D

far thefait-ridmg of a College- t^thts.0olo«.y'

1916

MEMOIRS

OF THE

MEXICAN REVOLUTION.

Prinfed Uy Macdonald and Soh, Great Sutton Sti eet, Clerkenwell, London.

MEMOIRS OF THE
MEXICAN REVOLUTION;
INCLUDING
A NARRATIVE OF THE EXPEDITION
OF
GENERAL XAVIER MINA.
To which are annexed
^ome ®bserbattan$
ON THE PRACTICABILITY OF OPENING A COMMERCE
BETWEEN
THE PACIFIC AND ATLANTIC OCEANS,
THROUGH THE MEXICAN ISTHMUS, IN THE PROVINCE OF OAXACA, AND AT THE
JLAKE OF NICABAGUA;
AND
ON THE VAST IMPORTANCE OF SUCH COMMERCE TQ
THE CIVILIZED WORLD.

BY WILLIAM DAVIS ROBINSON.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

LONDON :
PRINTED POH
LACKINGTON, HUGHES, HARDING, MAVOR, & LEPARD,
FINSBURY SQUARE.
1821.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

CHAPTER VIII.
Situation of the city of Mexico, and the measures of the
Viceroy — Failure of the Expedition of Mina against
the Villa de Leon — Arrival of the army under Don
Pasqual Linan before Sombrero — Forms his line of
circnmvallation — Situation of the Fort — Commence
ment of active operations — Detail of events — Sortie
on the encampment of Don Pedro Celestino Negrete
— Sally of General Mina— Detail of events — Gallant
defence of the Fort, on the 18th of August — Eva
cuation of the Fort — Massacre of the fugitives, of
the wounded, and of the prisoners — Memoir of Don
Pasqual Lirian  page
CHAPTER IX.
General Mina proceeds to the fort of Los Remedios —
Arrival of some of the fugitives there from Som
brero — Description of the fort of Los Remedios, or
San Gregorio — Advance of Linan against the fort —
Mina marches out, with nine hundred men — De
scription of these troops — Meeting of the General
with the . remnant of his division, near the Tlachi-
quera — Siege laid to Los Remedios — Mina advances
against, and takes Biscocho — Execution of the
garrison — -Advance against, and capture of San

VI CONTENTS.
Luis de la Paz — Clemency of Mina towards the
garrison — Attack on San Miguel — Retreat there
from, and arrival at the Valle de Santiago — A
description of it^— Continuation of events connected
with Mina's movements — Disgraceful conduct of
Padre Torres — Continuation of events at the fort —
Repulse of the enemy — Sortie on one of his bat
teries — Mina's operations continued — Flight of the
Patriots from the field at La Caxa — Mina visits
Xauxilla, and thence proceeds to the Valle de San
tiago — Skirmish with Orrantia, and Mina's arrival
at La Caxa  37
CHAPTER X.
Mina advances against Guanaxuato-^Description of
that city — He attacks it — Failure — He proceeds
with an escort to the rancho del Venadito — Move
ments of Orrantia — Mina made prisoner- ¦*¦ Brutal
conduct of Orrantia towards him — Death of Mina
¦ — Reflections — State of Society in Mexico — Remarks
on the present slate of the royal forces, and the
facility with which, the country could be invaded,
and its emancipation accomplished  95
CHAPTER XI.
Assault of Los Remedios, on the 16th of November,
and repulse of the enemy — Sortie by the garrison on
the enemy's intrenchments— Cause which led to the
evacuation of the fort — Los Remedios evacuated, on
the night of the \st of January, 1818— Barbarities
of the royalists there — Operations of the contending
parties, after the reduction of Los Remedios — Loss
of Xauxilla — Detailed account of the subsequent
events of the Revolution, and its actual state in the
month of July, 1819 — Reflections  155

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XII.

Cruelty a predominant feature in Spanish history;
exemplified by a brief view of the conduct of Spain
in Europe, and by the horrors committed, by her
authorities, in Mexico and South America, since
the year 1810 — Reflections  212

CHAPTER XIII.
Examination of the different routes to the Pacific Ocean
— Doubts respecting d passage to the north-west—
The communication between the Atlantic and Pacific
Oceans, at the province of Chocb, examined — Obser
vations upon the routes by the Isthmus of Darien
or Panama; by the Isthmus of Costa Rica; and
by that of Oaxaca — General observations on the
importance of this passage to the civilized world. . . . 263

APPENDIX.
Statement of the Claims of IV. D. Robinson upon the
Spanish government  333

MEMOIRS

MEXICAN REVOLUTION,

CHAPTER VIII.

Situation of the city of Mexico, and the measures of the vice
roy — Failure of the expedition of Mina against the Villa
de Leon — -Arrival of the army under Don Pasqual Linan
before Sombrero— Forms his line of circumvallation —
Situation of the Fort— Commencement of active opera
tions — Detail of events—Sortie on the encampment of
Don Pedro Celestino Negrete — Sally of General Mina —
Detail of events — Gallant defence of the Fort, on the 18th
of August — Evacuation of the Fort — Massacre of the
fugitives, of the wounded, and of the prisoners— -Memoir
of Don Pasqual Linan,
Whilst Mina was making his arrangements
in Sombrero, opening a correspondence with
the royal towns, and adopting the best measures
in his power for future military operations, the
royalists were likewise more than commonly
active. The government of Spain had early
vol. 11. u

2 MEMOIRS OF THE
sent orders to the viceroy, to abandon, if neces
sary, every other object, and to direct all his
exertions to the crushing of Mina. The vice
roy had calculated, that after the measures which
had been previously adopted, the large force
collected in the internal provinces was sufficient
to overwhelm Mina. But when the news of
the rencounter at Peotillos reached Mexico, it
aroused him at once to a sense of his danger.
The state of the capital was also such as to ag
gravate his fears : for the city of Mexico had
long abounded in men of republican principles;
but as the revolution unfortunately began among
the most ignorant and wretched population of
the countiy, nearly all the intelligent part of
society, for the reasons which have already been
set forth, rallied around the royal standard ;
awaiting the moment when the revolutionary
paroxysms among the lower orders should sub
side, or some leader of more consequence than
had hitherto appeared, should spring up. They
would then have thrown their exertions into
the scale of their country on the first favourable
occasion. In Mina they at length beheld the
man on whom they could rely. To him they
looked, as the individual who should plant the
banners of liberty on the Mexican capital. Nor
was this feeling confined to the Creoles. Many

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 3
European Spaniards were enthusiastically at
tached to Mina, and the only cause of regret
was, that he had not brought a sufficient num
ber of foreign troops to inspire confidence ; for
although his name alone struck terror into the
royal authorities, and a party in his favour was
daily augmenting, yet it was not in his power
to hold out a certainty of personal protection,
And since, under a vigilant and despotic govern
ment, time and caution were absolutely requi
site to form a combination ; many individuals
were restrained from abandoning their families
to the horrors which they knew must result
from their premature espousal of the cause of
liberty. These considerations operated as a
check on the patriotic inhabitants of the capital
and other royal towns, but they secretly panted
for his advance, and were prepared to join hini
at the first auspicious moment.
So much encouraged were his partisans by
his extraordinary successes, that they met in
coffee-houses in the city of Mexico, discussed
the news of the day, and betrayed their hopes
and fears so openly, that it could not escape the
knowledge of the government. Coercive mea
sures were adopted against some distinguished
citizens, but still the ferment in the capital did
not subside,

