowest degree of spiritual worship, or
worship in spirit and truth. This most clearly appeareth to
be so, by that of the seventh general councU ; which though
it did not only confirm the placing of pictures in the church,
but prescribed that they should be worshipped; yet the
fathers of that councU expounded themselves that they meant
nothing else thereby, but a reverent usage of them, approach
ing to them, embracing and kissing of them, in such sort as
men used to do to the books of holy Scriptures, and all
sacred vessels and things consecrated to the use of God's
service ; but permit not any the least part of spiritual worr
ship, or, worship in spirit and truth, which the Scripture
speaketh of, to be given unto them ; for if it be, they judge
it idolatry1. But the Romanists, at this day, give spiritual
worship to creatures ; and think they sin not, if it be not in
so high a degree as to ascribe unto them infinite greatness2.
Adoration impUeth in it three acts3: first, an apprehension
of the excellency of that which is adored : secondly, an act
1 Epiphanius contra Collyridianos, hseres. Ixxix. [§ 7. iv nprj eo-ra
Mapia, ode Uarfjp Kal Ylbs Kal ayiov Uvevpa ffpoo-KvveicrBa, ttjv Map'iav
pndels irpoa-Kvve'iTa. oil Xiya yvvaiKi dXX' oiidi avdp'i, &ea rrpoo-TeraKTai. to
pvorfipiov.] Omnem adorationem creaturarum damnat.
2 Concilium Nicenum II. [en ye pijv do-7ra£6pe8a Kal tov tvttov tov
npiov Kal £aoiroiov o~ravpov, Kal Ta ayia Xeiyjrava rav dyiav, Kal rds dylas
Kal o-enras eiKOvas dnodexopeBa Kal do-7ra£6pe8a Kal Trepmrvo-o-opeBa, Kara
ttjv dpxrjBev napadoa-iv rrjs dyias toO Qeov KaBoXiKrjs eKKXno-ias. Harduini,
Concil. iv. 265.]
3 " Dicunt Walsingham et Henricus : — revereri, est animo reputare
magna bona quae quis videt aut existimat esse in alio, parvi pendendo
in eorum comparatione bona quae considerat in seipso : honorare, est
reverentiam existentem intus in anima, opere exterius indicare : June
•est, quod honor dicitur esse exhibitio reverentise in testimonium vir-
tutis ejus quern reveretur : laudare est honoratum pro bonis quae in
ipso sunt aliis commendare: glorificare autem est laudes honorati
large lateque praeconizare : propter quod dicitur esse gloria frequens
fama cum laude : adorare autem est, in id, quod est reverendum,
laudandum, honorandum, glorificandum propter eminentiam ei sancti-
tatis et virtutis, totam spem ac fiduciam subjiciendo se illi projicere,
propter diligentem intentionem erga id quod adoratur : . . . illud enim
coli dicitur, cui quis studiose intendit operam suam illi exhibendo."
Waldensis, Tom. m. titulo 13, De Sanctis Adorandis, cap. 118.

chap, xx.] OF THE CHURCH. 229
of the will, desiring to do something to testify our acknow
ledgement of this greatness, and our subjection and inferiority :
thirdly, an outward act expressing the same. We say, there
fore, that adoration, proceeding out of the apprehension of
the excellency of that is worshipped, and the desire to testify
our acknowledgement of it, is of two sorts or kinds : for,
either it is Umited to certain times, places, and things, when,
where, and wherein, the exceUency of that we worship pre
sents itself unto us and requireth our acknowledgement of
it; as is the worship of kings, princes, prelates, and prophets,
in their kingdoms, courts, churches, and schools, ruling,
guiding, teaching, and instructing : or else, it is spiritual,
which, in all places, at all times, and in all things, causeth
him that worshippeth to bow himself before that he wor
shippeth, and thereby to testify his acknowledgement of the
excellency of it which he findeth in every time, place, and
thing, to present itself unto him. This kind of adoration
subjecteth not only the body, but the spirit and mind also, to
him whose greatness it thus acknowledgeth. This worship,
we say, is proper to God : for he only, at all times and in all
places and things, seeth, beholdeth, guideth, and taketh care
of us ; and ruling, disposing, and commanding us, inwardly
and outwardly, worketh our good.
But the Romanists say, the saints do so likewise, though
not in so excellent sort as God doth ; for they suppose, that
they know all things that concern us, that they watch over
us with a careful and vigilant eye, that they carry us in
their hands, and by their mediation procure our good from
God, the fountain of all good; and therefore they worship
them with spiritual worship. The miracles that God wrought
in times past by them, made many to attribute more to them
than was fit, as if they had a generaUty of presence, know
ledge, and working : but the wisest and best advised never
durst attribute any such thing unto them.
Whether, saith Augustin1, the saints be present every-
1 Aug. de cura pro mortuis. [" Ista quaestio vires intelligentiae
meae vincit, quemadmodum opitulentur martyres iis quos per eos
certum est adjuvari : utrum ipsi per seipsos adsint uno tempore tarn
diversis locis, sive ubi sunt eorum memorise, sive praeter suas me-
morias ubicumque adesse sentiuntur; an ipsis in loco suis meritis
congruo ab omni mortalium conversatione remotis, et tamen gene-

230 OF THE CHURCH. [book nu
where, or at least wheresoever their memorials are kept ; or
whether they remain in one place only, and praying only in
general for the militant Church, God do work, by himself, or
by his angels, that which is fit for the confirmation of the
faith they professed, and the good of such as remember them,
I dare not pronounce. And who knoweth not, that he in
clineth to that opinion, that they do not particularly see,
know, and intermeddle with human things: and confirmeth
this his judgment with sundry excellent reasons and author
ities? This opinion did the author of the Gloss follow1, and
Hugo de Sancto Victore2; and the Church of God never
defined otherwise: howsoever, Jerome in his passion against
Vigilantius seems to say the contrary, and Gregory3 endea
vours to confirm it, saying, he that seeth God who seeth all
things, cannot but see all things in him. But Occam4, and
sundry other excellent schoolmen, reject this saying of Gre
gory; and Gregorius Ariminensis5 resolveth peremptorily,
raliter orantibus pro indigentiis supplicantium — Deus omnipotens qui
est ubique praesens — exaudiens martyrum preces per angelica minis-
teria usquequaque diffusa praebeat hominibus ista solatia." § 20.]
1 Interlinearis Glossa in Isaiae Ixiii.
2 Hugo de Sancto Victore, Erudit. Theolog. de Sacramentis Fidei,
lib. II. part xvi. cap. 11. " Quserunt nonnulli de animabus came so^
lutis, utrum cognitionem habeant eorum quae in hac vita geruntur; —
an preces supplicantium audiant. — Difficile est de hujusmodi diju-
dicare. — Quidam sanctorum patrum quaedam ita dixerunt, quasi nihil
sit in creaturis quod non videant, qui vident omnia videntem : [sed]
ego non praesumo judicare," etc.
3 Greg. Dialog, iv. cap. 33. [fjv'iKa yap sWf irdvres KOivfj rij Xap.
7rp6rrjTi tov Qebv Beapovo-iv Tl ianv o-jvep oil yivao~Kovo~iv evBa tov yivao~-
Kovra ra ndvra yivao-Kovo-iv.]
* Occam, Tract. I. part. I. cap. 3. (ubi confutat Joannem XXII.) hse-
resim esse pronunciat dicere videntes Deum nulla ignorare, ["asserit
(Johannes) manifeste : quod videntes Deum nulla ignorant ; igitur
omnia sciunt. Sed haec haeresis S. D. aperte repugnat." f. clxviii.]
Magister, lib. n. distinct. 11, " accipiendum" dicit dictum, Gregorii,
"de his quorum cognitio beatum facit cognitorem, ut sunt ca quae
pertinent ad mysteria Trinitatis, etc. Sed hsec explicatio verbis Greg.
non convenit, Moral, xii. cap. 14, "nullo modo credendum est quia
foris sit aliquid quod ignorent."
» Greg. Arimi. (lib. li. dist. 9, 10, q. 1,) ex. 2. Paralip. ex dicto
Salomonis, Tu solus nosti corda filiorum hominum, et ex libris de Ec
clesiasticis dogmatibus, secreta cordis ille solus novit, probat nullam
creaturam cognoscere cogitationos.

chap, xx.] OF THE CHURCH. 231
that neither saints nor angels know the secrets of our hearts,
but that this is reserved as peculiar to God alone.
If then the saints, for aught we know, do not see, know,
and intermeddle with our particular affairs, but pray only in
general; there remaineth nothing else safely to be done by
us, but to seek unto God : and then, aU these, both saints
and angels, shaU love us in him ; and, what Ueth in them,
procure our good.
"Behold," saith Augustine1, "I worship one God, one
beginning of aU things, that fountain of wisdom and hap
piness whence aU things that are wise and happy have their
wisdom and happiness : whichsoever of the angels loveth this
God, I am sure he loveth me : whosoever abideth in him,
and can hear the prayers and take notice of the wants of
mortal men, I am well assured he doth hear me when I pray
to God, and endeavoureth to give me the best furtherance he
can. Let therefore those adoratores partiura mundi, wor
shippers of parts and portions of the world, teU me, what
good saint or angel he doth not assure unto himself, which
worshippeth that one God, whom every one that is good doth
love and desire to please." Hence it came, that though
some particular men did, anciently, at some times when they
had occasion to speak of them, doubtfully soUcit the saints,
and desire them, if they had any apprehension of these in
ferior things, to be remembrancers for them unto God ; yet
no man prayed unto them with bowed knees, in set courses
of devotion and prayer. Neither was there any form of
invocation of saints brought into the service of the Church
for a long time; as appeareth by that of Augustine2, who
saith, " they are named by the ministers in the time of the
holy mysteries, but not invocated."
For, how could there be any invocation of them generaUy
received and aUowed, or constantly resolved on and used, in
the set courses of the prayers of those primitive Christians,
1 August. De Vera Religione, cap. 55. [§ 112.]
2 De Civitate Dei, lib. xxn. c. 10. ["Ad quod sacrificium sicut
homines Dei qui mundum in ejus confessione vicerunt suo loco et
ordine nominantur, non tamen a sacerdote, qui sacrificat invocantur.
Deo quippe, non ipsis sacrificat, quamvis in memoria sacrificet
eorum."]

232 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
when they knew not, nor were not certainly resolved, whether
the saints do know or intermeddle with the particular affairs
of men in this world, seeing the Romanists themselves confess,
it were not fit nor safe to pray to saints, if they did not hear
us ? Now it is no way likely that any general opinion was
holden in those times, of the universal presence, knowledge,
and abUity of saints to stead them that seek unto them, seeing
it was a long time doubtful in the Church, whether the faith
ful departing out of this world be immediately received into
heaven and enjoy the happy presence of God; or, whether
they remain or stay in Abraham's bosom, or some place of
rest, tUl the day of the resurrection. Yet it is known to
all them that have perused the monuments of antiquity, that
Irena3us1, Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and sundry others, were
of opinion, that none of the just are in heaven tiU the end
and consummation of all things, but that they are below in
some part of hell, or in some hidden or invisible place se
questered from the presence of God, tUl the second coming
of the Son of man. Now, seeing the invocation of saints
presupposeth that they pray for us in particular ; and, par
ticular prayer for us, . knowledge of our wants, which the
presence and sight of God is supposed to afford them ; if
they do not yet enjoy the presence of God, as many of the
ancients (though falsely) did think, we see not how, in their
judgment, there should be any safe and fruitful invocating of
them. For, the absence from God and the not enjoying his
sight and presence, is the reason alleged by our adversaries,
why the fathers, in the time before Christ, neither prayed
in particular for the Church on earth, nor were prayed unto,
as being in limbus, and not in heaven2.
Howsoever, it is most certain, if we look into the ancient
practice of the Church, that the saints, in their anniversary
solemnities and holy days, were not prayed unto, but re-
1 See Chap. ix.
2 Bell. i. De Sanctorum Beatitudine, c. 20. [" Respondeo, Patribus
in limbo non fuisse ordinarie revelatum quid hie agebatur, quia non
erant beati : nam ad perfectam beatitudinem pertinet scire ea quae ad
se pertinent, et prsecipue quae faciunt ad honorem et gloriam. Prae-
terea quia Sancti in limbo non ita gerebant curam rerum nostrarum
nee erant prsepositi Ecclesise, ut Sancti in coelo sunt."]

chap, xx.] OF THE CHURCH. 233
membered only, proposed for imitation, and rather prayed
for than prayed unto ; as it appeareth by that Innocentius1
reporteth, that in the feast of blessed Leo, the ancient custom
was, to pray that the solemnity of that day, and the oblations
then offered, might be available to his soul, for the increase
and consummation of his glory : which, since, hath been
altered ; and the prayer is now, that by his mediation this
festival solemnity may avad, and be to the good of them that
observe and keep it. So that it cannot be shewed by our
adversaries, that, before the ancient liturgies were abandoned2,
and those brought in by Gregory had gotten into their place,
there was any invocation of the saints found in the public
prayers of the Church ; but when their names were remem
bered, men prayed only to God that he would give them
grace to foUow their examples, and make them partakers of
that happiness which those blessed ones already enjoy. And
at that time when this alteration began, the invocation was
not brought into the liturgy and public prayers of the Church
in direct form, but men prayed stiU unto God only, though
desiring him the rather to respect them, for that not only
their brethren on earth, but they also that are in heaven,
cease not (prostrate before his Sacred Majesty) to pray for
them. Neither is there any other form of prayer found in
the Missal, but in the sequences3 and litanies only.
Wherefore, to conclude this matter concerning the invoca
tion and adoration of saints and angels, seeing the fathers did
not in their set courses of devotion make prayers to the saints,
1 Biel. Lect. 85, in Canonem Missae. [" Sic intelligi potest illud
quod de Sancto Leone Papa, secundum antiqua exemplaria orat
Ecclesia. "Annue nobis, Domine, ut animae famuli tui Leonis haec
prosit oblatio," etc. " Sed constat S. Leonem in gloria esse. Prosit
secundum Innocentium : ut a fidelibus magis ac magis glorificetur in
terris. Possit ergo ad gloriae accidentalis augmentum non essentialis."]
2 See how the ancient missals were abandoned, in Prsefat. Cas-
sandri in librum Romani ordinis a se editi et in vita Greg. I., apud
Voraginensem. 3 " Abbas Nocherius de Sancto Gallo sequentias pro pneumis com-
posuisse dicitur, quas Nicholaus Papa ad missam cantari concessit."
Hugo de Sancto Victore, Erudit. Theol. de Officiis Eccles. lib. n. cap. 11.
— Durand. Ration. Divin. Ofiic. lib. iv. [c. 22], ait Nocherium, sequen
tias pro pneumis ipsius alleluia composuisse, sed alios post plerasque
addidisse.

234 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
but when they had particular occasion to speak or think of
them, used doubtful compellations ; desiring them, if they had
sense of these things, to be remembrancers for them unto
God : seeing, for aught we know, the saints are not particu
larly acquainted with the state of things here below : seeing
no degree of spiritual worship is to be given to any creature ;
we invocate them not, but pray unto God only; assuring
ourselves that if they can hear us, or any way further our
suits, they will do it, when we pray unto God ; as Augustine
rightly observeth.
We adore them not, but rest in the judgment of the same
Augustine1, that the saints are to be honoured for imitation,
but not to be adored for religion ; that they do not seek,
desire, or accept any such honour, but will have us to worship
God only, being glad that we are their feUow-servants in
well-doing. The Romanist evasion, that God is only to be
adored with that highest kind of religious worship which is
named latria, which yieldeth to him that is worshipped infinite
greatness ; but the saints may be adored with an inferior
kind of religious worship, named doulia, is directly contrary
to Augustine, who, speaking of saints and angels, saith :
" Honoramus eos charitate, non servitute2." "We honour
them with the honour of love, but not of doulia, or service."
If they say, they have this distinction from Austin, it is true :
but he doth not use it to this purpose, to make difference of
two sorts of religious or spiritual worship, the highest degree
whereof should be latria, the lowest doulia : neither doth he
anywhere call the honour given to saints doulia, but nameth
it the honour of love and feUowship : but he useth to dis
tinguish religious worship (every degree whereof he caUeth
latria) from the external and civil worship, duty, and service,
that men yield to their princes, masters, and rulers, which is
fitly named doulia, a service ; but it is servitus corporis, non
animoe, a service of the body, and not of the mind. For
men, notwithstanding this servitude, have their minds and
their thoughts free, as being known to none, nor overruled
i Aug. de Vera Religione, 55. [" Non sit nobis rehgio cultus
hominum mortuorum : quia si pie vixerunt, non sic habentur ut tales
quserant honores; sed ilium a nobis coli volunt, quo illuminante
lsetantur meriti sui nos esse consortes." § 108.]
2 De Vera Religione, c. 55. [§ 111.]

chap, xx.] OF THE CHURCH. 235
by none but God only. But the service of the spirit and
mind, in the lowest degree that can be imagined, is due unto
God only, and not to be given to any creature : for no crea
ture knoweth the secrets of our hearts; no creature can
prescribe laws touching the inward actions and thoughts of
the mind, not having knowledge of them, nor power to punish
them that should offend,
It is therefore an impious conceit of the papists, that the
saints both can and do know all our inward actions and secret
thoughts, approving or reproving, excusing or accusing them ;
and that, as presidents of our whole life and conversation;
and that, therefore, they are to be honoured and worshipped
with spiritual service, or service of the spirit and mind. Thus
then it is true the Oentury writers report, that in the third
and fourth age after Christ, there were some beginnings of
that superstition, which afterwards grew to be intolerable in
the adoration and invocation of saints and angels ; but neither
they nor we are so ignorant as to think, that the invocation
of saints, or the adoration of them, prevailed in the Church
within the compass of the first six hundred years ; neither do
they, as Bellarmine is pleased to slander them, tax that as
idolatry in the Roman Church, which they find to have been
the practice of all the fathers ; for they find nothing of the
Romish idolatry in these glorious lights of the Christian
world.

CHAPTER XXI.
OF MARTYRDOM, AND THE EXCESSIVE PRAISES THEREOF
FOUND IN THE FATHERS.
THE next allegation against them is touching martyrdom,
which, Bellarmine saith, they suppose the fathers did
too immoderately and excessively magnify and extol. The
reason of this their censure, he thinketh, is, because they
will not admit it to be a kind of baptism, and to wash away
sin, as both the Romanists and the fathers teach1. For the
1 [De Notis Ecclesiae, iv. 9. "Nolunt enim Lutherani esse mar-
tyrium genus quoddam baptismi, aut ullo modo expiari peccata per
martyrium." See the Centuriators, ni. 4, col. 83.]

236 OF THE CHURCH. .[book in.
better clearing of this point, and the answering of this ob
jection, we must remember, that whereas the ordinary and
set means of salvation is baptism, so that no man carelessly
neglecting, or wilfully contemning it, can be saved ; the
fathers, notwithstanding, do constantly teach, that if men
be excluded by inevitable impossibility, they may be saved
without it ; and that faith, and the inward conversion of the
heart flying unto God in Christ, through the gracious instinct
and sweet motion of the sanctifying Spirit, may be reckoned
a kind of baptism : because thereby they obtain all that
which should have been sought in the baptism of water. And
because if an ordinary degree of faith do sometimes obtain
salvation, without the baptism of water, much more that
which maketh men willing to suffer death for Christ : there
fore they affirm, that martyrdom, and the constant suffering
for Christ, is also fitly named baptism.
So that there are three kinds of baptism : Flaminis, Flu-
minis, Sanguinis ; of water, of the Spirit, and blood.
It appeareth by Bernard's epistle to Hugo de Sancto
Victore1, of this argument, that there were some in his time
who, though they thought that martyrdom doth supply the
defect of baptism, yet would not grant, that faith, and the
inward conversion of the heart, without such suffering, doth
so ; and therefore, though they confessed that martyrs, not
baptized with the baptism of water, may be saved, yet they
denied that others, though repenting, beUeving, and con
verting unto God, can possibly obtain remission of their sins
without the sacramental washing. Against these Bernard
reasoneth in this sort : " If martyrdom do supply the defect
of baptism, it is not patna, but fides ; not the suffering, but
the faith of the sufferer, that makes it be of so great force.
Nam absque fide, quid est martyrium, nisi poena ? For were
it not for faith, what were the passions of martyrs, but bitter
and uncomfortable torments only? Shall then that which
maketh martyrdom be esteemed instead of baptism, be so
infirm and weak, that what it gives to another thing it shall
be denied to have itself? The shedding of our blood for
Christ is an undoubted proof and demonstration of a very
great, constant, and unmoveable faith : but it is not God,
but men that take notice of faith by these proofs : for, God
1 Epist. lxxvii. [ii. § 8.]

chap, xxi.] OF THE CHURCH. 237
doth often see and pronounce the faith of a man dying in
peace, to be as great as the faith of a martyr ; for that
though it be not proved by martyrdom, it is ready for mar
tyrdom, and animates him that hath it to suffer anything, if
need should require1."
This which Bernard hath thus deUvered touching this
point, is the constant doctrine of the fathers ; neither do we
nor the authors of the Centuries disUke anything in it : but
we condemn the vain and idle disputes of the Romish schools,
touching these three kinds of baptism ; especially in that
they teach concerning martyrdom2, that it giveth grace ex
opere operato ; so that if a man not justified, nor yet in the
state of grace, come unto it, and do not ponere obicem, he
shaU, by virtue thereof, obtain grace, and have the effects of
it wrought in him, in such sort as in the baptism of water.
This not only we condemn, but many amongst themselves,
affirming that martyrdom hath no force to work or procure
our good, farther than the greatness of our faith and love
which is therein tried, approved, and made manifest, doth
work it.
The Century writers reprove not the fathers for any
such error, as the papists do maintain, touching the force of
1 [" Etsi martyrium vicem baptismi posse implere conceditur, non
plane hoc facit poena, sed ipsa fides. Nam absque ipsa quid est
martyrium, nisi poena? Quse ergo martyrio praestat, ut absque ulla
dubitate pro baptismate reputetur; ipse ita infirma et imbecillis per
se exit, ut quod dare alteri valet, sola non valeat obtinere? Et prorsus
sanguinis pro Christo effusio magnae cujusdam fidei indubitata probatio
est, non Deo tamen sed hominibus. Sed quid si Deus, qui profecto
ad probandum quod vult, nullis indiget experimentis, aeque magnam
in corde cujuspiam in pace morientis inspicit fidem, martyrio quidem
non interrogatam, martyrio tamen idoneam?" See also the passages
quoted by Bellarmine, De sac. Baptismi. c. vi.]
2 " Non desunt Theol. ut Dominicus a Soto, et Martinus Ledesmius
(in 4 d. 3 q. unic. ar. ii.) qui docent, martyrium non dare gratiam ex
opere operato, sed tantum ex opere operantis nee dare ullum gradum
gratiae, praeter eum qui respondet merito charitatis ipsius martyris. —
Probabilior sententia est, martyrium ex opere operato conferre primam
gratiam, ita ut si quis ad martyrium accedat adhuc in peccatis existens,
tamen sine affectu ad aliquod peccatum, et cum fide et dilectione
inchoata, et poenitentia saltern imperfecta quabs requiritur etiam ante
baptismum aquae, is virtute martyrii ex opere operato justificabitur."
Bellarm. i. De sac. Bapt. c. 6.

238 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
martyrdom ; but, they dislike that the fathers did use so
many hyperboles and rhetorical amplifications in the praising
of martyrdom (though in a good sense), that the Romish
sophisters have from thence taken occasion of their error,
touching the merit, satisfaction, and expiation of sins, which
they fancy to be in the blood of martyrs ; of which impiety
the fathers never thought. Thus, then, it doth not appear,
by anything which Bellarmine hath or can allege, that we
confess the faith of the Romanists to be the ancient pro
fession of the primitive Christians ; but, rather, the contrary
is constantly defended by aU our divines in the places pro
duced by him.

CHAPTER XXII.
WHEREIN IS EXAMINED THEIR PROOF OF THE ANTIQUITY OF
THEIR DOCTRINE, TAKEN FROM A FALSE SUPPOSAL THAT
OUR DOCTRINE IS NOTHING ELSE BUT HERESY
LONG SINCE CONDEMNED.
LET us therefore come to his third part1, wherein he
undertaketh to prove that the doctrine of the reformed
Churches, opposite to the faith and profession of Rome, is
the same with the old heresy long since condemned by the
universal consent of the whole Christian world. In this
part he is so shameless, that I blush at the very thought of
that he so doctorally and gravely delivereth, as if it were
truer than truth itself; whereas in his conscience he knoweth
it to be an untruth so gross and apparent, that the devil
himself will be ashamed of it. He reckoneth twenty several
heresies of damned arch-heretics, every of which he pro
nounceth that we sUly men defend and embrace as the
sacred truth of God.
Let us, for our better satisfaction, and refutation of so
vile a slander, take a view of the particulars. He placeth in
the front the heresy of Simon Magus and his disciples2,
i Ibid.
2 Irenaeus, lib. I. contra haereses, cap. 20=23. [" Cum male mode-
rarontur angeli mundum, quoniam unusquisque eorum concupisceret
principatum, ad emendationem venisso rerum, et desccndisse eum [sc.

chap, xxii.] OF THE CHURCH. 239
which was, that the angels made the world ; that the pro
phets were inspired from them, and delivered their pleasure,
not the will and pleasure of the high God ; and that there
fore the things commanded by them were not in themselves
good or to be respected : that God was displeased with their
government, and would exempt his own from it, and have
them free to do what they list ; for that men are saved by
his favour, and not in doing those things, which, though
they were commanded and imposed as good by Moses and
the prophets, misled by the angels, yet were not naturally
so, but by accident only.
This, he saith, is the error of the Protestants : for they
think God made the world, and not the angels : that Moses
and the prophets spake as they were inspired of him ; that
the things they commanded are just and holy : that there is
no way of salvation, but by having that righteousness the law
of Moses prescribeth, which all they that are saved have ; first,
by imputation of that perfect righteousness and obedience to
Moses' law, which was found in Christ, to merit our good ;
and, secondly, by the operation and infusion of sanctifying
grace from him, making them to hate sin, to love righteous
ness, and walk in the ways of God's commandments, so that
sin hath no more dominion over them. Surely, I think, if the
devil himself sat as judge in this case, he could not but con
demn the impudence of this his shameless disciple.
But he addeth1: Eunomius taught, that if a man would
embrace his profession, he should be saved, though he con-
Simonem] transfiguratum et assimilatum virtutibus et potestatibus et
angelis ; ut et in hominibus homo appareret ipse, cum non esset homo,
et passum autem in Judsea putatum cum non esset passus. Prophetas
autem a mundi fabricatoribus angelis inspiratos dixisse prophetias ;
quapropter nee ulterius curarent eos hi qui in eum et in Helenam ejus
spem habeant ; et ut liberos agere quse velint ; secundum enim ipsius
gratiam salvari homines, sed non secundum operas justas. Nee enim
esse naturaliter operationes justas, sed ex accidenti; quemadmodum
posuerunt qui mundum fecerunt angeli, per hujusmodi praecepta in
servitutem deducentes homines."]
1 Ibid. ["Eunomiani similiter docebant, non posse homini ulla
peccata nocere, modo fidem habeat ; ut Augustinus testatur (De Haer,
c. 54) ; qui etiam libro (De Fide et Operibus, c. 14), dicit, hanc haeresim
de sola fide sufficiente ad salutem sine operibus ortam esse tempore
apostolorum, ex non intellecto Paulo ; etc. ' Haec eadem est sententia
omnium sectariorum hujus temporis.'"]

240 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
tinued, without repentance and remorse, in all manner of
niost damnable wickedness : and that others, whom Augustine
refuteth in his book, De Fide et Operibus, were of opinion,
that all Christians, how damnably soever they live, holding
the truth of Christian profession, may and shall be saved.
This, he saith, is the doctrine of the Protestants. If any of
us ever wrote, spake, or thought any such thing, let God
forget ever to do good unto us, and let our prayers be re
jected from his presence : but if this be as vile a slander as
ever satanist devised, the Lord reward them that have been
the authors and devisers of it, according to their works. But
let us see, doth he make no show of proof? Doubtless he
doth. Luther1, saith he, pronounceth, that there is no way to
have access unto God, to treat with him touching recon
ciUation and acceptation into his favour, but by faith ; that
God regardeth not works : that a true Christian is so rich
in faith, that he cannot perish though he would, nor how
wickedly soever he live, unless he refuse and cease to beUeve.
For the clearing of these places of Luther, we must re
member that which Illyricus hath fitly noted to this purpose2,
1 De Captivitate Babylonica, cap. de Eucharistia. [" Non alia via
potest homo cum Deo convenire aut agere quam per fidem ; opera ille
nihil curat." Ibid. " Tarn dives est Christianus ut non possit perire,
etiamsi obit, quantumcumque male vivat, nisi nolit credere."]
2 In Clave Scripturae, de varia operum praedicatione, Tract, vi. titulo
duplex justitia et justificatio. [" Verum autem est quod scriptura quasi
duo qusedam fora judicii divini et approbationis hominum constituat;
quorum prius possis, docendi gratia, vocare forum justificationis, pos-
terius autem novae obedientiae. In priore agitur de vera justificatione.
Ibi enim justissimus Deus, exactissimam obedientiam erga suam legem,
severissime exigit; et insuper etiam perfectam naturae integritatem.
Huic tamen severae justitiae Dei nemo prorsus etiam sanctissimus suam
justitiam opponere potest. Illi etiam severo judicio ac justitiae Dei,
quse vere est ignis omnia consumens sola perfectissima ac mundissima
justitia, obedientiae ac passionis Filii Dei opponenda est. Ble solus est
umbraculum, contra tantum sestum. Hoc igitur umbraculo quicumque
se contegit, seu quicumque fide hoc propitiatorium sacrificium arripit,
ita ut ei satisfactio aut justitia ejus imputetur, eaque quasi induatur,
is demum habens tanto justitiae Christi tegmine contectam suam in-
justitiam, ita ut quasi cerni a Deo imputarique nequeat, vere in severo
judicio Dei consistere potest. Atque haec proprie vera justificatio pec-
catoris. Ex hac justitia et justificatione recte Paulus excludit omni

chap, xxii.] OF THE CHURCH. 241
that there are two courts of God's judgments and most
righteous proceeding towards the sons of men : the one, he
calleth forum justificationis ; the other, novai obediential.
In the first, he saith, God requireth perfect righteousness,
fully answering that his law prescribeth ; which being no
where to be found but in Christ, is no way apprehended but
by faith. In this respect, and sitting in this court of exact
trial, he regardeth no works, virtues, or qualities ; finding
nothing of worth or worthy to be respected, but looking to
our faith only ; and, for Christ's sake only, at the sole and
only suit of faith, forgiving sin and imputing righteousness.
Notwithstanding, because he never saith to any sinner, " Thy
sins are remitted," but that he addeth, " Go, and sin no
more," and that upon peril of forfeiting the benefit received,
and that some worse thing should betide unto him ; therefore
there is another court, wherein he sitteth and giveth com
mandment for new obedience and works of righteousness,
though not requiring so strictly that perfection which formerly
he did, but accepting our weak endeavours and study of well
doing : and, in this sort it is that he will judge us, in the
last day, according to our works.
Thus then we see, how that, though faith be never alone,
yet in procuring us acceptation with God, it is alone : and
that, though God regard none of our virtues, actions, and
qualities, as being of any worth in the strictness of his judge
ment, but reject them as unpure and unclean, and respect
nothing but the humble suit and petition of faith, for the
purpose of justification; yet, when we are justified, he re
quireth of us a new obedience, judgeth us according to it,
and crowneth us for it. That which Luther addeth, that
a man cannot perish though he would, and how wickedly
soever he live, unless he cease to believe, may seem hard at
the first sight ; but not to them that do know, that Luther is
far from thinking that men may be saved, how wickedly
soever they live, for he constantly teacheth that justifying
tempore, omnia opera, virtutes ac qualitates hominis, sive acquisitas
sive donatas. — In altera sane justificatione aut Dei approbatione ita
diligimur nos et nostra opera in delecto Filio ut etiam operum nostrum
crebro ratio habeatur. — Ac cum benignissimus Pater cum filiolis suis
indulgentissime agit — non requiritur perfecta legis impletio sicut in
altera sed acquiescat Deus in sedulo filiorum conatu."]
[Field, I.] Q

242 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
faith cannot remain in that man that sinneth with full consent,
nor be found in that soul wherein are peccata vastantia
conscientiam (as Melancthon speaketh, following Augustine),
that is, raging, ruling, prevailing, laying waste and destroying
the integrity of the conscience, which should resist against
evil and condemn it.
This is all, then, that Luther saith ; that no wickedness
with which faith may stand, can hurt us, so long as faith
continueth ; but if sin once become regnant, and so exclude
faith, we are in the state of damnation. Against this doctrine
of Luther, or any part thereof, neither Bellarmine nor the
gates of hell shall ever be able to prevail. We see, then,
how justly we are charged with the heresies of the Simonians,
Eunomians, and the like monsters : surely, as justly as Bel
larmine may be charged with true and honest deaUng in this
imputation and others that foUow.

CHAPTER XXIII.
OF THE HERESY OF FLORINUS, MAKING GOD THE AUTHOR OF
SIN, FALSELY IMPUTED TO CALVIN AND OTHERS.
THE next heresy which they say we are fallen into1, is the
heresy of Florinus, who taught that God is the cause and
author of sin. This, he saith, Calvin, Luther, Martyr, and
sundry other of the greatest divines of the Reformed Churches,
have defended in their writings. Of this sinful, wicked, and
lying report, we are sure God is not the author, but the
devil ; and therefore we do not fully accord with Florinus.
But that it may appear how truly these men write and
speak of things of so great moment, I will only positively lay
1 Ibid. ["Florini haeresis fuit, Deum esse causam peccatorum,
quam Irenseus apud Eusebium (v. 20) dicebat esse plus quam haeresim;
quam etiam tribuit Vincentius Lyrinensis in suo Commonitorio Simoni
Mago. Eadem sine ullo pudore docet Calvinus. (Instit. I. 18, § 2.)
"Non solum permissu," inquit, "sed etiam voluntate Dei homines
peccant, ita ut nihil ipsi deliberando agitent, nisi quod Deus apud se
docreverit et arcana directione constituent."]

chap, xxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 243
down what we think of this matter; and the adversary's
slanders will be sufficiently refuted. For the clearing of our
opinion touching this point, I will first set down the different
kinds of sin : secondly, what God may be said to wUl, or
decree, touching the first entrance thereof : and thirdly, what
when it is entered.
Sin, as we know, is nothing else but dvoiuia, a transgres
sion of the law. The law is partly affirmative, requiring;
partly negative, forbidding, the doing of a thing. Hence it
foUoweth that all sin is either of omission or commission.
Sin of omission is the not doing of that the creature is bound
to do : sin of commission is the doing of that the creature is
bound not to do.
The not doing of that the creature is bound to do, God
may be said to will and decree four ways. First, by effectual
opposing against the doing of it : and in this sort it is impious
to think that God decreed the omission or not doing of that
the creature stands bound to do : secondly, by discouraging
and dissuading from the doing of it, which is no less absurd
and impious than the former : thirdly, by denial of that grace,
concurrence, or assistance, without which it cannot be done ;
this cannot be imagined in respect of the state of man's first
creation, but we must make God the author of sin ; and,
therefore, there is none of us that doth attribute any such
thing unto God. But contrariwise, Calvin1, whom BeUar-
mine seemeth most to chaUenge, noteth fitly to this purpose
out of Augustine, " that God gave Adam posse si vellet, sed
non velle quod potuit : power to stand and continue in his
uprightness if he would, though he did not inseparably
hold him to it, but left him to his own choice ;" whence fol
lowed that evU we now complain of: fourthly, by denial of
that grace, assistance, and concurrence, without which he
seeth the creature wUl not be moved nor won to do it, though
it have other more than sufficient graces, motives, and en
couragements, to induce it thereunto. In this fourth sense,
many fear not to say, that God, negatively or privatively
decreed the sin of omission, or the not doing of that the
creature was bound to do, in that he decreed the denial of
1 Instit. lib. i. 15, § 8 ; lib. n. 3, § 13 ; citat. August, de Correptione
et Gratia, [sc. cap. n. " Acceperat posse si vellet, sed non habuit velle
quod posset."]
Q2

244 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
that, without which he knew it would not be done. But
some there be that fear thus to speak, choosing rather to
say, that God only permitted than in any sense that he
decreed the sin of omission, in the first entrance of it. Yet
these, if they rightly understand that permission which they
speak of, agree with the others in sense and meaning. For
God may be said to permit the not doing of a thing three
ways : first, when he requireth not the doing of it, neither
will dislike the omission of it ; and, in this sense, it is impious
to say that God permitteth the sin of omission; for he re
quireth the doing, and will punish the not doing of that, the
omission whereof is sin : secondly, God may be said to permit
a man's not doing of a thing, in that he leaveth him to
himself, to do or not to do the same, without any particular
providence or care in ordering or disposing the motions and
resolutions of his will; which to think, is no less impious
than the former : thirdly, he may be said to permit the not
doing of a thing, when he doth not work upon a man in such
sort, as only he knoweth he will be wrought to the doing of
the same. "Deum permittere," saith Cumel1, "nihil aliud
videtur esse, quam subtrahere illam majorem gratiam, quam
si tribueret, Petrus non peccaret : et hoc quoad primum pec
catum ; ut servet suavem modum procedendi in omnibus ; vel
ut servet multipUciter dispositionem concurrendi cum Ubero
arbitrio ; vel ut ostendat se dare gratis iUam gratiam cuicun-
que dat :" " When God is said to permit sin," saith Cumel,
" no other thing seemeth to be meant, but that he denieth
that more potent and prevaiUng grace, which if he should
give, he that now sinneth would not sin ; and this he doth in
respect of the first sin, that he may hold a sweet course in
guiding all things, so as to suffer them to work according to
the condition of their nature, that in diverse and different
sorts, he may dispose of his concurrence with the Uberty of
man's will ; and that he may make it appear, that to whom
soever he giveth that more potent and prevaiUng grace, he
giveth it freely." In this sense, God may truly be said to
permit the sin of omission. And because he knoweth infallibly
such omission will be, whensoever he doth not so work upon
a man as he knoweth he must be wrought upon if ever he be
brought to the doing of that good which is required of him,
1 Cumel. Dis. varia in primam, et primam secundae, p. 162.

chap, xxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 245
he may be said privatively to decree it; seeing he may
rightly be said in a sort to decree the not doing of a thing,
when he decreeth the denial of that, without which he knoweth
it will not be done. " Prsefinitio duplex est," saith Rispolis1,
" altera positiva, negativa altera. Positiva est ilia qual Deus
apud se quasi deliberat, velle in tempore determinare physice
per aliquod auxilium voluntatem hominis alicujus. Negativa
qua Deus apud se deliberat non velle conferre alicui suum
auxilium efficax. Et quia voluntas creata infallibiliter deficiet
circa quamcunque materiam virtutis, nisi efficaciter moveatur
a divina voluntate ad bene operandum ; in materia, verbi
gratia, temperantise ; cognoscit evidenter voluntatem creatam
peccaturam. Ideo bona cognoscuntur prsefinitione positiva,
mala vero prsefinitione negativa, quam appellabo potius permis-
sionem." Et post : " Nos, quando dicimus Deum praefiniisse
peccata, hoc non intelligimus quantum ad decretum imposi-
tionis malitiae sed quantum ad subtractionem gratiae." " There
is a two-fold decree of God, the one positive, the other nega
tive : the positive is that whereby God determineth with
himself, in such time as he thinketh good, to incline the will
of a man to the doing of a thing, by his effectual working
and powerful help ; the negative is, when he determineth not
so to work a man to the doing of a thing ; and because man
wiU not do the same, unless he be so effectually wrought unto
it, he seeth it will not be done, and that man will sin in
omitting it. So that God knoweth future good things, be
cause he hath positively decreed them ; and future evil things,
because he hath privatively decreed them ; the which we
rather call permission." And again : " When we say God
hath decreed sin, we speak not of any positive decree of
making a man evil, but of a privative decree of not working
him to do good." So that if there be any difference amongst
divines touching this point, it is only in form of words.
The sin of commission, which is the doing of that the
creature is bound not to do, is merely positive. For as the
affirmative part of God's law is broken, by the not putting
that in being which it requireth, or not so as it requireth ;
so the negative is violated precisely, by putting that in being
which it would not have to be, or by putting it in being in
1 [Status Controversial Praedefinitionum, etc. cum Libero Arbitrio,
p. 63. Paris, 1609.] Lib. I. q. i. concl. i.

246 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
such sort as it would not have it to be ; and yet every sin is
an evU, and the nature of evil is privative. For the clearing
therefore hereof, the divines do note, that we speak of evil
formally and denominatively1. Formally, evil is nothing
but the not being of some good in that wherein it should be.
Denominatively a thing may be said to be evil, either by
active denomination, because it depriveth something of that
good it should have, in which sort poison is said to be evU :
or, by passive denomination; as those things are said to be
evil, that want and are deprived of that good they should
have. The sin of omission is formally evil, because it is
negatio boni debiti inesse, the not doing of that good act
which should be done ; and from it the sinner is denominated
evil by passive denomination, as wanting that good which he
should have. Sin of commission is an evU act. EvU acts
are of two sorts : for, either they are evil only ex fine et
circumstantiis, in that they are not done to a right end and
rightly ; or, ex genere et objecto : the former are denominated
evil by passive denomination, as wanting some circumstances
that should make them good ; the latter are such as no
circumstances can make good, neither are they denominated
evil from the want of circumstances which they should or
might have, but the active denomination, because by way of
contrariety, they deprive the sinner of that orderly disposition
that should be found in him, and some other of that good
which pertaineth to him. As it appeareth in the acts of
1 Ariminens. Ub. n. d. 34, 35, 36, 37. q. 1. art. 1. ["Malum potest
dupliciter capi. Uno modo pro eo quidem quod denominatur malum ;
sicut dicimus hominem malum, et angelum malum, et aurum malum,
et sic de aliis. Alio modo pro eo, unde primo aliquid denominatur,
seu est malum. Primo modo cum loquimur de malo, hoc nomen
malum smnitur adjective; cum autem loquimur secundo modo, sumitur
substantive, et est synonymum huic nomini malitia; quod evidentius
retinet formam nominum abstractorum. —
"Res quae absolute dicitur mala, ideo praecise dicitur mala quia
caret bono sibi debito ; non igitur absoluta negatio boni est malum,
seu mabtia, sed negatio boni in re cui illud bonum debetur. —
2. " Suppono unum quod est evidens ; sc. quod omne quod de
nominatur malum, vel denominatur malum ad se seu absolute, (quem-
admodum dicitur aurum malum vel vinum malum, et sic de aliis),
aut denominatur malum in ordine ad aliud, ex quod alicui dicitur
malum. Sicut venenum dicitur esse homini."]

chap, xxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 247
injustice, spoiling men of that which is their own : or, in the
acts of blasphemy against God ; or the hate of God : in which
the sinner, as much as in him Ueth, by attributing unto God
that which is contrary to his nature, or denying that which
agreeth unto the same, maketh him not to be that which he
is ; and, hating him, wisheth he were not, and endeavoureth
to hinder what he would have done. From this kind of sin,
the sinner is denominated evil, partly by denomination pas
sive, in that he wanteth that orderly disposition that should
be in himself; and partly by active, in that he depriveth as
much as in him is, some other of that good which pertains to
him. Some not rightly observing these things, and finding
that some sins are positive acts, whereas the nature of evil
is privative, distinguish that which is material in the sins of
commission, and that which is formal: the substance of the
act and the deformity of it maketh the one positive and the
other privative, consisting in the want of that rectitude which
should be in it. But these men seem not rightly to conceive
the things whereof they speak. For the sin of omission is
formally evil, and a want of rectitude in that the good act
that should be done is omitted : but the sin of commission,
if it be an evil act, ex genere et objecto, is denominatively
evil, not by passive denomination, as wanting that rectitude
that should be in it, but by active ; in that, by way of con
trariety, it depriveth the sinner of that orderly disposition,
that should be found in him, and others of that good that
pertaineth to them. That that sin of commission, that is an
evil act ex genere et objecto, is not denominated evil, posi
tively, from the want of rectitude due unto it, it is evident,
in that no rectitude is due to such an act. For what recti
tude is due to the specifical act of hating God, or what
rectitude is it capable of ? Gregory de Valentia finding this
to be true, and yet wilUng to defend the distinction of that
which is formal and that which is material, of something
positive and something privative in the sin of commission,
saith, "that evil acts, as particularly the act of injustice,
may be considered two ways. First, in the proper and
specifical nature of injustice, and so it is no subject capable
of the perfection of virtue: "neque hujus perfectionis negatio
est in illo privatio, sed pura negatio :" neither is the denial

248 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
of this perfection in respect of such an act so considered a
privation, but a mere and pure negation. Secondly, " se
cundum communem quandam rationem illi et actui justitiae ;
nempe ut versantur circa materiam communem ipsi et justitia?,
scilicet rem alienam. Et sic subjectum est aptum ad per-
fectionem justitia?, et hujus perfectionis negatio est in illo
privatio." " In a generality, in respect of that which is
common to it and the contrary act of justice, as they are
both conversant in things pertaining to other men ; and in
this sort it is a subject capable of rectitude and the perfection
of virtue1." His meaning is, that a moral act, conversant
in things pertaining to other men, considered in a generality,
is indifferent either to be an act of justice, giving to every
one his own; or of injustice, depriving others of that which
pertaineth to them ; and that the omission of the act of
justice is a privation of such rectitude as might be found in
this kind. So that whensoever any act of injustice is done,
first there is a want of rectitude, that is, an omission of the
good act of justice which might and ought to have been
done; and secondly, the producing of an evil act, contrary
to that good act that is omitted : and two kinds of sin do
always concur, the one of omission, the other of commission :
the one is a mere privation of rectitude, and the deformity
of it is privative ; in the other, which is a sin of commission
specifically considered, there is no privative want of rectitude,
for it is capable of none, and in it there is nothing but merely
positive, and the deformity that is found in it is precisely a
positive repugnance to the law of God. Aluarez saith2, the
sin of commission is a breach of a negative law, which is not
broken but by a positive act contrary to the prescript of
right reason; as Thomas Aquinas teacheth, 2a. 2a?. quest.
lxxix. art. 2, 3, 4. And the same is further confirmed,
because the same Thomas elsewhere saith3, that in the sin
of omission there is nothing but privation, if we consider it
as it is in itself; but the sin of commission is some positive
1 [Tom. ii. d. n. q. 13. punct. iii. p. 252.]
2 De Auxiliis Divinae Gratise. vi. disp. 44, [p. 393. "Peccatum
commissionis est contra praeceptum negativum, quod non frangitur,
nisi per actum positivum contrarium rationi." Ed. 1622.]
s Quest, ii. De Malo, art. 1, ad 4.

chap, xxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 249
thing. Because, saith Cajetan1, sin consisteth as well of a
conversion to an object contrary to the object of virtue, as
of an aversion from the law ; there is in sin a double nature
of evil, the one arising from the object, the other from the
not observing of the law : the first is positive, the second pri
vative ; the first inferreth the second. For it cannot be that
a man should hate God, but that in so doing he must break
the law : for there are some acts simply and intrinsically evil,
so that to do them is to sin ; of which sort is the act of
hating God. Besides, one contrary depriveth the subject
wherein it is found and maketh it incapable of the other, so
long as it is in it; as the hate of God maketh a man incapable
of the love of God, and of the hate of such things as are
contrary to God, and should be hated. So that there is a
double nature of evil, the one positive, the other privative ;
and the one of these is the cause of the other. Gregory de
Valentia saith2, it is consequent upon the opinion of Cajetan3,
that sin formally, as sin, is a positive thing ; which thing he
also expressly affirmeth in lam. 2a?. quest. 71, art. 6. There
are that hold, saith Cumel4, that the formal nature of sin (he
meaneth the sin of commission) consisteth in some positive
1 In primam secundse, q. 79, art. 1 et 2. [" Peccatum constat ex
conversione ad objectum contrarium objecto virtutis, et ex aversione
a lege : sunt in peccato duae malitiae ; primo, malitia ex objecto ;
secundo, malitia in ipsa privatione observationis legis. Prima est
positiva, et in certo entis genere : — secunda est privativa. — Ad primam
necessario sequitur secunda; ad odium namque et negationem Dei
absolute sumpta — consequitur necessario privatio observationis legis. —
Et hoc est quod communiter dicitur, quod sunt quidam actus specifici
in moralibus qui sunt secundum se mali, et non possunt bene ulla
ratione fieri. —
"Unum contrarium directo privat rebqua ex ea parte qua est illi
contrarium. Vitium autem virtuti contrariatur ex parte conversionis,
quia ad contraria objecta convertantur: et sic vitii species in actu
posita privat per se loquendo conversione ad objectum virtutis : quod
est privare rectitudine conversionis inventa in virtutis actu in ordine
ad proprium objectum. Talem autem privationem sic causari a Deo
nullum inconveniens est."]
2 Tom. II. d. n. q. 13, punc. 3. art. 5.
3 ["Ex ilia opinione Cajetani consequens est alia ejusdem Cajetani
opinio, minus tolerabilis in Theologia; nempe quod peccatum for-
maliter ut peccatum est, sit aliquid positivum."]
4 Disp. variae ad primam et primam secundae, p. 104.

250 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
thing, to wit, in the manner of working freely, with positive
repugnance to the rule of reason and the law of God. " Dif-
formitas in actu commissionis," saith Ockam1, "non est nisi
ipsemet actus elicitus contra pra?ceptum divinum, et nihil
penitus aliud dicit. Quando elicit quis actum quem non debet,
si non teneatur ad oppositum actum, difformitas non est ca
rentia alicujus rectitudinis debita? inesse, nee illi actui nee
voluntati : sed si teneatur, tunc est duplex peccatum, com-
missionis et omissionis ; et hoc est carentia alterius actus
debiti inesse, et ita rectitudinis debita? inesse voluntati."
That is, " the deformity in an act of commission, is nothing
but the very act which is done contrary to the law of God,
neither doth it imply anything else. So that when a man
produceth an action which he should not do, if he be not
bound to do the contrary, the deformity that accompanieth
such an action is not the want of any rectitude that should
be either in that action or in the will : but if he be bound to
do the contrary, then there are two sins found in him, the
one of commission, the other of omission ; and this latter is
the want of another act that should be done, and consequently
of a rectitude that should be in the will, but is not, when it
faileth to bring forth that action that in duty it is bound to
do." But some man will say, this must not be granted ; for
if we admit not the distinction of that which is formal and
that which is material, in the sin of commission; the deformity
and the substance of the act ; and that the one is positive
and the other privative; God having a true efficiency in
respect of the substance of the act, and that which is positive
in it, we must acknowledge that he hath a true efficiency in
respect to the whole, even the deformity as well as the
substance ; and, consequently, make him the author of sin.
They who make this objection, seem to say something, but
indeed they say nothing : for this distinction will not clear
the doubt they move, touching God's efficiency and working
in the sinful actions of men. " Whensoever," saith Durandus2,
i Lib. in. Sent. q. 12.
2 Lib. li. dist. 37, q. 1. ["Quando duo sunt conjuncta inseparabiliter
quicumque sciens utrumque eligit unum elegit et alteram ; quia etsi
illud non eligeret absolute quia malum, ex quo tamen conjunctum est
ei quod vult nee separari potest ab eo necesse est, quod utrumque vebt,
sicut patet in voluntariis mixtis, cum aliquis projicit merces in mare ut
salvetur, quos tamen secundum se non vellet projioere."]

chap, xxm.] OF THE CHURCH. 251
two things are inseparably joined together, whosoever, know
ing them both, and that they are so inseparably joined
together, chooseth the one, chooseth the other also ; because,
though happUy he would not choose it absolutely as being
evil, yet, in that it is joined to that which he doth wUl,
neither can be separated from it, it is of necessity, that he
must wiU both. As it appeareth in those voluntary actions
that are mixed : as when a man casteth into the sea those
rich commodities which he hath dearly bought, and brought
from afar, to save his own life : which he would not do but
in such a case." Hence it foUoweth, that the act of hating
God, and sinful deformity, being so inseparably joined to
gether that the one cannot be divided from the other (for a
man cannot hate God, but he must sin damnably), if God
doth wiU the one he doth wUl the other also. This of Durand
is confirmed by Suarez1, who saith, he shall never satisfy any
man that doubteth how God may be cleared from being the
author of sin if he have an efficiency in the sinful actions of
men ; that shaU answer, that aU that is said touching God's
efficiency and concurrence, is true in respect of the evil
motions and actions of men's wUl, materially considered ; and
not, formally, in that they are evU and sinful ; for the one of
these is consequent upon the other. For a free and deUberate
act of a created wiU, about such an object, and with such
circumstances, cannot be produced but it must have deformity
annexed to it. There are some operations or actions, saith
Cumel2, that are intrinsically evU, so that in them we cannot
separate that which is material from that which is formal,
and wherein the sinfulness of sin consisteth : as it appeareth
in the hate of God ; and in this act, when a man shall say
and resolve, I wiU do evU. So that it impUeth a contra
diction, that God should effectually work our wiU to bring
forth such actions, in respect of that which is material in
them, and not in respect of that which is formal. And this
1 Metaphys. Tom. I. dist. 22, Sect. rv. p. 522. ["Nee satisfaciet qui
responderit hacc omnia esse vera et admittenda de voluntate mali pro
materiali, non vero pro formali, id est, quatenus mala est. Nam in
praesenti unum ex altero sequitur; quia actus liber voluntatis creatae
circa hoc objectum, et cum his circumstantiis haberi non potest, quia
babeat concomitantem mabtiam."]
2 Disp. var. ad primam, et primam secundae, p. 104.

252 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
seemeth yet more impossible, if we admit their opinion who
think, that the formal nature and being of the sin of com
mission consisteth in something that is positive, as in the
manner of working freely, so as to repugn to the rule of
reason and law of God. So that it is clear, in the judgment
of these great divines, that if God have a true real efficiency,
in respect of the substance of these sinful actions, he must,
in a sort, produce the deformity, or that which is formal in
them. Wherefore, for the clearing of this point, we must observe,
that there are three opinions touching God's concurrence with
second causes in producing their effects. First, that God
hath no immediate influence, but mediate only in respect of
voluntary agents ; — and according to this opinion it is easy
to clear God from the imputation of being the author of sin,
and yet to acknowledge his concurrence with second causes
in producing their defective effects. " If the will of tho
creature," saith Scotus1, " were the total and immediate
cause of her action, and that God had no immediate efficiency,
but mediate only, in respect thereof, as some think ; it were
easy, according to that opinion, to shew how God may be
freed from the imputation of being author of sin, and yet to
acknowledge his concurrence with second causes for the pro
ducing of their effects. For whether we speak of that which
is material or formal in sin, the will only should be the total
cause of it, and God should no way bo a cause of it but
mediately, in that he caused and produced such a wUl, that
might at her pleasure do what she would." Durandus seemeth
to incline to this opinion, supposing that second causes do
bring forth their actions and operations by and of themselves,
and that God no otherwise concurreth actually to the pro
duction of the same, but in that he preserveth the second
causes in that being and power of working which at first he
gave them. But they that arc of sounder judgment resolve,
that as the light enlighteneth the air, and, with the air, all
other inferior things ; so God not only giveth being and
1 Lib. n. dist. 37, q. 1. [" Si haoe via esset vera posset secundum
earn faciliter assignari quomodo Dous non sit causa peeeati. Loquendo
onim sive de matoriali, sive de formali in peccato totum esset causatum
a voluntatc, sicut a totali causa, ot ita nullo modo a Deo, nisi mediate,
quia Deus produxit voluntatem talom."]

chap, xxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 253
power of working to the second causes, and preserveth them
in the same, but, together with them, hath an immediate
influence into the things that are to be effected by them.
" God," saith Cajetan, " being the first cause, worketh and
produceth the effects of all second causes immediately : tum
immediatione virtutis, tum immediatione suppositi;" that
is, not only so as that the virtue and power of God, the first
agent, immediately showeth itself in the production of the
effect, but so also that he is an immediate agent, between
whom and the effect produced no secondary agent intercedeth.
Yet are we not to conceive that he is an immediate agent,
immediatione suppositi, as he is immediatione virtutis ; for
he produceth immediately every effect of every second cause,
in respect of all that is found in any such effect, immediately,
immediatione virtutis, that is, so as that his virtue and
power more immediately and effectually sheweth itself in the
production of every such effect, than the power and virtue of
the second cause ; but he produceth every effect of every
second cause, immediately, immediatione suppositi, that is,
as an immediate agent, between whom and the effect no
secondary agent intercedeth ; not in respect of all that is
found in such an effect, but of some things only, as existence,
and the last perfection of actual being. For, to give being is
proper to God, as to make fire is proper to fire. So that
between God the supreme agent, and being, communicated to
the effects of second causes, there is nothing that cometh
between, that by force and power of its own, can produce any
such effect. So that God, as an immediate agent, bringeth
forth such effects ; and all second causes, in respect thereof,
are but instruments only. But in respect of those things
found in the same effects, into which the second causes have
an influence, by virtue of their own proper form, Cajetan
confesseth that God doth not so produce them as an immediate
agent, but that the second causes do mediate between him
and them, and, as secondary principal agents, bring forth
their effects. Yet are not these, that is, the first and the
second causes, partial, but total causes of all those effects
which they produce. For the clearing whereof we must
observe, that a cause may be said to be total, either totalitate
effectus, that is, because it bringeth forth the whole effect,
though some other cause have such efficiency also in respect

254 OF THE CHURCH. [book ra.
of the same, that, without the help of it, it cannot bring forth
any such effect ; as when two men draw a ship, either of
them produceth a whole effect, and moveth the whole ship,
but yet not so whoUy, but that either hath need of the
other's help and concurrence : or, secondly, a cause may be
said to be total, totalitate causce, and that in two sorts;
either so as to produce the whole effect without any concur
rence of any other cause, in which sense neither God nor the
creature, neither the first nor the second cause must be said
to be a total cause ; or so, as that though some other do
concur, yet the being, power of working, and actual coopera
tion of it, is whoUy from the agent with which it doth concur ;
and so God is a total cause of aU those effects that he pro
duceth by, • and together with the second causes. So that
the opinion of them who think, that God hath no immediate
influence into the effects of second causes, nor immediate con
currence with such causes in producing their effects, is to be
exploded out of all Christian schools and churches, as profane
and heathenish. Wherefore there are, who, finding that this
first opinion is not to be admitted, fly to a second Uttle better
than the former. For they acknowledge that God hath an
immediate influence into the effects of aU second causes, but
they think it to be general, indefinite, and to be Umited and
determined by the different concourse of second causes. It
is true, indeed, that God worketh aU things as an universal
cause : but this may be understood three ways.
For, first, a cause may be said to be universal, in the
universaUty of predication, as opposite to special or particular;
as an artificer, in respect of this and that special kind of
artificers, is general, and is an universal cause of aU works of
art ; and they, of such special works as are incident to their
several kinds. Secondly, a cause may be said to be universal,
in that it extendeth itself to effects of aU sorts, in respect of
something common to them all, and not in respect of that
which is proper to each of them, unless the working of it be
Umited and directed by something else. The fire warmeth
the water with which poison is mingled, in the same sort that
it doth any other water, and without any difference of its own
action. And, the actions of the sun and fire are such, as
that men make use of them to what purposes they please;
and, accordingly as their working is differently applied, bring

chap, xxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 255
forth different effects. Thirdly, a cause may be said to be
universal, because the efficiency and working of it extendeth
itself to many things, according to the several differences of
them, without being limited and determined by any other
thing. These men suppose that God is an universal cause,
in the second sense ; and that his concurrence and influence
is indefinite and general, and such as may be taken and ap
pUed by second causes, in what sort they will. So that the
actions of free will, and the actions of every other second
cause, have, from the freedom of the will, and the particular
quality of the second causes, that they are of this or that
sort, good or bad, and not from the concourse or influence of
the first cause, which is indefinite ; as is the concourse and
influence of the sun with other inferior causes ; and as one
man may make offer of his help and concurrence to whatsoever
another will make use of it. So they suppose God -offereth
his concourse to second causes, to be used by them to what
purpose and in what sort they wiU. According to this
conceit, they suppose they can easily clear the doubt, and
free God from all imputation of being author of sin, though
he concur immediately with second causes, in and to the
producing of those actions that are sinful. For, say they,
his concourse and influence are indefinite, and are by them
applied in ill sort to UI purposes.
But, first, this conceit cleareth not God from being author
of sin : and, secondly, it cannot stand with the grounds of
philosophy or divinity. That it cleareth not God from being
author of sin, but rather layeth this imputation on him, it is
evident. For if the concourse of God be general, indefinite,
and indifferent, and to be determined by the creature to the
producing of good or evil, it followeth, that when the will of
the creature determineth itself to the specifical act of sin,
God also determinately concurreth with it in particular, to
the producing of such an act in kind. That this consequence
is good, it is evident, because whosoever shall offer his help,
concurrence, and co-operation to another, indifferently, for
the producing of good or evil, the acts of sin or virtue, as it
shall please him ; he concurreth, in truth and in deed, to the
producing of the act of sin in particular, as it is such an act,
if, by the will of the other, his concurrence and co-operation
be determined to such an act in particular. Wherefore if

256 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
God, for his part, offer only a general concourse, and such
as is indifferent to the producing of acts of virtue or sin,
accordingly as the will of the second cause shall determine it,
it wUl follow that God concurreth, determinately or in par
ticular, to the producing of the act of sin ; as being deter
mined to the producing of such an act in particular by the
will of the creature, before he come to actual co-operation or
concurrence. Secondly, this conceit cannot stand with the
grounds of true philosophy or divinity. For if God's con
course were only general and indefinite, to be determined by
the will of the creature, the will of the creature should be
before the will of God, in respect of the particularity of
things ; yea, in respect of some real act, as an act, it should
be simply the first agent. For, according to this fancy,
because the creature inclineth to such an act, and to put a
thing in being, therefore God co-operateth. Whence it will
follow, that there are two beings of things, and that God is
not simply the first cause of all those things that have being.
Secondly, it pertaineth to Divine Providence determinedly to
will, and aforehand to appoint, what afterwards shall be ; to
move second causes to certain and determinate effects ; and
so to dispose of all things, that they may attain the ends for
which they were created : but this could not be, if his con
course were indefinite and general only. Thirdly, if it were
as these men imagine, the determination of the will of the
creature should not be within the compass of things ordered
by Divine Providence, and so God should not have particular
providence of every particular thing. That this is consequent
upon the fancy of indefinite concourse, it is evident. For if
God's concourse be indefinite and in general onlv, then doth
he not truly and efficiently work that the will of the creature
shall in particular incline to, and bring forth such an indi
vidual action. And if he be not the cause that it so inclineth
and worketh, his providence extendeth not to such working,
seeing his providence extendeth to those things only wherein
-he hath a working. So that if these things were so as these
men imagine, God's providence should extend itself to con
tingent things in a generality only, in that he hath given to
intellectual creatures a freedom to what, when, and how it
pleaseth them ; and, in particular, in respect of things of this
nature, he should have a presidence only, and no providence.

chap, xxni.] OF THE CHURCH. 257
Neither doth that which is alleged by these men touching
the indifferent concourse of the sun, or that of a man offering
his concurrence in a generality only, prove that God's con
course is such; for the sun is a finite and Umited thing,
having something in act and something in possibiUty : and
so is man Ukewise : and therefore they may be determined
to produce such and such individual acts, by the concourse
of some other cause : but God is a cause of infinite perfection,
and a pure act, having nothing admixt of possibiUty, so that
his action and wiU cannot be determined and limited by any
other. Wherefore the resolution of the best divines is, that
God's concourse and influence are not into the effects of
second causes only, but into the second causes themselves.
So that he doth not only, by an immediate concourse and
influence, concur with the second causes for the bringing
forth of such effects as they determine themselves unto, but
he hath an influence into the second causes themselves, moving
and working them to bring forth effects, and such effects as
he thinketh good to work them unto.
This is proved by sundry reasons. First (as we see),
second causes do not only produce some certain effects and
operations, as within some certain kind, but they give unto
them their last actual perfection, and, to be. But this they
cannot give, unless they be made complete in virtue active,
by the first agent ; because an agent must be no less actual,
than the effect or operation it bringeth forth. But every
created agent is mixed and compounded of actual being and
possibility, and is not so actual as an execution, that is, a
second act : therefore, before it can bring forth any execution
or effect, it must be made complete in virtue operative, by
the actual motion of the first agent. Secondly, to be, is
a most universal act, and the proper effect of God only :
therefore, if we will speak formally and properly, second
causes, in that they give being to their own effects, are but
instruments of God : whence it will follow, that they must
be moved by him in nature, before they give being to any
of their effects. For an instrument doth nothing towards
the producing of the effect of the principal agent, unless it
be actually moved by the principal agent. Thirdly, every
such thing as is sometimes an agent in act, sometimes but
[Field, I.] R

258 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
potentially only, must be moved by some mover that is a
pure act and hath nothing mingled with it of possibiUty,
before it can bring forth any action. But the will of the
creature is sometimes actually in action, sometimes but poten
tially only : therefore it must be moved by the first act, be
fore it can bring forth any action. Which must be granted ;
for that, otherwise, the will of the creature, in respect of
some actions, should be the first mover of itself, and the first
determiner. That which is wrought by God, in and upon
the second causes, to make them actually to be in action, is
a thing that hath a kind of incomplete being, in such sort as
colours have a being in the air, and, the power of the act in
the instrument of the artificer : and so often as second causes,
whether of natural or supernatural order, have, in respect of
the form inherent in them, a sufficient active power in the
nature of the first act, to bring forth their effects ; the help,
or precedent motion of God, whereby he moveth and appUeth
the same active powers to operate, is not a quaUty, but is
more properly named a powerful motion, whereby the first
and most universal agent so worketh upon them, that the
second causes are actually in action, every one in sort fitting
to the nature and condition of it. And to this purpose it is
that Thomas Aquinas hath, that habitual grace is a quaUty,
but the actual help whereby God moveth us to wiU a thing,
is not a quality, but a certain motion of the mind. And,
surely, it will easily appear, that there is a great difference
between these. For the habit doth perfit the power of the
soul, as a form or first act, implying possibUity in respect of
actual operation ; because the habit doth not determine the
power actually to work, but fitteth it only for action, and
inclineth it thereunto. But this actual help and moving,
putting forth the second causes into their actions, doth not
perfit the power of working, but makes them actually to be
in action. Lastly, the habit, in respect of the nature of it,
may be the cause of divers actions ; but that actual help and
moving whereof we speak, determineth the will to one indi
vidual action, and yet taketh not from it a power of dissenting
and doing otherwise.
Alvarez1, a great and learned archbishop, that hath lately
1 Disp. xxiv. part. in. [p. 231. "Deus efficaci voluntate praedeter-

chap, xxiii. J OF THE CHURCH. 259
written with good allowance of the Church of Rome, layeth
down these propositions : First, that God, by an effectual will,
predetermined all such acts of men and angels as are good,
and all such as are not evil ex objecto, though in individuo
they be evil, and sins ex mala circumstantia. Which he
proveth out of Isaiah x., where Almighty God saith, " Assur
is the rod of my wrath, he is my staff; I will send him to a
deceitful nation, and against the people of my fury will I
give him a command." And a little after : " Shall the axe
boast against him that cutteth with it? or shall the saw be
lifted up against him that draweth it ? as if a rod should be
lifted up against him that lifteth it, and the staff, which is
but wood." Here it is evident that Assur sinned ex mala
circumstantia, in subduing the nations ; and yet it is clear
that God predetermined that he should waste and destroy
the nations, and that he sent him to that purpose, and moved
him so to do. His second proposition is this, that whatso
ever is positive, and of being, in act of sin, though intrin
sically and ex objecto evil, it hath God for the first moving
cause, and he doth primarily and originally predetermine the
will of the creature, by an actual motion to such an act, in
that it is an act, and in that it hath being ; and yet not to
the deformity of it1. But Cumel disputeth strongly against
this proposition in this sort : " There are certain acts," saith
he, " intrinsically evil, so that in them that which is material
cannot be separated a formali malitia peeeati, that is, from
the deformity or sinfulness of such an act. So that it im-
plieth a contradiction, that God should determine our wills
freely to bring forth such an action, in respect of that which
is material in it, and not to determine it to bring forth the
same action, in respect of that which is formal." And this
minavit omnes actus bonos ex objecto qui fiunt in tempore et eos qui
ex objecto non sunt mali, in quantum actus sunt, quamvis alias in
individuo sint peccata ex mala circumstantia."]
1 [Ibid. p. 232. " Quicquid entitatis reperitur in quocumque actu
peeeati, etiamsi alias sit intrinsece malus debet reduci in Deum tan
quam in primam causam prsemoventem et prsedeterminantem actuali
motione voluntatem creatam ad talem actum, in quantum actus est,
secundum quod est ens."]
Ibid. p. 244. ["Bene potest Deus immediate prsebere auxilium
actuale ad producendam entitatem actus peeeati, in quantum actus est,
absque eo, quod cooperetur ad ejus deformitatem."]
R2

260 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
reason hath greater force against them that hold that the
formality of sin consisteth in something that is positive, as in
the manner of working freely, with positive repugnance to
the law of reason and of God. For if God predetermine,
and effectually move to the producing of evil actions, in
respect of that which is material in them, and the substance
of the act, he must necessarily also predetermine the same
actions, in respect of all their positive conditions and circum
stances : as the freedom of working, and the positive re
pugnance to the law of God. And if he determine the will
to work repugnantly to the law, he must needs move and
determine it to sin ; seeing to sin is nothing else but to repugn
unto the law. So that it must not be said, that God is the
original cause that man hath any such action of wiU as is evil
ex objecto. For if he should originally and out of himself
will any such act, he must be the author of sin, seeing such
an act is intrinsically evil, so that it cannot be separated from
deformity : but whosoever willeth the substance of such an
act, must also will the deformity annexed thereunto, in the
same sort as he willeth the substance of it; as is already
proved. Wherefore, that we may rightly conceive how God may
be said to will actions of this kind, I wUl lay down these
propositions : First, that of the sin of omission no higher
cause needeth to be sought, than the deficient wUl of the
creature ; and that God no otherwise decreed the entrance
of it, but in that he decreed the denial of that grace, without
which he knew such omission would be. The second, that
the sin of omission is in order before the sin of commission.
" The sin of omission was first in the angels," saith Wickliffe,
" as it is also in every man that sinneth." " Omission,"
saith Alexander of Hales1, " in the order of sins, so far forth
as we may conceive that there is any order amongst them, is
before commission." The third, that the sinner falling into
the sin of omission, putteth himself not only into an estate of
aversion from God, but of opposition also, and being adverse
unto God ; and, so, into a necessity of committing sin, so
long as he continueth in that state. For he that is opposite
1 [" Dicendum quod omissio in ordine peccatorum, sicut contingit
ordinem dicere, prior est omissio quam commissio." Pars II. q. 130-
m. 8.]

chap, xxm.] OF THE CHURCH. 261
to God, if he have any action at all, must of necessity have
such as are repugnant to the will and law of God. The
fourth, that God, the universal mover, who moveth and
worketh all things to bring forth such actions as are fitting
to their condition, ceaseth not to work and move upon men
and angels after they are become averse ; but he still moveth
and impelleth them to do things fitting to that condition
wherein he findeth them, as he doth all other things : and as
he worketh, in and together with all second causes, such
effects as are fitting to their condition ; so he bringeth forth,
in and with these thus averse, actions fitting to such an estate
of aversion and adverse opposition, that is, such as are beside
and contrary to the rule of righteousness. So that, to con
clude this point, God neither worketh the creature to be
evil ; for it becometh evil of itself, by falling into the sin of
omission : nor simply and absolutely moveth and determineth
it to do evil: but he moveth it to do things fitting to the
condition wherein it is, even after, by its own fault, it is
become evil ; and produceth, in and together with it, such
actions as are fitting to that estate, that is, such as are evil.
And his will being, that nothing shall be without action, nor
without action fitting to the condition thereof, he hath settled
it by an effectual and positive decree, that he that will be
averse and evil, shall not but do evil, so long as he is and
wUl be in such an estate and condition. " If we speak," saith
Gregorius Ariminensis, " de prima mala voluntate, non habuit
causam efficientem, quia nulla res fuit qua? aliquid faciendo
faceret illam malam, sed ipsa desistendo a bona volitione facta
est mala : sed mala? voUtionis aliqua est causa." That is :
" If we seek out how the will of the creature at first became
ill, there is no efficient cause thereof to be found ; for there
was nothing that did anything to make it evil ; but, of itself,
by desisting to will that it should, it became evil : but of the
act of willing what it should not, there is a positive cause."
It is excellent to this purpose that Luther hath in his book
De Servo Arbitrio, against Erasmus : " Reason yieldeth,"
saith he, " that God worketh all in all, and that nothing can
be done without him, for he is omnipotent, and this pertaineth
to his omnipotency, as Paul saith to the Ephesians. Now
Satan, and man fallen from God and forsaken of him, cannot
wiU that which is good, that is, such things as please God, or

262 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
such as he would have to be done ; but being turned away
to desire such other things as shall please themselves, they
cannot but seek those things that are their own. This
nature of men and angels thus turned from God, is not
nothing ; neither is Satan and a wicked man nothing ; neither
can we say they have no nature, nor will, though they have
a corrupt and averse nature. Therefore, that which re
maineth of nature in a wicked man, and in Satan, as a
creature and the work of God, is no less subject to omnipo
tency, and the action of God, than all other creatures and
works of God are. Whereas, therefore, God moveth and
worketh all in all, he moveth and worketh also in Satan and
the wicked man : and he worketh in them in such sort, as
is fitting to that they are, and as he findeth them ; that is,
so that being evil and averse, and yet carried on with the
motion of Divine omnipotency, they cannot but do such
things as are averse and evil. As if a horseman shall drive
a horse that goeth but on two or three feet, he maketh him
go so as he must needs go, if he go at all, so long as he is
thus lame, that is, haltingly. But what should the horseman
do? he driveth on the lame horse with the others that are
sound : they go well, this ill. It cannot be otherwise, unless
the horse be freed from his lameness."
Here we see by this comparison, how that when God
worketh in and by them that are evil, such things are done
as are evil, but that God cannot do evil, though he produce
in and by them that are evil such things as are evil, because
he being good cannot do evil. Yet doth he use ill instru
ments, which cannot but be moved with the motion of his
power, nor cannot but do evil if they be moved. So that
the fault is in the instruments which God moveth and will
not suffer to be idle, that evil things are done when he
moveth them, no otherwise than if a carpenter, using an UI
axe, should cut, or rather tear the timber iU-favouredly.
And hence it cometh, that the wicked cannot but always do
amiss and sin ; because, being carried on by the motion of
divine power, they are not suffered to do nothing, but are
forced to will, desire, and do that which is fitting to the state
wherein they are, till they be altered by God's holy grace
and Spirit. And hereunto agree all the best learned in the
Roman schools. If the name of sin, saith Gregorius Arimi-

chap, xxm.] OF THE CHURCH. 263
nensis1, be taken improperly for an evil act, as for such an
act as whosoever doth2 sin ; for example, for the act of
wiUing something that should not be willed, or for some
other inward or outward act which the sinner doth, there
is some doubt whether God be an immediate efficient cause
of such a sinful act, or not ; and there are solemn opinions
one contrary to another touching that point. But, without
peremptory defence of the one or the other, which might
argue rashness ; for the present, I hold the affirmative as
more probable, and, as it seemeth to me, more consonant to
the sayings of the saints. And he addeth, whereas some
speak of the deformity of such a sinful act, denying God to
be any efficient cause thereof: "Si per difformitatem intel-
Ugatur aUqua entitas, qusecunque et ubicunque ilia sit, Deus
coagit illam, nee oppositum scio dici a Sanctis  Doctores
autem aUqui moderni utique dicunt, quod licet actus difformis
sit a Deo, difformitas tamen ipsa non est a Deo. Quod
dictum potest habere bonum intellectum; non quidem con-
cipiendo quod difformitas sit aliqua entitas ab actu distincta,
qua? non causetur a Deo ; sed intelUgendo quod Ucet actus
difformis sit a Deo, non tamen in quantum est difformis, est
a Deo. Nam non est difformis nisi in quantum contra rectam
rationem fit ab homine, non autem ea Deo qui nihil agit
contra id quod ab eo agendum esse judicat ratio recta." —
" Non ejusdem rei et secundum idem Deus est actor et ultor ;
sed ejus est actor, in quantum entitas qua?dam ; ejus vero
ultor in quantum est malum. Est autem mala in quantum
male fit, et ideo pro ea punit eum a quo male fit3." " If by
the deformity they understand any being, or any thing that
is positive, whatsoever and wheresoever it is, God is a cause
1 Lib. n. d. 34, 35, 36, 37, q. 1. art. 3, [p. 110. " Si nomen peeeati
capiatur improprie, sc. pro actu malo seu quem aliquis faciendo pec
cat, verbi gratia pro mala volitione vel aliquo alio actu interiori vel
exteriori quem agit peccator, tunc dubium est, et de ipso sunt sol-
lennes opiniones contrariae, quarum neutram temere amrmarem ; pro
nunc communem affirmativam tanquam probabiliorem et ut mihi
videtur sanctorum dictis magis consonam teneo."
2 The sense in this place is not clear ; but would become so thus :
" as, for such an act as whosoever doth, sinneth :" which is evidently
the meaning of the original Latin. Ed.]
s [Fol. iii. 6.]