4 MEMOIRS OFv THE
After the defeat of the royal troops at Peotil-
los, the viceroy saw that the invasion was assum
ing a formidable aspect, and that if Mina was
not immediately checked, all would be lost.
Roused, therefore, by this critical state of affairs,
he withdrew as many of the European troops as
could be spared, or seasonably procured, from
the numerous royal cantonments, and united
them with some native infantry and his best
Creole cavalry. But, great as was the emergen
cy, he could concentrate only about five thou
sand men. Upon this army depended the fate
the government ; and if it had been destroyed,
which would have been the case had Padre
Torres acted as he ought to have done, no simi
lar force could have been raised. Our reasons
for this assertion will be adduced in their proper
place. The command of the army destined for the
overthrow of Mina, was conferred on Don Pas
qual Linan, a mariscal de campo. He held
likewise the distinguished rank of inspector
general of Mexico, the officer next in military
rank to the viceroy. Linan, by rapid marches,
arrived in the province of Guanaxuato, in the
middle of July. Mina was accurately and re
gularly advised of the movements of the enemy,
from their own towns ; but, placing a firm re-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 5
Hance on the arrival of the supply of provisions,
ammunition, and men, which he hourly expect
ed, according to the promises of Padre Torres,
and having no doubt, likewise, that the latter,
as well as the other patriot chiefs, would con
centrate their forces to assist him, as had been
arranged, he determined to await the arrival of
Linan at the fort of Sombrero. Mina's force in
the fort, at that time, had been augmented to
five hundred rank and file.
At the close of the month, information was
brought to Mina, that the troops composing the
garrison of the Villa de Leon had that morning-
marched from the town,' leaving only a small
detachment for its defence. Conceiving that
this afforded him a good opportunity to try the
character of his recruits, and strike a blow
against the enemy, he determined to attack
the place. The Villa de Leon is an extensive,
populous, and wealthy town, situated in a
plain, abounding with wheat fields. After
Mina's arrival at Sombrero, the enemy, anti
cipating an attack on Leon, strengthened its
works. Its garrison was likewise augmented to
seven hundred men, who were under the com
mand of Brigadier Don Pedro Celestin,o Ne-
grete, a man famous in the annals of the revor
Iution for acts of depravity and cruelty. The

8 i MEMOIRS OF THE
streets leading to the principal square of the
town were defended by a traverse composed of
a wall, with a ditch on the outside. This work
inclosed the buildings, consisting of lofty
churches and heavy mansions. The place had
hitherto been considered impregnable, having
baffled all the efforts of the patriots to take
it. From their massive architecture, every
house and church was in itself a fortification.
Mina, on the evening he received the infor
mation, after having taken every precaution to
prevent intelligence of his design being con*
veyed to the enemy, marched from the fort with
his division and some Creole cavalry, in all
about five hundred men, and apiece of artillery.
His intention was to take the enemy by surprise,
in the night. On arriving within half a mile
of the townj a picquet of the enemy was unex
pectedly encountered ; it fled, and alarmed
the garrison, which, it afterwards appeared,
had been strongly reinforced by a division of
Lilian's army; -a circumstance of which Mina
was totally ignorant. On arriving near the
square, his troops were received by a heavy
fire of artillery, and musquetry from the tops
of the houses. The attack was made with
vigour, but all attempts to carry it failed, the
storming parties being overpowered by num-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 7
bers. The Guard of Honour and regiment
of the Union, succeeded, however, in dislodging
the enemy from a strong barrack, and took a few
prisoners ; but they could not force their way
any farther. At dawn, the general, finding it
impracticable. to carry. the place, drew off his
troops, and fell back upon the fort. So well
satisfied were the enemy to get rid of him, that
they made no attempt to harass him on his
retreat. This was the first reverse experienced
by the arms of Mina ; it was severe : the killed
and wounded were nearly one hundred, and
among them were several foreigners. Some of
the wounded, who could not be brought off, fell
into the hands of the enemy, and were imme
diately put to death ; while, on the contrary, the
prisoners that Mina had taken were liberated.
On the morning of the 30th of July, intellii-
gence was received, that the enemy were in the
plain before the fort; andy soon after, the
army of Linan was seen ascending the heights-
It consisted, according to their own official
statements, of the following troops : —
European regiment of Zaragoza .... 617
Creole do. Toluca . . . J250
European do. Navarra . , 463
Amount carried forward 1330

MEMOIRS OF THE
Amount brought forward 1330
Cavalry— -Fieles de San Luis, San
Carlos, Queretaro, Nueva
Galicia, Colima, Sierra
Gorda, and Realistas de
Apan  1211
A division under the command of
Colonel Don Juan Rafol  1000

3541
Ten pieces of artillery, and two howitzers.
This statement we believe to be under-rated ;
but, even admitting it to be correct, it was
a formidable force for the garrison to contend
against. Imposing, however, as appeared the
strength of the enemy, Mina felt so confident
of repulsing them, that he ordered a red flag 1a
be displayed from the battery which crowned
the conical hill within the fort.
The situation of the fortress has already been
described. On the eminence, in advance of
the main entrance into the fort, the enemy
placed in battery seven pieces of artillery, from
four to twelve pounders, and two howitzers.
There Linan fixed his head-quarters, with the
first division of his army, composed of the regi
ment of Zaragoza, and four hundred and forty-
eight cavalry, under the command of Brigadier

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 9
Loaces. The second division, consisting of
the regiment of Toluca, and three hundred and
eighty-four cavalry, under Brigadier Negrete,
were entrenched on the southernmost of two
ridges, projecting from the south end of the
fort. In advance of his encampment, upon a
small knoll, he threw up a redoubt of one gun,
about long musquet-shot from the fort. The
third division, comprising the regiment of
Navarra, and three hundred and seventy-nine
cavalry, under Colonel Don Jose Ruiz, were
stationed at the watering place : and the section
under Don Juan Rafol, was employed as a
corps of observation, to watch the movements
of Padre Torres, between Leon and Guana-
xuato. These dispositions were unquestionably
skilful, and well calculated to cause Mina and
his garrison to view seriously the coming at
tack ; but the patriots were Strangers to appre
hension or despondency.
The fort was not calculated to sustain either
a formal siege or a vigorous assault. Padre
Torres had not sent any of the expected provi
sions ; and a supply for ten days was all that
the fort contained. The ammunition also was
deficient, but twenty-five boxes remaining. But
the most serious evil was, that the third division
of the enemy was so posted as to cut off all

10 MEMOIRS OF THE
commuhicatioa between the garrison and the
water in: the ravine. It was, however, hoped
that this evil would not be seriously felt, as the
rainy season had commenced. The only suc
cour which the garrison received from Padre
Torres, came about two days previous to the
arrival of the enemy, and consisted of sixty
cavalry, under the command of Don Miguel de
Borja. The whole force of the garrison, in
cluding these and a party of the cavalry of Don
Encarnacion Ortiz, did not exceed six hundred
and fifty. When to these were added the pea
santry, who were employed in working parties,
and the women and children, the whole number
-of souls in the fort was about nine hundred.
At day-break of the 31st, the enemy opened
a heavy fire of shot and shells, which continued
incessantly till dark ; their fire being occa
sionally returned by the fort. This cannonading
continued, with little intermission, during the
whole of the siege ; and on some days, the be
siegers discharged from their battery on the
hill, as many as six hundred shot and shells.
To the besieged, this appeared a useless expen
diture of ammunition, unless it was intended to
display the great resources and indefatigable
exertions of the enemy ; for, as the principal
buildings were under cover of the conical hill,

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 11
and the others were in such positions as to
be protected by the rocks, and as no one
moved from his covert, unless compelled by
duty, the fire of the enemy was ineffectual, their
shot falling harmless among the rocks, or
flying entirely over the fort. Indeed, their
artillery was so unskilfully served, that it an
noyed their own works on the south side. This
random firing continued for several days, with
out any casualty occurring, except among the
horses which were roaming about the fort.
The enemy undoubtedly flattered himself
with the hope of making an easy conquest
of the fort, expecting that the first assault
would produce a surrender. At two o'clock
A. M. on the 5th of August, a spirited attack
was made upon the fort, at three points, which
were considered assailable: but it failed, and
the enemy were compelled to retire, with some
loss. In this affair, the general, who com
manded in person at the main entrance, dis
played his usual intrepidity. With a lance in
his hand, he was foremost in withstanding the
enemy, and received a slight wound.
But now another circumstance created more
serious uneasiness than the assaults of the
enemy. The communication with the ravine,
on which the garrison was entirely dependent

12 MEMOIRS OF THE
for water, had been totally cut off, by the third
division of the enemy, who had intrenched
themselves in an impregnable position close to
the watering-place, and who at night posted a
chaia of .videttes along the ravine. Mina, as
well. as Moreno, had calculated that it was prac
ticable to cover the watering parties from the
fort; and to have anticipated this disaster, by
preserving water within the fort, was impos
sible, as there was but one small tank, capable
of holding no more than was sufficient for a
few hours' supply. As the rainy season had
commenced, it had been supposed that the gar
rison would not suffer for want of water. All
these expectations were disappointed ; for the
watering parties, which were sent out nightly,
generally returned without having succeeded in
their attempt, or with such a partial supply as
was of no adequate use ; and although it con
stantly rained around, yet none fell in the
fort. The watering parties were obliged to
descend the declivity of a very deep barranca?
which rendered it impossible to conduct these
sallies with any degree of order, and the enemy
were therefore always apprised of their ap
proach tOithe rivulet, and of course prepared to
resist them. Hence no supplies of any conse
quence could be obtained. Those who have