264 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
thereof : neither do I know," saith he, " that the contrary is
delivered by the saints. Indeed there are certain modern
doctors that say, that though the act wherein deformity is
be from God, yet the deformity is not : which their saying
may have a good sense, not conceiving that the deformity
is any positive thing distinct from the act, whereof God
should not be an actor ; but so understanding it, that though
the act which is done otherwise than it should be done be of
God, yet it is not done otherwise than it should be done, as
it is done by God ; for God doth nothing in producing such
an act that he should not do, but the creature only. So that,
as the divines do tell us, God is not an actor and a punisher
of the same thing in respect of the same ; but he is an actor
of the thing in that it is a thing done, but a punisher in that
it is ill done. And therefore he punisheth him that hath
done ill in doing iU, himself having done the same thing
well." " Quid mirum," saith Anselm1, " si dicimus Deum
facere singulas actiones, qua? fiunt mala voluntate, cum fa-
teamur eum facere singulas substantias, qua? fiunt injusta
voluntate, et inhonesta actione ?" That is, " What strange
thing is it, if we say, that God produceth all those actions
which sinful men do wickedly, seeing we confess he pro
duceth all those substances which are brought forth by a
sinful desire of the will, and an unhonest action?" God
produceth and formeth the same chUd in the womb which
a man begetteth in adultery ; and yet man only sinneth,
and not God. " Si vero dicitur ;" saith Hugo de St Victore2,
" Deus vult malum, grave est auditu, et non facUe recipit hoc
pia mens, de bono quod malum vult ; videtur enim hoc solum
dici, cum dicitur Deus vult malum, quia bonus malum diligit,
et approbat quod pravum est, et amicam sibi reputat iniqui-
tatem, et gaudet quasi de consimili, et bonum putat quod
malum est : et ideo refutat hoc mens pia, non quia quod
dicitur non bene dicitur, sed quia quod bene dicitur non bene
intelligitur. Non enim hoc solum dicitur ; sed in eo quod
dicitur, aliquid inteUigitur quod non dicitur. Quoniam malum
esse vult, et malum non vult." That is, " If it be said that
God willeth the thing that is evil, men hardly endure to hear
1 De Casu Diaboli, c. xx.
2 Hug. Erudit. Theolog. de Sacram. lib. i. part. iv. c. 12, 13.

chap, xxm.] OF THE CHURCH. 265
it, and a pious and good mind doth not easily admit, that he
that is good willeth the thing that is evil : for we conceive
nothing else when we say, God willeth that which is evil,
but that he that is good loveth that which is evil, and ap-
proveth that which is wicked. And therefore a good mind
rejeeteth such a speech, not because it is not right and good,
but because that which is rightly said, is not rightly under
stood : for this speech is not so to be taken, as if God loved
or approved that which is evil ; but something is to be
understood which is not expressed. And the meaning of
this speech is, that God willeth the being of evil, or that
evil shall be ; and yet wiUeth not evil, that is, approveth it
not." Now when it is said, that God willeth the being of evil,
or that evU shall be, the meaning of this saying of Hugo is,
concerning the sin of omission, that he wUleth it no otherwise,
but only in that he denieth that grace, which only he
knoweth would work the doing of the contrary good : and
concerning the sin of omission, that he produceth in and
together with them, that by falling into the sin of omission
are become evil, such actions as are evil. There are, saith
Cameracensis1, who hold, that God hath an efficiency, and
is a cause producing the action that is sinful, and that he
may and doth cause and wiU that which is sin ; as Ockam,
Bradwardine, and sundry other renowned doctors. And else
where he saith2, that according to the opinion of the master
of the sentences, God only permitteth those evils which are
1 Lib. I. q. 13, art. I. [" Secundum illos qui tenent quod Deus est
causa peeeati, et potest causare aut velle peccatum, sicut Ockam,
Bradwardinus, et plures solennes doctores concedunt, negaretur ante-
cedens."] 2 Lib. i. q. 14. [" Tertio notandum sicut in primo principio intuli
contra quemdam magistrum, quod capiendo permissionem, ut est sig
num voluntatis Dei, non est concedendum quod Deus permittit mala
culpse fieri. Nam quod aliquis permittat aliquid fieri potest dupliciter
intelligi. Uno modo, quod nee percipit, nee prohibet, nee consulit, illud
fieri, sed indulget : — alio modo quis dicitur aliquid permittere fieri ;
quod nee habet velle, nee habet nolle ut fiat, sed solum non velle. Et
talis permissio non est signum divinse voluntatis. — Et isto modo se
cundum Magistrum Deus permittit mala culpse. — Sed secundum Brad-
wardinum et alios qui tenent quod Deus vult mala culpae; et quod
respectu cujuslibet rei habet velle, vel nolle, nee habet solum non
velle."]

266 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
sin, and that he neither willeth their being, or not being.
For if he did will their being, he should be the cause of
them, which he thinketh must not be granted : and if he did
wiU their not being, they should not be. But Bradwardine
and others hold, that God willeth those evils that are sins ;
and that, in respect of everything, he hath an act of evil,
either that it shaU be, or not be ; and not a mere negation
of such an act. If we speak, saith Ockham1, of the sin of
commission, we must not think that the will of the creature
hath an efficiency, and is so the cause of that act, but that
God also (who as immediately produceth every act of the
creature, as the creature doth itself) hath his efficiency,
and is a cause also even of the deformity that is found in
such an act, as well as of the substance of the act ; seeing,
as we have already shewed, the deformity in an act of
commission, is nothing else but the very act itself that is
done contrary to the precept. Yet doth not God originally
move the creature to do any such evil act ; but contrariwise
so made it, and would have so continued it, if the fault had
not been in itself, that it should never have done any evil
act. But finding it by its own fault averse and turned from
him, notwithstanding all the gracious means he used to retain
it, he goeth on moving and carrying it forward with restless
motions, and produceth in and with it thus averse, actions
fitting to such an estate, and such as it must needs bring
forth, if it bring forth any at all ; that is, such as are evU.
Thus he doth without all fault of his, who must not cease to
do his work of moving and carrying forward all things with
restless motions, though by their own fault being put out of
due course, they do not attain their wished good, but run
themselves into endless evils. Thus then God did only by
subtraction and denial of that grace, without winch he saw
the creature would not be won to continue in that state of
good wherein it was to be created, decree and purpose, the
entrance of the sin of omission and aversion : but presup-
1 In Sen. bb. in. q. 12. [" Si loquamur de peccato commissionis
sic non solum voluntas creata est causa efficiens illi us actus, sed ipse
Deus qui omnem actum immediate causat sicut causa secunda quse-
cumque, et ita est causa positiva diffbrmitatis in tali actu sicut ipsius
substantia? actus, quia sicut dictum est difformitas in actu commissionis
non est nisi ipsemet actus, clicitus contra praccoptum divinum."]

chap, xxm.] OF THE CHURCH. 267
posing this purpose, and foreseeing that which would follow
upon it, by his consequent and conditional will, he positively
decreed the other, which is of commission. For seeing man
must needs seek an infinite good, and love it infinitely, and
if he seek it not in God, must seek it elsewhere, God did
decree that man not continuing to adhere to him, should
seek his chief good in himself, and so consequently fall into
self-love, pride, and all other evils of that kind. This is the
opinion of many worthy divines of the Roman Church ; and
this is that Zuinglius, Calvin, Beza, and the rest meant, if
anywhere they affirmed that God doth effectually move,
impel, and incline sinful creatures to do such things as are
evil, namely, that God hath settled such a course in things,
that they that will not do what they should, shall do that
they should not; and that he will not suffer them that fall
from him to do nothing, but wUl effectually move them to
will, desire, and do that, which is fitting to the estate into
which they put themselves, so long as they continue in the
same, and will not be reclaimed and won to return to him
again. And this, agreeable to that of St Augustine, that God
inclineth or moveth no man to evil, but he inclineth such as
are evil to this or that evil. With whom Anselm1, writing
upon the Epistle to the Romans, agreeth, where he saith,
" that God may be said to deliver men up to their own
hearts' desires, when being prone to evil, he stayeth them
not;" and addeth, "that it is also manifest, that God doth
work in the hearts of men, to incline their wills whithersoever
he pleaseth, either to choose things that are good out of his
mercy, or to choose things that are evil according to their
deserts; the reasons of his judgment being sometimes mani
fest, sometimes hid, but always just. For because men have
run into some sins, they afterwards fall into many ; and God,
that long expecteth the sinner, looking that he should return,
when he findeth that he returneth not, but contemneth both
1 Cap. 1. [" Tradere enim dicitur Deus, dum non retinet delin-
quentes propter arbitrii libertatem ad malum promptissimam. Mani-
festum quoque est Deum operari in cordibus hominum ad inclinandas
eorum voluntates quocumque voluerit, sive ad bona pro sua miseri
cordia sive ad mala pro meritis eorum, judicio utique suo, nonnunquam
aperto, nonnunquam occulto, semper autem justo. Nam propter prse-
cedentia peccata, multipbcantur sequentia. Et Deus qui peccatorem
diu expectat, ut redeat, non redeunti atque contemnenti ponit adhuc
ubi gravius impingat.'' p. 12, Ed. 1612,]

268 OF THE CHURCH. [book in..
his justice and mercy, he casteth something in his way, at
which he may stumble and fall yet worse than before. Inter
primum peccatum apostasia?, et ultimam pcenam ignis, media
qua? sunt, et peccata sunt, et poena peeeati. Whatsoever sins
do come between the first sin of apostasy, and the last punish
ment, which is that of eternal fire, they are both sins and
punishments ; and therefore God may justly deUver up such
as fall from him by the first sin of apostasy, and depart from
him unto their own hearts' desires, for the committing of such
things as are not seemly."
Thus then we may resolve touching the entrance of sin.
First, God purposed eternally to make man a rational and
intellectual creature, indued with knowledge of all things,
and faculty and power to make choice of what he would.
Secondly, man could not be thus made, and be naturally free
from possibility and danger of making an evil choice, dis
posing amiss of himself, and offending against the laws of a
righteous Creator. Thirdly, God wanted not gracious means
to hold him inseparably to himself, and to preserve him in
fallibly from falling away, though he were not, nor could not
be, naturally free from possibility of falling. Fourthly, God
foresaw, that if man were so created and left to himself, as
afterwards he was, he would sinfully depart from him.
Fifthly, he saw that it was best to create and leave him so ;
and that if sin should enter, he could take an occasion thereby
of the manifestation of greater good, than the world otherwise
could ever know. Sixthly, seeing the determination of man's
will, that if he should be thus created and left, he would
avert from him, and sin would enter, he determined so to
create him and leave him, and to give way that sin might
enter. Thus then we do not say that God did absolutely,
without aU prescience of the determination of man's will,
determine and decree that sin should enter ; but that, fore
seeing what would be the determination of his will, if he were
so created and left to himself, as in his divine wisdom he saw
it to be fittest, he determined so to create and leave him ;
and purposed, by subtraction of grace, to give way to the sin
of aversion, or omission, and permissively to suffer it for to
enter ; and by a positive decree resolved, that, averting
himself from the fountain of all goodness, and the rule of all
righteousness, he should run into innumerable dangerous evils
and grievous sins of commission.

chap, xxm] OF THE CHURCH. 269
But Bellarmine wiU say, that Calvin denieth that God's
determination, decreeing what shaU be, dependeth on this
prescience ; and that his prescience presupposeth his purpose
and decree. For answer hereunto, we must remember that
there is a double prescience, simplicis intelligent ice and
visionis1- The first is of all those things that are possible,
and which, upon any supposed condition, may be : as was
that prescience of God whereby he foreknew, that if in Tyros
and Sidon those things should be done which afterwards were
done among the Jews, they would repent. This doth not
presuppose the decree of God, but extendeth to many things
God doth not decree, nor purpose to be ; as it appeareth in
the example proposed. The other is of those things only
which hereafter shall be : and this presupposeth some act of
God's wiU. For seeing nothing can be, unless some act of
God's wUl do pass upon it, at least not to hinder the being of
it, nothing can be thus foreseen, as being hereafter for to be,
unless some decree of God do pass upon it. Of this kind of
prescience Calvin speaketh, and not of the other. For that
first kind of prescience, what the creature would do, if it
were so created and left to itself, as afterwards it was, was
before any decree of God, or determination what he would
do. But that other, to wit, what hereafter shah be, not so :
and therefore Calvin rightly affirmeth, that God's foresight of
the entrance of sin presupposed his decree that it should enter.
Thus I see not what can be disliked by our adversaries
in our doctrine thus deUvered, nor what difference can be
imagined between them and us, touching the entrance of sin.
" But," saith BeUarmine2, " Calvin affirmeth, that the end for
1 Scotus, lib. i. dist. 41, quaest. unica. '"' Sola permissio alicujus
actus, et certitudo de permissione non facit cerritudinem de illo actu,
quia oporteret habere aliquam causam effectiram : igitur ex hoc quod
Deus prsescit se velle permittere — Luciferum peccare, — ex hoc, inquam,
solo non videtur quod sciat Luciferum esse peccaturum. (Solvirur
hsec objectio, quia Deus non solum scit se permissurum, sed etiam
prsescit se non cooperaturum ei ad actum neeessarium, et per con-
sequens quem omirtet : et scit se cooperaturum ad substantiam actus
prohibiti sine debitis circumstantiis, et per consequens committit.)"
[The Author abridged the passage enclosed in a parenthesis, em
ploying the same words. Ed.]
2 Lib. n. c. 17, De Amissione eratiae et statu peeeati. [Quoting
from the Institutes, m. 23, j 7.]

270 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
which God purposed to make man, was the manifestation of
the severity of his justice and the riches of his mercy ; and
that the consideration of this end, was the first thing that
was found in God, when he thought of creating man; so
that this purpose was before and without respect unto the
prescience of anything that afterwards might or would be in
man. And that, because there was not anything wherein he
could shew either mercy or justice, unless sin did enter,
therefore, secondly, he purposed that sin should enter. So
that first he purposed to punish before he saw any cause,
and then purposed the entrance of sin, that there might be
cause : which is no less inexcusable from injustice, cruelty
and tyranny, than if he should purpose to punish, and so do,
without any cause at all. Thus (saith he), it should seem,
that the first origin and spring of sin is from the wUl of God,
according to Calvin's opinion."
For answer hereunto we must note, that Calvin doth
nowhere say, that God did purpose the manifestation of his
mercy and justice before all prescience, but only before that
which is named prcescientia visionis. Secondly, that Calvin
doth nowhere pronounce, that simply and absolutely the end
wherefore God purposed to make man, was the manifestation
of the severity of his justice, and the riches of his mercy ; or,
that he might save some, and condemn others : but, as I con
ceive, according to Calvin's opinion, four things are impUed
in God's purpose of creating man. First, what he meant to
bestow upon him. Secondly, what he meant to deny unto
him. Thirdly, the foreknowledge what would fall out, upon
the bestowing of such benefits only, and the denying of others;
namely, sin and apostasy. Fourthly, his purpose, notwith
standing his foreknowledge, to bestow upon him only such
benefits of his rich and abundant goodness, and no other. So
then, the end of those benefits, which God purposed in such
sort, and in such degree and measure, to bestow upon man
in his creation, was not the manifestation of his mercy and
justice, neither did he purpose the entrance of sin originaUy
out of his own liking, that he might have matter of punish
ment, as Bellarmine injuriously chargeth Calvin to affirm ;
but the end of his purpose of bestowing such benefits only,
and no other, notwithstanding his foreknowledge what would
fall out, if so he did, was, that he might shew his mercy and

chap, xxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 271
justice, in saving and condemning whom he would. And
against this, Bellarmine neither doth nor can except.
Thus having cleared those doubts that occur in the doc
trine of the divines of the Reformed Churches, touching the
entrance of sin ; let us come to the second part, and see what
it is that they attribute unto God when sin is entered. The
actions they attribute to God when sin is entered are three :
limitation, direction, and condign punishment of one sin with
another. For the first, that God setteth bounds to wicked
men in their wickedness, not only in respect of the effect and
event, but also of the very inward purpose, affections, and
designs, and at his pleasure stoppeth them when he will, I
think none of our adversaries will make any question. For
the devil himself was limited how far he should proceed in
afflicting Job1; and could not enter into a herd of swine2
without leave obtained. For though the will to do evil be
not of God, yet the power is ; for there is no power that is
not of God.
Touching the second, which is direction ; though God be
not the author and causer of evil, nor may be thought without
impiety to put it into men, yet when he findeth it in them,
he directeth it, not only in respect of the kind wherein the
person against whom, and the time when it shall break forth,
but also in respect of the end and effect ; in which sense it is,
that Bellarmine3, and Stapleton both say, that though God
incline not simply and absolutely unto evil, yet he inclineth
and bendeth the wiUs of them that be wicked, that they
shall be wicked in this sort, rather than that ; at this time,
than at some other; against such men, rather than against
1 Jobi. 12. 2 Matth. viii. 31.
3 Lib. ii. c. 13. De Amissione gratiae et statu peeeati. ["His autem
addi potest ex S. Thoma in Comment, c. ix. ad Rom. : Deum non
solum inclinare voluntates malas ad unum potius quam ad aliud, per-
mittendo ut ferantur in unum, et non permittendo ut ferantur in aliud,
ut Hugo recte docuit, sed etiam positive inclinando in unum et aver-
tendo ab alio, non quidem per se, sed occasionaliter. Quemadmodum
intelligi debet Deum praecepisse Semei ut malediceret David. Dicitur
enim Deus praecepisse, quia corruptam Semei voluntatem inclinavit
ad maledicendum David. Inclinavit autem (ut diximus ex Hugone)
non compellendo sed aperiendo illi viam ad hoc malum et claudendo
ad alia, id est, permittendo, ut hoc solum malum vellet, et perageret
ex multis, ad quae parata erat."]

272 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
those they moro malign and desire to despite, if they were
left to themselves. This God doth in that he openeth the
passage, and maketh way for wickedness to come forth and
shew itself in what sort he pleaseth, and stoppeth all other.
Even as a man being in a high tower, and desiring to cast
himself down, there being many passages through which he
might cast himself out; if a man should stop aU but one,
though he might not justly be said to be the cause of the fall
of him that should thus cast away himself, yet might he
rightly be said to be the cause why he fell rather this way,
and out of this window or passage, than any other1; so doth
God order, dispose, and direct the wickedness of men to break
out in what sort, at what time, and against what persons he
pleaseth, and no otherwise ; and is author ordinis in malo,
though not mali.
When we say he openeth the way and passage for wick
edness to break forth, we must understand that he doth this
in two sorts2 : either by not hindering it from breaking forth
in some one kind, which he suffereth no otherwise to shew
itself; or, in that he positively inclineth it hither rather than
thither, not by way of cause, but of occasion offered. In
which sense it is that David saith, " God commanded Shemei
to curse him" (2 Sam. xvi. 10) ; not as if God had either
inwardly or outwardly persuaded him so to do, but because,
finding him full of malice against David, he so prospered
David before, that he durst not revile him, nor had no cause
to insult upon him : but now he presented him to his eyes
in such a miserable estate, forsaken of many, and pursued
by his own son, as he knew would occasion these words of
insultation and bitter malediction. Thus, then, God com
manded Shemei to curse David, not by precept, outwardly
requiring him so to do ; nor by persuasion, inwardly in
clining him to so vile an action ; but by direction ; inclining
him, by words of malediction to express his bitter affection
(which long before desired to vent itself) now at this time,
i Hugo Victor. De Sacr. i. § 29. "Qui praecipiti qua vult ad
ruinam viam aperit, quodammodo ipsum incbnat, non impellendo, sed
permittendo, et non tenendo : nee auctor illi est ruendi, sed incedendi
ordinator." [Cf. Opera ejusdem, I. 385.]
2 Thomas in comment, c. 9. [sect, in.] ad Rom. citatur a Bellar.
lib. n. c. 13. De amissione gratiao et statu peeeati.

chap, xxm.] OF THE CHURCH. 273
and for the punishment of David's sins, rather than at another
time and in another sort.
So when wicked men had spoiled Job, he said, "The
Lord hath given, and the Lord hath taken away," imputing
it to God (Job i. 21) ; not as if he had made them to become
robbers, but for that being such, he directed their wickedness,
and used it to the trial of his servant, opening a passage for
their wickedness, and presenting to them such things as he
knew would occasion his courage. As likewise the Jews in
crucifying Christ1, are said to have done nothing but that
which God had before resolutely determined ; not as if God
had purposed their wickedness, but only because, knowing
what was in them, he was pleased to direct, guide, and turn
their wickedness and furious maUce to the effecting of his own
purposes. The third action that we attribute unto God is, that he
punisheth one sin by another. In punishments, Hugo de
Sancto Victore noteth three things2: the matter with which
a man is punished ; the contrariety between it and the party
punished ; and the order of consequence, that where such an
offence went before, such an evU shaU foUow, to make the
party offending feel the smart of it. In those punishments
which be punishments only, and not sins, God is the author
and cause of aU these three things impUed hi the nature of
punishments : in those which be punishments and sins, God
is author only of the order of consequence, and the contra
riety between them and the nature of the parties punished ;
not of the matter wherewith they are afflicted and punished.
As for example ; pride is punished by envy : envy is not of
i Acts ii. 23.
2 In annotationibus elucidatoriis quaestionum in epistolam Pauli ad
Roman, cap. i. [26. in] ilia verba, Tradidit illos Deus.
[" Itaque hujusmodi poena, quae aliquid est, propter tria dicitur a
Deo esse. Propter materiam et naturam et judicium. Secundum
vero duo, sc. culpam et corruptionem, non est a Deo. Hia autem
poena, quae peccatum est, propter duo dici potest, quod sit a Deo, sc.
propter judicium Dei, et propter naturam ; quae est, quod nemo potest
sic peccari, quin ipse puniatur." Opera, i. 384.]
[" Sic quoque dicimus ; quod Deus subtrahendo gratiam culpa
nostra exigente : nee ipse causa est, quare subtrahatur gratia secun
dum nos; nee hoc facit aliquid operando, sed non operando, quod
prius operabatur." Hugo, ib.]
[Field, I.] S

274 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
God ; but, the contrariety between it and the soul of man,
which maketh it bitter and afflictive, is ; and, the order of
consequence ; that where pride went before, envy must follow.
Neither doth God only punish one sin with another, when
there is such a dependence of one upon the other, that where
one goeth before the other must follow ; but oftentimes, when
there is no such necessary dependence, yet he withdraweth
his grace, and, for the punishment of one sin, letteth men
run into another. In this sense there are three things
attributed to God, in the punishment of wicked and godless
men : the blinding of their understanding ; the hardening
of their hearts ; and the giving of them up unto a reprobate
sense. These things God is said to do three ways : first, by
subtraction and denial of that grace which should lighten the
understandings, and soften and mollify the hearts of men;
secondly, by giving leave to Satan to work upon them, and
no way either strengthening them against him, or weakening
his force ; thirdly, occasionally and by accident, when God
doth that which is good, which yet he knoweth, through the
evil disposition that is in men, will increase their wickedness,
and make it greater than it was before.

CHAPTER XXIV.
OF THE HERESY OF ORIGEN TOUCHING THE IMAGE OF GOD,
AND TOUCHING HELL, FALSELY IMPUTED TO CALVIN.
IN the third place, the Jesuit, fearing that men should
think he were near driven, and wanted store, chargeth
Calvin at once with two heresies of Origen. The first, con
cerning the image of God ; the second, touching hell and the
punishments of it.
Touching the first, it is true that Epiphanius chargeth
Origen with heresy1, for saying that Adam lost the image
of God by his disobedience and sin. But how justly, it
1 Hoeresis. lxiv. [§ 4.] et in Epistola ad Johannem Episcopum
Hierosolymitanum. [Opera, n. 316.]

chap, xxiv.] OF THE CHURCH. 275
is very doubtful ; seeing neither Hierome nor Theophilus
Alexandrinus (most diligently noting his errors) make any
mention of it. And therefore it may be probably thought,
as Alphonsus a Castro noteth1, that if any such thing was
found in the works of Origen, it was so delivered by him,
as that it might carry a good construction, and free from
heresy. But leaving it uncertain what it was that Origen
meant by the loss of God's image, for the clearing of Calvin,
we must note that which Thomas Aquinas2 (no heretic, I
hope, in Bellarmine's judgment), being a canonized saint of
the Romish Church, hath fitly observed to this purpose.
He noteth first, that the image of God consisteth in the
eminent perfection which is found in men, expressing the
nature of God in an higher degree than any excellency of
other creatures doth. Secondly, that this perfection is found
principally in the soul. Thirdly, that it is threefold : first,
natural; which is the largeness of the natural faculties of
understanding and will, not limited to the apprehension or
desire of some certain things only, but extending to all the
conditions of being and goodness ; whose principal object is
God ; so that they never rest satisfied with any other thing,
but the seeing and enjoying of him. The second kind of
this perfection is supernatural ; when the soul actually, or at
the least habitually knoweth and loveth God aright, though
not so perfectly as he may, and shall be loved hereafter.
The third is, when the soul knoweth and loveth God in
fulness of happiness. The first is of nature ; the second of
grace ; and the third of glory. The first of these is never
lost, no, not by the damned in hell : the second, Adam had,
but lost it, and it is renewed in us by grace; the third we
1 Contra Hsereses. lib. n. Adam et Eva. [" Secundus de hac re
ortus est error, asserens Adamum post peccatum perdidisse imaginem
Dei. Hunc errorem tribuit Origeni Epiphanius. — Cum ergo jam de
persona dictum sit, superest ut de errore discutiamus. In primis
illud mihi dubium est an Origenes senserit hominem per peccatum
aliquid de sua substantia perdidisset, an solum qualitates animae ali
quas, vel ut sub aliis verbis dicam, an imaginem perdiderit an solam
similitudinem."] 2 1 Parte summae qusest. 93. art. iv. ubi ait, " Glossam distinguere
triplicem imaginem: creationis, recreationis, et similitudinis ; prima
invenitur in omnibus hominibus; secunda in justis tantum; tertia vero
solum in beatis."
S2

276 OF THE CHURCH, [book iii.
expect in heaven. To think the image of God considered in
the first sort to be lost, is heresy : but Calvin is free from it.
To think it lost in the second sort, is the CathoUc doctrine of
the Church : for who knoweth not that man hath lost all
right knowledge and love of God by Adam's fall ?
Some restrain the name of the image of God to the
excellency of the soul's nature, framed to know aU things,
and never to rest satisfied in anything under God : and so,
generally and absolutely deny, that the image of God can be
lost or blotted out. These make a difference between the
image of God thus restrained to the largeness and admirable
perfection of the natural faculties of the soul, and the simiU-
tude or likeness of God which appeareth in the qualities and
virtues of it, making him that possesseth them partaker of
the divine nature ; which they confess to be lost. Now this
similitude is all one with the image of God in the second
consideration set down by Aquinas: and therefore in this
matter Calvin erreth not, but writeth that which is consonant
unto the truth.
Touching the second part of this imputation, it is true
that Origen erred1, thinking hell to be nothing else but
horror of conscience : but he that looketh in the place in
Calvin cited by the Jesuit, shall see that he saith no such
thing, but the clean contrary. So that the reader shaU find
Bellarmine to be constant, and stiU like himself, adding one
calumniation to another.

CHAPTER XXV.
OF THE HERESY OF THE PEPUTIANS, MAKING WOMEN PRIESTS.
THE fourth heresy imputed unto us by our adversaries, is
that of the Peputians, who gave women authority to
intermeddle with the sacred mmistry of the Church. That
1 Hier. in Epist. ad Avitum, [Enumerating the errors of Origen in
his Treatise, nepl dpxav. "Ignis quoque gehennse et tormenta quae
Scriptura sancta peccatoribus comminatur, non ponit in suppliciis sed
in conscientia peccatorum, quando Dei virtute et potentia omnis
memoria delictorum ante oculos nostros ponitur."]

chap, xxv.] OF THE CHURCH. 277
we do so likewise, they endeavour to prove, by misreporting
the words of Luther. There are two things, therefore, which
Luther saith, in the place alleged by them. First, that in
absolution and remission of sins, in the supposed sacrament of
penance, a bishop, or ordinary presbyter, may do as much as
the pope himself; which Alphonsus a Castro1, writing against
heresies, confesseth to be true. The second, that when, and
where, no presbyter can be found to perform this office, a
layman, yea, or a woman, in this case of necessity, may
absolve : which our adversaries need not to think so strange,
seeing themselves give power to women to baptize, in case of
necessity : which (I think) is as much a ministerial act, as to
absolve the penitent, in such sort as absolution is given in the
Church of Rome. And yet they would think themselves
wronged, if from hence it should be inferred that they make
women priests and bishops. But Bellarmine reporteth the
words of Luther, as if he should say absolutely that a woman
or child hath as much power and authority from God in
these things, as any presbyter or bishop ; wherein he is Uke
himself2. Absolution, in the primitive Church, was the reconciling
and restoring of penitents to the peace of the Church, and to
communion of the sacraments, from which, during the time of
their penitency, they were excluded : this, in reason, none
could do, but they to whom the dispensation of the sacraments
was committed, and who had power to deny the sacraments.
The popish absolution is supposed to be a sacramental act,
sacramentally taking away sin, and making the party ab
solved partaker of the remission of it : this is a false and
erroneous conceit. Luther thinketh it to be a comfortable
pronouncing, and assuring of good to the humble, penitent,
1 Lib. n. verb, absolutio. [" Secunda de hac re hseresis est, quae
dicit puerum ac mulierem aeque absolvere ut papam. Hujus haeresis
auctor est Martinus Lutherus. Ut autem clarius ejus insana mens
pateat, verba ejus referam, et sunt quse sequuntur. ' In sacramento
pcenitentiae ac remissione culpse non plus facit papa, episcopus, quam
infimus sacerdos, imo ubi non est sacerdos, aeque tamen quilibet Chris-
tianus, etiamsi mulier aut puer esset.' Primum istorum si recte in-
telligatur illi concedimus, viz. omnes sacerdotes quantum ad absolu-
tionem culpse parem habere potestatem."]
2 [Of the Peputians see S. August. De Haeres. c. 27.]

278 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
and sorrowful sinner : which though, ordinarily, and ex officio,
the, minister be to do, yet may any man do it with like effect,
when none of that rank is, or can be present. Thus, when
the matter is well examined, it is merely nothing that Bellar
mine can prove against Luther.
But that which he addeth touching our late dread sove
reign Elizabeth, of famous memory, that she was reported
and taken as chief bishop within her dominion of England, &c,
is more than a cardinal lie, and might beseem the father of
lies better than any meaner professor of that faculty.
For the kings and queens of England neither do, nor
have the power to do, any ministerial act, or act of sacred
order ; as to preach, administer sacraments, and the Uke :
but that power and authority which we ascribe unto them, is,
that they may, by their princely right, take notice of matters
of religion, and the exercise of it, in their kingdoms; that
they may, and in duty stand bound to see that the true
religion be professed, and God rightly worshipped; that God
hath given them the sword to punish all offenders against the
first or second table, yea, though they be priests or bishops ;
that neither the persons nor the goods of churchmen are
exempted from their power ; that they hold their crowns
immediately from God, and not from the Romish Antichrist ;
that it was the Lucu'er-like pride of Antichrist, which ap
peared in times past in the popes, when they shamed not to
say1, that the kings of England were their villains, vassals,
and slaves. Thus, then, the fourth supposed heresy we are
charged with, proveth to be nothing but a devilish slander of
this shameless Jesuit.
We say, therefore, to silence this slanderer, that we aU
most constantly hold the contrary of that he imputeth unto
us ; and that we think, there is no more dangerous or pre
sumptuous wicked boldness, than for any man not called, set
apart, and sanctified thereunto, to intermeddle with any part
of the sacred ministry of the Church.
i Matthous Paris, in Henrico in. dc Innoccntio iv. p. 844.

chap, xxvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 279

CHAPTER XXVI.
OF THE SUPPOSED HERESY OF PROCLUS AND THE MESSALIANS,
TOUCHING CONCUPISCENCE IN THE REGENERATE.
THE fifth heresy which he endeavoureth to fasten upon us,
is, he saith, the heresy of Proclus, of whom Epiphanius
maketh mention1. But what was the heresy of Proclus?
Let Bellarmine teU us, for our learning. It was, saith he,
that sin doth always continue and live in the regenerate ;
for that concupiscence is truly and properly sin, which is not
taken away by baptism, but only allayed, stilled, and brought,
as it were, into a kind of rest and sleep, by force thereof,
and the working of faith. In this, Bellarmine sheweth his
intolerable either ignorance, or impudence, or both. For
Epiphanius, in the place cited by him, refuteth the heresy of
Origen, who denied the resurrection of the bodies of men, as
thinking such bodily substances (which we see are continually
subject to alteration here in this world), not capable of im
mortality ; and that God did put these bodies upon Adam
and Eve after their sin, at that time when he is said to have
made them coats of skins. This Epiphanius refuteth2, shew
ing that God, who only hath immortality, made man, though
out of the earth, yet by the immediate touch of his own hands;
that he breathed into him the breath of life, for that he
meant he should be immortal ; that man had flesh and blood,
and a true bodUy substance, before his fall, as is proved by
that of Adam concerning Eve, " This is now flesh of my
flesh, and bone of my bone;" that there was no evil found
in the world, such as death is, in the beginning; that man
voluntarily sinned against God, and thereupon God brought in
death; that even as the schoolmaster useth correction, not for
any deUght he hath in it, but for that thereby he intendeth
to bring his scholars to forsake their negligent and disordered
courses, and to do those things he prescribeth to them ; in
Uke sort, God, seeing that sin was entered, brought in punish
ments to repress it : and seeing that it would be eternal if
man did continue immortal, he brought in death to make an
end of it. For (saith Epiphanius)3 sin is so deeply rooted
i Haeres. lxiv. [§ 17.] 2 [$ 22, 23.] 3 [§ 24.]

280 OF THE CHURCH. [book in,
in us, that it cannot be quite killed, nor pulled up by the
roots, while the body and soul remain together: even as
(saith he)1 when some wild fig-tree groweth in the waUs of
the goodly and stately building, and defaceth and hideth the
beauty and glory of it, the boughs and branches may be cut
or broken off, but the root, which is wrapped into the stones
of the building, cannot be taken away, unless the walls be
thrown down, and the stones cast one from another ; so, the
sin which dwelleth in us hath the roots of it so enwrapped
into our nature, and the parts of it, that howsoever the
boughs and branches may be cut and broken off, the root
remaineth while we carry about us this body of death, and
will cause more branches to grow forth, till, by death, the
parts of our nature, to wit, the soul and the body, be sun
dered and divided. And, as the wall may be raised again,
and the stones thereof in due sort laid together, when the
roots of the trees, which formerly grew into it, be taken
forth; so when the root of sin is removed, by death, out of
man's nature, God will bring these parts of his nature to
gether again, and give him that immortality, both of body
and soul, which he intended to him in his creation, and
would have given him, had not death been necessary for the
rooting out of that sin he voluntarily fell into.
That sin is so deeply rooted in the nature of man, that
it cannot be plucked up but by death, Epiphanius saith it is
evident by that of the apostle, who pronounced of himself,
that " to will was present with him, but he found no abUity
to perform ; that the good he would do, he did not, and the
evil that he would not do, that he did ; and that yet it was
not he that did it, but sin that dwelleth in him." By this
(saith he) it is proved, that sin is not puUed up by the roots ;
that it is not dead, but living; that there is no man but
hath evil thoughts and desires which grow from this bitter
root of sin, which neither baptism nor faith do wholly remove
or kill ; that sin is only repressed, resisted, and stilled from
raging and prevailing in such sort as it did before, but not
wholly taken away2.
Thus, then, we see, that Epiphanius most excellently
delivereth that, in the defence of the truth, against Origen
and such like heretics, which Bellarmine imputeth unto us as
1 [} 25.] 2 [J 26.]

chap, xxvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 281
heresy condemned by Epiphanius. Wherein, surely, he was
either grossly abused by others, making him believe Epi
phanius saith that which most peremptorily he denieth: or
else, he was willing to deceive and abuse others.
Howsoever, this advantage we have gotten thereby, that
our assertion that sin remaineth after baptism, and that the
root of it is not taken away nor killed till by death the soul
and body be divided, is proved to be the ancient doctrine of
the primitive fathers.
But if Epiphanius fail him, Bellarmine hath another
author whereon to rely: for he saith, Theodoret reporteth1,
that the Messalians were condemned for heretics, because
they thought that baptism, as a razor, shaveth away sins past,
but doth not take away the root of sin ; and that, there
fore, for that purpose, we must fly to the force of prayer.
This opinion of the Messalians touching the not taking
away the root of sin, in such sort as they understood it, and
Theodoret disUked it, we also condemn. For we think, that
baptism doth not take away sins past, but the very root of
all sins, which is original sin ; though not whoUy (for then
we should dissent from Epiphanius before alleged) ; yet in
such sort, as I will deliver in that which followeth.
The error of the Messalians Bellarmine attributeth unto
us, because we teach that concupiscence in the regenerate is
sin. For the better clearing of this point, we must observe,
that the Romanists do err most dangerously in the matter of
original sin, and natural concupiscence. For, first, they teach,
that the contrariety between the spirit and the flesh, the
proneness inordinately to desire things transitory, sensible,
and outward, and the difficulty to that which is best, are the
primitive conditions of the nature of man ; and, consequently,
that concupiscence, neither after nor before baptism, in the
1 Haereticarum Fabularum, lib. iv. [§11. to piv fidimo-pa (pao-l
prjdev ovelv tovs Trpoo~iovras, £vpov yap diKrjv d<paipeirai rav dpaprnparav
rd irpdrepa, ttjv de pi(av oiiK ckkoVtm rijs dpaprias. i? 8c ivdeXex'js irpoo--
evxV Kal rr/v pt£av rijv apapnds Ttpoppi^ov dvaorra Kal tov it; dpxijs o-vyKXri-
paBevra 7rovt)pbv dalpova -rijs fax^s i£eXaive i.] " These heretics thought
that baptism doth not take away original sin, which is the root of all
other, nor deliver us from the power of Satan, nor give spirit and
grace to resist sin. These errors we condemn ; and therefore we are
unjustly charged with the heresy of the Messalians.

282 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
regenerate nor unregenerate, is sin or punishment of sin, but
a condition of pure and sole nature. For if a man had been
created in a state of pure nature (that is, having aU that
pertaineth to the integrity of nature, and nothing else),
it would have been found in him. Neither do they make
any doubt, but that God might have created man in the
beginning with all those defects he is now subject unto, and
yet without all sin : for, the being subject to them, argueth
not sin : but whereas they were restrained, bridled, and sup
pressed by addition of supernatural quaUties, the having of
them at liberty, by voluntary loss of those quaUties, is not
without sin.
Thus, then, howsoever they talk of concupiscence in the
regenerate, and would seem to deny it to be sin in them only,
yet they do as well deny it to be sin in men not regenerate,
as in the regenerate ; and make it only a punishment of sin,
if yet they yield so much unto the truth. For indeed, ac
cording to their erroneous conceit, concupiscence is a sequel
of nature, and not a punishment of sin : so that aU they do
or can say, is nothing but this, that concupiscence was natural,
and such a thing as might be found in the integrity of nature;
that it was restrained by supernatural grace, added above
that nature requireth, for the perfecting of her integrity;
that the having it now free and at Uberty, to provoke, move,
and incline us to sin, is the punishment of that sin whereby
we deprived ourselves of supernatural grace.
But we say, contrary to this absurd conceit of theirs;
First, that all these defects and evils, to wit, contrariety
between the better and meaner faculties of the soul, prone-
ness to do evU, and difficulty to do good, do arise and grow
out of the want of that original righteousness, the property
whereof is, to subject all unto God, and to leave nothing void
of him. Secondly, that this righteousness was essentially required
to the integrity of nature : so that there is no state of sole
and pure nature, without addition of sin or grace, as the
Papists fondly imagine; for that the nature of man is such
as must either be lifted above itself by grace, or faU below
itself, and be in a state of sin.
Thirdly, that all declinings and swervings from that per-

chap, xxvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 283
feet subjection unto God, and entire conjunction with God,
which grace worketh, are sins and decays of nature's in
tegrity : and, consequently, that concupiscence, being a de
clining from that entire subjection to, and conjunction with
God, is truly and properly sin, whatsoever our adversaries
teach to the contrary.
Fourthly, that original righteousness is said to be a super
natural quality, because it groweth not out of nature, and
because it raiseth nature above itself: but that it is natural,
that is, required to the integrity of nature.
Neither should it seem strange to any man, that a quaUty
not growing out of nature, should be required necessarily for
the perfecting of nature's integrity ; seeing the end and object
of man's desires, knowledge, and action, is an infinite thing,
and without the compass and bounds of nature. And, there
fore, the nature of man cannot, as all other things do, by
natural force and things bred within herself, attain to her
wished end; but must either, by supernatural grace, be
guided and directed to it; or, being left to herself, fail of
that perfection she is capable of, and fiU herself with infinite
evUs, defects, and miseries.
This may suffice for refutation of vain and idle conceits of
the Papists, concerning three estates of man ; the one of
grace, the other of nature, and the third of sin : out of which,
we may observe, that, howsoever they endeavour to make
shew of the contrary, yet indeed they think that concu
piscence is not sin, neither in the regenerate nor unregenerate.
Whereupon it is, that Bellarmine1, speaking of the guilt of
concupiscence, which, the divines say, is taken away in bap
tism, though the infirmity remain ; saith, it must be under-
1 Lib. v. c. 13. De amissione gratiae et statu peeeati. [Sic igitur
dicitur reatus concupiscentise non quod ipsam habere faciat hominem
reum sed quod ipsa nata sit ex reatu peeeati Adami." And again, a
little above, when explaining the opinions of St Augustine, in his
treatise Contra Julianum, mentioned below, Bellarmine observes:
" S. Augustinus significat quidem concupiscentiam ia non renatis esse
peccatum, et propterea remitti per baptismum, sed intelligit earn pec
catum esse non ratione sui, sed ratione reatus peeeati originalis, qui
cum ea annexus manet usque ad baptismum." Brewer's Ed.]
Hugo de Sancto Victore dicit : " concupiscentia spiritus inordinata
est culpa : concupiscentia carnis poena et culpa," &c. Alex, de Hales,
p. ii. q. 122. memb. 2. art. i.

284 OF THE CHURCH [book in.
stood of that guilt which causeth concupiscence, not which is
caused of it. For, (saith he) original sin maketh guUty, and
subjecteth men to concupiscence ; but concupiscence doth not
make them guUty that have it ; and therefore it is not sin,
neither before nor after baptism.
But we say, with Augustine1, "Sicut caecitas cordis, quam
solus removet illuminator Deus, et peccatum est, quo in Deum
non creditur; et poena peeeati, qua cor superbum digna
animadversione punitur, et causa peeeati, cum maU aUquid
ca3ci cordis errore committitur : ita concupiscentia carnis, ad
versus quam bonus concupiscit spiritus, et peccatum est, quia
inest Uli inobedientia contra dominatum mentis; et poena
peeeati est, quia reddita est meritis inobedientis ; et causa
peeeati est, defectione consentientis, vel contagione nascentis."
— " As the bUndness of heart, which God removeth when he
lighteneth those that were formerly hi darkness, is a sin, in
that, by reason of it, men believe not in God ; and a punish
ment of sin, wherewith the proud hearts of wicked men are
justly punished ; and a cause of sin, when, erring by reason
of this bUndness of heart, they do those things that are evU :
so the concupiscence of the flesh, against which the good spirit
doth strive and covet, is a sin, because there is in it a dis
obedience against the dominion of the mind, and a punish
ment of sin, in that it falleth out, by the just judgment of
God, that they who are disobedient unto God shaU find re
bellious desires in themselves : and it is a cause of sin, in
that men, either by wicked defection consent unto it, or by
reason of the general infection of human nature, are born
in it." We think, therefore, there should be no question made
of concupiscence, and other like defects and evils found in
the nature of man, but that they are, in their own nature,
sinful defects. And hereof, I am weU assured, none of the
fathers ever doubted. But how far they are washed away
and remitted in baptism, which is the matter about which
Bellarmine wrangleth and taketh exception against us, let us
now consider.
Alexander of Hales2, the first and greatest of all the
schoolmen, noteth divers things most fitly to this purpose,
1 Contra Julianum, lib. v. J 3.
2 Pars iv. q. I. membro. 8. art. ii. Do Sacramento Baptismi.

chap, xxvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 285
out of which we may easily resolve what is to be thought of
this matter. First, therefore, he observeth, that there are
two sorts of sins : some natural, which are in the person from
the general condition of nature ; some personal, that are acted
by the person, and so defile the nature ; as all actual sins.
Secondly, that concupiscence is of the first kind, being an
evil contracted and cleaving to nature, not personally acted
or wrought by us. Thirdly, that concupiscence may be con
sidered, either as it hath full dominion, and is a prevailing
thing in them that have it ; or, as it is weakened, and hath
lost that strength, dominion, and command, which formerly
it had. Fourthly1, that concupiscence, while it hath dominion,
is a sin defiling and making guilty both the nature and person
in which it commandeth all ; but if it lose this dominion, it
cleaveth to the nature only, and is not imputed to the person
for sin, unless he some way yield unto it, be drawn by it,
or suffer himself to be weakened in well doing, by the force
of it. Fifthly that the benefits of grace are not general, but
special, and of privUege ; not freeing the whole nature of man
from sin and punishment, as sin corrupted and defiled all ;
but that they extend only personally to some certain. Sixthly,
that when men are born anew in baptism, they are freed
from all that sin which maketh their persons guilty before
God; and, consequently, from all punishments due to them
for anything their persons were chargeable with. But be
cause they still remain in that nature2 which is of the mass
of malediction, therefore sin cleaveth to their nature still, and
they are subject to the common punishment of hunger, thirst,
death, and the like. Seventhly, that the dominion of that
sin which is of nature, is taken away by the benefit of re
generation in baptism. Whence it cometh, that the persons
of men baptized are not chargeable with it, though they
remain stiU in that nature wherein it is ; and, consequently,
that the punishments which they are subject unto (because
1 [" Dicitur concupiscentia culpa ante baptismum et tunc dominatur
et habet carentiam debitae justitiae sibi conjunctam."] Alex, de Hales,
pars n. q. 122. memb. 7. art. I.
2 [" Peccatum originis transit reatu, manet actu : in actuali peccato
praecedit actus, sequitur reatus, nee dicitur in originali peccato actus
peeeati quo sit ; vel quo est, sed quo remanet ad exercitium."] Alex,
de Hales pars n. q. 122. memb. 6.

286 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
they remain in the communion of that nature which is not
generally free from sin), cease to be unto them in the nature
of destroying evils, serve to divers good purposes, and turn
to their great benefit.
So then we say, with the fathers, and best learned of
the schoolmen, that concupiscence in men not regenerate, is
a sin, corrupting and making guilty both the nature and the
person wherein it is ; and that, in the regenerate, it cleaveth
to nature as a sin still, but having lost the dominion it had,
so that it cannot make the person guUty, not prevaUing with
it, nor commanding over it. " Regnum amittit in terra ;
perit in ccelo:" "It is driven from the kingdom it formerly
had in the saints of God, while they yet remain on earth ;
but it is not utterly destroyed, till they go from hence to
heaven." Thus, then, I hope, it appeareth, that we are far
from the error of the MessaUans, and do fully accord with
the CathoUc Church of God ; and that the Romanists are not
far from the heresy of Pelagius.

CHAPTER XXVII.

OF THE HERESIES OF NOVATUS, SABELLIUS, AND THE
MANICHEES.
THE sixth heresy that we are charged with, is that of
Novatus, who would not have those that fell in the time
of persecution, reconciled and received again to the com
munion of the Church upon their repentance. But we receive
all penitents whatsoever: and therefore this lying slander
may be added to the rest, to make up a number.
But they will say, the Novatians were condemned for
denying penance to be a sacrament; and that therein, at
least, we agree with the Novatians. This is as false as the
rest : for it is most certain, that the absolution which was
given in the primitive Church, disliked by Novatus, was not
taken as a sacramental act, giving grace and remitting sins,
but as a judicial act, receiving them to the peace of the
Church, and the use of the sacraments, which had been

chap, xxvn.] OF THE CHURCH. 287
formerly put from them. This1, the best and most judicious
of the schoolmen confess, besides the infinite testimonies that
might be alleged out of the fathers, to prove the same. It
was then an admitting to the use of the sacraments, not itself
a sacrament. But Calvin saith, that the speech of Hierome, that paini-
tentia is secunda tabula post naufragium, is impious, and
cannot be excused ; and therefore it seemeth he inclineth to
the Novatian's heresy, in denying the benefit of penitency to
distressed and miserable sinners that seek it. Augustine2,
in his book, De Mendacio ad Consentium, maketh it a dis
putable question, whether a man that usually lieth, speaking
truth at some one time, with purpose to make men think it
like the rest of his lying speeches wherewith they are well
acquainted, may not be said to lie when he speaketh truth,
because he intendeth to deceive, and doth deceive. Surely,
if this man should speak any truth, I fear the reader would
think it a falsehood, because his ordinary manner is, seldom
or never to speak any truth. Doth Calvin say the speech
of Hierome is impious, and not to be excused, as he reporteth
he doth ? Surely no : but that if it be understood as the
Papists understand it, it cannot be excused. For they con
ceive thereby, that the sacrament of penance is implied;
which Hierome never thought of.
But he wiU say, the Novatians refused to have those
that they baptized, to receive imposition of hands, with which
was joined, in those times, the anointing of the parties with
oil. Surely so they did : but so do not we ; for we think
of the use of imposition of hands, as Hierome doth in his
book against the Luciferians. But touching the use of oil,
though at that time there was no cause for the Novatians to
except much against it, yet now that it is made the matter
and element of a sacrament, and that, by a kind of conse
cration, the ground whereof we know not, we think we do
1 See that which we have noted cap. vii. out of Alex, of Hales and
Bonaventure, affirming that the minister is a mediator between God
and men, dealing with God by way of entreaty, with men by way of
command : by prayer and petition, obtaining for sinners remission at
God's hands ; and by authority and power resting in him, restoring
them to the Church's peace.
2 De Mendacio ad Consentium, ub. i. cap. 4.

288 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
not offend in omitting it, no more than the Church of Rome1
in omitting innumerable ceremonial observations of like nature,
that were in use in those times.
The seventh is the heresy of Sabellius ; which, he saith,
was revived by Servetus. So it was, indeed, that Servetus
revived, in our time, the damnable heresy of Sabellius long
since condemned in the first ages of the Church. But what
is that to us ? How little approbation he found amongst us,
the just and honourable proceeding against him at Geneva
will witness to all posterity.
The eighth is the heresy of the Manichees ; which taught,
that evils which are found in the world, were from an evU
beginning; so making two original causes, the one good, of
things good ; the other evil, of things evU. It is true, that
this was the damnable opinion of the Manichees. But will
the shameless companion charge us with this impiety ? I
think he dareth not : for he knoweth that we teach, that all
the evils that are in the world had their beginning and did
proceed from the freedom of man's will, which while he used
ill, he overthrew and lost both himself and it ; that while he
turned from the greater to the lesser good, and preferred
the creature before the Creator, he plunged himself into in
numerable defects, miseries, perplexities, and discomforts, and
justly deserved that God, from whom thus wickedly he de
parted, should make all those things which formerly he ap
pointed to do him service, to become feeble, weak, unfit, and
unwilling to perform the same.
But, saith he, Luther affirmeth, that aU things fall out
by a kind of absolute necessity ; whence the heresy of the
Manichees may be inferred. The answer to this objection
is easy : for Luther taketh necessity for infallibility of event ;
thereby meaning, that all things fall out infallibly, so as God
before disposed and determined ; but doth not imagine a
necessity of coaction enforcing, nor a natural and inevitable
necessity, taking away all freedom of choice ; as our adver
saries injuriously impute unto him.
If this of Luther fail, as indeed it doth, Bellarmine hath
another proof and demonstration that we are Manichees, for
1 See Dionysius' Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, cap. ii. part 2, where a
great number of ceremonial observations are mentioned, which are
long since grown out of use in the Chuich of Rome.

chap, xxvii.] OF THE CHURCH. 289
that Calvin denieth man to have freedom of choice in any
thing whatsoever. This is a most false and injurious impu
tation. For, though Calvin deny that man can do anything
in such sort as therein to be free from the direction and
ordering of Almighty God, yet he confesseth that Adam's
will, in the day of his creation, was free, not only from sin
and misery, but also from limitation of desire and natural
necessity, and left to her own choice in the highest matter
and of most consequence of all the rest; and that man, by
making an evil choice, did run into those evUs which he
is now subject unto. Calvin, then, is not worse than the
Manichees, as making God the author of those evils which
the Manichees attribute to an evil beginning, as Bellarmine
is pleased to pronounce of him ; but is farther from that
hellish conceit than Bellarmine is from hell itself, if he repent
him not of these his wicked and hellish slanders.
But, saith he, the Manichees blamed and reprehended
the fathers of the Old Testament ; and so also doth Calvin :
therefore, Calvin is a Manichee. This is as if a man should
thus reason with Bellarmine : Porphyry blamed Paul, as an
arrogant man, for reprehending Peter, that was his ancient,
and before him in the faith of Christ ; and Bellarmine dis-
liketh him for persecuting the Church of God in the time of
his infideUty : therefore, Bellarmine is as bad, or worse than
Porphyry. For, the Manichees thought that the Old Testa
ment was from an evil beginning ; and, therefore, exaggerated
aU the faults and sins of the fathers that then lived, for con
firmation and strengthening of this their blasphemy. But
Calvin hateth this impiety more than the Romanists, who
imagine a greater difference betwixt the state of the Jews
and the Christians than he doth. It is, therefore, an ill
consequence; Calvin doth not hide1, nor excuse, but con-
1 "Ad illud de Jacob, licet aliqui conentur multum salvare eum,
et aliquos Patres Veteris Testamenti non fuisse mentitos, cum tamen
in aliis concedant eos habuisse legem imperfectam et gratiam modicam
respectu nostri, qui et legem habemus perfectam, et gratiam super-
abundantem, et de multis non negatm- aliquando mentiri, vel fuisse
mentitos, non videtur multum rationabile negare illos quandoque fuisse
mentitos vol potuisse mentiri. Quod si ita est, et si laudemus bona
facta eorum, et ilia sumamus in exemplum, mala autem nee recipimus
in exemplum, nee pertinaciter excusamus. — Et Judeth ipsa se ornavit
[Field, I.] T

290 OF THE CHURCH. [book in
demn, the murder and adultery of David, the drunkenness
of Noah, and the incest of Lot; therefore he is like the
Manichees, that thought the Old Testament was from an
evil beginning. Surely, there is neither good beginning
nor ending to be found in the writings of this slanderous
Jesuit.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
OF THE HERESIES OF THE DONATISTS.
THE next heresy imputed unto us, is that of the Donatists,
who denied those societies of Christians to be the
Churches of God, wherein wicked men are tolerated, and the
rules of discipline are not observed; and thought, that the
Church, whose communion we must hold, doth consist only
of the good and elect people of God.
Touching the first part of this imputation, we disclaim it
as most unjust and injurious. For (as I have shewed in the
first part), we confess that wicked and godless men are often
times tolerated in the true Church of God, either through the
negligence of the guides thereof, or upon due consideration of
the scandals and evils that would follow, if they should be
rejected and cast out, by reason of their greatness, power, or
number. Touching the second part, in what sense only the good
and elect people of God are of the Church ; and how and in
what degree hypocrites, wicked men, and reprobates, while
they hold the profession of the truth, may be said to be of
the Church, I have likewise cleared in the first part.
But, saith Bellarmine, the Donatists thought the Church
to be only in Africa, and the Protestants think it to be only
in the northern parts of the world, and therefore they are
ea intentione, ut Holofernes caperetur in aspectu suo, et hoc volendo
ipsum velle peccare secum mortaliter, et velle alium velle peccare
mortaliter est peccatum mortale: unde non videtur omnino certum,
quod excusata sit ab omni peccato mortali : et licet factum ejus nar-
retur in Scriptura, et recitetur in Ecclesia tanquam laudabile, quantum
ad aliqua quae erant ibi religiositatis, aliqua tamen ibi annexa, noe
laudantur, nee licent." Scotus, lib. ni. dist. 38, quaest. unica.

chap, xxvm.] OF THE CHURCH. 291
not far from Donatism. Surely, as far as he is from any
honest and sincere meaning. For none of the Protestants
haye any such conceit, as to think the Church of God so
straitened as that it should be nowhere found but in the
northern parts of the world, where themselves do live. But
the Romanists may much more justly be charged with Do
natism, who deny all the societies of Christians in the world,
wherein the pope's feet are not kissed, and his words holden
for infallible oracles, to pertain to the true Church of God ;
who acknowledge no true Churches of Christ, but their own
conventicles; so casting into hell all the Christians of ^Ethiopia,
Syria, Armenia, Gra^cia, and Russia, for that they stand
divided from the communion of the Church of Rome. Which
unchristian censure we are far from, thinking that all those
societies of Christians, notwithstanding their manifold defects
and imperfections, be, and continue, parts and Umbs of the
true and CathoUc Church of God.
Lastly, he saith, the Donatists committed many outrages
against true Catholic bishops, spoUed the Churches of God,
and profaned the holy things they found in them. But what
can he conclude from hence against us? With which of these
impieties can he charge us ? Our blood hath been spilt by
them like water in the streets ; our bodies tormented, and
consumed with fire and sword : and all this by the procure
ment of the Antichristian bishops, sworn enemies of Christ
and vassals of Antichrist. Vet have we hurt none of them,
but in patience possessed our souls, knowing that our judg
ment is with God; and that when he maketh inquiry for
blood he will find out all their barbarous acts of cruelty,
which they have done against us. We have profaned
nothing that is holy; we have removed and abolished nothing
but the monuments of gross idolatry ; and therefore we are
not to be compared to the Donatists. If in any place, in
popular tumults, or confusions of war, whereof ever the Ro
manists have been the causes, there have been anything done
in fury that was not fit, we cannot excuse it, nor could not
remedy it.

t2

292 OF THE CHURCH. [book iil
CHAPTER XXIX.
OF THE HERESIES OF ARIUS AND AERIUS.
THE tenth imputation is of Arianism ; which heresy we
accurse to the pit of hell, with all the vile calumniations
of damned slanderers that charge us with it. Neither did
ever any of our men incUne unto it, or give any occasion of
so execrable an heresy. Touching traditions1, which, Bel
larmine saith, the Arians did refuse ; they were not blamed
for denying unwritten verities. For I hope the Romanists will
not disadvantage the Catholic cause so much, as to confess,
that the Godhead of Christ, which was the thing the Arians
denied, cannot be proved by Scripture, and that the fathers
were forced to fly to unwritten traditions for proof of it.
But they were blamed, for that, when the thing had proof
enough by Scripture, they refused the word consubstantial
(most happily devised to express the truth against the turn
ings and sleights of heretics), only because they found it not
in Scripture; as if no words nor forms of speech might be
allowed, but those only that are there expressly found.
The eleventh is the heresy of Aerius. Aerius condemned
the custom of the Church, in naming the dead at the altar,
and offering the sacrifice of the Eucharist, that is, of thanks-
1 "Eso voces, quae extra Scripturam sunt, nullo casu a nobis sus-
cipiuntur." Maximinus apud Augustinum Collatio cum Max. I. in
initio: unde Aug. lib. in. [al. n.J c. 14, [§ 3] contra eundem sic habet.
"Pater et Filius unius sunt ejusdemque substantiae : hoc est illud
homousion, quod in Concilio Nicaeno adversus haereticos Arianos a Ca-
tholicis patribus veritatis auctoritate et auctoritatis veritate firmatum
est, quod postea in Concilio Ariminensi propter novitatem verbi minus
quam oportuit intellectum, quod tamen fides antiqua pepererat, multis
paucorum fraude deceptis, haeretica impietas sub haeretico Imperatore
Constantio labefactare teritavit : sed post non longum tempus Ubertato
fidei Oatholicae prsovalente, posteaquam vis verbi, sicut debuit, intellecta
est, homousion illud Catholicse fidei sanitate longe latoque defensum
est. Quid est enim homousion, nisi unius ejusdemque substantiae?
Quid est inquam homousion, nisi Ego et Pater unum sumus ? Sed noe
ego Nicenum, nee tu debes Arimincnso, tanquam prrejudicaturus, pro-
ferre Concilium; nee ego hujus auctoritate, nee tu illius detineris:
Scripturarum auctoritatibus, non quorumcunque propriis, sed utrisquo
communibus testibus, res cum re, causa cum causa, ratio cum ratione
concertot."

chap, xxix ] OF THE CHURCH. 293
giving, for them. He disliketh set fasts; and would not
admit any difference between a bishop and a presbyter. For
this his rash and inconsiderate boldness and presumption, in
condemning the universal Church of Christ, he was justly
condemned: for the practice of the Church, at that time, was
not evil in any of these things : neither do we concur with
Aerius in the reprehension of that primitive and ancient
Church. For, howsoever we dislike the popish manner of
praying for the dead, which is to deliver them out of their
feigned purgatory, yet do we not reprehend the primitive
Church, nor the pastors and guides of it, for naming them in
their public prayers, thereby to nourish their hope of the
resurrection, and to express their longing desires of the con
summation of their own, and their happiness that are gone
before them in the faith of Christ. If any of the fathers did
doubtfully extend the prayers then used further than they
were originaUy or generally intended or meant, it was not to
be imputed to the whole Church.
Of our aUowance of set fasts, I have spoken before : and
of the difference between a bishop and a presbyter I shall
have a fit occasion to speak in examining the note of suc
cession, and the exceptions of the Romanists against us
touching the same. If it be said, that sundry of our divines
seem to acquit Aerius in these points, they are to be con
ceived as understanding his reprehension to have touched the
errors and superstitions, which even then perhaps began in
some places, and among some men, to grow into practices and
doctrines of the Church which were not evil nor erroneous.
For otherwise his reprehension, if it be understood to extend
to the general practice and judgment of the Church, is not,
nor may not be, justified.

CHAPTER XXX.
OF THE HERESY OF JOVINIAN.

THE twelfth heresy imputed to us is the heresy of Jovinian;
concerning whom we must observe, that Augustine ascribeth
nnto him two opinions, which Hierome mentioneth not, who

294 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
yet was not likely to spare him, if he might truly have been
charged with them1.
The first2, that Mary ceased to be a virgin, when she
had borne Christ : the second, that all sins are equal. If
these were the opinions of Jovinian, as it may very weU be
doubted, we condemn them, and his error therein, as much
as the Romanists do. For, we think that Mary continued a
virgin in and after the birth of Christ. But they will say,
many of the Protestants divines do teach, that the doors of
Mary's womb were opened when Christ was born ; and from
thence it wiU follow that she ceased to be a virgin. This
consequence we deny : for, otherwise, Tertullian3, Ambrose4,
Hierome5, and sundry other of the fathers, shaU be proved to
have denied the virginity of Mary after the birth of Christ ;
which yet they all most constantly beUeved. But they know
well that no such thing can be concluded from thence. For,
as Tertullian aptly noteth6, there is virgo a viro, and virgo
a partu; that is, a virgin may be so named, because she
hath not been a mother, nor the doors of her womb opened
by bearing a child; or, because she hath known no man,
though she have borne a child. In this sort a virgin may
remain a virgin, and yet be a mother and bear a child, with
the opening of the doors of her womb, if this child thus con
ceived in her, and born of her, were not begotten by man,
nor the doors of her womb opened by the knowledge of man.
So that though it be granted, that Christ when he was born
opened the womb of Mary his mother, yet she remained a
1 [See Alphonso de Castro. Lib. xn. p. 1035. v. Peccatum.]
2 Aug. lib. de Haeresibus, c. 82.
3 Tertul. de Carne Christi. " Tertullianus dicit Mariam patefacti
corporis lege peperisse, et Tertulliano divus Ambrosius quoque sub-
scribit." Rhenanus in arg. in lib. Tertulliani de Carne Christi.
4 Lib. n. c. 7, in Lucse ii. [" Hie ergo solus aperuit sibi valvam."
So again: "Hie est qui aperuit valvam matris suae, ut immaculatus
exiret." § 57. Compare these expressions with those of St Ambrose in
his remarks on the words : Non cognovit illam donee peperit filium. § 6.]
5 Lib. II. contra Pelagianos. [" Solus enim Christus clausas portas
valvae virginalis aperuit, quae tamen clausae jugiter permanserunt."
p. 512.] 6 Lib. de Carne Christi. [§ 23. " Peperit enim, quae ex sua carne,
et non peperit quae non ex viri semine. Et virgo quantum a viro, non
virgo quantum a partu."]

chap, xxx.] OF THE CHURCH. 295
virgin still, because that which was conceived in her was of
the Holy Ghost. Neither should our adversaries in reason
press this argument so much, seeing their own schoolmen
confess1, there may be an opening of the womb in such as
stiU remain virgins. Thus then we say, with the fathers,
that Christ being Mary's first-born, may be said more pro
perly to have opened the womb of Mary his mother, than
any other first-born do, because he found it shut when he
came to the birth, which they do not. But, that from hence
a denial of Mary's virginity wiU follow, we deny. And
therefore we are wronged in this challenge, as in the rest.
Touching the opinion of the parity of sins, which is in
the second place imputed to Jovinian, we hold it to be a
stoical paradox. Their argument to prove that we think all
sins to be equal, because, as they suppose, we deny the dif
ference of venial and mortal sins, and think all sins to be
mortal, is very weak: first, because we do not deny the
difference between venial and mortal sins, as shall appear in
that which followeth ; and secondly, because if we did make
all sins to be mortal, yet of mortal sins one may be, and is,
greater and more grievous than another.
The opinions that Hierome imputeth to Jovinian are four 2.
The first, that there is an equality of joys and rewards in
heaven. This opinion we do not hold ; neither can it be
deduced by necessary consequence from the words of Luther,
where he saith, that all Christians are as holy and just as
the mother of God : for he speaketh of imputed righteousness,
which is equal in aU men, from which no imparity of joy can
flow : but he never denieth inherent righteousness to be more
1 Durand. lib. iv. d. 44. q. 6. " Verissimum est beatam Virginem
Mariam permanisse virginem in partu, et post partum, sicut ante : fuit
enim virgo non solum ex carentia experientiae delectationis venerese
per quam proprie amittitur virginitas, sed etiam ob membri integritatem
corporalis : nee tamen propter hoc in nativitate Christi fuerunt duo
corpora simul, quia fieri potuit dilatatio membrorum et meatuum
naturalium sine interruptione vel aliqua fractione; sicut, secundum
Aug. 14. de Civit. Dei, hoc factum fuisset in omnibus mulieribus, in
statu innocentise." — " Nolim equidem dicere, quod viros nonnullos
doctos certe atque Catholicos sine cujuspiam reprehensione nostra
setato dixisse video, Christum modo quodam matris uterum aperuisse."
Maldonatus in Luc. ii. 23.
2 Hieronym. lib. I. et n. contra Jovinianum.

296 OF THE CHURCH. [book iii.
in one than in another, and more in Mary the mother of
Christ than in any other. Now from this imparity of inherent
righteousness it is that there are so different degrees of joy
and glory found among the saints of God that are in heaven.
The second opinion which Hierome condemneth in Jovinian,
is, that there is no difference between abstinence from meats,
and the sober and due taking of them with thanksgiving.
This we judge not to be so truly delivered by him, as was to
be wished. For, eating with thanksgiving is a matter of
ordinary sobriety and temperance; but abstinence is an ex
traordinary act of Christian mortification and humiliation, and
being rightly used hath those effects the other hath not:
though neither meat, nor abstinence from meat, do simply
commend us unto God ; fasting being a thing not absolutely,
and for itself, but only respectively to certain ends, to be
judged good.
The third assertion of Jovinian was, that they which are
baptized with water and the Holy Ghost are not subject to
temptation nor sin. This is not only an error, but a damnable
heresy, if it were so delivered by him as it is reported by
Hierome. That which Calvin saith, that true faith which is
found in them that are called according to purpose (as Au
gustine speaketh, following blessed Paul), cannot be whoUy
extinguished nor finally lost, is most true, but hath no agree
ment with that of Jovinian, that the regenerate is neither
subject to temptation nor sin. For Calvin denieth not but
that the elect and chosen servants of God may and do often
times fall very dangerously, but that such is the love of God
towards them whom he hath caUed according to purpose,- that
he is always with them, to raise them up again if they fall :
and that this is the difference between them and such as God
hath not ordained unto life, that they fall into the hands of
God, who suffers them not to be broken, or utterly to perish ;
whereas the hand of God, even his heavy hand, faUeth upon
the other, to crush and break them to pieces, as Hugo de
Sancto Victore hath most excellently observed1. This there
fore is but a calumniation Uke the rest, when BeUarmine doth
charge Calvin with the heresy of Jovinian in this respect2.
1 De Sacramentis Fidei, lib. n. pars I. p. 13, in tractatu, An charitas
eemel habita amitti possit ?
2 [See Calvin, Instit. n. 2. § 11, 12.]

chap, xxx.] OF THE CHURCH. 297
The fourth and last assertion of Jovinian is, that married
persons, virgins, and widows, if they differ not in other works
of virtue, and therein excel one another, are of equal merit.
This assertion, howsoever it pleaseth Hierome to tax, I am
well assured the best learned both of the fathers and school
men do approve. For, virginity, in that it addeth over and
above the ordinary chastity and purity which ought to be
found in married folks, though it be a kind of splendour and
beauty of virtue, yet it is no virtue, nor degree of virtue, as
Gerson proveth1. For that these married folks could not
have all virtues ; nay, because all virtues are connexed, not
having this of virginity, they could have none. Besides that,
no virtue is lost but by sin ; whereas virginity may be lost
by that which is no sin, as by the act of matrimony. All
virtues in their times and places are commanded, and not
left free and counselled only : but virginity is never imposed
by precept, and therefore it is no virtue. Lastly, there is
no virtue but, being lost, by repentance may be recovered
again : but virginity being lost cannot be recovered again,
therefore it is no virtue. These reasons are laid down by
Gerson, whereby, in his judgment, it is most clearly proved,
that virginity in that it addeth over and above ordinary
chastity and purity is no virtue ; and consequently that the
bare and sole having of it, maketh not them that have it
more acceptable unto God than others that have it not,
unless they excel them in virtue. It is, then, a state of Ufe
1 Gerson, p. 3, De Consiliis EvangeUcis et statu perfectionis, fol. 67.
[" Ex quo sequitur quod virginitas secundum illud quod addit ultra
continentiam, etsi sit quidam decor virtutis, non tamen est virtus nee
gradus virtutis: alias conjugati non possent omnes virtutes habere;
immo quia virtutes necessario connexse sunt, nullam omnino virtutem
haberent, quibus deesset virginitas. Secundo nulla virtus tollitur, nisi
per peccatum; virginitas autem absque peccato perdi potest, ut in
actu conjugali. Tertio omnes virtutes et actus eorum pro loco et
tempore sunt in praecepto ; virginitas autem nulli servanda praecipitur.
Quarto omnis virtus perdita vel amissa per pcenitentiam potest re-
parari ; sola virginitas perdita vel amissa nunquam reparatur." Opera,
n. p. 676.] Occam, lib. m. q. 11, in sentent. ostendit, quomodo con-
nexae sunt omnes virtutes, non obstante apparenti repugnantia, et
quomodo matrimonio juncti virtutem virginitatis habere dici possunt :
" ad virginitatem (inquit) requiritur abstinentia carnis eo modo quo
Deus vult talem abstinentiam esse, et similiter cum virginitate stat
actus carnis eo modo quo Deus vult earn esse."

298 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.,
wherein, if all things be answerable in the parties that em
brace it, there are fewer occasions of distractions from God,
and more opportunities of attaining to the height of exceUent
virtue, than in the opposite estate of marriage ; yet so, as
that it is possible for some married men so to use that estate,
that they may be no way inferior to any that are single.
This doth Gregory Nazianzene most confidently and peremp
torily defend, in his oration made in the praise of Gorgonia
his sister1- " Our whole life," saith he, "is divided into two
sorts or kinds, to wit, marriage and single Ufe : whereof the
one (that is single life), as it is more exceUent and divine, so
it is of more labour and peril ; the other, as it is more mean,
and of less esteem, so it is subject to less peril. Gorgonia
avoiding the inconveniences of both estates, whatsoever she
found in either of them behoofful, beneficial, and commodious,
she took ; and made the height of the exceUent perfection
of the one estate, and the safety and security of the other,
to concur and meet together. She was chaste and undefiled,
without scornful disdain ; mixing the commodities of single
life with marriage ; and shewing by evident proof, that
neither of those estates is in its own nature such, as that
it should wholly join us to God or the world, or wholly
divide and separate us from these, so that the one of these
should be a thing altogether to be avoided, and the other
to be desired ; but, that it is the mind that doth rightly use
both marriage and single life; and that either of these is
as fit a matter for a skilful workman to work upon, and
to bring forth the excellent work of virtue." And, in his
oration in praise of Basil he saith : " There have been some
found that Uving in the state of marriage have so carried
themselves, as that they made it evident that marriage is no
impediment or hinderance, but that therein men may attain
to as great glory of virtue, as in virginity or single life. By
which it may appear that marriage and virginity are rather
diverse sorts and kinds of life, than differences and degrees
of living better or worse2."
1 [Orat. xi. § 9, p. 180, ed. Paris, 1609.]
2 [St/Xoi di 6 paKapio-rbs rav lepiav Kal rav napBivav dpiBpbs Kal rav
iv yapw, prjdev rfj crvijiyia fiXafiijvai fiiacrapivav wpbs rrjv "otjv rijs dpeTtjs
eldoKipr)<nv, dXXd fiiav alpia-eis jaSXXov, r) -noXne'ias ravra noiija-apevav.
Orat. xx. § 18. p. 322.]

chap, xxx.] OF THE CHURCH. 299
These sentences of Naziazen are very different from the
inconsiderate speeches of Hierome that he is wont to use in
comparing these two states of Ufe together. For, who know
eth not, that he was so far in love with the one, and carried
away with the admiration of it, in such sort, that he spake
too basely of the other ; and, indeed, otherwise than truth
and reason would permit ? If this be not so, let them that
think otherwise teU me what they think of these sayings of
his '. " MeUus est nubere quam uri : si per se nuptise sunt
bonse noU iUas incendio comparare, sed die simpliciter, bonum
est nubere. Suspecta est mihi omnis bonitas ejus rei, quam
magnitudo alterius mali, malum esse cogit inferius. Ego
autem non levius malum, sed simplex per se bonum volo.
Si bonum est mulierem non tangere, malum est ergo tangere :
nihil enim bono contrarium est, nisi malum," &c. So then,
as we do not approve any private opinion of Jovinian, con
trary to the judgment of God's church ; so, on the contrary
side, we dare not approve these and the like rash and incon
siderate speeches of Hierome, being contrary to the truth of
Scripture, and the judgment of the rest of the fathers, who
are wont so to compare marriage and virginity, that the
difference between them should be bonum et melius; both
good, but the one better than the other ; not bonum et ma
lum, the one good and the other evil. For, so to think is to
faU into the heresy of Marcion and Tatianus.

CHAPTER XXXI.
OF THE HERESIES OF VIGILANTIUS.
THE next heresy that we are supposed to faU into, is that
of VigUantius. The opinions imputed to him by Hierome2,
and disliked, are these. The first, that the saints departed
1 Contra Jovinianum [i. p. 152. ed. Ben.] His books against
Jovinian were excepted against by those of the Church of Rome,
whereupon he writeth an apology. " Certe constat Hieronymum hac
de causa Romse male audisse." Rhen. in arg. in lib. Tertul. de exhor-
tatione ad castitatem.
2 [In his treatise against Vigilantius.]