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 13
not seen the Mexican barrancas, can scarcely
form an idea of the difficulties they present
at every step ; abounding in immense rocks;
precipices, and thick bushes, it is impossible to
conduct any military enterprise in them with
compactness and order.
The small quantity of water which each indi
vidual collected on the first appearance of
the enemy, had been soon expended. The
only well in the fort, which was at the house of
Don Pedro Moreno, had never contained water.
All the stagnant water in the crevices around
the fort, wasconsumed ; and the horrors of thirst
became dreadful. Recourse was had to some
wild celery, which luckily grew around the
fort: it was plucked at the risk of life; but
these were only partial alleviations, for some of
the people were four days without tasting a
drop of water.
The situation of the garrison was fast ap
proaching to a crisis. The troops at their posts
were hourly becoming less capable of exertion,
from the severity of their sufferings. Horses
and cattle were wandering about, in the greatest
distress. The cries of children, calling on their
unhappy mothers for water, gave to the scene
of suffering peculiar horror. The countenance
of the general shewed how deeply he sympa-

14 MEMOIRS OF THE
thized in the sufferings of his associates : but
he cheered them with the hope that the God of
nature would not abandon them ; he pointed to
the heavy clouds with which the atmosphere
was loaded, as the source from whence relief
would speedily be obtained ; and such was the
effect Mina's example and consoling observa
tions inspired, that each individual strove to
distinguish himself by his superior fortitude
under the severity of the general distress. With
anxious expectation, they marked the approach
of the heavily charged clouds, hoping that the
predictions of a supply from them would soon
be verified. Every vessel was ready to receive
the grateful shower. The women brought out
the images of their saints, supplicating their in
tervention for that relief which Heaven only
could bestow. The clouds covered the fort :
no sound was heard amid the general anxiety
of the wretched garrison, save the thunder Of
the enemy's artillery, whose troops, with savage
exultation, looked clown on the besieged from
their position on the hill. The flattering clouds
passed slowly over the fort,— the moment was
anxiously looked for, which was to ease their
sufferings;— a few drops fell ;— anxiety was
wrought up to the highest pitch ; — but the
clouds passed, and burst at a short distance

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 15
from them! Language is inadequate to de
scribe the emotions of despair which at that
moment were depicted on every countenance in
the fort. For several days the clouds continued
thus to pass, without discharging a single drop
on the parched garrison, who had the cruel
mortification of seeing their enemies frequently
drenched with rain, and the large lake of Lagos
constantly in view. Such were the trials expe
rienced at this ill-fated spot. At length, after
a lapse of four days, a slight shower fell. Every
article capable of containing the desired fluid
was in readiness, and in spite of the incessant
fire of the enemy, a supply was collected, suffi
cient to yield a temporary relief to the suffer
ing garrison. A small supply was also collect
ed in reserve.
The bread, which it had been impossible to
use for want of water, now became serviceable ;
and the troops were invigorated. Many of the
Creole recruits, during the late scene of dis
tress, had made their escape, which had consi
derably diminished the numbers of the garrison.
During this time, Padre Torres had marched
from Remedios with a body of troops, and a
small supply of provisions ; but advancing with
his accustomed carelessness, he fell into an am
bush, laid by the enemy near Silao. His troops

16 MEMOIRS OF THE
made scarcely any opposition, and were soon
dispersed; every one fleeing to his home. The
Padre made his way back to Remedios. The
provisions were at some distance in the rear,
and escaped falling into the hands of the enemy.
No further attempts were made by the Padre to
succour the fort, although he knew that it must
inevitably fall, if not speedily relieved. All
his promises to Mina were thus forgotten, or
deliberately violated. The enemy, notwith
standing their vast superiority, had met with
siich an unexpected repulse in their late assault,
that they declined making another attempt, and
directed all their attention to reduce the fort by
famine ; well knowing that without water or
provisions, it could not hold out long. To pre
vent the introduction of supplies, as well as the
retreat of the garrison, they stationed picquets
of cavalry, in all directions about the fort. Ne
vertheless, some resolute men,, -did bring in a
few articles every night, but they were supplies
not very essential to the. garrison. The enemy
still kept up an incessant fire from the hill, and
by stationing some light troops among the
rocks, considerably annoyed the besieged ; but
very little loss resulted, for the reasons already
mentioned. The posts could only be relieved
at night, apd even then the danger was great,

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 17
from occasional random discharges of grape-
shot from the hill. The ammunition of the be
sieged was fast diminishing, and could only
afford occasional discharges ; but as the
foreigners, particularly the American citizens,
were far superior marksmen to those of the
enemy, many skirmishers of the latter were
killed. In the mean time, the enemy occasionally
held conferences with the garrison. Some of
the Spanish officers, who had been intimate
with Mina in Spain, advanced to the walls of
the fort to see him. They used every possible
argument to induce Mina to accept the royal
amnesty. They urged, in support of it, his
forlorn situation, and the impossibility that re
lief could be given him. Mina answered them
with frankness, and explained the motives
which had induced him to espouse the cause,
and concluded by informing them, that his de
termination was taken to conquer or die. They
parted on the most friendly terms ; the officers
expressing their regret at his inflexibility. A
momentary cessation of hostilities having taken
place, upon the return of the officers to their
posts, the contest was renewed.
Three nights after the attempt by the enemy
to enter the fort, Mina, with two hundred and
vol. n. c

18 MEMOIRS OF THE
forty men, made a sortie on the encampment of
Negrete. The remains of the Guard of Ho
nour and regiment of the Union, thirty in
number, all Americans, with the general at
their head, surprised and carried the redoubt
thrown upon the knoll. The main body of
the enemy, which was encamped at a greater
distance in the rear, was alarmed, and on the
alert before the Americans could reach them.
Had the latter been properly supported by their
Creole companions, something important might
have been accomplished. But the Creoles
would not advance ; thus leaving the Ameri
cans to sustain a sharp conflict, until," overpow
ered by numbers, they were obliged to retreat
to the fort. This was effected under a heavy
fire from the enemy, which killed and wounded
several ; among them, were eleven of the little
band of foreigners. Some of the wounded
could not be brought off, and therefore fell
into the hands of the enemy. It will scarcely
be thought possible, but such was the fact, that
the atrocious commanding officer, having or
dered those wounded men to be carried in full
view of the fort, caused them to be strangled
in the sight of their commiserating and enraged
comrades, whose attention had been cruelly at
tracted to the scene. Their bodies, stripped of

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 19
their clothes, were thrown down the precipice
of the barranca, to become the food of vul
tures. The. general now saw, that unless some
speedy external relief was afforded, the fall of
the fort was inevitable ; and finding that Torres
fulfilled none of the promises he had made,
nor was making any diversion in his favour, he
formed the bold determination of going in per
son, to endeavour to procure the necessary as
sistance, which he still flattered himself would
be furnished by Torres. Accordingly, the
night after the sortie on Negrete, he left the
fort, accompanied by only three companions ;
his aid-de-camp, Don Miguel de Borja, and
Don Encarnacion Ortiz; leaving ColonelYoung
in command of the garrison. They eluded,
but with difficulty, the vigilance of the enemy.
Mina, in a short time, made attempts to throw
some supplies of water and provisions into the
fort ; but having with him only a few cavalry
of Ortiz, he was defeated in his object by the
number and vigilance of the enemy.
Mina had likewise the deep mortification of
ascertaining, that all the statements of Torres,
about the troops he could concentrate, were a
mere fiction ; or rather, that he had made no
effort to effect the concentration which he easi-