300 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi,
pray not for the living. The second, that they abide in some
certain place, and are not everywhere. The third, that the
vigils of the saints are not to be kept ; nor their bodies, and
the relics, and the ashes that remain of them, to be honoured,
but despitefully trampled under feet. The fourth, that bishops
are bound to marry, and may not bo admitted unless they do
first marry. The fifth, that it is better to give alms of our
goods, according to that ability we have, and to retain a
sufficiency to ourselves, than to soU away all, and give what
soever we have at once to tho poor. Two other assertions
there are wherewith Bellarmine chargeth Vigilantius, to wit,
the impugning of the invocation of saints ; and, tho condemn
ing of the adoration of saints and their relics : thereby in
tending to make his reader believe that there was a contro
versy between Hierome and Vigilantius about these things;
that Hierome did defend invocation of saints, whereof yet he
speaketh not one word; and that he justified the adoration
of saints and their relics, which, yet, in express words he dis-
claimeth and condemneth, saying, that " the Church honoureth
them, but adoreth them not."
For the opinions wherewith Hierome chargeth him, this
we briefly answer. First, if he absolutely denied that tho
saints departed do pray for us, as it seemeth ho did by
Hierome's reprehension, we think he erred. For wo hold
they do pray in genere. Touching the second, whether the
saints do abide in some one place appointed for their rest, or
be present everywhere, how peremptory soever Hierome be,
we wish the reader to consider how doubtfully Augustine
hath written of this matter in his book De cura agenda pro
mortuis ; and that Tertullian1, Athanasius2, and sundry other
have resolutely delivered, that the souls of men departed do
never return, nor intermeddle with the living any more.
1 "Null! autem animae omnino inforos patcro satis Dominus in
argumento illo pauperis roquioscentis ot divitis ingemiscentis ox
persona Abrahamoo sanxit, non posso inde rolegari ronunciatorem
dispositioniB infernto,'' &c. Tertul. Do Anima. [c. 57.]
2 " Athanasius aut quisquis auctor ost queostionum ad Antiochum,
quaest. 11, 13, et Isidoras Etymolog. lib. vm. c. 9, et Thoophylact. in
Matthoi viii. prorsus ncgant unquani id fieri (sc. animas mortuorum
viventibus unquam apparoro) etcur fiori non conveniat multas rationcs
afferunt." Maldonatus in Lucao xvi. 27, 28.]

chap, xxxi.] OF THE CHURCH. SOI
Touching the third 1, which is the keeping of the vigils of the
saints, we know they were long since, by the decree of a
councU, condemned and forbidden, and that the church of
Rome doth not continue nor retain any such use or custom at
this day. But, whereas he is said to have denied any honour
to be given to the bodies of God's saints, and despitefully to
have used them ; if so he did, we cannot but as much condemn
his impiety therein as Hierome did : neither do we suffer any
with us to despite the blessed saints of God, to trample their
bodies under feet, or cast tliem into the fire, as Bellarmine
most falsely and unjustly accuseth us. But, this indeed we
confess we have done, remembering the saying of Gregory
and other of the fathers, affirming that neither the bodies of
the saints2, nor any parts of them ought to be brought into
open view, or handled with the hands of men ; and that the
burying of them, and hiding tbem from the sight of men is a
duty we owe unto them: we have caused relics which were
wont superstitiously to be adored, and offered to be seen and
handled of men, to be honourably buried. If any thing have
been disorderly done in the confusions of war and popular
tumults, they know our answer : we cannot excuse it, nor
could not remedy it. Touching the fourth, we say that
bishops neither are bound to marry, nor abstain from mar
riage. Touching the last, we say that Christian perfection
standeth in this, that we set not our hearts upon riches, that
we be not proud of them nor trust in them ; that we be ready,
if it be for God's glory or our own soul's good, to leave all.
But for giving away all at once, or retaining to ourselves a
sufficiency, neither the one nor the other is absolutely a
matter of more perfection. For, sometimes, and for some
men, it is better to keep and retain a sufficiency, and to give
according to the proportion of their ability, than to give away
all at once : and sometimes, for some men, upon some occasion,
and in some state of things, it argueth more perfection, to
give away, relinquish, and forsake all at once. Perfection
therefore essentially consisteth not in riches or poverty, nor
1 Vide supra, c. 9.
2 " In Romauis vol totius Occidentis partibus omnino intolerabile
est atque sncrilcgum, si sanctorum corpora tangere quisquam fortasse
voluerit." Et ibid, "quis presumat inspicere :'' Lib. m. Indictione,
12. Epist. xxx.

302 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
in the refusing to have any property in any thing, as thereby
expressing the state of things in the time of man's innocency ;
but in the affection of the mind, always ready to forsake aU
for the glory of God, the profession of the faith of Christ,
and the attaining of eternal salvation. See to this purpose
Gerson in his book De Consiliis Evangelicis, where he
excellently handleth and cleareth this matter of Christian
perfection.

CHAPTER XXXII.
OF THE HERESY OF PELAGIUS TOUCHING ORIGINAL SIN ; AND
THE DIFFERENCE OF VENIAL AND MORTAL SINS.
THE fourteenth heresy we are charged with, is Pela-
gianism ; which Bellarmine endeavoureth to fasten upon
us three ways. First, because Zuinglius did sometimes seem
to deny original sin, as did the Pelagians. Secondly, because
Calvin and others teach, that the children of the faithful are
holy by the right of their birth. Thirdly, because we say
that all sins are by nature mortal1.
To the first of these objections we say, there is no more
reason to charge us with the private opinion of ZuingUus,
which himself afterwards corrected, and none of his foUowers
ever in the Helvetian church defended, than for us to charge
them with the error of Pighius and Catharinus2, who taught
more peremptorily the same error that ZuingUus did, if not
a worse and more dangerous. For, whereas he acknow
ledged most grievous evils to be found in the nature of man
since Adam's fall, which no way could have been in the
integrity of nature, though he will not caU them by the name
of sin; they hold that original sin is not subjectively and
1 ["See Calvin's Institutes, n. 8, § 185; in. 4, § 28, on the difference
of mortal and venial sins; to which Bellarmine refers." Ed. Brewer.]
2 Bell. 1. v. c. 15, De amissione gratiae et statu peeeati proponit et
damnat errorem Pighii et Catharini. [" See Dr Jackson's observations
on these opinions, in his treatise on the Creed, Vol. in. Bk. x. init. ;
Thorndike's Just Weights, p. 77 ; Baronius's Metaph. p. 237 ; as stated
also with great clearness by Becanus, Summa, p. 196." Ed. Brewer.]

chap, xxxii.] OF THE CHURCH. 303
inherent in every of us, but that Adam's sin is imputed to us,
and we punished for his offence ; that all the evils the sons
of Adam are subject to, are the conditions of nature, and con
sequently not newly brought in by Adam's sin : with sundry
other erroneous conceits of the like nature.
Touching the second objection, that Bucer and Calvin
deny original sin, though not generally, as did Zuinglius, yet
at least in the children of the faithful : if he had said that
these men affirm the earth doth move, and the heavens stand,
he might have as soon justified it against them as this he now
saith. For they most constantly defend the contrary of that
he imputeth to them. But, saith he, they teach that the
children of the faithful are born holy, or are holy by the
right of their birth. 0 inconsiderate Jesuit! is this the
ground of that vile and unjust imputation? Doth not Paul
say so in express words, and wilt thou make him a Pelagian
likewise1? But, saith he, Calvin and Bucer teach that the
chUdren of Christians by the right of their birth are com
prehended in the covenant of grace, and so understand the
holiness attributed to them : whence it will follow that they
are born without original sin. To this we answer, that the
children of believing parents may be understood to be com
prehended in the covenants of mercy and grace, by the right
of their birth, either as being already in the covenants by
actual admission, in that they are born of such parents ; or,
for that in the covenant between God and theh parents, their
parents offering them unto God, and his admission of them
and taking them to be his children upon such offer made, are
covenanted and agreed upon. If Calvin and Bucer did teach
that the children of the believing parents are already in the
covenant by actual admission, in that they are born of such
parents, it will follow that they were the chUdren of grace
by nature, and not of wrath, and consequently not born in
sin. But they teach no such thing, but understand the com
prehension in the covenants in the other sense ; namely, that
the offering of them unto God by their parents, and his
acceptation of thein upon such offer made, are covenanted and
agreed upon in the covenants between God and theh parents.
Now then, as beUeving parents have good assurance that God
wiU receive their children as his own children by adoption,
i i Cor. vii. 14.

304 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
and forgive them the sin they are born in, if they present
and offer them to baptism, as they are bound by covenant to
do as much as in them lieth; so if, by inevitable impossibility,
they be hindered and cannot, they hope of God's goodness in
this behalf, and are moved so to hope by sundry rules of
equity whereof Gerson and divers others do speak1, whom I
hope Bellarmine will not pronounce to be Pelagian heretics.
The second thing wherein Bellarmine supposeth we agree
with the Pelagians, is the denial of the difference or distinction
of venial and mortal suis. That the Pelagians did expressly
and directly deny this distinction of sins, there is no ancient
writer that reporteth. Bellarmine therefore proveth it to be
consequent upon that which they taught concerning the per
fection of righteousness, supposed by them to be so fuU and
absolute as not to admit any imperfection, or any the Ughtest
sins to be where it remaineth. How good this consequence
is, and how weU he proveth that he intendeth, I refer to the
judgment of the reader, and wUl not now examine. But
whether the Pelagians were in an error touching the difference
of sins, or no, I wUl make it clear and evident that we are
not ; for we do not deny the distinction of venial and mortal
1 Gerson, in. part. Serm. de Nativitate Virginis Mariae. [As in the
following passage, among others: "Debent igitur mulieres praegnantes,
similiter et viri sui per se et alios diligentius preces fundere Deo et ad
sanctos angelos custodes hominum, etiam puerorum in utero ; debent
ad ceteros sanctos sanctasque omnes confugere, quatenus infaTis non-
dum natus, si forte moriturus est priusquam ad Baptismi gratiam per-
venire valeat, dignetur ipsum Dominus Jesus snmmus Pontifex, bap
tismo Spiritus Sancti prseveniendo misericorditer consecrare. Proficit
haec consideratio ad excitationem devotionis in parentibus, proficit
ad leviandum eorum angustiam, dum sine baptismo decedit puer,
quia non omnis inde spes ablata est. Sed neque absque revelatione
datur, fateor, certitude" — Opera, ni. 3, p. 1350.]— Cajetanus in 3.
Thomae, quest. 9, alias 68, art. 2. [" The passage to which Field refers
must, I think, be in Quaest. lxvii. art. 2, since Cajetan makes no remark
on the article quoted in the text. There is some mistake both in this
and the following reference, which I am not sure of having rightly
corrected. On quaest. lxvh. art. 2, Cajetan makes this comment: — ¦
'Integer effectus baptismi claudit in se characterem. Et propterea
licet gratia cum remissione totius culpae et pcenae possit sine baptismo
suppleri, ut patet in latrone, character tamen suppleri non potest ; et
hoc loquendo de potentia ordinata sub divinae dispositionis providentia.'
See a Tract by Bishop Bramhall, on persons dying without baptism,
published in his Works, p. 970, ed. fol." Ed. Brewer.]

chap, xxxii.] OF THE CHURCH. 305
sins, but do think that some sins are rightly said to be mortal,
and some venial ; not for that some are worthy of eternal
punishment, and therefore named mortal ; others of temporal
only, and therefore judged venial, as the Papists imagine1:
but for that some exclude grace out of that man in which
they are found, and so leave him in. a state wherein he hath
nothing in himself that can or will procure him pardon ; and
others, which, though in themselves considered, and never
remitted, they be worthy of eternal punishment, yet do not
so far prevaU as to banish grace, the fountain of remission of
all misdoings. All sins, then, in themselves considered, are mortal2 ; as
Gerson doth excellently demonstrate. First, because every
offence against God may justly be punished by him in the
strictness of his righteous judgment with eternal death, yea
with annihilation : which appeareth to be most true, for that
there is no punishment so evil, and so much to be avoided,
as the least sin that may be imagined ; so that a man should
rather choose eternal death, yea utter annihilation, than com
mit the least offence in the world. Secondly, the least offence
that can be imagined remaining eternally in respect of the
stain and guilt of it, though not in act, as do all sins un-
1 Cajetan, in primam secundae quaest. 87, art. 5. ["Nota distinctio-
nem peeeati tarn venialis quam mortalis, ex genere et ex parte agentis.
Et memento rationis ad secundum, q. 72, superius, art. 5 ; qua dictum
est quod ex hoc quod veniale et mortale inveniuntur differre genere
ex parte objecti, non tamen quod differentia venialis et mortalis sit
specifica, id est constitutiva generis vel speciei subalternse, sed quod
consequantur distinctionem speciflcam seu generis in his."]
2 De vita spirituali animse, Lect. 1. [" Omne peccatum pro quanto
est offensa Dei, et contra legem ejus seternam, est de sua conditione
et indignitate mortiferum, secundum rigorem justitiae et a vita gloriae
6eparativum. Ratio est quoniam omnis offensa in Deum potest juste
ab ipso judice Deo puniri poena mortis tarn temporalis quam seternae,
immo annihilationis poena; est igitur de se mortifera. Assumptum
deducitur ex hoc quod nulla poena talis est ita mala, quantum mala
est ipsa offensa: et ex alio, quia potius toleranda esset omnis mors,
quantumcumque pcanalis immo et annihilatio, quam committenda
esset quamtumlibet parva offensa in Deum. Praeterea quaelibet of
fensa Dei nisi remitteretur, repelleret a gloria Dei, perpetuo et absque
termino puniretur, alioquin maneret dedecus culpae sine decore justi
tiae ; quod autem offensa dimittitur aut remittitur est ex pura liberali-
tate Dei remittentis et non amplius imputantis." — Opera, 1. m. p. 9.]
[Field, I.] U

306 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
remitted, must be punished eternally ; for, else, there might
some sinful disorder and dra^ia remain not ordered by divine
justice. But wheresoever is eternity of punishment, men are
repelled from eternal life and happiness; and consequently,
every offence that eternaUy remaineth not remitted, excludeth
from eternal glory and happiness, and is rightly judged a
mortal and deadly sin. All sins, then, are mortal in them
that are strangers from the life of God, because they have
dominion and full command of them ; or are joined with such
as have ; and so leave no place for grace which might cry
unto God for the remission of them. But the elect and
chosen servants of God, called according to purpose, do care-
fuUy endeavour that no sins might have dominion over them ;
and therefore, notwithstanding any degree of sin they run
into, they retain that grace which can and wiU procure par
don for all their offences.
Thus all sins, in themselves considered, and never re
pented of, forsaken, nor remitted, are mortal. All sins (that
against the Holy Ghost excepted) are venial ex eventu, that
is, such as may be, and oftentimes are, forgiven through the
merciful goodness of God, though there be nothing in the
parties offending, while they are in such state of sin, that
either can or doth cry for remission. The sins of the just,
not done with full consent, (and therefore not excluding grace,
the property whereof is to procure the remission of sins), are
said to be venial, because they are such, and of such nature,
as leave place in that soul wherein they are, for grace that
may and will procure pardon.
By that which hath been said, I hope it doth appear that
we teach nothing touching the difference of venial and mortal
sins, that Bellarmine himself can except against; and that
we differ very much from the Pelagians, who thought that
no sinful defect can stand with grace, or a state of acception
and favour with God: for we reject this theh conceit as
impious and heretical, and do confess that all sins not done
with full consent may stand with grace, and so be rightly
named venial.

chap, xxxiii.] OF THE CHURCH. 307

CHAPTER XXXIII.
OF THE HERESY OF NESTORIUS, FALSELY IMPUTED TO BEZA
AND OTHERS.
THE next heresy it pleaseth this heretical Romanist to
charge us with, is that of the Nestorians. Let us see
how he endeavoureth to fasten this impiety upon us. First,
saith he, the Nestorians contemned the Fathers : and so do
the Protestants : therefore they are Nestorians. The con
sequence of this argument we will not now examine : but
the minor proposition is most false; for we reverence and
honour the Fathers much more than the Romanists do, who
pervert, corrupt, and adulterate their writings, but dare not
abide the trial of their doctrines by the indubitate writings
of antiquity. Secondly, saith he, the Nestorians affirmed, that there
were two persons in Christ, and so divided the unity of his
person : but the Protestants think so likewise : therefore they
are Nestorians. The assumption we deny ; and he doth not
so much as endeavour to prove it, but proceedeth particularly
to prove Beza a Nestorian heretic, in which he hath as ill
success as he had in the rest of his slanderous imputations.
Beza, saith he, teacheth, that there are two hypostatical
unions in Christ; ergo, two hypostases or persons; which
was the heresy of Nestorius. The consequence of this argu
ment is too weak to enforce the intended conclusion; for
when Beza saith there are two hypostatical unions in Christ,
the one of the body and soul, the other of the nature of God
and man, he doth not conceive that the union of the body
and soul do in Christ make a distinct human person or sub
sistence different from that of the Son of God ; (for he every
where confesseth that the human nature of Christ hath no
subsistence but that of the Son of God communicated to it) ;
but he therefore calleth it an hypostatical union1, because
i "Deus dupliciter habet esse in creaturis; 1. per illapsum in
omni natura; 2. in natura assumpta per circuminsessionem, et beet
per illapsum Deus sit intimus omni creaturae, intimior quam ipsa sibi
aut forma materiae, — tamen per circuminsessionem fit intimior naturae
assumptae ; — quia necesse est naturam assumptam amittere proprium
u 2

308 OF THE CHURCH. [book ur:
naturally it doth cause a finite and distinct human person
or subsistence, and so would have done here, if the nature
flowing out of this union had not been assumed by the Son
of God, and so, prevented and stayed from subsisting in itself,
and personally sustained in the person of the Son of God.
This doctrine is so far from heresy, that he may justly be
suspected of more than ordinary malice that wUl traduce it
as heretical : yet hath Beza, to stop the mouths of such
clamorous adversaries, long since corrected and altered this
form of speech, which he had sometimes used.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
OF THE HERESY OF CERTAIN TOUCHING THE SACRAMENT ; AND
HOW OUR MEN DENY THAT TO BE THE BODY OF CHRIST
THAT IS CARRIED ABOUT TO BE GAZED ON.
THE sixteenth heresy imputed to us, is the heresy of
certain, who, what they were, the Jesuit knoweth not ;
nor what their heresy was, as it should seem by his doubtful
and uncertain manner of speaking of it. This unknown
heresy, defended by he knoweth not whom, he saith Calvin,
Bucer, Melancthon, and other worthy and renowned divines
(with whom he is in no way matchable either in piety or
learning, though he wear a cardinal's hat), do teach. But
what monster of heresy is it that these men have broached ?
Surely, that Christ's body is not in the sacrament1, or sacra
mental elements, but in reference to the use appointed by
Almighty God; nor longer than the sacrament may serve
for our instruction and the working of our spiritual union
with Christ : and that, therefore, it is not the body of Christ
that dogs, swine, and mice do eat, as the Romanists are wont
csso subsistontiao, si quod ante assumptionom in oa fuit ; vel si num-
quam ipsum habuit, subintraro csso subsistontico naturae ad qUam
assumitur, ut sit idem suppositum subsistens in duplici natura." Pious,
Apolog. c. 4. [p. 161, ed. Basil.]
i Hugo do Sancto Victore, De Sacram. Fidei, n, 8, c. 13 ; Bonavont.
1. 4, dist. 13, art. 2, q. 1, 2.

chap, xxxiv.] OF THE CHURCH. 309:
to blaspheme ; and that it is not fit to dispute, as their
impious sophisters do, of the passage of it into the stomach,
beUy, and draught ; of vomiting it up again, and resuming
it when it is vomited ; with infinite other like fooleries, which
every modest man loatheth and shameth to hear mentioned.
Secondly, that it is not the body of Christ which the Popish
idolaters carry about in their pompous, solemn, and pontifical
processions, to be gazed on and adored, to drive away devils,
to still tempests, to stay the overflowing of waters, to quench
and extinguish consuming and wasting fires : but that the
body of Christ is present in and with the sanctified elements
only in reference to the use appointed; that is, that men
should be made partakers of it.
This participation, according to the ancient use, was, first
and principally, in the public assembly : secondly, in the
primitive church, the manner of many was, to receive the
sacrament, and not to be partakers of it presently, but to
carry it home with them and to receive it privately when
they were disposed1, as Tertullian and others do report:
thirdly2, the manner was to send it by the deacons to them
that by sickness, or other necessary impediment, were forced
to be absent, and to strangers3. Yea, for this purpose they
did, in such places where they communicated not every day,
reserve some parts of the sanctified elements to be sent to
the sick, and such as were in danger of death.
This reservation was not generally observed4, as may
appear by the canon of Clemens prescribing that so much
only should be provided for the outward matter of the
sacraments as might suffice the communicants, and that if
any thing remained, it should presently be received by the
1 De corona militis; lib. n. ad uxorem. — Hieron. adversus Jovin.
quare non ingrediuntur, Ecclesias, &c. Rhenanus annotat. in lib. de
corona militis.
2 Justinus Martyr, Apol. i. p. 98, prope finem.
a Euseb. Hist. Eccl. v. 23.
* " Non tamdiu servabatur, ut nunc ; nam sequitur in canone de
soptimo in septimum diem semper mutetur, et aha eadem die conse-
crata in locum ejus subrogetur. At vetustissimus canon Clementis,
apud Burchardum, vetat Eucharistiam asservari. Hodie mucidas
particulas comedere coguntur sacerdotes quas olim vetustas igne con-
sumpsit." Rhenanus in annot. in Tertul. De corona mibtis, p. 338.

310 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
clergy ; neither could there be any place for, or use of re
servation, where there was a daily communion, as in many
places there was ; nor, in any place, for such reservation as
is used in the church of Rome for weeks and months ; seeing
there was generaUy in ancient times in all places twice a-week,
or at least once every week, a communion, from whence they.
might be supplied that were absent.
The Romanists consecrate every day, but make their
reservations from some solemn time of communicating, as
Easter, or the Uke ; and this not only, or principaUy, for
the purpose of communicating any in the mysteries of the
Lord's body and blood, but for circumgestation, ostentation,
and adoration, to which end the fathers never used it;
neither is that, which is thus unto this purpose reserved, the
body of Christ, as our divines do most truly pronounce. The
manner of the primitive church was, as Rhenanus testifieth,
if any parts of the consecrated elements remained so long as
to be musty and unfit for use, to consume them with fire,
which I think they would not have done to the body of
Christ. This sheweth they thought the sanctified elements
to be Christ's body no longer than they might serve for the
comfortable instruction of the faithful by partaking in them.
But the Romanists at this day, as the same Rhenanus fitly
observeth, would think it a great and horrible impiety to do
that which the fathers then prescribed and practised.
So, then, Calvin doth think that the Romish reservation
doth not carry about with it the body of Christ, as the
Papists foolishly fancy ; and yet I hope is in no heresy at
all. Neither doth he any where say, that the elements con
secrated and reserved for a time, in reference to an ensuing
receiving of them, are not the body of Christ : but saith
only, that there were long since great abuses in reservation,
and greater in that every one was permitted to take the
sacrament at the hand of the public minister in the church,
and carry it home with him ; which I think this Cardinal
will not deny, if he advisedly bethink himself.

chap, xxxv.] OF THE CHURCH. 311

CHAPTER XXXV.
OF THE HERESY OF EUTICHES, FALSELY IMPUTED TO THE
DIVINES OF GERMANY.
THE next heresy imputed unto us, is Eutichianism, which
is directly opposite, and contrary to the former error of
Nestorius. This he charged first upon Zuinckfeldius, whom
we reject as a frantic and seduced miscreant, and do in no
manner acknowledge him to be a member of our churches :
secondly, upon Brentius, Jacobus Smidelinus, and other
learned divines of the German churches.
The heresy of Eutiches was, that as before, so after the
incarnation, there was but one only nature in Christ, for that
the nature of God was turned into man ; that there was a
confusion of these natures. Do any of the German divines
teach this blasphemous doctrine ? No, saith Bellarmine, not
directly and in precise terms, but indirectly and by conse
quence they do. If we demand of him what that is which
they teach whence this impiety may by necessary consequence
be inferred, he answereth, the ubiquitary presence of the
body and human nature of Christ ; for, saith he, ubiquity
being an incommunicable property of God, it cannot be com
municated to the human nature of Christ without confusion of
the divine and human natures. But he should remember that
•they, whom he thus odiously traduceth, are not so ignorant
as to think that the body of Christ, which is a finite and
Umited nature, is everywhere, by actual position or local
extension, but personally only, in respect of the conjunction
and union it hath with God, by reason whereof it is nowhere
severed from God, who is everywhere.
This is it, then, which they teach, that the body of Christ
doth remain in nature and essence finite, Umited, and bounded,
and is locally in one place ; but that there is no place where
it is not united personally unto that God that is everywhere ;
in which sense they think it may truly be said to be every
where. For the better clearing of this point, we must re
member that it is agreed upon by all Catholic divines, that
the human nature of Christ hath two kinds of being, the one
natural, the other personal; the first Umited and finite, the
second infinite and incomprehensible. For seeing the nature

312 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiii.
of man is a created nature and essence, it cannot but be
finite x ; and seeing it hath no personal subsistence of its own,
but that of the Son of God communicated to it, which is
infinite and without limitation, it cannot be denied to have an
infinite subsistence, and to subsist in an incomprehensible and
unlimited sort, and consequently everywhere. Thus, then,
the body of Christ, secundum esse naturale, is contained in
one place ; but secundum esse personale, may rightly be said
to be everywhere.
It were easy to reconcile all those assertions of our
divines touching this part of Christian faith, in shew so oppo
site one to another ; and to stop the mouths of our prattUng
adversaries, who so greedUy seek out our verbal and seeming
differences (whereas their whole doctrine is nothing else but
a heap of uncertainties and contrarieties), if this were a fit
place : but let this briefly suffice for the repelling of Bellar
mine's calumniation, and let us proceed to examine the rest
of the objections.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
OF THE SUPPOSED HERESY OF ZENAIAS PERSA, IMPUGNING
THE ADORATION OF IMAGES.
THE next heresy he imputeth unto us, is the impugning
of the adoration and worshipping of images ; the first
author of which impiety, as this impious idolater is pleased to
name it, was Zenaias Persa, as Nicephorus reports. But
whatsoever the Jesuit think, Nicephorus's credit is not so
good that upon his bare word we should beUeve so shameless
a lie; for Augustine, which was before the Persian (in his
book, De moribus Ecclesia;, I. 34), hath the same heresy, as
it pleaseth these heretics to call it : — " Nolite, inquit, con-
sectari turbas imperitorum, qui vel in ipsa vera reUgione
superstitiosi sunt. Novi multos esse sepulchrorum et pictu-
rarum adoratores, quos mores Ecclesia condemnat, et quotidie
1 " Uniri hypostatice Deum et hominem, nihil est aliud quam na
turam humanam non habere propriam subsistentiam, sed assumptam
esso a Verbo oeterno, ad ipsam Verbi subsistentiam." Bellarm. De
Incarn. lib. in. c. 8.

chap, xxxvi.] OF THE CHURCH. 313
corrigere studet." And Gregory1, after the time of this
supposed Persian, doth condemn the adoration of images;
and the Council of Frankfort likewise, after his time, as
appeareth by Hincmarus and others2.
Besides, if Nicephorus follow the judgment of the fathers
of the second Nicene Council, he meaneth nothing else by
that adoration of images, which he approveth, but the em
bracing, kissing, and reverent using of them, like to the
honour we do the books of holy Scripture, not that religious
worship which consisteth in spirit and truth, which the Papists
yield to their idols : and so there is as great difference of
judgment between him and Bellarmine, as between him and us.
That which Bellarmine addeth, against Calvin and others3,
touching the time that images were first brought into the
church, if this place did require the examination of it, we
should find him as notable a trifler therein as in all the rest.
1 Gregorius Sereno Massiliensi lib. ix. Ep. 9. " Frangi non debuit
quod non ad adorandum in Ecclesiis, sed ad instruendas solummodo
mentes fuit nescientium collocatum."
2 "Auctores antiqui omnes conveniunt in hoc, quod in Concilio
Francofordiensi sit reprobata Synodus vn. quse decreverat imagines
adorandas ; ita Hincmarus, Aimoinus, Rhegino, Ado, et abi." Bellarm.
lib. II. De sanctorum imaginibus, c. 14.
3 " Quis adorat vel orat intuens simulacrum, qui non sic amcitur,
ut ab eo se exaudiri putet? — itaque homines talibus superstitionibus
bbligati, plerumque ad ipsum solem dorsum ponentes preces fundunt
statuae, quam solem vocant; et cum sonitu maris a tergo feriantur,
Neptuni statuam quam pro ipso mari colunt, quasi sentientem ge-
mitibus feriunt. Hoc enim facit, et quodammodo extorquet ilia figura
membrorum, &c. Hoc venerantur quod ipsi ex auro et argento fe-
cerunt; sed enim et nos pleraque instrumenta et vasa ex hujusmodi
materia habemus in usum celebrandorum sacramentorum, &c, et sunt
profecto ista instrumenta, vel vasa, quid aliud quam opera manuum
hominum ? Veruntamen numquid os habent, et non loquentur, — num
quid iis supplicamus quia per ea supplicamus Deo? Hia maxime
causa impietatis insanae, quod plus valet in affectibus miserorum vi-
venti simuis forma, quse sibi efficit supplicari, quam quod earn mani-
festum est, non esse viventem, ut debeat a vivente contemni." Au
gustinus in Psalmum, 113, § 5, 6. — Vide Walafridum Strabonem, De
rebus Ecclesiasticis, Imaginibus, &c.

314 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
OF THE ERROR OF THE LAMPETIANS, TOUCHING VOWS.
THE error of the Lampetians was, as Alphonsus a Castro
supposeth, that it is not lawful for men to vow, and by
vowing to lay a necessity upon themselves of doing of those
things, which, freely and without any such tie, might much
better be performed1.
If they dislike simply all vowing, we do not approve their
opinion, as may appear by that which Kemnicius, Zanchius,
and others, have written to this purpose; and therefore we are
unjustly said to favour theh error. That which BeUarmine
addeth for the strengthening of this his unjust imputation, is
a mere calumniation; for Luther doth not say that a man
should vow to do a thing as long as he shaU be pleased, and
then to be free again when he shall dislike that which before
he resolved, but that aU vows should be made with limitation,
to be so far performed2 as human frailty wUl permit ; and
that it is better, after a vow made, to break it, and to descend
to the doing of that which is lawful and good, though not
carrying so great show of perfection as that which by vow
was promised, than under the pretence of keeping it, to Uve
in all dissolute wickedness, as the manner of the popish votary
is3: whereupon the fathers are clear, that marriage after a
vow made of single Ihe is lawful, and that it is better to
marry than continuing single to live lewdly and wantonly.
1 [Adversus Haer. Votum.]
2 The Romanists admit dispensations wholly discharging from vows
and commutations, whereby men are taught it sufficeth to perform
some other things instead of that they vowed.
3 " Si autem perseverare nolunt, vel non possunt, melius est nubant
quam in ignem delictis suis cadant." Cypr. lib. I. Epist. 11. [=als. 4.]
Epiphanius, haeresi 61. Ostendit melius esse post votum jungi matri
monio et acta poenitentia recipi in Ecclesiam, quam quotidie telis
occultis vulnerari. [§ vii. Kpelrrov neo-ovra dirb dpopov (pavepas eavna
Xafteiv yvvdiKa Kara vopov, Kal dirb napBevias noXXa ^pdyto peTavorjo-avra
elcraxBrjvai ndXiv els rr)v fiocXijtriai/, as KaKas ipyaadpevov, as napa-rreo-ovra
Kai Kkao-Bivra Kal xPllav exovra imdeparos, Kal pr) Kaff iKacrrnv rjpipav
PeXeoi Kpv(piois KaranTpao-Keo-Bai Kal irovrjpias vnb diaftdXov avra im-
(j)epopevr)S.] Augustine, though he do mislike them that vow, and perform not,
yet he reproveth them also that think marriages after vows to be void,
and to be dissolved. De bono viduitatis. [cap. ix.]

chap, xxxvm.] OF THE CHURCH. 315

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
OF THE HERESY OF CERTAIN, TOUCHING THE VERITY OF THE
BODY AND BLOOD OF CHRIST COMMUNICATED TO
US IN THE SACRAMENT.
THE last heresy might well have been omitted, for these
heretics condemned by Theodoret, Ignatius1, and others,
denied the verity of Christ's human nature, and thereupon
condemneth the sacrament of his body and blood. So that
it was not the imputing of popish transubstantiation, as Bel
larmine idly fancieth, that was reproved in them, but the
denying of the truth of that body and blood, which all true
Christians do know to be mystically communicated to them
in the sacrament, to their unspeakable comfort. How then
can we be charged with the heresy of these men, seeing we
neither deny the verity of Christ's human nature, nor make
the sacrament to be a naked figure or similitude only, but
acknowledge that it consisteth of two things, the one earthly,
and the other heavenly ; and that the body of Christ is truly
present in the sacrament and communicated to us, though
neither capernaitically torn with the teeth, nor popishly to be
swaUowed and carried down into the stomach and belly ?
Thus then we see how fondly this Cardinal heretic hath
endeavoured to prove us heretics, and to hold the old con
demned heresies of those cursed arch-heretics whose frenzies
we condemn much more than he and his fellows do ; so that
he is so far from demonstrating either our consent with
condemned heretics that were of old, or their consent with
the ancient fathers, and consequently the antiquity of their
1 [Quoted by Theodoret in his Dialogue, entitled] Impatibilis.
Mirum est, Bellarminum hanc haeresin tarn antiquam putare, cum
Alphonsus a Castro haeresi iv. [lib. vi. 625] de Eucharistia, dicat,
omnes qui hujus perversi dogmatis mentionem fecerunt asserere fuisse
Berengarii inventionem. [The words of Bellarmine follow : — " Quo-
rundam qui negabant Eucharistiam vere esse camem Christi et tantum
esse volebant figuram seu imaginem corporis Christi. Ita refertur in
vn. Synodo, art. vi. torn. in. [Harduini Concil. iv. 359 et 367], et
longe antea ex Ignatio idem refert Theodoretus in Dialogo qui dicitur
Impatibilis." Brewer's Ed.]

316 OF THE CHURCH. [book ni.
profession, that, contrarily, all that are not blinded with
partiality, may easUy see that the whole course of Popish
doctrine is nothing but a confused mixture of errors, and all
that they write against us nothing but mere calumniation and
slander.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

OF SUCCESSION ; AND THE EXCEPTIONS OF THE ADVERSARIES
AGAINST US IN RESPECT OF THE SUPPOSED WANT OF IT.
THUS, then, having taken a view of whatsoever they can
or do allege for proof of the antiquity of their doctrine,
which is the first note of the church assigned by them, let us
come unto the second, which is Succession, and see if they
have any better success in it than in the former1. In what
sense Succession may be granted to be a note of the true
church, I have shewed already : let us therefore see how
and what our adversaries conclude from thence against us,
or for themselves.
By this note, say they, it is easy to prove that the re
formed churches are not the true churches of God. Ecclesia
non est, quce non habet sacerdotem2, saith Hierome against
the Luciferians. It can be no church that hath no ministry :
and Cyprian to the same purpose pronounceth, that the
church is nothing else but Plebs episcopo adunata3. Thus,
therefore, from these authorities they reason4, where there
is no ministry there is no church : but amongst the Pro
testants there is no ministry : therefore no church. The
minor proposition, or assumption, of this argument we deny :
which they endeavour to prove in this sort : there is no
lawful calling to the work of the ministry amongst the
Protestants: therefore no ministry. The defects they sup-
i Bellar. De Notis Ecclesiae, iv. c. 8, not. 5.
2 Contra Luciferianos. [p. 302.]
3 Lib. iv. Ep. 10. [als. 69.]
* [Bellarm. ib.]

chap, xxxix.] OF THE CHURCH. 317
pose to be in the caUing of our bishops and ministers are
twofold : first, for that they that ordained them, in the
beginning of this alteration of things in the state of the
church, had no power so to do. Secondly, for that nO
man may be ordained but into a void place, either wherein
there never was any pastor or bishop before, as in churches
in their first foundation ; or, wherein there having been,
their place is now void, by the death, deprivation, or volun
tary reUnquishment of them that possessed it before, that so
they who are newly elected and ordained may succeed into
the void rooms of such as went before them, and not intrude
upon theh charge, whereunto they are still justly entitled :
our bishops and pastors were ordained and placed, in the
beginning of the reformation of religion, where there were
bishops already in actual possession. These being the defects
which they suppose to be in the caUing of our bishops and
ministers, let us see how they prove that they say.
That they, who ordained our ministers in the beginning
of the alteration of religion, had no power so to do, thus they
prove. No bishop may be esteemed and taken as lawfully
ordained, unless he be ordained of three bishops at the least ;
and they, such as have been ordained in like sort; and so
ascending tiU we come to the first, whom the apostles did
constitute by their apostolic authority received immediately
from Christ the Son of God, whom the Father sent into the
world : but the pastors and bishops of the reformed Churches
had no such ordination: therefore they wanted that calUng
which should make them lawful bishops and pastors.
It is true, that the ancient canons regularly admit no
ordination as lawful, wherein three bishops at the least do
not concur. But Bellarmine and his fellows do not think
this number of bishops imposing hands to be absolutely and
essentially necessary1 ; for they confess, that by dispensation,
growing out of due and just consideration of the present
occasions and state of things, one bishop alone may ordain,
assisted with abbots, which are but presbyters, and no bishops ;
1 Bellarm. De Notis Ecclesiae, rv. c. 8, not. 5. [" Itaque dubium
esse non potest, quin requirantur ordinarie tres ad minimum episcopi,
ad novi episcopi ordinationem, nisi forte ex dispensatione cum uno
episcopo ordinante adsint abbates infulati, qui vicem episcoporum
ferant, ut aliquando fieri solot ob episcoporum raritatcm."]