20 MEMOIRS OF THE '
ly could have done. All hopes of succour from
Torres were vain. Under these circumstances,
the general sent an order to Colonel Young to
draw off the garrison.
Meanwhile, the enemy prosecuted the siege
with vigour. The cannonading was incessant
by day, and continued occasionally at night.
A few of the besieged were killed, and several
wounded. The stock of water collected from
the last shower was exhausted, and the suffer
ings of the garrison, as well from hunger as
thirst, again became intolerable. Several days
had again elapsed without wafer. The chil
dren were expiring from thirst ; many of the
adults had become delirious, and had resorted
to the last and most disgusting of all human
expedients, to allay for a moment the torments
of thirst ; while some few, driven to madness,
would steal down at night to the rivulet, and
flying from the death of thirst, receive it at the
hands of their enemies. At this juncture, a
generous trait was manifested by the enemy.
They were moved to pity by the dreadful situa
tion of the women, and allowed them to de
scend and drink the water, but would not per
mit them to carry any up to the fort. This so
litary act of humanity proved however but a
" ruse de guerre," as the enemy obtained from

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 21
the women correct information of the state of
things in the fort, and finally, on one occasion
observing a large number of them at the
watering-place, with characteristic perfidy they
seized them, and sent them prisoners to the
town of Leon.
The besieged were suffering not only the ex
tremity of thirst, but; their provisions were
nearly all consumed. Every juicy weed around
the fort was plucked, and some of the men
imagined they found relief from thirst by chew
ing lead. The soldiers were compelled to sub
sist partially on the flesh of horses, asses, and
dogs. The stench of the animals which had died
for want of food, or from the enemy's shot?
and of the dead bodies of the enemy which were
suffered to lie unburied, was almost insupport
able. Large flocks of vultures, attracted by the
dismal scene, were constantly hovering over
the fort, and fortunately diminished an evil,
which otherwise could not have been borne.
Their sufferings having become intolerable,
many of the troops deserted, so that not more
than a hundred and fifty effective men remained.
The ammunition was so far expended as only
to admit of occasional firing. The guns had
been for some time served with the enemy's

22. MEMOIRS OF THE '
shot ; which, dug out at night from the rubbisfi-
outside of the fort, was fired back to them in
the morning, >
The unutterable sufferings of the garrison
induced some of the officers to entreat Colonel
Young to send a flag of truce to know what
terms of capitulation the enemy would v enter
into. The colonel was decidedly opposed to
the measure, but was so much importuned by
the garrison, that he unwillingly consented to>
it ; telling them to remember that the act was
at variance with his judgment.
The flag of truce returned with the answer
of Lilian, that the foreigners must surrender at
discretion, and that the natives should receive
the benefit of the royal amnesty. When this
answer was reported to Colonel Young, he said,
it was no more than he expected, and that he
hoped that none of the garrison would thence
forth speak to him about capitulating with an
enemy, from whom neither mercy nor honour
was to be expected.
The enemy, among other operations, had lat
terly directed their fire against the front wall ;
and as it was built of unburnt bricks and loose
stones, the'shells that entered it buried them
selves, and exploding, did irreparable damage
to the work. The wall was thus destroyed, and

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 23
its rubbish so filled up the ditch, as to form a
fair, broad passage into the fort. The breaches
hitherto made in the wall had been repaired -at
night ; but it was now so completely battered
down, that any further attempts to repair it
were useless. A work was therefore thrown
up within it. In fact, the fort, as well from
that cause, as the want of ammunition, the re
duced strength of the garrison, and the wretched
condition of its defenders, exhausted as they
were by toil, hunger, and thirst, was no longer
tenable, and Colonel Young determined upon
its evacuation. While arrangements for that
purpose were making on the evening of the
17th, the colonel repaired to the quarters of
Don Pedro Moreno, to concert the plan of the
sally. There he found Don Pedro, with seve
ral "of his Creole officers, and Major Mauro,
who then commanded the cavalry of the divi
sion. They told the colonel, that the fort could
yet be defended, and that they would do it them
selves, without the aid of the Americans. Colonel
Young, piqued at the ridiculous conduct of Ma
jor Mauro, resolved to defer the evacuation.
The conduct of Don Pedro, during the siege,
had been base in the extreme. He did not take
an active part in the defence ; and, while the
garrison was suffering from hunger and thirst,

24 MEMOIRS OF THE
he was living in comparative luxury, upott
stores he had hoarded in his house. Some
trifling supplies, as we, before observed, had
been brought into the fort: he monopolized
such part of them as he thought proper, and
the residue only he permitted the importers to
vend. He would not even allow the swine
that he had about his house to be killed, for
the use of the men who were defending his
country, himself, and his family. During their
Severe privations, he retailed, at an exorbitant
price, pork, lard, sugar, cigars, and even some
water which he had collected in the shower.
It was, therefore, a general opinion, that the
aversion of this man to the sally, at the time it
was proposed, was merely feigned, to gain time
to steal away with his money. With such
chiefs as this man, and Padre Torres, were
Mina and his brave officers and men compelled
to act, at this critical juncture !
Colonel Young having determined to defend
the fort to the last, declared that he would be
the last man to leave it ; and to this resolution
he fell a sacrifice.
On the 18th, the sound of the enemy's
bugles echoed through the barranca, and an
nounced some movement of the besiegers.
Their infantry at the watering place, and on

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 23
the south of the fort, were observed to be
forming, and it was supposed an assault was
impending. Preparations for defence were
made by the besieged, who, although greatly
diminished in numbers, and emaciated by se
vere privations, yet resolved to prevent the-
entrance of the enemy, or die in the breach.
Colonel Young, ever on the alert, made the
most of his handful of troops. Sixty men were
placed for the defence of the front wall ; and the
remaining few were so arranged as to be pre.,
pared to meet the assailants at the several points
at which an entrance might be gained. Some
of the few females who still remained, aware of
the horrors to which they would be exposed,
should the enemy succeed, cheerfully flew to
reinforce the several positions, armed with
missile weapons.
At one o'clock the enemy sounded the ad
vance from his head-quarters, which was re
peated by his respective divisions. Soon after,
a strong column appeared on the hill, marching
down ; at the same time,- the division at the
watering place ascended the hill, threatening
the east side; while the other division, on the
southern ridge, marched up the hill, carrying
scaling-ladders. The enemy boldly advanced
along the causeway to the breach, under cover

26 MEMOIRS OF THE
of a heavy fire from their battery on the hill,5
and in face of the gaffing fire of the garrison
from the two flanking works. When within a
few paces, the heavy fire they encountered1
compelled them to half: unavailing were the
endeavours of their officers to get them up to
the breach ; they retreated in the utmost dis
order. At the other points of attack they were
equally unsuccessful. At the south end, the
hill being very steep, they ascended with dif
ficulty, and soon became exhausted ; and, as
they approached, a destructive fire was opened!
upon them, while the women rolled down huge
masses of stone. No longer able to withstand!
so vigorous and unexpected an opposition, they*
withdrew their forces, having sustained a severe
loss. At that moment a copious shower of rain
fell: it was the first which had refreshed the
garrison for many days. The enemy con
ceived that this was a propitious moment to re
new the assault, presuming that as the fire-arms
would be rendered unserviceable from the rainj
their superior numbers would enable them to
force their way into the fort. Again their mar
tial instruments sounded the advance. The
column again moved forward, and approached
the breach with a scaling ladder, displaying a

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 27
black flagj as a symbol of the fate which awaited
the besieged. Fire-arms could not now be
used on either side. The enemy continued ler
press on, and were opposed only by missile
weapons. Fortunately, at this moment, the
rain ceased. The defenders of the works were
invigorated by the shower, and, when the fire
arms could be used, again commenced a well-
directed fire. The bearers of the scaling ladder '
were killed. The soldiers of the enemy, urged
on by their officers, still continued to advance *
but, within a few yards of the breach, they re
ceived such a galling discharge, that they again
broke, flying for shelter among the rocks and
bushes, where they remained until night ena
bled them to retire.
In this affair the garrison suffered a severe
loss, but particularly in the death of the gallant
Colonel Young, who gloriously fell in the mo
ment of victory. On the enemy's last retreat,
the colonel, anxious to observe all their move
ments, fearlessly exposed his person, by step*
ping on a large stone on the ramparts; and,
while conversing with Dr. Hennessey, on the
successes of the day, and on the dastardly con
duct of the enemy, the last shot that was fired
from their battery, carried off his head. Colonel
Young was an officer whom, next to Mina, the

28 MEMOIRS OF THE
American part of the division had been accus
tomed to respect and admire. In every action
he had been conspicuous for his daring courage
and skill. Mina reposed unbounded confi
dence in him. In the hour of danger he was
collected, gave his orders with precision, and,
sword in hand, was always in the hottest of the
combat ; honour and firmness marked all his
actions. He was generous in the extreme, and
endured privations with a cheerfulness superior
to that of any other officer in the division. He
had been in the United States' service, as lieu
tenant-colonel of the twenty-ninth regiment of
infantry. His body was interred, by the few
Americans who could be spared from duty,
with every possible mark of honour and re
spect ; and the general gloom which pervaded
the division on this occasion, was the sincerest
tribute that could be offered by them to the
memory of their brave chief.
The command of the division devolved on
Lieutenant-Colonel Bradburn. Hopes were
now indulged that the enemy, finding they
could not carry the place by storm, would
raise the siege ; but they were too well aware
of the miserable state of the garrison, to allow
such a prize as Mina's officers to escape them.
They had likewise found, by the extraordinary

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 29
defence of the fort, that it contained a body
of men highly dangerous to the roya} cause ;
and it was supposed that if Mina could be
deprived of his foreign troops, he would then
be incapable of giving the royalists further se
rious annoyance.
The enemy, on the following day, evinced
not the least indication of raising the siege;
and the provisions and ammunition being en
tirely exhausted, it became impossible to hold
possession of the fort any longer. It was, there
fore, decided to abandon it; and, every prepa
ration having been made, it was determined
that it should take place on the night of the
19th. On examining the military chest, it was
found that there remained in it only about
eighteen thousand dollars. The funds had
been reduced to this comparatively small
amount, by advances made to Torres for provi
sions, disbursements for clothing, payments to
Don Pedro Moreno ; a quantity of doubloons
having been taken out by the general for the
purpose of procuring provisions, and a sum
intrusted to Don Pedro, on the night of the
17th, when arrangements had been made for
an evacuation, and which was carried out by the
peasantry. What thus remained of the specie,

30 MEMOIRS OF THE
together with some spare arms and artillery,
was buried. The limbers of the latter were
burned, and shot rammed tightly into the
guns. Every thing being in readiness, the garrison
prepared to evacuate the fort. A distressing
scene then took place. The necessity of aban
doning the unfortunate wounded, whom, from
the nature of the barranca over which it was
necessary to pass, it was impossible to carry
out, was imperious. The hospital was filled
with these yictims, the majority of whom were
the officers and men who had accompanied
Mina from Soto la Marina: they were inca
pable of bodily exertion, the limbs of most of
them being broken. Parting with such men,
who had fought so bravely, and who were so
devoted to the cause they had espoused, filled
every breast with unutterable agony. Some
anticipated the fate that awaited them, and en
treated their friends to terminate their existence;
some indulged hopes of mercy from the Spa
niards ; while others, overwhelmed with grief
and despair, covered their faces, and were
unable to bid what they considered a final
adieu. At eleven o'clock at night, Colonel Brad burn
proceeded with the division to the appointed

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 31
spot, whence the sally was to be made. The
route chosen was through the barranca before
described, the only direction by which there
was any chance of escape. On arriving at the
rendezvous, Colonel Bradburn was surprised
to find that Don Pedro, who had reached there
first, had imprudently permitted the women
and children to precede the march. They soon
got into confusion, and by their screams alarm
ed the enemy, and thus apprised them of what
was in agitation. From the difficulties which
the barranca presented, it was impracticable
for the troops to remain formed in their march ;
and hence, in the darkness of the night, they
soon dispersed, every one exploring his path,
and endeavouring to take care of himself.
In the bottom of the barranca, the picquets
and sentries of the enemy were encountered ;
with whom a continual skirmishing prevailed.
Many of the fugitives dropped down from
weakness ; others were shot by the random fire
of the enemy. The screams of the women, the
reports of the enemy's musquets, the cries of
those who fell, the groans of the wounded, and
the intense darkness which reigned around,
gave to the scene indescribable horror. Some
few, particularly of the females, were so dis
mayed, that they returned to the fort ; preferring

32 MEMOIRS OF THE
the chance of a pardon to the risk of that de-
struction which then seemed inevitable. The
greater part, however, by the dawn, had gained
the opposite summit of the barranca. Here,
many of them flattered themselves, the danger
was over ; but the foreigners, being ignorant
of the topography of the place, were uncertain
which way to direct their course, fearing that
every step might place them in the power of
the enemy. They marched on as chance di
rected them, in parties of two, three, or six.
Soon after day-light, they were beset by parties
of the enemy's cavalry, who had been ordered
along the summit of the barranca, as soon as
it was known that the garrison had evacuated
the fort. Another scene of horror began : — the
enemy's cavalry rushed in among the flying
and kneeling individuals. No quarter was given.
Cut to pieces by the sword, or transfixed with
lances, the greater part of the fugitives were
destroyed. The few who escaped, among whom
was Don Pedro Moreno, owed their preserva
tion to the dense and foggy state of the atmo-
phere. The clothes and money found on the
victims, were looked upon as prizes by the
cavalry soldiers, whp for that reason preferred
killing to making prisoners of them ; for if they
had spared their lives, and conducted them as

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 33
prisoners to head-quarters, the booty would not
have been so great, as in that case they might
have lost the clothes.
The next morning, the enemy entered the
deserted fort in triumph. Then ensued a
tragedy, by order of the infuriated Linan,
which it is in vain to attempt to depict in
¦colours sufficiently strong.
The hospital, as we have before observed,
was filled with wounded, a large majority of
whom were foreigners, principally Americans.
Those who could hobble to the square, a few
paces distant, were made to do so, while others,
whose fractured limbs would not permit them
to move, were inhumanly dragged along the
ground to the fatal spot. There stood the fero
cious Linan, feasting on the spectacle ; regard
less of their miserable situation, of their former
gallant conduct, of the clemency and respect
which they had shewn to royalist prisoners —
unmindful of all these considerations, he ordered
them to be stripped of all their clothes* and
shot down, one by one.
Linan occupied three days in compelling the
other prisoners that were found in the fort, to
demolish the works ; which being effected, he
ordered them to be brought to the square, and
there shot. One of the prisoners, immediately
VOL. u. D

34 MEMOIRS OF THE
before being shot, discovered the place where
the treasure and other articles were buried, but
even this information did not save his life.
Thus terminated the siege of Sombrero : out
of the two hundred and sixty-nine men who
had entered the' fort with Mina, only fifty
escaped. i
Linan, after having completed the destruc
tion of the fort, returned to Villa de Leon, ex
ulting in the exploits which he had performed.
It may not be amiss to give a short sketch of
his origin and career, founded on information
derived from respectable sources — from some
Spanish European officers. Pasqual Linan, at
the time that Ferdinand entered France, was a
soldier in the ranks. He followed the king in
the capacity of a servant, and remained with
him till his return to Spain. Ferdinand became
much attached to him; and, desirous of dis-
pla}ing his generosity to Lilian, for the services
he had rendered, requested him to name the
manner in which he could best requite his
fidelity. " Make me a mariscal de campo,"
said Linan. The king, although perhaps sur
prised at such a request, was at the same time
so much pleased with the manner in which
Linan had made it, that he said, " Muy bien."
Accordingly, to the astonishment of the Spanish

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 35
officers, Pasqual Linan was created a mariscal
de campo, and sent to Mexico as inspector-
general. He is deficient in education, and
although his personal appearance is imposing,
his manners are so coarse, and his conversation
so illiterate, that he disgusts those of both sexes
who have any intercourse with him. He is
hated and despised by his subaltern officers, and
although they allow he has personal courage
yet they can discover in him no other than this,
almost the least, requisite for a commander-in-
chief. During the siege of Sombrero, he never
moved from his head-quarters : he trusted to
other officers, entirely, for the planning and
execution of allthe operations.
It would be neither just nor generous to infer
from the conduct of Linan, that his officers ap
proved of his sanguinary measures ; nor do we
wish that conclusions should be drawn against
the Spanish character generally, because many
of the agents of its barbarous and vindictive go
vernment have acted like the monster Linan.
We have seen many Spanish officers, whose
humane, generous, and noble feelings, would
have done honour to any country.
Some of those attached to the European
regiments under Lilian's orders, particularly
interfered to stop his cruel proceedings. They