318 OF THE CHURCH. [book nu
nay, which by the course of theh profession, and original of
their order, are less interested in the government of the
Church, than the meanest presbyter having the care of souls.
" Monachus non doctoris habet officium sed plangentis." " A
monk is a mourner ; he is no teacher in the Church of
God1." The Romanists thinking therefore that, in some
cases, the ordination which is made by one bishop alone,
assisted with presbyters, is lawful and good, cannot generaUy
except against the ordination of the bishops and pastors of
all the Reformed Churches. For in England, Denmark, and
some other places, they which had been bishops in the
former corrupt state of the Church, did ordain bishops and
ministers, though perhaps precisely three did not always
concur in every particular ordination.
But they will say, whatsoever may be thought of these
places wherein bishops did ordain, yet in many other none
but presbyters did impose hands ; aU which ordinations are
clearly void ; and so, by consequent, many of the pretended
reformed Churches, as, namely, those of France and others,
have no ministry at all. The next thing therefore to be
examined is, whether the power of ordination be so essen
tially annexed to the order of bishops, that none but bishops
may in any case ordain. For the clearing, whereof we must
observe, that the whole ecclesiastical power is aptly divided
into the power of order and jurisdiction. " Ordo est rerum
parium dispariumque unicuique sua loca tribuens congrua
dispositio." That is, " Order is an apt disposing of things,
whereof some are greater, and some lesser, some better, and
some meaner, sorting them accordingly into theh several
ranks and places." First, therefore, Order doth signify that
1 Hier. contra Vigilantium, non procul a fine, [p. 288] et ad Heho-
dorum, [Epist. I. alias v. p. 10.] "Alia monachorum est causa, alia
clericorum: clerici pascunt oves; ego pascor: illi de altario vivunt;
mihi quasi infructuosse arbori securis ponitur ad radicem, si munus ad
altare non defero." Lindan. Panop. lib. iv. c. 75. " Omnes monachi
erant ordinis laici, ita una cum reliquis templi choro erant exclusi."
Hugo, Erudit. Theol. de Sacr. Fid. lib. n. part. 3, cap. 4. "Ut
intrinsecus quietius vivant, ordines ministerii divini, per indulgentiam
monachis conceduntur; non ad exercendam praelationem in populo
Dei, sed ad celebrandam intrinsecus communionem sacramenti Dei,
quod tamen in principio non ita fuisse dicunt. Monachi quippe et
eremum habitantcs olim presbyteros habuisse dicuntur."

chap, xxxix.] OF THE CHURCH. 319
mutual reference or relation that things sorted into their
several ranks and places have between themselves : secondly,
that standing which each thing obtaineth, in that it is better
or worse, greater or lesser than another, and so accordingly
sorted and placed above or below other, in the orderly dis
position of things. The power of holy or ecclesiastical order,
is nothing else but that power which is specially given to
men sanctified and set apart from others, to perform certain
sacred supernatural and eminent actions, which others of
another rank may not at all, or, not ordinarily, meddle with :
as, to preach the word, administer the sacraments, and the
like. The next kind of ecclesiastical power is, that of jurisdic
tion. For the more distinct and fuU understanding whereof
we must note, that three things are implied in the calling of
ecclesiastical ministers. First, an election, choice, or design-
ment of persons fit for so high and excellent employment.
Secondly, the consecrating of them, and giving them power
and authority to intermeddle with things pertaining to the
service of God, to perform eminent acts of gracious efficacy
and admirable force, tending to the procuring of the eternal
good of the sons of men, and to yield unto them whom Christ
hath redeemed with his most precious blood, all the comfort
able means, assurances, and helps that may set forward theh
eternal salvation. Thirdly, the assigning and dividing out
to each man, thus sanctified to so exceUent a work, that
portion of God's people which he is to take care of, who
must be dhected by him in things that pertain to the hope of
eternal salvation. This particular assignation giveth to them,
that had only the power of order before, the power of juris
diction also, over the persons of men.
Thus, then, it is necessary that the people of God be
sorted into several portions, and the sheep of Christ divided
into several flocks, for the more orderly guiding of them,
and yielding to them the means, assurances, and helps that
may set them forward in the way of eternal life; and that
several men be severally and speciaUy assigned, to take the
care and oversight of several flocks and portions of God's
people. The apostles of Christ and their successors1, when
i Whereupon to ordain presbyters city by city, and church by
church, is all one. Acts xiv. 23 ; Titus i. 5. " Euaristus, ut Damasus

320 OF THE CHURCH. [book iil
they planted the Churches, so divided the people of God
converted by their ministry, into particular Churches, that
each city and the places near adjoining did make but one
Church. Now, because the unity and peace of each particular
Church of God, and flock of his sheep, dependeth on the
unity of the pastor, and yet the necessities of the many
duties that are to be performed in Churches of so large
extent, require more ecclesiastical ministers than one ; there
fore, though they be many presbyters, that is, many fatherly
guides of one Church, yet there is one amongst the rest, that
is specially pastor of the place, who for distinction sake, is
named a bishop ; to whom an eminent and peerless power
is given1, for the avoiding of schisms and factions ; and the
rest are but assistants and coadjutors, and named by the
general name of Presbyters. So that, in the performance
of the acts of ecclesiastical ministry, when he is present and
will do them himself, they must give place : and, in his
absence2, or when being present he needeth assistance, they
may do nothing without his consent and liking. Yea, so far
for order sake is he preferred before the rest, that some
things are specially reserved to him only, as the ordaining
of such as should assist him in the work of his ministry 3 ;
ait, titulos in urbe Romana presbyteris divisit." Platina in vita
Euaristi. 1 Hier. Contra Luciferianos. ["Ecclesise solus in summi sacerdotis
dignitate pendet; cui si non exsors qusedam et ab omnibus eminens
detur potestas, tot in Ecclesiis efficientur schismata quot sacerdotes.
Inde venit ut sine chrismate et episcopi jussione, neque presbyter,
neque diaconus jus habeant baptizandi. Quod frequenter, si tamen
necessitas cogit, scimus etiam licere laicis." p. 295.]
2 As Christ doth nothing without his Father, so do you nothing
without the bishop, whether you be presbyter, deacon, or layman.
Ignat. ad Magnesios, [§ 8]; idem habet in Epist. ad Smymenses,
[§ 9]. Tertullian, De Baptismo. [c. xvii.] " The right to give bap
tism hath the bishop, then the presbyters and deacons, but not without
the bishop's authority, for the honour of the Church." [See Thorn-
dike's Rights of the Church.] Concil. Arelat. i. can. 19. "Presbyteri
sine conscientia episcopi nihil faciunt." [This canon is not found in
the late editions of this council. It is however but right to state that
the readings of the MSS. differ very considerably. Brewer's Ed.]
3 Epiphanius, Heresis, lxxv. [17 piv yap [sc. iwio-Konav] eo-n na-
repav yevvrjTiKr) rat-is* iraripas yap yevva rjj iKKXnaia- r) de irarepas pr)
dvvapevrj •yewav, did rrjs tov Xovrpov naXiyyevea-ias reKva yevva tj_ c'k-

chap, xxxix.] OF THE CHURCH. 321
the reconciling of penitents l ; confirmation of such as were
baptized2, by imposition of hands ; dedication of churches ;
and such like.
These being the divers sorts and kinds of ecclesiastical
power, it will easUy appear to all them that enter into the
due consideration thereof, that the power of ecclesiastical or
sacred order, that is, the power and authority to intermeddle
with things pertaining to the service of God, and to perform
eminent acts of gracious efficacy, tending to the procuring of
the eternal good of the sons of men, is equal and the same
in all those whom we call presbyters, that is, fatherly guides
of God's Church and people : and that, only for order sake,
and the preservation of peace, there is a Umitation of the
use and exercise of the same. Hereunto agree all the best
learned amongst the Romanists themselves3, freely confessing
that that wherein a bishop excelleth a presbyter, is not a
kXtjo-io:, oil pr\v iraripas v didao~KaXovs. Kal 7ras olov re r)v tov irpeo-fiv-
Tepov KaBio-rdv, pri e^ovra xclP°8eo-lav tov xelPOTOVe^v S rj elneiv aiirbv
elvai urov rw ima-Kowa ; § 4.] Concilium Anciranum, can. 13. [als. 20.
" De his qui usurpant sibi quod soli debeant episcopos ordinare, placuit
ut nullus hoc sibi praesumat nisi assumptis secum aliis septem epis-
copis."] Hieron. Epist. 85, [101,] ad Euagrium [Evangelum, p. 802] :
" Quid facit excepta ordinatione episcopus quod presbyter non facit ?"
1 Concil. Carth. n. can. 4. [Can. 3. " Chrismatis confectio et
puellarum consecratio a presbyteris non fiant ; vel reconciliare quem-
quam in publica missa presbyterio non licere, hoc omnibus placet."
Can. 4. " Si quisquam in periculo fuerit constitutus et se reconciliari
divinis altaribus petierit, si episcopus absens fuerit, debet utique pres
byter consulere episcopum, et sic periclitantem ejus praecepto recon
ciliare."] Carth. in. can. 31, 32, 158. [Can. 31. "Ut pcenitentibus
secundum peccatorum differentiam episcopi arbitrio pcenitentiae tem
pore decernantur." Can. 32. "Ut presbyter inconsulto episcopo
non reconciliet pcenitentem, nisi absente episcopo et necessitate co-
gente."] 2 Hieron. contra Luciferianos. [p. 295.] "Ad honorem sacerdotii
fit, ut soli episcopi manus imponant."
3 Thomas m. p. in addit. q. 40, art. 5. Bonavent. lib. iv. dist. 24,
art. 2, q. 3. [" Episcopatus proprie non est ordo, sed ordinis emi-
nentia vel dignitas; nee in eo novus character imprimitur."] Domi-
nicus a Soto, lib. x. De justitia et jure, q. 1, art. 2, et in 4 dist. 24,
q. 2, art. 3. Armachanus, lib. xl, ostendit nullum praelatum plus
habere de potestate sacramental! sive ordinis, quam simpbees sacer-
dotes. Cameracensis in 4, quaest. 4. Contarenus de Sacramentis,
iv. [381.] [Field, I.] X

322 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
distinct aud higher order, or power of order, but a kind of
dignity and office or employment only. Which they prove,
because a presbyter ordained per saltum, that never was
consecrated or ordained deacon, may, notwithstanding, do all
those acts that pertain to the deacon's order, because the
higher order doth always imply in it the lower and inferior,
in an eminent and excellent sort : but a bishop ordained per
saltum, that never had the ordination of a presbyter, can
neither consecrate and administer the sacrament of the Lord's
body ; nor ordain a presbyter, himself being none ; nor do
any act peculiarly pertaining to presbyters. Whereby it is
most evident, that that wherein a bishop excelleth a pres
byter, is not a distinct power of order, but an eminence and
dignity only, specially yielded to one above all the rest of
the same rank, for order sake, and to preserve the unity
and peace of the Church. Hence it followeth, that many
things which in some cases presbyters may lawfully do are
peculiarly reserved unto bishops, as Hierome noteth : " Potius
ad honorem sacerdotii, quam ad legis necessitatem1;" "Rather
for the honour of their ministry, than the necessity of any
law." And therefore we read2, that presbyters in some places,
and at some times, did impose hands, and confirm such as
were baptized : which when Gregory, Bishop of Rome, would
wholly have forbidden, there was so great exception taken to
him for it, that he left it free again. And who knoweth not,
that all presbyters in cases of necessity may absolve and
reconcile penitents3; a thing in ordinary course appropriated
unto bishops? And why not, by the same reason, ordain
presbyters and deacons in cases of like necessity? For,
seeing the cause why they are forbidden to do these acts is,
because to bishops ordinarily the care of all Churches is com
mitted, and to them, in all reason, the ordination of such as
must serve in the Church pertaineth, that have the chief care
of the Church, and have Churches wherein to employ them ;
which only bishops have, as long as they retain their stand
ing, and not presbyters, being but assistants to bishops in
1 Contra Luciferianos, [p. 295].
2 « Pervenit ad nos quosdam scandalizatos fuisse quod presbyteros
Chrismate tangere in fronte eos qui baptizati sunt prohibuimus," etc.
Greg. Januario Episcopo. lib. in. Indict. 12, Epist. 26.
3 Carth. in. can. 32. [as quoted above.]

chap, xxxix.] OF THE CHURCH. 323
their Churches. If they become enemies to God and true
religion, in case of such necessity as the care and govern
ment of the Church is devolved to the presbyters remaining
Catholic and being of a better spirit, so the duty of ordaining
such as are to assist or succeed them in the work of the
ministry pertains to them likewise. For if the power of
order and authority to intermeddle in things pertaining to
God's service be the same in all presbyters, and that they
be limited in the execution of it only for order sake, so that
in case of necessity every of them may baptize and confirm
them whom they have baptized, absolve and reconcile peni
tents, and do all those other acts which regularly are appro
priated unto the bishop alone; there is no reason to be
given, but that in case of necessity, wherein all bishops were
extinguished by death, or, being fallen into heresy, should
refuse to ordain any to serve God in his true worship, but
that presbyters, as they may do all other acts, whatsoever
special chaUenge bishops in ordinary course make upon them,
might do this also. Who, then, dare condemn all those
worthy ministers of God that were ordained by presbyters,
in sundry Churches of the world, at such times as bishops,
in those parts where they Uved, opposed themselves against
the truth of God, and persecuted such as professed it? Surely
the best learned in the Church of Rome in former times
durst not pronounce all ordinations of this nature to be void.
For, not only Armachanus1, a very learned and worthy
bishop, but, as it appeareth by Alexander of Hales, many
learned men in his time and before, were of opinion, that,
in some cases and in some times, presbyters may give orders,
and that their ordinations are of force, though to do so, not
being urged by extreme necessity, cannot be excused from
over great boldness and presumption. Neither should it seem
so strange to our adversaries, that the power of ordination
i "Videtur quod si omnes episcopi essent defuncti, sacerdotes
minores possent episcopos ordinare. Armachanus, lib. xi. in q. Ar-
menorum, cap. 7.
Alex, de Hales, part rv. q. 9, memb. 5, art. 1. [I have not been
able to find this passage in Hales. But the reader will find the autho
rity from the ancient Canonists to the same effect; in Morinus de
Ordinationibus, p. iii. p. 48, and in Van Espen, I. 499, ed. 1753.
Brewer's Ed.] Dicunt quidam quod ex demandatione papae ordinatus
potest conferre ordinem quem habet.
X2

324 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
should at some times be yielded unto presbyters, seeing theh
chorepiscopi, suffragans, or titular bishops, that Uve in the
diocese and Churches of other bishops, and are no bishops
according to the old course of discipline, do daily, in the
Romish Church, both confirm children and give orders.
All that may be alleged out of the fathers, for proof of
the contrary, may be reduced to two heads. For first,
whereas they make all such ordinations void as are made by
presbyters, it is to be understood according to the strictness
of the canons in use in theh time, and not absolutely hi the
nature of the thing ; which appears, in that they likewise
make all ordinations sine titulo to be void ; aU ordinations
of bishops1 ordained by fewer than three bishops with the
metropoUtan ; all ordinations of presbyters by bishops out of
their own Churches, without special leave 2 : whereas I am weU
assured, the Romanists wiU not pronounce any of these to be
void, though the parties so doing are not excusable from aU
fault. Secondly, their sayings are to be understood regularly ;
not without exception of some special cases that may fall out.
Thus, then, we see that objection which our adversaries
took to be unanswerable, is abundantly answered out of the
grounds of theh own schoolmen, the opinion of many sin
gularly learned amongst them, and their own daily practice
in that chorepiscopi or suffragans, as they call them, being
not bishops3, but only presbyters, whatsoever they pretend,
1 Synodus Chalced. can. 6. [pndiva di dnoXeXvpevas xetpoToveia-ftu
prjre irpeo-fivTepov prjre diaKovov, prjre SXas nvd rav iv to iKKXrjo-iao-riKci
rdypan, el pr) IdiKas iv iKKXrja-ia rroXeas rj Kaprjs, rj paprvpia ij povao-njpta>
6 xetP°rdvovpevos iiriKvpvrroiTO. rovs de airoXvras x€Lp°r°vovu-^vovs apia-ev
r] dyia o-vvodos aKvpov exeiv tt)v roiav-rvv x^poBecriav.]
2 "Episcopus praeter judicium metropolitan! et fmitimorum epis
coporum non ordinandus." Concil. Laodicen. can. 12. " Si episcopus
ab omnibus episcopis qui sunt in provincia aliqua urgente necessitate
non ordinatur, certe tres episcopi debent in unum esse congregati, ita
ut etiam cseterorum qui absentes sunt consensum uteris teneant."
Concil. Nic. can. 4.
3 Concil. Antiochenum, can. 13. [prjdiva hrlo-Konov roXpav a<p*
eripas iirapxias eis irepav perafiaiveiv Kal xet-P°rove?v nvas els irpoayayrjv
Xeirovpyias ; prjde el avveirdyoiTO eavra erepovs, el pr) irapaKXrjBels d(pi-
koito did ypapparav roil re pjjrpo7roXiTov Kal rav o~vv aiira iTTio-Koirav, av
els tt)v x^po-" napepxoiro- et de pr)8evbs KaXovvros aTreXBoi draKras ori
XeipoBeaia nvav Kal KaTaarda-ei rav iKKXrjo-iao-nKav irpaypdrav pi] npo-
ui)k6vtwv aiira, aKvpa pev to im airov nenpaypeva rvyxdveiv.]

chap, xxxix.] OF THE CHURCH. 325
and forbidden by all old canons to meddle in ordination, yet
do daily, with good allowance of the Roman Church, ordain
presbyters and deacons; confirm (with imposition of hands)
those that are baptized; and do aU other episcopal acts;
while their great bishops lord it like princes, in all temporal
ease and worldly bravery.
The next thing they object against us is, that our first
ministers, what authority soever they had that ordained
them, yet had no lawful ordination, because they were not
ordained and placed in void places, but intruded into Churches
that had lawful bishops at the time of those pretended ordi
nations; and, consequently, did not succeed, but encroach
upon other men's right. To this we answer, that the Church
is left void, either by the death, resignation, deprivation, or
the people's desertion and forsaking of him that did precede.
In some places, our first bishops and pastors found the
Churches void by death ; in some, by voluntary reUnquish-
ment ; in some, by deprivation ; and in some, by desertion,
in that the people, or at least that part of the people that
adhered to the CathoUc verity, who have power to chooso
their pastor, to admit the worthy, and refuse the unworthy,
did forsake the former that were wolves and not pastors,
and submitted themselves to those of a better spirit. Of the
three first kinds of voidance there can be no question ; of
this fourth there may : and, therefore, I will prove it by
sufficient authority and strength of reason.
Cyprian, CeciUus, Polycarpus, and other bishops, writing
to the clergy and people of the Churches in Spain, whereof
Basilides and MartiaUs were bishops, who fell in time of per
secution, denied the faith, and defiled themselves with idolatry,
persuade them to separate themselves from those bishops,
assuring them that the people being holy, religious, fearing
God, and obeying his laws, may and ought to separate them
selves from impious and wicked bishops, and not to commu
nicate with them in the matters of God's service : " Quando
ipsa plebs maxime habeat potestatem, vel eligendi dignos
sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi1;" that is, " Seeing the
1 Concil. Anciranum, can. 13. [xapenio-Koirovs pr) igeivai irpeo-fiv-
ripovs rj 8iok6vovs ^fipoTovflv" dXXd prj8e npeo-fivTepovs -rroXeas, ?(ti)pir tov
e7rirpa7rrjvai inrb tov iwio-Konov pera ypappdrav iv irepa napoiKia.] De-

326 OF THE CHURCH. [book rn.
people hath authority to choose the worthy, and to refuse the
unworthy." And Occam, to the same purpose, saith in this
sort : " Si papa et maxime celebres episcopi incidant in
hseresin, ad CathoUcos devoluta est potestas omnis judicandi1;"
" If the pope and the principal bishops of the Christian world
do faU into heresy, the power of all ecclesiastical judgment is
devolved to the inferior clergy, and people, remaining Ca
thoUc." This opinion of Cyprian and the rest, if our adver
saries shaU dislike or except against, may easUy be confirmed
by demonstration of reason. For if it do faU out, that
the bishops and a great part of the people fall into error,
heresy, and superstition, I think our adversaries wUl not deny
but that the rest are bound to maintain and uphold the
ancient verity; who being not so many nor so mighty as to
be able to eject those wicked ones by a formal course of
judicial proceeding, what other thing is there left unto them,
but either to consent to theh impieties, which they may not do,
or to separate themselves, which is the thing our adversaries
except against in the people of our time. Now, having
separated themselves from theh former supposed and pre
tended pastors, what remaineth but that they make choice
of new to be ordained and set over them ; if not by the
concurrence of such and so many as the strictness of the
canon doth ordinardy require to concur in ordinations, yet
by such as, in cases of necessity, by aU rules of equity are
warranted to perform the same.
cretum Johannis, m. Ep. ad Germanise episcopos. [Considered by
Baronius to be apocryphal, an. 572, n. 4. Brewer's Ed.]
[roils iv rats Kapais r) rdis xapais r) roiis KaXovpevovs xa>P€77l0~Kd7rovs,
el Kal xeipoBeo-lav eiev ijrio-Koirav eiXrjipores edo£e -rfj dyia o~vvoda> eldevai
Ta eavrav perpa Kal dioiKeiv Tas imoKeipevas aiirois eKKX-qo-ias Kal rrj
rovrav apKeio-Bai (ppovridi Kal Kr/depovia, KaBiordv de dvayvaoras Kal imo-
dtaKovovs Kai ecpopKio-ras, Kal rrj rovrav dpxeio-Bai -npoayayrj, prjre Trpeo--
fOrepov prjre diaKovov xftP°roveiv ToXpav S'Xa rov iv Trj TroXei imo-Kairov
rj imoKeivrai aiiros re Kal rj xapa.]
1 Part I. bb. v. c. 28. The words of Ockam are, [" Si omnes praelati
et clerici mundi pravitate inficerentur hseretica potestas judicandi
omnis devolveretur ad CathoUcos laicos et fideles." f. xlvii. 6.]

chap, xl.] OF THE CHURCH. 327

CHAPTER XL.
OF SUCCESSION, AND THE PROOF OF THE TRUTH OF THEIR
DOCTRINE BY IT.
THUS having examined the allegation of the papists, en
deavouring to prove against us, that we have not the
true Church amongst us, because (as they falsely suppose) we
lack the visible succession of pastors and bishops, let us see
what they can conclude from this note of succession for them
selves. In this part BeUarmine sheweth himself to be a
notable trifler1. For first he saith, that if there be no Church
1 De JSTotis Ecclesiae, cap. 8. [" Quinta nota est successio episco
porum in Romana Ecclesia ab apostolis deducta usque ad nos; hinc
enim dicitur apostolica. Ac propterea omnes veteres hac successione
tanquam argumento evidentissimo usi sunt ad veram Ecclesiam osten-
dendam. Irenaeus (m. 3) enumerat episcopos Romanos a Petro usque
ad Eleutherium qui suo tempore sedebat. — Si ergo veteres tanti fecerunt
ad veram Ecclesiam ostendendam continuationem xii. vel xx. aut xl.
pontificum, quanti nos facere debemus continuationem non interruptam
pontificum cc. et amplius. — Sed ut vis hujus argumenti melius inteili-
gatur, abqua notanda sunt. Primum est non posse uUo modo Ecclesiam
esse sine pastoribus et episcopis, ut recte docet Cyprianus. — Ex quo
sequitur earn non esse veram Ecclesiam quae aut nullos aut non veros
habet pastores. Nota secimdo, illos solos in Ecclesia semper habitos
fuisse veros episcopos qui ab apostolis per legitimam successionem et
ordinationem descendisse ostendebantur.
" Ex quo argumentum insolubile sumitur hoc modo. Ecclesia non
potest esse sine episcopis ut ostendimus. Apud Lutheranos non sunt
episcopi; nam non habent ordinationem nee successionem ab apostolis,
igitur apud eos non est Ecclesia.
3°. Objicit Calvinus (Instit. rv. 2, § 2.) cur non enumeremus etiam
successiones episcoporum Africse, uEgypti et totius Asiae ; et respondet
ipsemet nobis insultans, quia periit ibi sacrosancta ista successio.
Respondeo vel Calvinus ex eo quod periit successio in illis locis vult
concludere non esse Ecclesiam, vel esse Ecclesiam; si primum pro
nobis facit ; nam si ibi non est Ecclesia, quia ibi non est successio, ergo
hie est Ecclesia quia hie est successio.
"4°. Objicit idem Calvinus; in Ecclesia Graeca adhuc servatur
successio non interrupta episcoporum, et tamen non est ilia vera Ec
clesia, secundum opinionem nostram, non igitur successio est nota verae
Ecclesiae. " Respondeo primum non posse ostendi in Ecclesia Graeca certam
successionem. " Dico secundo, argumentum a successione legitima afferri a nobis

328 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
where there is no succession, then where there is succession
continued, the true Church doth remain stiU. Secondly, being
pressed with the example of the Grecians, amongst whom a
continual succession of bishops hath ever been found, he an-
swereth, that succession doth not prove affirmatively that to
be the true Church where it is found, but negatively, that
not to be the true Church where it is wanting : contrary to
himself, who requireth in the notes of the Church (amongst
which he reckoneth succession to be one of the principal) that
they be not only inseparable, without which the true Church
cannot be but proper also, and such as cannot be found in
any other society, but that which is the true Church of God.
Thirdly, again forgetting himself, he maketh succession proper
to the true Church, and such a note as may prove aU those
societies of Christians true Churches which have it ; and dis-
lnketh Calvin, for saying that more is requhed to find out
the true Church than personal succession; and that the fathers
did not demonstrate the Church barely by personal succession,
but by shewing that they that succeeded held the faith of
those that went before them. Thus he sheweth plainly that
he knoweth not what he writeth.
This matter of succession Stapleton hath much more
aptly delivered than Bellarmine1, confessing, that not bare
personal succession, but lawful succession, is a note of the true
Church ; and defineth that to be lawful succession, when not
only the later succeed into the void rooms of those that went
before them, being lawfully called thereunto, but also hold
the faith their predecessors did. In this sort the fathers were
wont to reason from succession, in the controversies of reUgion2.
praecipue ad probandum non esse Ecclesiam, ubi non est haec successio,
quod quidem evidens est : ex quo tamen non colligitur necessario, ibi
esse Ecclesiam, ubi est successio."]
1 Staplet. Contro. de Ecclesia in se, Questione rv. art. 2, expositions
articuli, notabili, v. ["Etsi pastores deserere possunt veram doctrinam,
non tamen propterea successionis vel fihmi abrumpi, vel notam infir-
mari aut incertam reddi. Non enim quaevis sed legitima et vera suc
cessio est Ecclesiae nota. Est autem illorum pastorum legitima successio
qui cum suis antecessoribus, a quibus ordinati sunt unitatem tenent,
et a fide in qua ordinati sunt, postea non recedunt." Opera, i. p. 564.]
2 Irenseus, lib. iv. cap. 43 = 26. Illis presbyteris obediendum esse
dicit, " qui cum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis acceperunt
[certum secundum placitum patris."]

chap, xl.] OF THE CHURCH. 329
First, they reckoned up the successions of bishops from the
apostles' times ; and then shewed that none of them taught
any such thing as was then called in question, but the con
trary ; and consequently, that the apostles dehvered no such
thing, but the contrary.
To BeUarmine's disjunction, that either the fathers made
it appear to Catholics or to heretics that the succeeding
bishops held the same faith the former did, we answer, they
made it appear to both : for so doth Irenasus prove the
tradition of the apostles to be for him1, and against the
heretics he refuteth, because he can number aU the bishops in
the principal Churches from the apostles' times downward,
none of which ever taught any such thing as those heretics
dreamed, but the contrary. That which Bellarmine addeth,
that if it had appeared to heretics, that the true faith had
been kept by succeeding bishops, they would have yielded to
it, is as Uttle to the purpose as the rest. For, we do not say
it did appear unto them they held the truth, but that they
held the same faith theh predecessors held. Now, though
the fathers made this appear unto them, yet they feared not
to oppose themselves, as the same Irenaeus witnesseth2, affirm-
Tertul. De praescrip. praeter ordinem episcoporum ab initio decur-
rentem requirit consanguinitatem doctrinse. ["Edant ergo hseretici
origines Ecclesiarum suarum ; evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum,
ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem . — Sed etsi confinxerint nihil
promovebunt. Ipsa enim doctrina eorum cum apostolica comparata
ex diversitate et contrarietate sua pronuntiabit, neque apostolica ali
cujus auctoris esse neque apostolici. — Nam Ecclesiae in eadem fide
conspirantes non minus apostobcae deputentur pro consanguinitate
doctrinse." § 32.]
Aug. Epist. cxxv. [=im. § 2,] enumeratis episcopis Romanis : "In
hoc (inquit) ordine successions nullus invenitur Donatista."
1 Irenaeus, bb. in. cap. 3.
2 Lib. ni. cap. 2. [" Cum enim ex Scripturis arguuntur, in accu-
sationem convertuntur ipsarum Scripturarum, quasi non recte habeant
neque sint ex auctoritate, et quia varie sint dictae et quia non possit ex
his inveniri Veritas ab his qui nesciant traditionem; non enim per
bteras traditam illam sed per vivam vocem  Cum autem ad earn iterum
traditionem quae est ab apostobs, quae per successionem presbyterorum
in Ecclesiis custoditur provocamus eos, adversantur traditioni dicentes
se non solum presbyteris sed etiam apostolis existentes sapientiores
-sinceram invenisse veritatem, apostolos enim admiscuisse ea quae sunt
legalia Salvatoris verbis. — Evenit itaque neque Scripturis jam neque
traditioni consentire eos."]

330 OF THE CHURCH. [bookhi.
ing, that when it was proved against the heretics of those
times, that in the succession of bishops, those that succeeded
held the same faith that the former did, without any alteration,
and consequently the apostles' doctrine was stiU continued in
theh Churches ; they thought themselves wiser than the
apostles themselves, affirming that they mingled the law and
the gospel together, taking exceptions of ignorance and im
perfection against them and theh doctrine.
Thus, then, we see the fathers did not reason barely
from personal succession, but by shewing affirmatively the faith
they defended to have been received by aU those bishops,
whose succession they urged against their adversaries ; and
negatively, by proving that none of them ever beUeved any
such things as theh adversaries dreamed. If the Romanists
wUl dispute against us in this sort, and demonstrate that the
fathers successively held those opinions they do, and that
none of them were of that judgment in matter of faith that
we are of, we wiU most willingly listen unto them. But this
they do not, and therefore theh talking of the fathers' reason
ing from succession, when they dare not reason as the fathers
did, is most vain and idle.

CHAPTER XLI.

OF UNITY, THE KINDS OF IT, AND THAT COMMUNION WITH
THE ROMAN BISHOPS IS NOT ALWAYS A NOTE OF
TRUE AND CATHOLIC PROFESSION.
THE next note of the Church assigned by them is unity1.
The unity of the Church consisteth principally in three
things. First, in observing and holding the rule of faith
once delivered to the saints. Secondly, in the subjection of
the people to theh pastors : and thirdly, in the due connexion
of many pastors, and the flocks depending on them, among
1 Bellar. De Notis Ecclesise, lib. iv. cap. 10, not. 7. [" Praecipua
unitas corporis consistit in conjmictione membrorum cum capite et
inter se. — Videmus omnes illas Ecclesias quae ab isto capite se divi-
serunt tanquam ramos prsecisos a radice continuo aruisse. — Jam ex hac
nota clarissimum est nostram Ecclesiam solam esse veram."]

chap, xli.] OF THE CHURCH. 331
themselves. All these kinds and sorts of unity we think
necessarily required in some degree, in all those societies of
Christians, that will demonstrate themselves to be the true
Churches of God ; and deny not, but that unity in this sort
expressed and conceived, is a most apt note of the true
Church. The papists suppose, that besides these kinds and sorts of
unity before expressed, there is also required another kind of
unity to the being of the Church, namely, subjection to, and
union with, that visible head, which, as they think, Christ
hath left in his stead to govern the whole body of the
Church, and to rule both pastors and people. This head, as
they suppose, is the bishop of Rome, from whose communion
sith we are fallen, they infer, that we are divided from the
unity of the true Church.
This last kind of unity1, devised by the papists, we deny
to be necessarily required to the being of the true Church.
First, therefore, let us see what may be said for or against
the necessity of this kind of unity ; and, in the next place,
consider, what our adversaries can conclude for themselves,
or against us, from that kind of unity which we acknowledge
to be necessarily required to the being of the true Church.
If the union of all Christians with this supposed visible
head, which is the bishop of Rome, were necessarily required
as a perpetual duty, then was there no true Church in the
time of the antipopes2, when the wisest knew not who were
the true popes, and who were usurpers. If they shaU reply,
1 Dicunt quidam " quod hie est fidei articulus ; Benedictus est papa
(exempli gratia) — quod absque eo non stat salus, cum tamen salus
Ecclesise in solum Deum ordinetur absolute et essentialiter et in
hominem Christum de ordinata lege, sed accidentaliter ordinatur in
papam mortalem: alioquin cum vacat sedes per mortem papae, vel
naturalem vel civilem utputa si sit haereticus depositus, quis hominum
salvus esset ?" Gers. pars 1, De pace, Tom. n. 70. Idem, par. 4,
Serm. de Angelis, in. 1479. Papam agnoscere de necessitate salutis
esse " ambigunt nonnulli, sufflcere dicentes ut verum Ecclesiae caput
Christus agnoscatur."
2 Gerson, De modo habendi se tempore schismatis. ["In schis
mate praesenti tarn dubio, temerarium, injuriosum et scandalosum est
asserere omnes tenentes istam partem vel alteram, vel omnes neutrales
etiam absolutos, esse universaliter extra statum salutis vel excom-
municatos, vel rationabibter de schismate suspectos." Tom. n. p. 4.]

332 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
that it is necessary to hold communion, with the true if he
may be known; this hath no more warrant of reason than
the former, seeing the best learned amongst themselves think
that, not only the pope, but also the whole clergy and people
of Rome may err, and fall into damnable heresies : in which
case, it is the part of every true Christian to disclaim all
communion with them, and to oppose himself against them,
and aU their heretical impieties. That it is possible for the
pope to err1, and become an heretic, so many great divines in
the Church of Rome have at all times most constantly de
fended, that the greatest patrons of the infallibiUty of the
pope's judgment at this day, are forced to confess it is not
necessary to believe that the pope cannot err, but that it is
only a matter of probable dispute.
Thus, then, it is evident to all that wiU not wUfully
oppose themselves against the truth, that consent with the
Roman bishop cannot be made a perpetual and sure note of
the true Church. Nay, the Grecians most constantly affirm,
that the pope, taking aU to himself, and chaUenging to be
head of the universal Church, hath been the cause of the
Church's division. But, because Bellarmine is so exceUent a
sophister, that he is able to prove anything to be true, though
never so false and absurd : let us see how he proveth that
consent with the bishop of Rome is a note of the true Church,
in such sort, that whosoever holdeth communion with him, is
a Catholic; and, contrarily, whosoever forsaketh his com
munion, is an heretic or schismatic.
This he endeavoureth to make good by the testimonies of
sundry of the ancient fathers, wrested against theh known
meanings, and undoubted resolutions, in other parts of their
works and writings. His first allegation is out of Irenaeus,
in his third book and third chapter, against heresies. But,
if we consider the circumstances of the place, and the occasion
of the words cited by Bellarmine, we shall easily see they
prove no such thing as he laboureth to enforce. For Irenaeus
in that place sheweth how all heresies may be refuted, by
opposing against them the tradition of the apostles, which, he
saith, we may easily find out and discern how contrary it is
to the frantic conceits of heretics, by taking a view of them
which were ordained bishops by the apostles in the Churches
1 See cap. 7.

chap, xli.] OF THE CHURCH. 333
of Christ, and their successors to this present time, which
never taught nor knew any such thing as these men dream.
Now, because it would be tedious to reckon aU the succession
of bishops succeeding one another in every Church, therefore
he produceth the succession of the bishops in the Roman
Church, instead of aU ; because, that being the most famous
and renowned Church of the world, constituted and founded
by the two most principal and glorious apostles, Peter and
Paul, whatsoever was successively taught and received in
that Church, and, consequently delivered unto it by those
blessed apostles, must needs be the doctrine and tradition of
the rest of the apostles, delivered to aU other Churches of
the world. For, what was there hidden from these apostles
that was revealed unto any of the rest ; and what would
they hide from this principal Church that was any way
necessary to be known ? Therefore, saith Irenaeus, the pro
ducing of the Roman succession is instead of all. For it
must needs be that what this most principal Church received
from these great apostles, that, and nothing else, the others
did receive from theh apostles and first preachers, which he
expresseth in these words : " Ad hanc Ecclesiam propter
potentiorem principaUtatem necesse est omne convenire Eccle
siam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undique fideles1." Bellarmine's
sense of these words (that aU Churches must frame them-

1 [iii. § 3. " Traditionem itaque apostolorum in toto mundo mani-
festatam, in omni Ecclesia adest respicere omnibus qui vera velint
videre, et habemus annumerare eos qui ab apostolis instituti sunt
episcopi in Ecclesiis et successores eorum usque ad nos, qui nihil tale
docuerunt, neque cognoverunt, quale ab his deliratur. Etenim si re-
condita mysteria scissent apostoli, quae seorsim et latenter ab reliquis
perfectos docebant, his vel maxime traderent ea quibus etiam ipsas
Ecclesias committebant.
" Sed quoniam valde longum est in hoc tali volumine omnium
Ecclesiarum enumerare successiones : maximse et antiquissimse et
omnibus cognitae a gloriosissimis duobus apostolis Petro et Paulo
Romse fundatse et constitutae Ecclesise, earn quam habet ab apostolis
traditionem, et annuntiatam hominibus fidem, per successiones epis
coporum pervenientem usque ad nos indicantes, confundimus omnes
eos, qui quoquo modo, vel per sibi placentia, vel vanam gloriam, vel
per csecitatem et malam sententiam, praeterquam oportet coUigunt.
Ad hanc enim Ecclesiam propter potiorem principalitatem necesse est
omnem convenire Ecclesiam."]

334 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
selves to believe what the Church of Rome believeth, and
prescribeth to others to be believed), no way standeth with
the drift of Irenaeus in this place, as may appear by that
which hath been said ; and, therefore, this aUegation might
have been spared.
His next authorities are out of Cyprian's Epistles 1 : in
the first of which epistles we shall find that there were
certain schismatics that fled from their own lawful bishop
and superiors with complaints to other bishops and Churches,
and, amongst the rest, to the Church and bishop of Rome ;
not knowing, saith Cyprian, or at least, not considering, that
the Romans are such as will not give entertainment to such
perfidious companions, nor listen to lying and false reports ;
for that is the meaning of those words, "Ad quos perfidia
non possit habere accessum." But Bellarmine wresteth the
words to another sense, to wit, that infidelity and error hi
faith can never find place among the Romans, as being
secured from all possibility and danger of erring. So that
that which St Cyprian speaketh of perfidious dealing, that
he interpreteth of infidelity and error of faith ; so good con
struction the Jesuit is wont to make of the words of the
fathers. But let this suffice for the clearing of the first
place alleged out of Cyprian2, and let us proceed to the
second3, the circumstances whereof are as foUoweth. Cor
nelius was elected and ordained bishop of Rome ; a schism
grew in that Church about this his election. Cyprian, though
he approved the election of Cornelius, yet did forbear to
Write unto him as bishop, till others also might be satisfied
1 Lib. i. Ep. 3. ["Navigare audent, et ad Petri cathedram atque
ad Ecclesiam principalem, unde unitas sacerdotabs exorta est, a schis-
maticis et profanis litteras ferre, nee cogitare eos esse Romanos quo
rum fides, apostolo praedicante, laudata est ; ad quos perfidia habere
non possit accessum." Epist. lv. § 19.]
2 But he will say, Cyprian calleth the Roman Church the principal
Church, whence sacerdotal unity hath her spring : hereunto we answer,
that the Roman Church, not in power of overruling all, but in order,
is the first and principal : and that therefore while she continueth to
hold the truth, and encroacheth not upon the right of other Churches,
she is to have the priority : but that in either of these cases she may
be forsaken, without breach of that unity, which is essentially required
in the parts of the Church.
3 Cyprian, lib. iv. Epist. 2 = iv.

chap, xli.] OF THE CHURCH. 335
touching the validity of the same ; at which Cornelius seemed
to be grieved. Cyprian sheweth him the reasons that moved
him to do as he did, and withal how, carefully to avoid all
scandals, he wished all that went to Rome to hold the root
of the true Catholic Church, which was on Cornelius's part,
and not to be carried away with the faction of schismatics,
who opposed themselves against theh lawful bishop, and
brake the unity of the Church. How this will prove that
all Christian men and Churches must perpetually hold com
munion with the Roman Church, and that this is a note of
the true Church, I see not. There was a division in the
Roman Church about the election of Cornelius : Cornelius,
in Cyprian's judgment, was rightly chosen, and so the root
and ground of the true Church was with him, and his true
partakers, and not with his adversaries, that factiously and
schismatically opposed themselves against him ; Cyprian wish-
eth aU men to adhere unto their lawful bishop, and not to
the faction of schismatics, rent from the root of the true
Church's unity. Therefore, say our adversaries, all Churches
must for ever hold communion, upon perU of damnation, with
the Church of Rome. How weak this consequence is, he is
very weak in understanding that doth not see. But how
soever, surely Cyprian is very unadvisedly alleged to this
purpose, who peremptorily standeth upon it, that every bishop
ought to have his liberty of judgment, (as being accountable
only unto God), and that no bishop should make himself
judge of another1: who dissenteth from Stephen, bishop of
Rome, and feareth not to challenge him for pertinacy ; yea,
so hot was the contention between Cyprian and Stephen,
that Cyprian's consorts feared not to charge him with heresy,
and favouring of heretics2. So far were the bishops of those
times from prostrating themselves at the pope's feet, and
thinking it their duty to submit themselves, upon pain of
damnation, to all his determinations, as his vassals are every
where now taught to do.
The next allegation is out of Ambrose, who, in his funeral
oration made upon the death of Satyrus his brother, report-
1 Lib. n. Ep. 1, [alias, lxxii.]
2 Firmilianus Cypriano, Epist. lxxv. ["Non pudet Stephanum
talibus adversus Ecclesiam patrocinium prsestare et propter haereticos
asserendos fraternitatem scindere."]

336 OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
eth of him that, being desirous to be partaker of the holy
mysteries, yet, before he would proceed in an action of that
consequence, he called to him the bishop of the place, and
asked of him if he held communion with the CathoUc bishops ;
and, because he should not mistake him, whether he held
communion with the bishop of Rome, who, at that time, both
in the truth of the thing, and in the opinion of Satyrus, was
CathoUc, and best known both to him and the bishop of
whose faith he inquired. This was done in the time of
the schism of the Luciferians, as appeareth by the place of
Ambrose1. Now what consequence is this? Satyrus asked
of the bishop, of whom he was to receive the holy mysteries,
whether he held communion with the CathoUc Church ; and,
to avoid all ambiguity, expressed what he meant, by asking
him whether he agreed with the Roman Church, which, at
that time, in his opinion, held the true profession : therefore,
the Roman Church can never err. As if I, being in France
or Germany, meeting with some Christians of whose faith I
doubt, should demand of them, whether they hold the true
CathoUc reUgion, and add, for expUcation of the meaning of
my question, whether they hold the profession of the re
formed Churches in England aud Scotland, which, at this
time, I think to be the true Churches of God. Doth it
follow that I think these Churches can never err, or faU
from the sincerity of the Christian profession; or that, for
ever it must be a note of the sincere professors of the
Christian faith, to hold communion with these Churches,
howsoever they degenerate ? The same answer serveth for
the places aUeged out of Hierome, Optatus, and Augustine ;
and particularly touching Hierome2, who knoweth not that
he affirmeth directly, that Liberius, the bishop of Rome, feU
into heresy, and disliketh the customs ofthe Roman Church3;
1 [" Advocavit ad se episcopum, nee ullam veram putavit nisi verse
fidei gratiam, percontatusque ex eo utrumnam cum episcopis Catho-
bcis, hoc est, cum Romana Ecclesia conveniret? Et forte ad id loco-
rum in schismate regionis illius Ecclesia erat : Lucifer enim se a nostra
tunc temporis communione diviserat." 1, § 47.]
2 In Catalogo Scriptorum Ecclesiast. [" In hoc habetur (Fortuna-
tianus) detestabilis, quod Liberium Romanse urbis episcopum, pro fide
ad exilium pergentem, primus sollicitavit, ac fregit et ad subscriptionem
hsereseos compulit." Tom. rv. 1. p. 124.]
3 Hier. Evagrio. [" Nee altera Romanse urbis Ecclesia, altera

chap, xli.] OF THE CHURCH. 337
and will not have that see and the bishops of it to give laws
to all Christendom ; saying, " orbis major est urbe :" and
that though he say here1 that Peter's chair is the rock the
Church is builded upon, yet, against Jovinian2, he professeth
that " super omnes ex aequo Ecclesiae fortitudo, solidatur :" —
" the Church is equally founded upon all the apostles." And
in another place, a bishop, whether of Rome or of Eugubium,
is " ejusdem meriti, ejusdem sacerdotii," " equal in merit and
office3," howsoever riches and the honour of places seem to
make some difference. Hierome was a man of a violent
spirit, and wrote many things that must have a favourable
construction to make them accord with that which elsewhere
he hath deUvered. Touching Leo4, who saith that "that
which Christ meant should pertain to the office of aU the
apostles, was principally yielded to Peter, and from him, as
from an head, derived to the rest," [it] must be understood only
totius orbis existimanda est. — Si auctoritas quseritur, orbis major
est urbe. Ubicumque fuerit episcopus, sive Romse, sive Eugubii, sive
Constantinopoli — ejusdem meriti ejusdem est et sacerdotii — Caeterum
omnes apostolorum successores sunt." p. 803.]
1 Epist. ad Damasum de nomine Hypostasis. ["Ego nullum pri
mum, nisi Christum sequens, beatitudini tuae, id est, cathedrae Petri
communione consocior, super illam petram aedificatam Ecclesiam
scio." p. 19.]
2 Lib. i. Contra Jovinianum, p. 168. ["At dicis super Petrum
fundatur Ecclesia; beet id ipsum in alio loco super omnes apostolos
fiat, et cuncti claves regni coelorum accipiant; et ex aequo super eos
Ecclesia fortitudo solidetur; tamen propterea inter duodecim unus
eligitur, ut capite constituto, schismatis tollatur occasio."]
3 Hierom. Evagrio. [Quoted above.]
4 Epist. lxxxix. [alias ix.] ad Episcopos Viennensis provinciae.
[" Divinse cultum rehgionis quem in omnes gentes, omnesque nationes
Dei voluit gratia commeare, ita Dominus noster Jesus Christus humani
generis salvator instituit, ut Veritas, quse antea legis et prophetarum
praeconio continebatur, per apostolicam tubam in salutem necessitatis
exiret.  Sed hujus muneris sacramentum ita Dominus ad omnium
apostolorum officium pertinere voluit, ut in beatissimo Petro apostolo
omnium summo principaliter collocaverit ; et ab ipso quasi quodam
capite, dona sua velit in corpus omne manare : ut exsortem se mysterii
intelligeret esse divini, qui ausus fuisset a Petri sobditate recedere.
Hunc enim in consortium individuse unitatis assumptum, id quod ipse
erat voluit nominari dicendo: Tu es Petrus, et super hanc Petram
osdificabo ecclesiam meam ; ut aeterni templi aedificatio, nurabiH munere
gratiae Dei in Petri sobditate consisteret.]
[Field, I.] T

338 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
of a principality of order ; and that he, first in time, received
the promise of that which was meant to aU, to express the
unity that must be hi aU. For, otherwise., it neither standeth
with the truth nor the judgment of the fathers, that the
apostles received theh office and authority by derivation from
Peter, or held it in a subordination under him ; seeing they
were aU caUed and continued immediately by Christ himself,
without any dependence on Peter, or receiving anything from
him ; as is easy to demonstrate out of Cyprian, and the consent
of the most ancient fathers. But, because these authorities
are too weak to prove the thing intended, therefore, from
these, BeUarmine fleeth to experience, from whence he think
eth he may fetch a better proof.
AU Churches of the world, saith he, that ever divided
themselves from the feUowship of the Roman Church, Uke
boughs broken from a tree, and deprived of the nourishment
they formerly received from the root, did presently wither
away and decay. The falsehood of this saying of BeUarmine
is too apparent : for the Churches of Greece, Armenia, Ethio
pia, and Syria, continued a long time after they had forsaken
the communion of the Roman Church ; yea, many of them
continue to this day, holding a more sound and sincere pro
fession of Christian verity than the Romanists do. It is true,
indeed, that many of the famous Churches of the world have
been swallowed up of Mahometanism and barbarism : but, to
attribute that theh faU to theh separation from the Church
of Rome, is upon as good ground as to attribute the cause of
Goodwin-sands to Tenterden steeple. That which he addeth,
that none of the Churches divided from Rome had ever any
learned men after theh separation, sheweth plainly that his
impudency is greater than his learning. For, what wiU he
say of CEcumenius, Theophylactus, Damascenus, Zonaras,
Cedrenus, Elias Cretensis, NUus, CarbasUas, and innumerable
more, Uving in the Greek Churches, after theh separation
from the Church of Rome ? Surely, these were more than
matchable with the greatest Rabbins of the Romish syna
gogue : but, saith he, they could never hold any councU since
their separation. If he mean general, it is not to be mar
velled at, seeing they are but a part of the Christian Church:
if national or provincial, it is most chudish, and, by sundry
instances to be reproved.

chap, xlii.] OF THE CHURCH. 339

CHAPTER XLII.
THAT NOTHING CAN BE CONCLUDED FOR THEM OR AGAINST US
FROM THE NOTE OF UNITY OR DIVISION OPPOSITE UNTO IT.
THUS having cleared that which Bellarmine objecteth, to
prove that subjection to, and unity with, the bishop of
Rome, is impUed in that unity which is required to the being
of the Church; let us come to the other part, and see whether
anything may be concluded from that unity which we confess
to be required to the being of the true Church, either against
us or for them. First, therefore, the Jesuit reasoneth against
us in this sort : — all they that are of the true Church must
hold the unity of the faith once delivered to the saints : but
there are sundry heretics erring damnably in matters of
faith, as Zuinkfeldians, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, and the Uke,
gone out of the reformed Churches : therefore, they are not
the true Churches of God.
If this kind of reasoning were good, he might prove that
those Churches wherein the apostles lived were not the
Churches of God, because, out of them proceeded sundry
heretics, as Hymenaeus1, PhUetus, Nicolaus2, Simon Magus3,
and the like. But, says he, there be two differences between
the apostoUc Churches and the reformed Churches, in this
respect : the first, that the doctrine of the reformed Churches,
itself, and of its own nature, breedeth dissension : the second,
that, when there is difference grown, they have no rule, by
direction whereof to make an end of controversies. But the
divisions that grow from the Catholic Church proceed merely
from the maUce of Satan, and have no foundation in the
doctrine of it : and, if any difference do arise, it hath a means
to end all controversies by, which is, the determination of a
councU, or the chief pastor. Both these differences we deny :
for, neither doth our doctrine of itself breed dissension and
diversity of opinions, neither are we without means of com
posing controversies, if they arise. If Bellarmine wiU prove
that our doctrine, of itself breedeth division, he must shew
that the grounds and principles of it are uncertain, and such
as may occasion error, contrariety, and uncertainty of judg
ment ; which he neither doth nor can do : for, the ground of
i 2 Tim. ii. 17. 2 Rev. ii. 6. 3 Acts vui. 18.
Y2

340 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
all our doctrine is the written Word of God, interpreted
according to the rule of faith, the practice of the saints from
the beginning, the conference of places, and all light of di-;
rection that either the knowledge of tongues, or any part of
good learning may yield. This, surely, is the rule to end
all controversies by, and not the authority of a council, or
the chief pastor, as Bellarmine fondly imagineth. For1, they
both must follow the direction of this rule in all theh deter
minations. Whereupon the Book of God2, and monuments of
antiquity were always wont to be brought into the councils,
whereby the fathers might examine aU matters controversed,
or any way doubted of. Now, as we want not a most certain
rule, whereby to judge of all matters of controversy and
difference, so in examining things by the direction of this
rule, we require that Christian moderation in all men that
ever was found in the servants of God ; that no man presume
of his own wisdom, judgment and understanding, nor hastily
pronounce before conference with others : for " the sphits of
the prophets are subject to the prophets : and God is the
God of order, and not of confusion3." It is, therefore, a vUe
calumniation of Bellarmine, when he saith that with us every
one preferreth himself before others, and every one taketh
on him peremptory judgment of an other. For, contrariwise,
we teach all men to submit theh private opinions to the ex
amination of others ; the meaner to respect those of greater
place and quality, the fewer the more ; and those men which
pertinaciously contradict the doctrine agreed upon by consent
of all that are in authority, or the greater part, we reject
from the communion of our Churches : and so, with us, an
end is made of all controversies.
The rule, then, with us is most certain and infaUible,
known to all; to wit, the Scripture, or the written word of
God, expounded according to the rule of faith, practice of the
saints, and the due comparing of one part of it with another,
1 Nee movere quemquam debet quod talem concordem professio-
nem patrum prseposui decreto generalis concilii, etiamsi de toto orbe
existcntes convenirent Episcopi: quin imo in tractatibus fidei huic
post Scripturas tota conciliorum inquisitio se conformabit ut regulae.
Waldens. doctrinal, fidei, lib. n. art. 2, cap. 19. § 8.
2 Cusanus de Concordantia Catholica, lib. n. cap. 6.
« 1 Cor. xiv. 32, 33.

chap, xlil] OF THE CHURCH 341
in the public confessions of faith published by the Churches
of our communion. In all which there is a full consent, what
soever our maUcious adversaries clamorously pretend to the
contrary: and all those that stubbornly resist against this
rule, or anything therein contained, and refuse to be ordered
by it, we reject as factious and seditious schismatics. Thus
do we disclaim all Anabaptists, Familists, Zuinkfeldians,
Trinitarians, and all other sectaries whatsoever. But, saith
Bellarmine, how is it then that there are so many divisions,
not only from your Churches, but also in your Churches,
and amongst them that you take for your brethren, and men
of your own communion, as Lutherans, Calvinists, Flaccians,
Melancthonists, Hosiandrines, and the like? To this we
answer, that this diversity is to be imputed wholly to our
adversaries. For, when there was a reformation to be made
of abuses and disorders in matters of practice, and manifold
corruptions in very many parts of Christian doctrine ; and in
a council by general consent it could not be hoped for (as
Gerson1 long before out of his own experience saw and pro
fessed), by reason of the prevailing faction of the pope's
flatterers ; but this was necessary to be essayed severally, in
the particular kingdoms of the world : it was not possible but
that some diversity should grow, while one knew not, nor
expected to know, what another did. Yet it so fell out, by
the happy providence of God, and force of that main truth
they aU sought to advance, that there was no material or
essential difference amongst them, but such as, upon equal
scanning, will be found rather to consist in the divers manner
of expressing one thing, and to be but verbal upon mistaking,
through the hasty and inconsiderate humours of some men,
than anything else. Yea, I dare confidently pronounce, that,
after due and full examination of each other's meaning2, there
shall be no difference found touching the matter of the sacra- 1
ment, the ubiquitary presence, or the like, between the
Churches reformed by Luther's ministry in Germany and
other places, and those whom some men's malice called Sacra-
mentaries : that none of the differences between Melancthon
1 P. in. Dialogus Apologeticus ; judicium de concilio Constantiensi,
[il. p. 386.]
2 See chap. 35.

342 OF THE CHURCH. [bookiii.
and IUyricus1, except about certain ceremonies, were real:
that Hosiander held no private opinion of justification, how
soever his strange manner of speaking gave occasion to many
so to think and conceive. And this shall be justified against
the proudest papist of them aU.
But, saith BeUarmine, your Churches are so torn and
rent with dangerous divisions, that not only one of you dis
senteth from another, but the same man, oftentimes, from
himself: and herein giveth instance in Luther, whose judg
ment varied in divers things of great consequence. Touching
Luther, we answer, that he was a most worthy divine, as
the world had any in those times wherein he lived, or in
many ages before ; and that for the clearing of sundry points
of greatest moment in our Christian profession, much obscured
and entangled before, with the intricate disputes of the
schoolmen, and Romish sophisters (as of the power of nature,
of free will, grace, justification, the difference of the Law and
the Gospel, faith and works, Christian liberty, and the Uke),
all succeeding ages shall ever be bound to honour his happy
memory. In aU these things he was ever constant; yea, all
these things he perfectly apprehended, and, to the great joy
of many men's hearts, delivered both by word and writing,
before he departed from the Romish synagogue ; and out of
these, and more diligent search of the Scripture and fathers
than was usual in those times, by degrees saw and descried
those popish errors, which at first he discerned not.
1 That which IUyricus said, touching original sin, which he affirmed
to be an essential corruption, was not so meant, as if sin were a positive
thing, or an essence and substance; as many did conceive: for he
acknowledged that sin is formally nothing but a want of rectitude,
and an aberration : but as we call that action sin, wherein defect and
want of rectitude is found, so likewise he feared not to call the essential
powers of the soul, averse from God, and disordered in their motions
and Inclination, by the name of original sin, because they are originally
sinful. Smidelinus cleareth Hosiander, shewing that his opinion was,
that by the active and passive righteousness of Christ, performed in
his human nature, as by causes meritorious, we find favour with God,
and have communion with him, and are made partakers of his essential
righteousness ; not transfusing it into us, or confounding it with us (as
many mistook him), but by such a kind of participation as that is
wherein all creatures partake of God's divine perfections ; and that so
partaking of his righteousness, we may do that is right in his sight.

chap, xlii.] OF THE CHURCH. 343
That herein he proceeded by degrees, and in his later
writings disliked that which in his former he did approve,
is not so strange a thing as our adversaries would make it
seem to be. Did not Augustine (the greatest of all the
fathers, and worthiest divine the Church of God ever had
since the apostles' time), write a whole book of Retractations ?
Do we not carefully observe what things he wrote, when he
was but a presbyter, and what, when he was made a bishop :
what, before he entered into conflict with the Pelagians, and
what afterwards ? Did he not formerly attribute the election
of those that were chosen to eternal life, to the foresight of
faith, which afterwards he disclaimed, as a mere Pelagian
conceit? So that his adversaries (as appeareth by the
epistles of Prosper and Hilarius) did not only charge him to
be contrary to the fathers, but to himself also. Did not
Ambrose1, in his time, complain that he was forced to teach
before he had learned, and so to deliver many things, that
should need and require a second review? Doth not their
Angelical Doctor, in his Sum of Theology, correct and alter
many things that he had written before ? Let not our ad
versaries, therefore, insult upon Luther, for that he saw not
all the abominations of popery at the first; but let them
rather consider of, and yield to ¦ the reasonableness of the
request which in the Preface of his works he maketh to all
Christian and weU-minded readers2, to wit, that they would
read his books and writings with judgment, and with much
commiseration, and remember that he was sometimes a friar,
nourished in the errors of the Romish Church, so that it was
more painful to him to forget those things he had formerly UI
learned, than to learn anew that which is good.
But, say they3, Luther himself witnesseth, that contra
riety and contradiction is a note of falsehood ; and therefore,
1 " Ego enim raptus de tribunalibus atque administrationis infulis
ad sacerdotium docere vos ccepi, quod ipse non didici. Itaque factum
est ut prius docere inciperem, quam discere. Discendum igitur mihi
simul et docendum est, quoniam non vacavit ante discere ; et quantum
libet quisque profecerit, nemo est qui doceri non egeat dum vivit."
Ambrosius, Officiorum, lib. I. cap. 1.
2 Luther, in his preface before his works.
3 Bellarm. lib. rv. cap. 10. De notis Ecclesise ait, Lutherum sic
dicere in bbro de votis monasticis.

344 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
his writings being contradictory, the later to the former, his
whole doctrine must needs be false, even in his own judgment.
Let them that thus reason against Luther, know, that his
meaning is not, that whosoever retracteth and correcteth that
he formerly taught, is thereby convinced of falsehood, and
his whole doctrine proved to be erroneous; but that those
assertions that do imply contradiction and contrariety, that
stand wholly upon doubtful, uncertain, and perplexed disputes,
and so overthrow themselves, do thereby appear to be false.
Of which nature are all the principal parts of the Romish
doctrine. For example : Transubstantiation is one of the
greatest mysteries of popish religion, and aU Papists at this
day do firmly hold and believe it : yet, it is demonstratively
proved by their own best divines, that such a total conversion
or transubstantiation of the sacramental elements into the
body and blood of Christ, is impossible, and implicateth in it
sundry contradictions, and consequences of horrible impieties.
For is it not implied in the nature of the transubstantia
tion1, or total conversion of one substance into another, that
the one must succeed the other in being, and that the former
must cease to be, and the latter thereupon begin to be?
Whence it will foUow, that the latter of the two substances
into which the conversion is made, was not, nor had no being
before. Now what greater blasphemy can there be, than to
think Christ's body had no being, till the massing priests had
wrought this miraculous transubstantiation ? It is true, that
1 The conversion or turning of one thing into another, is, then,
when upon the ceasing of the former, the latter beginneth to be in
such sort as the conversion is : if it be substantial, the former ceasing
to be that substance it was, the latter begins to be that substance it
was not before. Wherefore if bread be substantially turned into
Christ's body, the ceasing of the substance of bread is the beginning
of the substance of his body ; this is called by Scotus, transubstantiatio
productiva, and is confessed to be impossible in respect of the substance
of bread, and the body of Christ. Wherefore they say, that one sub
stance may be said to be turned into the other, when upon the ceasing
of the former, the latter begins to have the same quaUties, apparel,
place, and employment the former had ; and so suppose the body of
Christ filling the same place that the bread did, but now ceaseth to do
(returning into that nothing out of which it was taken), that the bread
may be said to be turned in Christ's body : and this is called by them
transubstantiatio adductiva. See Scotus in 4 Distinct, xi.

chap, xlu.] OF THE CHURCH. 345
one substance may be changed into another, as was Lot's wife
into a pillar of salt : but, that one substance should pass, and
be totally transubstantiated into another, having the same
being, without aU difference, before the supposed transubstan
tiation, that after it hath ; and nothing being new in it, in
respect of substance or being, implieth a contradiction : and
therefore, the sacramental elements cannot be transubstantiated
into Christ's body and blood.
That which Bellarmine hath out of Scotus, of Transub
stantiatio productiva and adductiva, is the most childish
folly that ever was : for this is that he saith : The substance
of the sacramental elements is annihilated, and they return
into that nothing out of which they were formerly taken,
and then Christ's body cometh into the place where they
were before : therefore the one substance may be said to be
changed into the other. If this reason be good, when one
man removeth out of his place, into which another, upon his
remove, doth enter, the former may be said to be transubstan
tiated into the latter. For, as the former of the two supposed
men goeth out of his place into some other ; whereupon the
other succeedeth him, not in being, but in place : so the
sacramental elements go out of theh place, and return to
that nothing, out of which they were created ; and the body
of Christ succeedeth them, not in being, which it had the
very same while they were, but in place.
Neither can this supposed conversion of the elements into
the body of Christ1, be the cause of Christ's being in the
sacrament ; but rather, of their own ascension and going up
into heaven. For, though when one substance is turned into
another not being before the conversion, but by the con
version beginning to be; that, into which the conversion is
made, occupieth and possesseth the place the other held :
as when Lot's wife was converted into a pillar of salt, the
pillar stood in that place where she was when she was con
verted : yet if one substance should be changed into another
pre-existent, the converted should get the place of that into
which it were converted ; so that the bread and wine on the
mystical table, being converted into the body and blood of
Christ sitting in heaven at the right hand of God, should go
up into heaven, and not bring him to the table. And yet
1 Scotus in 4 Distinct, xni. q. 1.

346 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
this was the principal reason that moved the authors of
transubstantiation to Uke better of that than of any other
construction of Christ's words. For that they supposed
thereby the body of Christ might be made present in the
sacrament, without any change of place or local motion, in
respect of itself, which yet Scotus1, Occam2, and the later
schoolmen do utterly reject : so sweetly do these men agree
that talk so much of unity. Verily, I am persuaded there
are more material and real differences, amongst them, touching
this one sacrament, than there are appearing differences or
controversies, amongst those of our religion, touching all
points of religion.
For is it not so3, that there are four opinions touching
the presence of Christ in the sacrament, and three of them
different from transubstantiation? So that notwithstanding
the decree of the Lateran council, many of the wisest and
best learned were of opinion that transubstantiation cannot
be deduced from the Scripture, or the Church's determination.
Did not Thomas Aquinas4, and the rest of that tune deny
that one body may be locaUy in more places than one at one
time, and reject it as a thing impossible, and implying con
tradiction? And do not the papists at this day judge us
heretics for being of the same opinion? Did they not, in
Berengarius' time5, think that the very body of Christ is
torn with teeth, and yet without hurt, by a strange mhacle ?
And was not Berengarius, in his recantation, forced to say so
much ? Yet at this day this conceit is holden most absurd
and foolish. Do not some of them say, that the body of
Christ goeth down into the stomach and beUy, and is eaten of
mice and dogs ? And do not others detest this blasphemous
impiety ? Do not some of them say, there are accidents in
the sacraments without substance ? And do not others affirm,
that those accidents are inherent in the ah ? Do not some
1 Scotus in 4 Distinct, x. q. 1. 2 In 4. qusest. 6.
3 Cameracensis, Sent. 4 in q. 6.
1 Thomas in quodlibetalibus quaestionibus, quodbbeto, 3, q. 1, art. 2.
Durandus, lib. rv. Distinct, n. quaest. 1.
8 Confessio Berengarii est, panem et vinum post consecrationem
esse verum corpus et sanguinem Christi ; et sensuaUter non solum in
Sacramento, sed etiam in veritate manibus sacerdotum tractari, et
frangi, et fidelium dentibus atteri. [See Cosin, Transubstant. p. 175.]

chap, xlh.] OF THE CHURCH. 347
of them say1, that when the priest breaketh that which he
holdeth in his hands after consecration, it is no true breaking,
but a deceiving of the sense ? Others, that he truly breaks
eth, and yet nothing is broken : others, that Christ's body is
broken : and others, that the accidents are broken ? Such
a broken reUgion have these men devised, that neither the
fathers, nor any, before barbarism had possessed all, ever
thought of. Do not some of them say, that Christ in the
sacrament retaineth his own proportion of parts, figure, and
fashion? And do not others say and demonstratively prove,
that if he be in the sacrament, he hath no distance of parts,
no figure, no fashion, nor organical disposition of body, and
consequently no Ufe? The rest of the infinite mazes that
these men, turning out of the direct way, have lost them
selves in, I have no pleasure to tread out. But those few
examples may suffice to shew, that theh whole doctrine is
fuU of uncertainty, contrariety, and contradiction; and doth
testify against itself, that it is not of God.
It were easy to shew, that aU popish doctrine is nothing
else but a mass of uncertainties and contradictions, shewing
that they are out of the way that profess it, and know not
how to find either it or themselves. If any papist dare deny
this, it shall be proved agamst him in particulars. But they
wUl say, notwithstanding aU these differences, yet they submit
theh judgments to the censure of the pope and councU; and
therefore, theh divisions are not dangerous nor heretical.
How false and shameless this answer is, the infinite num
ber of them that have ever judged that the pope may err
and become a heretic, doth apparently demonstrate2.
If they shall say, that they dare not rely upon the infal-
1 " Corpus Christi est totum in tota hostia et totum in qualibet
parte : hinc dubitatur an retinet distantiam partium ? Distinguit
Scotum ordinem partium in toto, et in loco: primum retinere dicit,
non secundum. Occam probat secundum non posse esse sine primo,
nee primum sine secundo : unde probat corpus Christi in Eucharistia,
non habere distantiam vel ordinem partium in toto vel loco, vel per
consequentes nullam figuram nee esse organicum, et proinde nee
animatum (Occam, lib. rv. q. 4.)" Cameracensis in rv. quaest. 5.
[See Cosin on Transubstantiation, p. 73. New edit.]
2 " Quod pontifex ipse errare in judicando possit, asseverantissime
a plerisque pronunciatur." Pieus, Theoremate 4. [Opera, n. p. 259.]
ubi etiam Conciba errare posse ostendit.

348 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
libility of the pope's judgment, yet they rest in the deter
mination of general councUs, it will be found that they are
as doubtful, touching the authority of councUs, as they are
concerning the pope; some saying, they are mere human
inventions1; others, that they are nothing if the pope con
firm them not; others, that they are, though he refuse to
confirm them ; and others that both may err : some rejecting
one council, and some another ; as appeareth by the contrary
judgment of papists, of the councils of Constance, BasU, Pisa,
and Florence.
But they will say, they all hold that which the CathoUc
Roman Church doth hold ; and in other things, not yet agreed
upon, think every man at his pleasure. This is as much as
if they should have said, that wherein soever they aU agree,
they all agree ; and wherein soever they differ, each faction
doth differ from another, and carefully provideth that nothing
shall pass against it by public consent ; as appeareth in the
matter of Mary's conception, and sundry other things, which
no council durst ever determine, for fear of offending the
contrary factions dissenting about these things. Thus then,
I hope, it appeareth out of that which hath been spoken, that
by the note of unity and division, the Romanists are found to
be in error, and not we. What degree of unity is necessarily
required in the true Churches of God, and what divisions
may be found among the societies of Christians, and yet not
cause them to cease to be the true Churches of God, I have
sufficiently cleared in that part wherein I shewed what is the
nature of schism and heresy.
1 Pighius Hierarch. Ecclesiast. hb. vi. cap. 1, 2, 4, putavit univer-
salium conciliorum Constantinum inventorem fuisse : [p. 210, b.] quem
divinorum mysteriorum atqiie adeo Romani pontificis auctoritatis ig-
narum fuisse pronunciat. Hunc reprehendit Andradius de generahiim
Conciborum auctoritate, lib. i. fol. 10. Idem Andradius ait; si uni
versi patres in synodo aUquid definirent unanimiter, cui definitioni
sola persona papae contradiceret, synodo standum esse, et non judicio
papae : et idem sensisse ait Turrecrematam, et tamen etiam hi Basili-
enses damnabant, ut patet ibidem. Gallia Synodum Florentinam pro
CEcumenica nunquam habuit, noluit audire, nee perfectam admisit.
Andrad. de Script, et Tradit. Auctoritate, lib. n. fol. 251.
Constantiensem Synodum OScumenicam esse negat Cajetanus, af-
firmat Andradius in eodem lib. fol. 253.

chap, xxm.] OF THE CHURCH. 349
CHAPTER XLIII.
OF UNIVERSALITY.
THE next note of the Church is universality, concerning
which many things have been spoken in the former part,
touching the notes of the Church in general. Wherefore,
passing by those things, let us in this place observe only
these few things foUowing. First, therefore, to the univer
sality of the Church it is required that it extend to all times,
places, and sorts of men. Secondly, this universaUty is not
found in any one Church, limited either in respect of time
or place. Thirdly, from hence it followeth that it is nowhere
found, but in that blessed number of Christians that have
been, are, and shall be. Fourthly, it cannot be a note of
the true Church, that is, the multitude of men now living in
the world, as being found in it; for that multitude is not
universal, but Umited in respect of time, being only the
number of them that live at one time ; and may be limited
also in respect of place ; for it is not necessary that the
Church be in all places at one time, but it sufficeth if it be
successively1. Fifthly, universality may be a note of the
true Church in respect of particular societies of Christians,
limited in time and place ; though not by having it, yet by
demonstrating themselves to pertain to the unity of that
Church that hath it. This no particular Church can do,
but by proving that it holdeth the common faith once de
livered to the saints, without heretical innovation, or schis
matical violation of the unity and peace of the Christian
world. This being the way for particular Churches to demon
strate themselves to be cathoUc, by proving they hold the
catholic faith, it is easy from hence to conclude, that the
reformed Churches are the CathoUc Churches of God. First,
for that, that being cathoUc, as Vincentius Lirinensis defineth
it2, which is and hath been holden, at all times, and in all
1 Bellarm. lib. rv. cap. 7, De notis Ecclesiae, nota 4. [" Nota quod
etsi Ecclesia non necessario debeat simul esse in omnibus locis, tamen
hoc tempore debet necessario vel esse, vel fuisse in majori parte orbis
terras."] 2 Commonitorium, contra profanas haereticorum novitates. [cap. 3.]

350 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
places, by all Christians that have not been noted for novelty,
singularity, and division; whatsoever hath been so received,
we receive as the undoubted truth of God : neither is there
any of the things which we impugn, and the papists defend,
that is catholic, but they aU carry the marks of novelty and
uncertainty. Secondly, touching the communion the people
of God should have among themselves, our adversaries shall
never prove that we have at any time given occasion of
those breaches which now appear ; but we wUl prove against
them that they have : and so the note of universaUty maketh
nothing for them, or against us.
Touching the name of CathoUc, devised to express those,
both men and societies of men, which hold the common faith
without faction or division, I have spoken sufficiently in the
former part, touching the notes of the Church ; and so need
not here to insist upon it. Thus have we run through the
examination of the principal notes of the Church assigned by
our adversaries : but, because they add unto these certain
other, I will briefly examine theh proofs taken from thence,
for themselves, or against us.

CHAPTER XLIV.
OF THE SANCTITY OF DOCTRINE, AND THE SUPPOSED
ABSURDITIES OF OUR PROFESSION.
THESE notes are, sanctity and efficacy of doctrine; our
own confession, mhacles, and predictions; the fehcity
and infelicity of such as defend or impugn the truth; and
lastly, the holy and reUgious conversation of the professors
of the truth. Let us take a view of these in such sort and
order as they are proposed by them. They place in front
the sanctity and efficacy of doctrine.
A Uar, they say, should have a good memory : but surely,
our adversaries, of all the liars that ever were, have the
worst memories ; by reason whereof, every second page of
their writings, if not every second Une, is a refutation of
the first. Bellarmine divideth his tract of the Notes of the

chap, xliv.] OF THE CHURCH. 351
Church into two parts. In the first he sheweth, what things
are required in the notes of the Church ; and there he saith,
truth and sanctity of doctrine is no note of the Church. In
the latter, he doth particularly assign the notes whereby he
supposeth the Church may be known; and reckoneth truth,
sanctity, and efficacy of doctrine, amongst the rest. But let
us pardon him this oversight, and see how he proveth by this
note that we are not, and that their faction is, the true
Church of God.
Our doctrine is false, absurd, and unreasonable : and
theirs, fuU of truth, reason, and equity : therefore our
Churches are not the true Churches of God, and theirs are.
Both parts of the antecedent of this argument we deny.
For he shaU never be able to prove the absurdities he im-
puteth to us : but we are able to demonstrate against him,
that the whole course of popish doctrine is most absurd, false,
and impious.
But lest he should seem to say nothing, he produceth
four instances, wherein he supposeth there is apparent and
very gross absurdity. The first he proposeth in this sort :
the Protestants teach, that a man is justified by special faith,
whereby he persuadeth himself that he is just. Now, then,
he reasoneth thus : when men begin to beUeve, either they
are just ; and then theh faith justifieth not, being in nature
after theh justification, and finding them already just, when
it beginneth : or else, they are not just ; and then special faith
making a man believe he is just, is false; and so a man is
justified by a Ue. To this horned argument we answer, that
special faith hath sundry acts, but to this purpose speciaUy
two : the one, by way of petition, humbly entreating for
acceptation and favour ; the other, in the nature of comfort
able assurance, consisting in a persuasion that that was
granted which was desired. Faith, by her first act, obtaineth
and worketh our justification, and doth not find us just when
we begin to believe : by her second act, she doth not actually
justify, but finding the thing done, certifieth and assureth us
of it ; and so is no lying persuasion, as this lying companion
is pleased to pronounce it to be. So, then, special faith, in
her first act, which is a kind of petition, is before justification,
and procureth or obtaineth it ; but then, she hath not the
persuasion of it: in her second act, she presupposeth the

352 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi,
thing done, and already obtained ; and so, truly persuadeth
the believer of it, but procureth not the doing of it.
The second palpable and gross absurdity of the Pro
testant's doctrine is, that it is not lawful to say the Lord's
prayer. This the Cardinal proveth, because no man of the
Protestant's religion can, without dissimulation, ask forgiveness
of sins, which is one of the principal petitions of that prayer.
This petition they cannot make, because they hold that all
right believing and justified men are without sin, and know
themselves so to be; and, therefore, cannot be excusable from
vile dissimulation and mocking of God, in asking remission of
theh sins. The impudency of this imputation is such as, I
think, all moderate papists are ashamed of it. For, doth any
of us think that the justified man is void of all sin ? Or, is
it consequent, if a man know himself to be justified, that then
he may not ask remission of his sins ? Do not many right
learned and wise amongst themselves teach that a man may
be sure he is in a state of grace and justification, by the
ordinary working of God's spirit1 ? And do not all papists
think that, by special revelation, men may be sure they are
in a state of grace, as Paul and sundry others were ? Do
all these teach that men thus assured of their justification
know themselves to have no sin, and, consequently, nothing
whereof they should ask forgiveness? Surely, herein, I
think, both they and we agree, that, in the justified, the
dominion of sin ceaseth, sin hath no longer dominion over
them, and that, proportionably, the guilt of condemnation is
taken away ; but that there are stUl remainders of sin in
them not perfectly extinguished ; and that though, while they
remain in the state of justification, they sin not with full
consent, to the excluding of grace, and subjecting of them
selves to the guilt of condemnation ; yet there are many
sinful evils they run into, which subject them to God's dis
pleasure, and for which he will not fail to judge them, if
they judge not themselves. For the weakening and abolishing
of those sinful evils, and the averting of that displeasure
wherewith God is displeased with men for them, the justified
do pray unto God ; which is to ask forgiveness of sins, as in
the Lord's prayer is meant. For, the petition is understood
1 Alexander of Hales, John Bacon, Vega, Ambrosius Catharinus,
and divers other, of whom see cap. 7. [c. 26 ?]

chap, xliv.] OF THE CHURCH. 353
of the sins of the servants of God1, and such as are in a state
of grace ; as Augustine teacheth. Thus, then, the justified
man knoweth that the dominion of his sins is taken away,
and that the guilt of condemnation, whereunto they subject
such as are under the dominion of them, is already removed ;
and, therefore, he doth not desire nor ask forgiveness of sins
in this sort ; but the inherence of sin he acknowledgeth in
himself, notwithstanding his justification, which stUl subjecteth
him to God's displeasure and punishments accompanying the
same. These things he desireth to be removed ; and, in this
sense, asketh forgiveness of sins.
If it be replied, that the remission of the sins of the
justified is full and perfect, and that, therefore, they that
know themselves to be justified cannot ask remission, which
they know they have perfectly already, we answer, that the
remission of the sins of the justified is full- and perfect, not
for that they are already freed actually from the inherence
of sin, and the displeasure of God disliking it, but because
they have full title unto, and right in that mercy of God,
which, as it hath already delivered them from the dominion
and condemnation of sin, so it will in the end wholly free
them from the inherence of it, and the displeasure of God
disliking it.
His next allegation is more frivolous than the former.
The Anabaptists, saith he, do most certainly and assuredly
persuade themselves that they are accepted of God, and,
therefore, they have true faith, according to the doctrine of
the Protestants, who define faith to be the assurance of the
merciful goodness of God : yet do the Protestants deny them
to be justified, unless they forsake their errors; and so, by
consequent, do say, they have true faith, and yet are not
justified; which is to affirm that they are just and not just.
To this we answer, that there is as great difference between
true confidence and assurance (which only is to be named
1 " Est poenitentia bonorum et humilium fidelium pene quotidiana,
in qua pectora tundimus, dicentes, dimitte nobis debita nostra, ilia utique
quae humanse fragilitati quamvis parva, tamen crebra, subrepunt."
Aug. Seleucinnse, Epist. 109 = [265, § 8.] "Oratio quotidiana, quam
docuit ipse Dominus, delet quidem quotidiana peccata, cum quotidie
dicitur, dimitte nobis debita nostra." De civitate Dei, lib. xxi. cap. 27,
[Field, I.] Z

354 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
faith), and that which is found in heretics, as between the joy
and gladness that is fantastical and is found in men dreaming,
and that which is true and in men waking.
That quietness of mind either proceedeth from senseless
stupidity in men having cauterized consciences, though there
be just cause of fearful apprehensions ; or from the not find
ing or having any matter of condemning remorse ; even as
some men are touched with no grief, or afflicted with any
smart or pain, though no part be sound or well in them,
because they are in a dead and senseless stupidity ; and
others feel not pain, because they are perfectly well. It is
not, therefore, every assured confidence that is faith, but true
confidence. Neither is it to be doubted, but that heretics do
oftentimes confidently persuade themselves they please God,
and think they embrace true piety, as men dreaming do
persuade themselves they enjoy and possess all things, though
they possess nothing. But as men waking know the things
they apprehend are so indeed as they apprehend them, and
not in fancy only, as men sleeping are deluded ; so true
Christians know the persuasion they have of God's goodness
towards them, groweth from due and just consideration, and
not from deceivable fancy, and imagination only, as in here
tics it doth1. This point is excellently cleared by Alexander
of Hales, the first, the greatest of aU the schoolmen, whose
reasons and proofs that true Christians may be assured they
are in a state of grace and acceptation with God, BeUarmine
cannot answer2.
Thus we have seen the supposed absurd positions where
with the Jesuit charged all Protestants in general. In the
next place, he produceth such as are proper to the Lutherans;
and in the last place, such as are pecuhar to the Calvinists.
For thus it pleaseth him to term us, by these names of fac
tion and division, whereas it is antichrist's pride that hath
made all the breaches in the Christian world, and would have
laid all waste, if God had not preserved a remnant.
The error wherewith he chargeth the Lutherans, is, that
children, when they are baptized, have faith, hope, and love.
Is this an error ? Are they justified, sanctified, and made
1 Joan. Baconus (lib. hi. dist. 30, q. 1, art. 2) ait, habentem chari-
tatem posse certitudinaliter scire se esse in charitate.
2 Part ni. quaest. Ixi. memb. 7, art. 3.

chap, xliv.] OF THE CHURCH. 355
the temple of the Holy Ghost, when they are baptized ; and
have they neither faith, hope, love ? Doth not justification
imply aU these in it ? But they have not the act of faith :
no more they have of reason : have they not therefore the
faculty of reason ? This then is that which these men teach,
whom it pleaseth these antichristian sectaries odiously to name
Lutherans, namely, that children, when they are adopted,
and made the sons of God, when they are justified, or sancti
fied, are filled with the habits or potential abilities of these
virtues, and that they have the beginning, root, and seed,
of faith, hope, and love. For the farther clearing of this
objection, read Kemnitius in his Examen of the Tridentine
Council. The error of the Calvinists, touching absolute necessity,
and that God is the author of sin, is but the imagination of
the Romanists; as I have already sufficiently shewed. For
Calvin and we all detest both these absurdities.