36 7t MEMOIRS OF THE
Begged him to defer the execution of the pri-^
sorters, until he consulted the viceroy. Although
they found him inexorable, they continued
urging the point to the last moment, openly
expressing thei# abhorrence of his savage acts.
We afterwards understood, that a . pardon for
the prisoners did actually arrive fromsMexico ;
but it was too late, for; their blood had already
satiated the vengeance bf the brutal Linan.
Upon his head therefore rests the wanton
slaughter of the gallant foreigners and others,
trhw fell into his hands ; and to him do we im-
piite the horrors which marked the conquest of
Sombrero. The Spanish officers speak in terms of the
strongest indignation and disgust of the dread
ful enormities perpetrated by this man, and
even those of his own politics,, who have had
dfiy public transactions with him, hold him in
fear and abhorrence. He is at present, we be-
Here, in the city of Vera Cruz, of which pro
vince he is -governor; His conduct there has
beeri so. base, and so scandalous, as to cover
Maaowith the odiuhi, not only of the inhabitants
generally, but even of his own countrymen. '

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 37

CHAPTER IX.
General Mina proceeds to thefort.ofLos Remedios— Arrival
of some of the fugitives there from Sombrero — Descrip
tion of the fort of Los Remedios, or San Gregorio — Ad
vance of Linan against the fort — Mina marches out, with
nine hundred men — -Description of these troops-1- Meet
ing of the general with the remnant of his division, near
the Tlachiquera — Siege laid to Los Remedies— Mina ad
vances against, and takes Biscocho — Execution ¦ of the
garrison — Advance against, and capture of San Luis de
la Paz — Clemency of Mina towards the garrison — At
tack on San Miguel — Retreat therefrom, and arrival at
the Valle de" Santiago— A description of it— Continuation
of events connected with Mina's movements — disgraceful
conduct of Padre Torres— Continuation 'of events at the
fort — Repulse of the enemy — Sortie on one of his bat
teries — Mina's operations continued — Flight of the pa
triots from the field at La Caxa — Mina visits Xauxilla.,
and thence proceeds to the Valle de Santiago — Skirmish
with Orrantia, and Mina's arrival at La Caxa.
Jdaffled in every effort to succour Sombrero,
Mina remained for several days in the moun
tains in its neighbourhood, with a small body of
cavalry. Having sent several messages to Padre

38 MEMOIRS OF THE
Torres, to urge him to order up troops for the
relief of the fort, or to cover the movements of
its garrison, but receiving only trifling and
evasive answers, he resolved to repair to the
head-quarters of Torres, and there personally
incite that chieftain to the performance of his
engagements. Taking with him, therefore, an
escort of one hundred of the cavalry of Ortiz,
he proceeded to Los Remedios, on the 17th,
two days prior to the evacuation and fall of
Sombrero. The road lay across the plain of
Silao. While crossing it, between the town
of that name and the Villa de Leon, he encoun
tered a body of two hundred of the enemy's
cavalry. Mina, with his usual gallantry and
skill, led bis men into action, and in a few mi
nutes put the enemy to flight, with some loss.
They lost their commander, who was dragged
off his horse by a lazo,* and killed.
* Lazo is the name of the rope, in the use of which the
Spanish Americans are so justly celebrated. In rustic life,
it is usually applied to the purpose of catching the various
kinds of stock belonging to a farm. A child of five or six
years old commences his experiments with a piece of pack
thread, and exercises his ingenuity on the poultry about the
house : he afterwards attacks the pigs ; and, as he grows
up, ventures to throw his lazo upon calves and colts ; and
thus, by the time he arrives at manhood, he has learned to
use it with astonishing precision. It is a well-made rope,

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 39
Mina, upon his arrival at Los Remedios,
found Padre Torres assiduously engaged in
strengthening his position, in victualling jt,
and making every preparation against the; siege
which he anticipated would be laid to it, after
the reduction of Sombrero; but he had taken
none of the steps he had promised, and which
he ought to have taken, to afford assistance to
of about an inch in circumference, and from ten to fifteen
yards in length.
Wild cattle are caught by peasants, mounted on horses,
trained for that express purpose; and, to be broken and
trained to it, is one of the important requisites of a Mexican
horse. Since the revolution, the lazo has been often
resorted to, among a flying enemy. An expert thrower will
strike his object, almost to a certainty, at a distance of from
eight to ten yards. The instant a horse trained tothis ser
vice, finds that the rope has taken, he will suddenly stop,
although at full speed ; then wheeling on his haunches, he
will set off in a full gallop in an opposite direction. The
effect is irresistible. The man is instantly brought to the
ground. If it be upon cattle that the lazo is thrown, the
flight of the animal is instantly arrested ; and he is obliged
to follow the horse, or choak. With the greatest ease,
a peasant will throw the lazo round the horns or legs of
a bull, and thus keep the wildest and most vicious animal
in subjection, without losing his seat. The constant use of
the lazo, from early infancy, can alone account for. the
extraordinary dexterity which the native American-displays

4® MEMOIRS OF THE
Sombrero. Under the direction of Mina, ithe
aid he could have given might have prevented
the accomplishment of the plans of the enemy,
and might probably have led to their destruc
tion. At the pressing solicitations of Mina,
Torres issued an order to some of his com
mandants to repair as soon as possible with
their troops to Los Remedios : but, alas ! this
order was issued too late to be of use to Som
brero ; for, while they were collecting, advices
of the disaster of the fort reached Los Reme
dios. This event affected the general deeply.
It was difficult for him to conceal his conflicting
emotions of sorrow, for many of his brave
companions, who he presumed had fallen in
the struggle ; and of indignation atthe shameful
neglect of Torres, in not having made sea^
sonable exertions in favour of Sombrero, He
preserved, however, his usual serenity, well
knowing, that either reproaches or despondency
must produce bad effects at that juncture of
affairs. A few of Mina's officers and men reached
Los Remedios, and from them he obtained
details of the disaster that had befallen them I
but of the extent of the loss he was still unin
formed, He despatched several persons to seek
out the foreigners, aiid conduct them to him.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 41
Thirty-one only reached the fort; ha*, neve»»
theless, Mina still indulged the hope, that as the
sally had been effected at night by the ifear*
ranca, the rest of the troops might have gained
the mountains near Sombrero, where they would
be taken care of by the cavalry of Ortiz.
Advices also reached the fort, that Lilian,
flushed with his late success, was advancing
with reinforcements against Los Remedios;
This movement was anticipated, and it was
likewise supposed that it would be the close
of his career ; which opinion was founded upon
the strength of the fort, and the arraiagements
made for harassing and resisting the enemy .-
The fort of Los Remedjos, or, as it is called
by the royalists, San Gregorio, was situated on
a lofty, though not extensive range of moun
tains, rising abruptly out of the delightful plains
of Penjamo and Silao, in the province, of Gua-
naxuato ; being distant from the city of that
name south-south-west about twelve leagues^
from Sombrero south about eighteen, and from
Penjamo east-north-east four leagues. From.
the plain the road wound up the declivities
of the mountain (and in some places it was
remarkably steep) by a ridge, for a distance
of nearly two miles, to the highest elevation of
the fort, called Tepeaca, From that point the

42 MEMOIRS OF THE
hill again descended, widening a considerable
distance into the heart of the mountain, to the
extremity of the fort, which was denominated
Pansacola. The ascent was not fortified either
by nature or art, until arriving at a place caljed
La Cueva, at about one-third of its height from
the plain ; whence the road continued, by a
difficult, narrow, and, in places, very steep
ridge, up to Tepeaca. On the left of La Cueva,
the ridge was skirted by a tremendous preci
pice of from one to two hundred feet perpen
dicular height; which continued on that side
of the fort, with little variation, to Pansacola.
On the right of La Cueva, the ridge was like
wise bounded by a precipice, to within a few
paces of a small work called Santa Rosalia.
From the termination of this precipice, a wall
of three feet in thickness, extended up to Te
peaca. Between these two points the ascent of
the barranca was easy, and from thence to Pan
sacola, it was naturally defended by a con
tinuation of bold, elevated, and broken ground.
At this latter place there was a small passage
into the fort, but the precipices made the access
to it very dangerous. In short, the whole of
the fort, with the exception of the small en
trance at Pansacola, and that part on the right
of the road ascending to Tepeaca, in the vi-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 43
cinity of the work of. Santa Rosalia, was sur
rounded by a chain of awful precipices, forming
barrancas immensely deep, and from one to
three hundred yards in Avidth ; and it was at
these places only, or at the gate at La Cueva
that an entrance could possibly be gained into
the fort. At La Cueva, where the ridge as
cending into the fort was only thirty feet in
breadth, a traverse wall was thrown up, on
which were mounted two guns. The work
next above La Cueva was a small half-moon
battery, of one gun, called Santa Rosalia, which
raked the wall up to the next battery, called La
Libertad. This was a work of two guns, which
enfiladed the space down to Santa Rosalia.
Above La Libertad Was a small one-gun battery,
and above it Santa Barbara, a battery of two
guns, which commanded the others ; while Te
peaca, mounting two guns, crowned the whole,
commanding the barranca, and the heights on
its opposite side ; but, from its great elevation,
it did not command the works of the fort.
Across the only weak part of Pansacola a breast
work was thrown up, merely to cover infantry,
as the difficulties of its approach rendered it
secure, if defended by a few steady troops.
One height, in front of Pansacola, com
manded that part of the fort, and there was

44 ' MEMOIRS- OF THE r
also a hill,, much higher than, and opposite to
Tepeaca ; buf, from the difficulty of ascending
this latter Mil, ©wing to its extraordinary steep-
toess, Torres, and Colonel Noboa wfio had
examined it, ^oonssidered it impossible to tran
sport artillery to its mmmit. 'In fact, the strength
of this fort, whose natural advantages were
so much improved by art, seemed to warrant
*he opinion, that, protected by a garrison of
resolute men, it would be impregnable.
Within the fort, near Pansacola, was a well,
affording a constant supply of water, that had
never yet been found deficient, even in seasons
of drought ; there was likewise a large rivulet,
^vhich ran through the barranca on the left of
the fort, and washed the feet of the precipices.
This stream, during the rainy season, and for
two or three months afterwards, yielded abun
dance of water. It was, therefore, deemed
impracticable to deprive the garrison of a sup
ply of water. The fort was victualled with
twenty thousand fanegds (about one and a half
bushel English measure tothefanega) of Indian
-corn, ten thousand of wheat, a large quantity of
flour, six hundred head of cattle, two thousand
sheep or goats, and three hundred large hogs.
The supply of ammunition was considerable,
besides a quantity of nitre, sulphur, iron, cop-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 45
per, and lead. The garrison of the fort con
sisted of about fifteen hundred troops, of whom
three hundred had been trained for infantry by
Colonel Noboa, and were under tolerable disci
pline. The rest of the troops formed a motley
groupe, undisciplined, but brave.
When Mina arrived at the fort, its works
were in many parts defective ; but, by the
exertions of his officers, and fourteen hundred
peasantry, who were kept there for that duty,
they were placed in a more perfect order. The
whole number of persons in the fort, including:
the peasantry, women, and children, Was about
three thousand.
As the enemy could not succeed in their
attempts to carry Sombrero by assault, it was
presumable they could never so take the fort of
Los Remedios, since the latter presented so
many more obstacles to such an endeavour
than the former. To attempt to reduce it by
famine, was considered as preposterous-, as it
would consume much more time than the enemy
could devote to such an operation. In short,
the fort was deemed capable of withstanding a
siege of at least twelve months.
We have been thus particular in describing
the fort of Los Remedios, in order to shew that
if Torres had been a man possessing even true

46 Memoirs of the!
patriotism, without military discernment, and
had acted with zeal and good faith towards
Mina, he would at first have advised the- latter
to repair, with all his officers and men, to Los
Remedios, there to concentrate their forces,
and form their plan of future operations. In
stead of doing this, Torres induced Mina to
remain at Sombrero, by deluding him with
hollow promises of supplies of provisions and»
troops, until his prospects were blasted by the
destruction of his division. It is impossible,
therefore, for us not to accuse Torres of trea
chery or ignorance, and in fact of both, in all
his conduct towards Mina. — But let us resume
our narrative.
It was concluded between Torres and Mina,:
that while the former should remain in defence
of the fort, the latter should take the command
of a body of cavalry, for the purpose of ha
rassing the enemy, by infesting the roads, and
preventing supplies from reaching them. Mean
while, Linan was enabled, in consequence of
the severe blow which he had struck at SomK
brero, to advance, with a strong reinforcement,
against Los Remedios ; and on the 27th, a
division of his army made its appearance before
that place.
Mina thereon withdrew from the fort with

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 47
nine hundred cavalry, with the view already
stated.. He wished to take with him all his
officers ; but, at the earnest solicitation of Tor
res, who considered them of the highest im
portance, he left the whole behind him, with
the exception of his aid-de-camp. It is true,
that these officers were of essential consequence
for the defence of the fort; but the loss to
Mina was most serious ; for had he taken them
with him, there would have been more likeli
hood of his accomplishing his views, than when
he was dependent upon men among the patriot
officers, whose characters and abilities he had
yet to ascertain. Perhaps there is no circum
stance in Mina's career, that displays more
clearly his generous and magnanimous disposi
tion, than his thus yielding to the importunities
of Torres, after the shameful manner in which
the latter had neglected him at Sombrero. He
was now to take the field with a body of irre
gular troops, without even the semblance of
discipline, and without confidence either in
him, or in each other, and to enter on an
active campaign, which peculiarly required the
aid of experienced officers. However, to do his
best was all that was left to him ; and he con
soled himself with the reflection, that his of
ficers would essentially contribute to baffle the
enemy's designs upon Los Remedios.

48 MEMOIRS OF THE
The general marched to the Tlachiquerit, ah
hacienda near the cantonment of Ortiz, on the
heights of Guanaxuato, ten leagues north of
the city, by the route of the mountains. He
had ordered Don Encarnacion Ortiz to meet
him at the hacienda, and there he expected to
have found the greater part of the officers and
men of his< own division,, who, he still flattered
himself, had survived- the disasters of Som
brero. We have before noticed the loose financial
and military regulations prevailing among the
patriots, under the command of Padre Torres ;
but it is now necessary to describe particularly
the troops arrayed under the orders of Mina*
to demonstrate the great disadvantages the lat
ter had to contend against.
,> In the early stages of the revolution, it will
have been perceived by our previous statements,
that there were periods at which several divi
sions had attained to a considerable degree of
discipline and regularity, under Morelos, Ma-
tamorps, the Rayons, Teran, Victoria, and other
distinguished patriot officers; but, from the
want of a cordial understanding among those
chiefs, the cause of the republic had retro
graded .
In the latter stages of the revolution, capable
and experienced men were rare ; there was no

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 49
tfppbrtunity for selection ; the commandants
were hot only illiterate men, but unfortunately
men who entered into the cause of their coun
try, as into an adventure or speculation, and
who regarded their own convenience or perso
nal views more than the success of the revolu
tion, or the interests of their country.
The funds which ought to have been appro
priated to the pay and equipment of their troops,
were absorbed and squandered by the com
mandants and their satellites. With no check
upon their cupidity, they enriched themselves
with impunity. The troops were allowed to
live at their respective homes, and were never
called together but on a pressing emergency.
When they did assemble, each man was clothed
as" suited his particular taste or circumstances.
The soldier received no pay, unless in active
service, and then it was only two reals per day,
but of which he supported himself; On Sun
days they would assemble at a pueblo, for the
double purpose of hearing mass, and of re
ceiving, when the commanders chose to be in
funds to supply them, a hat, or shirt, and some
times a dollar or two, not on the score of pay,
of which no rolls were kept, but as a gracious
donation. Beyond this they were seldom sup
plied ; in short, they were generally to be seen
voi,, 11, J3

;60 MEMOIRS OF THE
in their shirt sleeves, with a mangas or a blan
ket thrown loosely over the shoulders. The only
exception to this description were the escoltas
(escorts) of the commandants, consisting of from
ten to fifty men, according to the means and
consequence of the commandants. These were
picked men, who had distinguished themselves
for courage. They were well dressed, accord
ing to the taste of the commandant; were
mounted on excellent horses, and generally well
armed : they acted as a body guard Jo the com
mandant, with whom they fled when it became
necessary. The whole of the troops, with the exception
of those in the forts, were cavalry, a horse
being given to each man, which he was obliged
to protect from the enemy. Living at their re
spective houses, they were constantly on the
alert ; and on the approach of the enemy, in
stead of uniting for common defence, each
man was provident of his own safety. The
commandants of the districts asserted, that
this was the only way to save their men, as
the incursions of the enemy would not
permit them to be embodied in troops or
squadrons. This system, it is true, had in
some degree become necessary ; but it was
a fatal necessity, created bv the vicious cha-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 51
racter of the commandants themselves, who
amassed and dissipated the resources of the
country, for their own personal gratifica
tions, instead of devoting them to the cloth
ing and subsisting a respectable body of
troops. Whenever their soldiers were to be collected,
it was usually accomplished, by despatching
persons around the country, with orders for
them to repair to an appointed rendezvous,
which they obeyed at their pleasure. The
men generally selected all their own officers,
except the commandant of the district ; and it
was not uncommon to see captains, majors, co
lonels, and brigadiers, who had once been field
labourers, major-domos, or arrieros (muleteers).
Few of them could read or write, and none
had any pretensions to military knowledge
of any kind. They had been chosen by their
companions for personal intrepidity and acti
vity — qualities, in their estimation, of primary
importance, and which most of them pos
sessed in an eminent degree. It is hence ob
vious, that no discipline nor military arrange
ments could exist among such troops and such
officers. Incapable of forming in line with preci
sion, unaccustomed to any sort of uniformity
in the language of command, or the prac-