CHAPTER XLV.
OF THE PARADOXES AND GROSS ABSURDITIES OF THE ROMISH
RELIGION.
THUS then the paradoxes and gross absurdities which this
cardinal adversary of God's true religion imputeth unto
us, are but the fancies of his own idle brain. But if we
should enter into the examination of the several parts of
theh profession, it were not hard really to convince them of
the most senseless follies that ever the world was acquainted
with. But because it would be tedious and unseasonable,
in this general controversy of the Church, to enter into
particular handling of things more fitly reserved to theh
own proper places, I will only touch some few things that
may seem to concern the whole frame and fabric of their
religion. They all hold at this day, that the infallibility of the
pope's judgment, is the rock on which the Church is builded ;
and that this is the difference between a Catholic and a
z2

356 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
heretic, that, though both believe many divine and super
natural truths, yet they build not themselves upon the same
grounds of persuasion. For the Catholic builds himself upon
the sure ground of the infallibility of the Church's chief
pastor's judgment ; but the heretic upon other things yield
ing him satisfaction concerning the truth of that he believeth,
whatsoever the judgment of the pope be. And yet the same
men which thus teach, do say, it is no matter of faith to
acknowledge, or not to acknowledge, the infaUibility of the
pope's judgment ; and that a man may be a true Catholic
that thinketh the pope may err1.
These two assertions are directly contradictory. The
first they embrace, because they find the authority papal to
be the surest stay of all their false faith and antichristian
profession : and the second they are forced unto, because
they dare not condemn so many famous, renowned, and great
divines as have been of that opinion, as Durandus, Gerson,
Cameracensis, Almaine, Waldensis, and innumerable more.
By this their contradicting of themselves, not yet knowing
whereon to ground their faith, it is evident they have no
faith at all.
Secondly, if we should grant them to have any faith,
yet will it be found to be sophistical, or merely human. For
the reason, ground, and cause of their persuasion, touching
things divine, is the testimony of the Church, infallibly led
into all truth : and that there is a Church thus led into all
truth, whose testimony is undoubtedly certain and true, they
believe, because the Church telleth them so : as if a man
should beUeve the reports of such a man, because he is wise,
faithful, and honest, and believe him to be so, only because
he saith so.
To avoid this sophistical circulation, sundry of the school
men do freely confess, that the ground of their faith is nothing
else but the multitude and consent of men, nations, and people
agreeing in the profession of it ; and consequently, that it is
1 " Papam in decreto fidei errare non posse, Veritas certa et re-
cepta est, etsi non de fide, propter multos Catholicos qui contrarium
tenuerunt: ut Gerson, Occam, Almaynus, et omnes fere Parisienses,
denique et alii omnes qui concilium supra papam esse asseruerunt.
Hodie vero Alphonsus a Castro, Adrianus VI., et Durandus." Stapleton
contro. in. q. 4. [Opera, n. p. 713.]

chap, xlv.] OF THE CHURCH. 357
merely a human persuasion, and that they have no faith at
all, which always stayeth itself upon the certainty of the first
truth. Thirdly, they teach that mortal men are never bound to
give God thanks for the greatest benefit that is bestowed on
them in this world ; nay, that to give him thanks for it,
were a grievous sin. This is most evident ; for the great
benefit of all other is justification : but for this no man may
give God thanks, because no man knoweth whether he hath
received it or not, nor can assure himself of it without in
tolerable and inexcusable presumption. Nay, some of these
seducers are not ashamed to write, that every man is bound
to doubt of it, with so fearful doubting as may cause trem
bling ; applying that place of the Apostle to that purpose ;
" Work out your salvation with fear and trembling." Now
I think, he which should come to God, and give him thanks
for that, which, whether he have received or not, he is so
doubtful that he trembleth for fear, should but mock God,
and mistake his own meaning.
Fourthly, they hold that Paul, and so many more as
knew certainly they were in state of justification, did sin
damnably in saying the Lord's Prayer ; and that they did
as foolishly, as if a man should come to God, and ask of him
the creation of the world, which was made long ago.

CHAPTER XLVI.
OF THE EFFICACY OF THE CHURCH'S DOCTRINE.
THUS were it most easy for us to shew in many other
particulars, that the course of their doctrine is full of
palpable absurdities. But let these few instances suffice ; and
let us pass from the sanctity of the Church's doctrine, to that
the Jesuit addeth, touching the efficacy of it : where he
affirmeth two things : the first, that heretics never convert
any from infidelity to the faith ; the second, that the Church
of Rome hath converted. This which the Jesuit so con
fidently delivereth, is partly false, and partly to no purpose

358 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
at all. For whereas he saith, heretics never convert any
from infidelity to Christianity, the conversion of the Mos
covites, by the Greek Church, at that time when it was,
in his judgment, heretical and schismatical, abundantly re
futeth him, besides some other examples that might be
alleged. Touching the other part of his speech, that the Church
of Rome hath converted many nations to the faith, it maketh
nothing to the purpose. For we have already shewed, that
we doubt not, but the Church, in which the bishop of Rome,
with more than Lucifer-like pride, exaiteth himself, was, not
withstanding, the true Church of God ; that it held a saving
profession of the truth in Christ ; and, by force thereof, did
convert many from error to the way of truth ; yet was not
the state of that Church such, but that a damnable faction
of wicked ones was found in the midst of it, who, being the
vassals of that cursed Antichrist, adulterated the word of
God, and brought his people into a miserable estate, holding
men in worse than Babylonical captivity. These men the
Romanists succeed at this day. For the clearing of this
matter, see that which I have noted before to this purpose.

CHAPTER XLVII.
OF THE PROTESTANTS' PRETENDED CONFESSION, THAT THE
ROMAN CHURCH IS THE TRUE CHURCH OF GOD.
THE next note1 whereby Bellarmine endeavoureth to prove
the Romish Synagogue to be the true Church of God,
is our own confession. Surely, if he can prove that we
confess it to be the true Church, he needeth not use any
other arguments. Let us see, therefore, how he proveth,
that we confess the Roman Church to be the true Church
of God. Luther2, saith he, clearly yieldeth it : and Calvin,
and others, in effect, acknowledge the same. This we deny :
for neither Luther, nor Calvin, nor any of us, do acknowledge
1 Bellarm. cap. 16, nota 13.
2 Contra Anabaptistas, [quoted by Bellarmine, ibid.]

chap, xlvii. J OF THE CHURCH. 359
that the popish religion is true religion ; or the Romish
faction the orthodox Church of God. It is true, indeed,
that Luther, writing against the Anabaptists, doth affirm,
that the life of true Christianity was preserved in the midst
of those Churches wherein the pope, did formerly tyrannize ;
which thing we have more fully cleared before. But, that
any part of that doctrine the reformed Churches have re
jected, was to be accounted the doctrine of the Church, or
that those wicked ones (in whose steps the Romanists at
this day do insist, perverting the straight ways of God, and
adulterating his heavenly truth), were lively members of the
Church, Luther did never so much as dream.
That which is alleged out of Calvin1, touching Bernard,
and other holy men, Uving and dying in the Roman Church,
is to no purpose. For we never doubted but that the
Churches, wherein those holy men did live and die, were the
true Churches of God, and held the saving possession of
heavenly truth, though there were innumerable in the midst
of them that adulterated the same to their endless perdition ;
whose successors the Romanists are at this day. There is,
therefore, a great difference to be made between the Church
wherein our fathers formerly lived, and that faction of the
pope's adherents which at this day resist against the ne
cessary reformation of the Churches of God, and make that
their faith and religion, which, in former times, was but the
private and unresolved opinion of some certain only. In
former times, a man might hold the general doctrine of those
Churches wherein our fathers lived, and be saved, though
the assertions of some men were damnable : now it is clean
contrary, touching the present state of the Romish Church :
for the general and main doctrine, agreed upon in the
council of Trent, in sort as it is most commonly conceived, is
damnable : but there are (no doubt) some of a better spirit,
and have in themselves particularly a better conceit of things
than generally is holden. Formerly, the Church of Rome
was the true Church, but had in it an heretical faction : now
1 "Calvinus (inquit Bellar. eodem cap.) vocat Bernardum pium
scriptorem : at certe papista fuit Bernardus : et nemo est pius sine vera
fide." [See the Instit. x. § 17.] Idem probat ex Luthero [ut supra]
et Philippo [Apolog. art. 5 et 27] ib.

360 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
the Church itself is heretical, and some certain only are
found in it in such degree of orthodoxy as that we may
well hope of their salvation. Thus, then, this great objection,
taken from our own confession, is easUy answered.

CHAPTER XLVIII.
OF MIRACLES CONFIRMING THE ROMAN FAITH.
THE next note of the Church is1, God's own testimony
which he giveth, of the truth and sanctity of the faith
and profession it holdeth. This, doubtless, is the most absolute
and excellent note of all other. For that must needs be the
true Church, which holdeth the true faith and profession ;
and that the true profession, which God, that neither himself
can be deceived, nor deceive others, doth witness and testify
to be so. For who dare make any doubt, whether that be
the true religion, or that the true Church, which the God of
truth witnesseth to be so ? Let us see, therefore, how God
doth testify concerning the truth of religion, and the happy
condition of them that profess it.
Surely, this testification is of two sorts : the one by the
inward operation of his enlightening Spirit, satisfying our
understandings in those things, which by nature's light we
could not discern, and filling our hearts with joy and gladness
such and so great as nothing within nature's compass can
yield. For by this so great, happy, and heavenly an
alteration, which we find in ourselves, upon and together
with the receiving of this doctrine, which the spirit of truth
doth teach us, he doth most clearly witness unto us, that it is
heavenly indeed, and such as we could not have attained
unto but by divine revelation. The other kind of testification
is, when, being desired by them that teach and learn this
doctrine, to give some outward testimony that it is true, he
doth some such thing for the good of them that receive it, or
hurt of such as refuse it, as none but God can do. But
because, partly, by reason of the manifold illusions where-
i Chap. XIV. note 11.

chap. xLvin.] OF THE CHURCH. 361
with Satan can, and often doth abuse men, making it seem
unto them that those things are done which are not; and
partly, because we do not exactly know what may be done
by the force of natural causes ; we cannot infallibly know ',
concerning any outward thing performed before our eyes,
that it is indeed immediately and miraculously wrought by
God's own most sacred hands. This kind of testification is
not matchable with the other : nay, we cannot be infallibly
assured of anything done, that it is God's own work, and
indeed a miracle, unless this assurance grow out of the former
testification. For we may justly fear some fraud, till finding
by the inward testimony of God's Spirit, the truth of that for
proof whereof this strange thing is done, we are assured it is
the immediate and peculiar work of God. This assurance,
the quality of the things done, and the difference between the
works of Satan which only cause admiration and wonder, and
the miraculous works of God, that are full of gracious good
ness winning the hearts of such as see them2, will greatly
strengthen. To what purpose then (will some man say) served all the
miracles that were done by Christ and his blessed Apostles ?
This doubt is easily cleared : for whereas the things then
taught were new, strange, and incredible to natural men ;
they would not at all have listened unto them, made inquiry
after them, or search into them, had not the strange works
that followed the publishers of them, made them think the
things credible that were accompanied with so strange attend
ants. Now, while they gave heed to the things that wero
spoken, the word was mighty in operation, and entered into
them in such sort, that they discerned it was God's own
word, and that the way of salvation which by it they were
directed unto.
Thus, then, we see, that miracles are not sure notes of
1 " Ante approbationem Ecclesise non est evidens, aut eertum
certitudine fidei, de ullo miraculo, quod sit verum miraculum." Bell.
in eodem cap.
2 Aug. de utilitate credendi, c. 16. "Miraculum (inquit) voco, quic
quid arduum, aut insolitum supra spem vel facultatem mirantis apparet.
— Qusedam solum faciunt admirationem : qusedam vero magnam gratiam
benevolentiamque conciliant; talia facta sunt illo tempore quo Deus in
vero homine quantum sat erat hominibus apparebat." Hunc locum
producit Scotus prolog, sentent. q. de octavo.

362 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
the truth of religion, nor certain marks to know the Church
by, unless they be strengthened by some other means : not
for that a miracle, known to be so, is insufficient to testify
of the truth of God ; but because it is not possible infallibly
to know that the things which seem unto us to be miracles,
be so indeed, unless being assured of the truth of that, for
confirmation whereof they are wrought, we thereby be per
suaded they are of God. All that hath been hitherto said
is confessed to be true by the best learned divines of the
Roman Church. Yea, Cardinal Cajetan proceedeth so far1,
that he pronounceth, it cannot be certainly known that those
miracles are true miracles which the Church admitteth and
approveth in the canonizing of saints ; seeing the truth of
them dependeth on men's report, that may deceive and be
deceived. Thus having declared what the use of miracles is, and
how far they give testimony of the truth, let us see what our
adversaries conclude from hence, for themselves, or against
us. They have miracles for confirmation of theh faith and
religion, and we have none : therefore, they hold the true
faith, and we are in error. For answer hereunto, first, we
say, that the truth of religion cannot infallibly and certainly
be found out by miracles ; especially in these last times ;
because, as Gerson noteth in his book, De distinctione ve-
rarum et falsarum visionum, in this old age of the world,
in this last hour, and time so near Antichrist his revelation,
it is not to be marvelled at if the world, like a doting old
man, be abused by many illusions and fantasies most like to
dreams. Secondly, we say, that howsoever it may be, some
miracles were done, by such good men as Uved in the corrupt
state of the Church, in the days of our fathers ; yet that is
no proof of those errors which the Romanists maintain against
us. For we peremptorily deny that ever any miracle was
done by any, in times past, or in our times, to confirm any
of the things controverted between them and us. What
1 Tom. n. opuscul. tractat. 1, de conceptione Virginis, cap. 1.
["Miracula quae ab ecclesia suscipiuntur in canonizationibus sanctorum,
quse tamen maxime authentica sunt, quum humano testimonio inni-
tantur (eorum scilicet qui testantur) non omnino certa sunt : quoniam
scriptum est, 'omnis homo mendax'." p. 71.]

chap, xlviii.] OF THE CHURCH. 363
credit is to be given to the reports of their miracles1, they
may easily conceive, in that in all the differences they have
had amongst themselves, either in matters of opinion or
faction, they have had contrary visions, revelations, and
miracles, to confirm the persuasion of either side ; as ap
peareth in the differences touching Mary's conception, and in
the times of the antipopes. Whereupon Cajetan2, writing to
pope Leo, about the controversy of Mary's conception, wisheth
him not to suffer his judgment to be swayed by show of
miracles, and giveth many good reasons of the uncertainty of
finding out the truth by that means.
Thirdly, whereas they say we have no miracles, and
therefore not the true faith and religion, we deny both the
antecedent and the consequent. For, first, the restoring of
the purity of religion in our age, hath not been without
wonderful demonstration of the power of God, to confirm the
truth of our doctrine, and the equity of our cause, as may
appear by that which was reported by IUyricus3, the English
Martyrologue, and other histories, of better credit than those
out of which they report their miracles. And besides, we
say, though we had no miracles, we are not thereby convinced
of error ; for the use of miracles was specially, if not only,
in respect of infidels, as Cajetan sheweth in the place above
mentioned, out of 1 Corinthians ii. ; and the authority of
Gregory, in his tenth homUy ; and served to make the
mysteries of God seem credible, to such as were wholly
averse from them. So that now the faith being already
generally planted and received in the world, and confirmed
by the miracles done by Christ and his apostles, and nothing
being taught by us but the same which was delivered by
them in the beginning, nothing contrary to the confirmed and
received doctrine of the Church of God then in the world
1 " Fit abquando in Ecclesia maxima deceptio populi in miraculis
flctis a sacerdotibus vel iis adhserentibus propter lucrum temporale:
talia extirpanda sunt, sicut ista extirpata sunt a Daniele." Lyra in
14 Danielis. 2 Tom. n. Opuscul. tractat. 1, de conceptione Virginis, cap. 5.
Sanctse autem Brigidae, quae dixit sibi revelatum beatam virginem
praeservatam esse ab originali peccato, e regione ponitur Sancta
Catharina de Senis, quae dixit sibi revelatum esse oppositum."
3 In Catalogo testium veritatis.

"6i OF THE CHURCH. [book m.
when these differences between us and our adversaries began,
there is no reason they should urge us to confirm our doctrine
by miracles. If they require us to confirm our caUing and
ministry, as being extraordinary, we say, it is not extra
ordinary ; as hath been sufficiently cleared in the note of
succession. That which BeUarmine addeth, that Luther and
Calvin attempted to do miracles, but could do none, is but
the lying report of his own companions, theh sworn enemies,
whose testimony in this case is not to be regarded.

CHAPTER XLIX.
OF PROPHETICAL PREDICTION.

THE next note of the Church1, urged by them, is pro
phetical prediction. The certain foreknowledge of future
contingent things is proper unto God ; and, therefore, none
can foreteU such things before they come to pass, but tbey
to whom God revealeth them : but, that this kind of revela
tion is made only to them that are of the true Church, I
think Bellarmine wiU not say. For then what shall we think
of Balaam, and the sybUs ? So that prediction of future
things is no certain nor proper note of the true Church.
But if it were, it would not help them, nor hurt us. For
those men they speak of, that lived in the days of our
fathers, and prophesied of things to come, were of the true
Church ; and many of them did most certainly foresee and
foretell the ruin of the pope his estate ', and the alteration
and reformation of the Church in our time, and gave most
clear testimony unto that which we have done. Neither is
there any better proof of the goodness of our cause, than
that that which we have done in the reformation of the
Church, was before wished for, expected, and foretold by
the best men that Uved in former times, in the corrupt state
of the Church.
1 Bellarm. cap. 15. nota 12, in eodem lib.
2 As Grostete, Gerson, Savanarola, and many others before men
tioned.

chap, xlix.] OF THE CHURCH. 365
That which Bellarmine scornfully reporteth of Luther's
false and lying prophesy, that if he continued but two years
in preaching the gospel, the kingdom of the pope should be
overthrown, shall (we doubt not) be found true, to the con
fusion of the enemies of God's truth and religion, notwith
standing all the endeavours of the Jesuits to make up the
breaches of Babylon, which must be thrown down, till not
a stone be left upon a stone. But, that Luther foretold
many things before they came to pass1, wherein his pre
dictions were found most true, we have the testimony of
Melancthon, IUyricus, and divers others.

CHAPTER L.
OF THE FELICITY OF THEM THAT PROFESS THE TRUTH.
THE next note of the true Church, assigned by Bellarmine,
is the temporal felicity of them that are of it2- It was
but his private fantasy that moved him to assign this note of
the Church. For, his fellows, the divines of Rheims, in
their annotations upon the fifth of Matthew, do utterly dis
claim it, saying in express and precise words, " We see, then,
that the temporal prosperity of persons and countries, is no
sign of better men or truer religion."
But, let us suppose these petty divines are deceived in
this their judgment (though if they be, we must condemn all
the primitive Christians that were in the times of the ten
bloody persecutions), and let us grant that the Cardinal saith
truly, that temporal felicity and prosperity is a note of the
true Church and religion. What doth he gain by it ? surely
nothing at all : for he is most blind that seeth not the pros
perity of all those countries of Germany, Denmark, England,
Scotland, and the like, where the reformed religion is main
tained ; and the long life and happy reign of those princes,
that have most favoured and sought to advance the same,
as of great Elizabeth, of famous memory, late Empress of
i In libello demonstr. certitudinis sacrarum literarum et Christianae
religionis. 2 [Ibid. cap. 18.]

366 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
England, &c. who, as she was the great and glorious pro
tector of the reformed Churches, so was she the wonder of
the world, in respect of the happy success she had in all
things she took in hand, and the perpetual course of felicity
and prosperity that ever attended her, notwithstanding the
dangerous attempts of bloody miscreants, the hired slaves of
the son of perdition. How the professors of this religion,
though fewer in number, forsaken and destitute of all worldly
assurances, and being, by the falsehood and treachery of
their bloody enemies, oftentimes brought as it were to nothing,
in France and other places, have yet, strangely, and, indeed
miraculously lifted up theh heads again, to the terror and
confusion of their proudest enemies ; he that seeth not is a
stranger in the world. Wherefore I wiU leave the considera
tion of this note to the indifferent reader, not fearing any
great prejudice that can grow from thence against our cause.

CHAPTER LI.
OF THE MISERABLE ENDS OF THE ENEMIES OF THE TRUTH.
THE next is the miserable end of such as are enemies of
God's true religion. It is true that God hath oftentimes
shewed his judgments most clearly against the wicked
enemies of his truth and glory ; so that in the end the
impiety of their former courses was made to appear, as we
see in Herod, Arius, Nestorius, and others : but that any
such thing feU out to Luther, Calvin, or any of those worthy
men Bellarmine is pleased in this place to slander, we utterly
deny. And to the lewd and lying reports of Cockeus and
Bolsecus, we oppose the testimony of Junius, Melancthon,
and others. And surely it was the world's wonder that
Luther, opposing himself against the bloody Romanists,
against whom no king or emperor in later times resisted,
but he wrought his own overthrow, should, notwithstanding,
live so long, die so peaceably, and be buried so honourably,
as few of his rank have ever been.
Touching Calvin, there were many witnesses of the

chap, li.] OF THE CHURCH. 367
manner of his sickness ; but, of his death, none but the
worthy Scofferius1, whose true report we oppose agamst the
wicked and vile slanders of that base and branded runagate,
Bolsecus. That Zuinglius died in the field with his country
men, in defence of their lives, liberties, and religion, is no
certain note, as I take it, that his religion was false ; but
rather, an exceUent proof and demonstration of Christian mag
nanimity and resolution, that rested in him.
How unfortunate they have been in their attempts2, how
unhappy in their ends, that have most opposed themselves
against the truth of that religion which we profess, we are
able to produce many examples.

CHAPTER LII.
OF THE SANCTITY OF THE LIVES OF THEM THAT ARE OF
THE TRUE CHURCH.
THE last note of the Church, assigned by them, is the
sanctity, holiness, and good conversation, of such as are
of it. In assigning of this note, as in some of the former,
they shew how sweetly they conspire and agree together.
For Cardinal Allen, in his preface before his Book of Purga
tory, confesseth, that by the guile and crafty conveyance of
our common enemy, the devil, falsehood is often so cloaked
in shadow and shape of truth, and the masters thereof make
such shew of virtue and godly life, that you would think it
had no affinity with vice, nor origin of man's misbehaviour
1 Junius animadvers. in Bellarm. controv. 2. lib. iv. cap. 8.
2 Charles the fifth, that famous emperor, formerly so fortunate in
all his attempts, after he began to oppress the duke of Saxony, the
Landgrave, and others of the reformed religion, prospered not, and
was put to the worse by one poor duke, Maurice. Francis Spira,
denying the truth of our religion, which he had formerly professed,
died in horrible despair : the woful end of Saunders, that antichristian
arch-traitor, is well known to all men : the overthrow of the invincible
navy in '88, and the miserable ends of so many traitors in the days of
Elizabeth, beside the late sulphurian and hellish miscreants, perishing
in their sins, having blown up all good opinion any man might have
had of such companions.

368 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
at all. So did he cover the wicked heresies of Manichaeus,
Marcion, Tatianus, and the like, with a feigned flourish of
continency and chastity. So did he overcast the enemy of
God's grace, Pelagius, with the appearance of all gravity,
constancy, and humility1. And so hath he always, where
craft was requisite to his intent, made shew of a simple
sheep, in the cruel carcase of a wily wolf; transfiguring
himself into an angel of light. And that his scholars play
the like parts, our master Christ, of his singular love, gave
his flock this watch-word, for a special proviso : " Take heed
of false prophets, that come in sheep's vesture, but within
are ravening wolves2." So that in all cloaked heresies men
must have an eye to the fruit of the doctrines preached, and
not only, or principally, to the lives of such as teach them ;
by the outward appearance whereof it is not always safe to
judge. This the Rheimists do more fully express in theh an
notations upon this place ; saying, the fruits that heretics are
known by, are, division from the whole Church, division
amongst themselves, inconstancy in doctrine, and such like ;
and that these are lightly common to all heretics; but that
there are some other, more peculiar to certain, as wickedness
of life and doctrine, directly tending to corruption of good
Ufe, in all states of men.
Thus, then, we see that appearing sanctity, gravity, and
godliness, are no sure, certain, infallible, and perpetual notes,
to know the true professors by, from such as err and are
deceived. But, passing by this their oversight, in that they
make such things to be notes of the Church, as are not
proper unto it, nor do not clearly distinguish it from heretics;
let us see what they endeavour to prove against us, or for
themselves, by the force and evidence of this note.
Thus, therefore, they reason : The chief guides of the
reformed Churches, and professors of the reformed religion,
are apparently wicked and godless men, of vile and scanda
lous conversation ; and the people wicked, yea, much worse
than they were in the papacy : but their priests, prelates,
monks, friars, and people, are holy and religious : therefore
the truth of religion is theirs. This imputation of wicked-
1 Aug. Ep. 120. [alias, 140. $ 83. sq.]
2 Matth. vii. 15.

chap, lii.] OF THE CHURCH. 369
ness, Bellarmine fasteneth upon Wickliffe and Luther ; and
from them descendeth to the people.
Touching Wickliffe, it is a most impudent and shameless
challenge ; for Waldensis sheweth l, that his conversation was
such, and his manner of life so shadowed with shews of virtue,
that he thereby prevailed much ; and thereupon sheweth at
large, that it is not safe to discern the truth of religion by
the appearance of sanctity and good conversation of them
that profess it ; and that heretics have, and often do clothe
themselves with, the robes and garments of seeming virtue
and piety. But hath he no proof that Wickliffe was a
wicked and godless man? Doubtless he hath, and that very
pregnant. For Waldensis reporteth2, upon an uncertain
rumour, that a bishop of Salisbury, in a very great and
solemn assembly of the clergy of the province of Canterbury,
affirmed that Wickliffe affected the bishopric of Worcester ;
which when he obtained not, he grew discontented ; and so
became an enemy to the Catholic Church ; impugned the
different degrees of ministry, and the dignity of bishops.
If this kind of proof be good, innocency itself will not be
able to abide the trial.
Wherefore, passing from Wickliffe, against whom it
seemeth our adversaries are able to say little, let us see
what are those grievous crimes wherewith they charge
Luther. First, they say he began to impugn the sale and
merchandise of indulgences, not led by any just reason
moving him to dislike them, but because the publishing of
them was not committed to the friars of his order, but to
the friars predicant. This vile slander hath no better ground
than the former against Wickliffe. For who will regard the
malicious reports of Coclaeus, his sworn enemy, against the
whole course of things that passed in those times, and the
clear evidence of the truth itself? Guicciardine reporteth3,
that the abuses in the merchandise of those pardons were so
intolerable, that the pardon-sellers set the price of redemp
tion, and deliverance of souls out of purgatory, as a stake at
dice, to be played for, in every inn and tavern where they
came; that all good men disliked much this impious and
i Lib. i. Doctrinse praemissiva 8. Tom. I.
2 Lib. n. Doctrinal, fidei, cap. 6.
3 Histor. lib. xm.
[Field, I.] A a

370 OF THE CHURCH. [book hi.
irreligious abusing the people of God ; and that thereupon
Luther began his opposition against them, not without the
applause of the Christian world.
But to make it most clear to all not wUfully bUnded that
no such sinister respect moved Luther to impugn the kingdom
of the Roman antichrist, it is certain he had, before this
occasion was offered unto him, cleared the doctrine of original
sin, of nature and grace, of the difference between the spirit
and the letter, the law and grace, of freewiU, and the like ;
which are the main grounds of all that doctrine wherein he
dissenteth from the Romish synagogue.
But (saith Bellarmine) Cocleaus reporteth that Luther, in
the disputation at Lipsia between him and Eckius, said, his
opposition against the pope and popery was never begun out
of any desire of God's glory, nor would ever have any good
end. This is a devilish slander ; for Luther said no such
thing, but that this disputation was not begun, on his adver
sary's part, out of any desire of the glory of God, or the
good of his Church ; and that, therefore, it would never have
any good end.
That which he writeth to them of Strawesborough, that
he would wUUngly be of their opinion, and deny the real
presence of the body of Christ in the sacrament, if the evi
dence of truth did not convince him, and force him to be
otherwise minded, for that he might thereby disadvantage
his adversaries of the Romish faction, no way proveth that
which Bellarmine intendeth : for this is aU he saith : — " Let
no man think that it is wilfulness and a prejudicate opinion
that maketh me to dissent from ZuingUus and the rest ; for,
in my affection and desire, I should rather wish to consent
with them in this point, than with the Romanists (whose
manifold damnable errors I detest), if it were affection, and
not reason and the clear evidence of truth, that must prevaU
in things of this kind." Indeed, the Romanists are wont to
temper their opinions1, and sway their judgments accordingly
as they find they may most advantage their own cause, and
1 " An cum Apostoli ungebant oleo infirmos, et curabant, ilia fuerit
sacramentabs, duse sunt opiniones: 1, negativa: 2, affirmativa: pos
terior (inquit Bellar.) eo nomine mihi gratior est, quod videam Lu-
therum, Calvinum, et Chemnicium, esse in priore opinione." Bellar. 2.
Tom. v. contr. lib. I. cap. 2.

chap, lii.] OF THE CHURCH. 371
disadvantage their adversaries : as appeareth by Bellarmine1,
who, in the question, whether the eminent degree of bishops
above presbyters be a distinct order of ministry, doth incline
to the opinion of them that think it is, contrary to the judg
ment of the best learned of the schoolmen ; for that thereby
he may the more easily impugn the opinion of them that
think bishops and presbyters to be all one, jure divino.
That which followeth is as little to the purpose as the
rest. It is true that, in the assurance of the truth he pro
fessed, and the certain victory of the same over all the enemies
of it, of what kind, degree, or sort soever, he esteemed aU
the greatness of the malicious adversaries thereof as vile as
the dirt underneath his feet, though otherwise, out of this
comparison with the truth, and opposition to it, he respected
them as the greatness of their place did require. That he
saith, he regardeth not a thousand Cyprians, a thousand
Augustines, if they should be produced, proveth not that he
thinketh them to be against him in the cause of religion, or
that he contemneth them ; but that no authority of men or
angels shall ever remove him from that he knoweth to be the
truth of God; as the apostle requireth the Galatians2, "if an
angel came from heaven and preach otherwise to them than
they had been taught, to hold him accursed : " not as if the
holy angels in heaven, now confirmed in grace, could either
err themselves from the truth of the Gospel, or pervert
others ; or that they should be vilely esteemed of in the
messages they bring to us ; but that, if it were possible for
them to err and mislead us, we should not listen unto them,
but hold them accursed.
That out of his book of corner masses is as devilish a
slander as the rest. For Luther doth not say he learned of
the devil that the mass is impious and wicked ; but that,
having learned that in the school of Christ, the devil there-
upon tempted him to despair, for that he had so often said
such masses, and thereby dishonoured God, and misled his
people : what this can prove against him I see not.
That he was of a violent spirit, we deny not : nay,
himself glorified in it, that he had an heroical spirit, made to
i Bellar. lib. I. de sacramento ordinis: cap. 5, [sc. "Episcopatum
esse ordinem unum cum presbyteratu sed genere non specie."]
2 Gal. i. 8.

372 OF THE CHURCH. [book in.
contemn the fury and folly of the Romanists : neither had he
been fit to oppose against enemies of this kind, if he had been
of another spirit. That he was carried too much with the
violent stream of his passions, we impute it to the infirmity of
flesh and blood, and the perverseness of the manifold adver
saries he found in those times. Neither was this the peculiar
or proper fault of Luther : for who knoweth not that Hierome
and Chrysostom, and divers other lights of the world, were
not without their blemishes in this kind.
That the Tigurines, Gesnerus, and others, disliked the
distempered passions of Luther, is not to be marveUed at ;
or, that there were some differences amongst them ; seeing
the like were in former times between Epiphanius1 and Chry
sostom, Hierome, Ruffinus2, Augustine3, and others.
From Luther, the Jesuit cometh to the people of our
profession ; pronouncing that there are many wicked amongst
his consorts, but that there are none good amongst those that
are of the reformed religion. Thus, with the breath of his
mouth, he thinketh to blow up all that standeth before him.
But how proveth he that he saith? Our own confession,
saith he, is proof enough. But, against this pretended and
imagined confession, we protest and profess before God, men,
and angels, that we never thought, much less spake or wrote
any such thing. If Luther, in his sermons, complain that
the world is every day worse than other, who was there
ever found that used not words of the Uke complaint ? If he
say that the men of the world abuse the grace of God unto
wantonness ; and, the more and better means they have, be
the worse ; what strange thing saith he ? Did not St Paul
find that, when he magnified the riches of the grace of God,
1 How many unkindnesses passed between Chrysostom and Epi
phanius, who knoweth not ? Did not the one refuse to pray with the
other ? Did not the one challenge the other for manifold breaches of
the canon? Did not the one, inveighing against the other, profess
that he hoped he should never die a bishop ; and the other, that he
should never come alive into his country ? Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi.
c. 13. 2 The invectives of Hierome and Ruffinus one against another are
extant, and August. Epist. wherein he sorroweth for their bitter dis
sensions. 3 Tho Epistles of Augustine and Hierome, which the one wrote
unto tho other, shew what differences wero between them.

chap, lii.] OF THE CHURCH. 373
and shewed that " where sin hath abounded, grace more
abounded1," many took occasion to say, "It is good to con
tinue in sin, that grace may abound." Doth he not charge
the Corinthians, that there was "fornication amongst them2,'"
and such as was not once named among the Gentiles? that
they " went to law one with another, and that under infidels,
to the slander of the Gospel of Christ ?" that there was " not
a wise man amongst them," to interpose himself, and stay
these their proceedings one against another3?
That which is alleged out of Smidelinus, tendeth to the
same purpose, and requireth no other nor further answer.
Touching the judgment of Erasmus, it was so variable and
uncertain in things of this kind, that neither they nor we
can take any advantage by it. But, for the extraordinary
sanctity of the Romish priests, friars, monks, and other
irreligious amongst them, whereof they insolently boast and
brag ; if we should stir the dunghills of their own histories4,
wherein the lives of these saints are described unto us, the
stench of them would infect the air : if we should make a
report of that we read in authors not partial, men would
stop their ears, and pronounce against us, that such things
ought not once to be named amongst men. This is so
evident, that Bellarmine, in his Preface before his Books of
1 Rom. iii. 8. 2 1 Cor. v. 1. 3 1 Cor. vi. 1, 5.
4 De Sylvestro n. legitur, quod " diabolo fecit homagium, quem
etiam in papatu existens consuluit." Occam, lib. v. part I. cap. 2.
Sicut legitur Chronicis, Johan. iii. erat venator et totus lubricus, adeo
quod foeminas publice tenebat: propter quod quidam cardinalium et
Romanorum scripserunt occulte, et cito imperatori Saxonum, ut scan-
dalo compatiens Ecclesiae Romanae sine mora properaret. Hoc papa
percipiens, Johan. diacono cardinali tanquam hujus facti conciliario
nasum, et alteri Johan. subdiacono, qui literas scripsit, manum am-
putari fecit. Occam, part I. lib. v. cap. 5. Stephanus corpus Formosi
e sepulchro in concilium protractum, et papali veste exutum, et laicali
indutum, et abscissis duobus digitis dextrae manus ejus, in Tyberim
praecipitari fecit. Sigeb. in Chron. fol. 113, anno 902. Alii idem
narrant de Sergio; erat quidem pontifex qui nullum Deum credens,
universum infidelitatis culmen excessit: alius professus est se non
credere immortalitatem animse: qui mortuus, eidem, cui hoc aperu-
erat, manifestans se, quem mortalem crediderat, tum maximo cum
damno et perpetuis cum ignibus immortalem experiri. Picus Theo.
de fide et ordine credendi.

374 OF THE CHURCH. [book m. chap, lh.]
the Pope, is not ashamed to make the wickedness and pro
digious villanies of the popes a proof and demonstration of
the sanctity of that chair in which they sit, and of God's
provident care of it : which argument, though it seem strange
at the first sight, yet it is, in his judgment, very forcible,
and unanswerable: for that such, and so great hath been
the wickedness of the Roman bishops, that, if God had not
strangely uphoiden it, the see and chair in which they sit
had long since sunk down into hell. Thus, I hope, it ap
peareth to all not wilfully blinded, that this note of the
sanctity of the lives of the professors of religion, maketh
very little for them, or against us. And thus have we run
through and examined all the notes of the Church, by which
they desire to be tried.

END OF VOLUME I.

'.y*£f>

.