£2 MEMOIRS' OF THE '
tice of even reducing or forming columns
they were no more than a disorderly mob,
equally ignorant of the methods of attaining,
and insensible to the importance of compact
ness and unity of action. The confidence
which a disciplined soldier places in the sup
port of his companions, and the result of a
Simultaneous motion at command, were un
known to them. But, notwithstanding all these
defects, their natural bravery enabled them oc
casionally to perform most daring exploits.
They charged desperately, in loose and broken
masses; and, if they once succeeded in piercing
the enemy's lirie, made great havoc : but if
checked, they broke; and it was in vain to at
tempt to rally them. Like Scythians, they came
down in a hail-storm, and retired in a cloud,
each man seeking his safety in flight — not like
disciplined troops when broken, to rally and
form at Some conveniient position, but to save
themselves altogether. In these scenes, the
flying soldiers, and particularly the officers,
frequently gave proofs of great personal valour
and presence of mind.
The Mexican, mounted on his horse, on
whose speed and activity he can rely, places
the most unbounded confidence in him. Nei
ther showers of balls, nor the numbers ofjiis

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 53
opponents, dismay him. The officers dash in
among the enemy, and, perfectly regardless
how their men act, seem only intent on setting
them an example of courage. When compelled
to retreat before superior numbers, the Mexican j
instead of jading his favourite horse, propor
tions his flight to the speed of his pursuers;
and if he perceive one or two of the enelny de
tached from their main body, he will face round
and give them battle in presence of the rest.
In short, we know, from frequent personal ob
servation, that no men possess more innate
courage than the Mexican Creole ; he has
every quality necessary' to form the soldier ;
and, as an individual, seated on his usually
high-Spirited horse, with his sword and lance,
is as formidable an opponent as any in the
world. But, for want of discipline and mili
tary regulation, the Creoles are of little use
when embodied, and can easily be put to the
rout. Hence the royalists, whose troops are
composed of artillery and trained infantry, as
well as cavalry, have been enabled to gain ad
vantages over them ; and more especially at the
period of which we are now speaking, when the
* destinies of the republic were in the hands of
such men as Padre Torres and bis com-.
mandants.

54 MEMOIRS OF THE
This description of the Creoles is not pecu
liar to those of Mexico ; but may, with a little
modification, be considered, we think, as a cor
rect portraiture of those of all the Spanish set
tlements on the American continent. The na
tural excellencies of this race, their intrepidity,
their capacity to endure hardships and priva
tions, their sobriety, their self-possession, and
their abstemiousness, are qualities so well cal
culated for military enterprise, that the intelli
gent reader will at once perceive that discipline
alone is necessary to render them, in their own
country and climate, the most formidable and
effective soldiers.
Shall this fine race of people become free and
and independent; allies of the republic of the
LTnited States ? or are they like the Asiatics, in
circumstances nearly similar, to become the
subjugators of their own country under Euro
pean discipline, and the terror and scourge of
adjacent countries? Who can foresee what
might be accomplished by two hundred thousand
Mexican Creoles, versed in the tactics of this
day, with ambitious European leaders ? This is
a subject which opens a wide field for reflection,
and particularly merits the regard of the Ame
rican statesman.
The equipments of the patriots have already

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 55
been briefly noticed. Their ammunition was
in general of their own manufacture. The
physical resources of the country are super
abundant, with any common management ; for
Mexico abounds with salt petre, the craters of
her volcanoes yield sulphur, while the forests
afford charcoal. Thus, although the manufac
ture be rude, they can make any quantity of pow
der. Flints are found in the rivulets of the
mountains ; and from the bowels of the latter
are extracted lead, copper, and iron, as well as
gold and silver. They have therefore the means
within themselves of carrying on war ; but the
want of artists and mechanics renders the pro
ductions of their country of but little use to
them. The body of nine hundred cavalry, which
was placed under Mina's command, was com.
posed of men such as we have described, who
may be properly styled Mexican Cossacks.
Hosts of officers were among them : a corps of
two hundred and fifty men would be commanded
by brigadiers, or colonels; colonels again would
command a body of fifty men. The subalterns
were numerous : in one body of two hundred
and fifty men, commanded by a brigadier, there
were more than eighteen captains. Different
kinds of arms were found in the same company ;

®$ MEMOIRS OF THE
and a just subordination was unknown anfdtfgf
them. With such troops was Mina now destined to
act. Almost any other man would have been
filled with desponding apprehensions, under
such circumstances. But, although he was
aware of their want of discipline, yet as he had
seen troops of the same description behave well
in the affair of San Juan de los Llanos, and as
in the recent attack on the enemy's cavalry
between Leon and Silao, he had been an eye
witness of their valour, he imagined that by
perseverance he should be able to remedy all
their deficiencies.
The general, with great pains and patience,
formed his nine hundred men into three squa
drons : the carabineers formed the vanguard ;
the centre was composed of lancers, and the
rear guard of carabineers. He assigned com
manding officers to each division ; and con
templated establishing a Guard of Honour
from his supernumerary officers, on the mo-'
del of his old guard, but he did not accom
plish it.
The captain-general Don Jos£ Maria Liceaga,
whom we have before mentioned, had joined
Mina. His advice and information were of
great importance. The patriots, however, viewed

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 87
Liceaga with' a jealous eye. He had become
Unpopular, by endeavouring to adhere to a sys
tem of strict discipline, as is always the case
where discipline is neither established nor its
advantages appreciated.
On the morning of the 30th, Mina was near
the Tlachiquera; there he met Ortiz, with nine
teen of the division, who had escaped from Som
brero. There were six officers among these nine
teen men. The moment the general saw them,
he put spurs to his horse, and flew to receive
them. He cordially gave them a soldier's
embrace, and with great eagerness asked,
" Where are the rest?" He was answered,
" We are all that are left." The blow was se
vere : his countenance depicted the anguish of
his heart ; and placing his leg across the pum
mel of his saddle, he reclined his head on his
hand. His fine eye glistened with the war
rior's tear of sensibility ; but quickly recovering
himself, his countenance resumed its accustomed
serenity. The general retained four officers
and six soldiers of the nineteen, and ordered
the rest to take commands under Ortiz.
In the mean time the army of Linan had in
vested the fort, and the formal siege of Los
Remedios commenced on the 31st of August.
The barrancas and precipices which encircled

58 MEMOIRS OF THE
the fort, were alike important to defend the be
siegers against sallies, and the besieged against
assaults. The former posted their infantry on
positions, with one exception, inaccessible to as
sault, on the opposite side of the barrancas,
and in front of the works of the fort.
The enemy, not satisfied with occupying
holds naturally impregnable, intrenched them
selves wherever they planted their batteries.
Their front was protected against the assaults
of the besieged by insurmountable precipices,
and their rear was secure from the movements
of Mina, as it was impossible for cavalry to
ascend those heights. The grand encampment
of the enemy was formed in the plain, imme
diately at the foot of the ascent to the entrance
of the fort. From this position, they could
more easily reinforce their works around the
fort ; thence they could cover them from Mina's
attacks, and besides prevent the escape of the
garrison by that passage. The only possible
way left for escape, was by Pansacola. The
head-quarters of Linan were placed on the
summit of the opposite side of the barranca,
directly facing Tepeaca. After the enemy had
broken ground in front, they had, with in
credible labour, drawn up cannon, and planted
on this summit a battery of three guns and two

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 59
howitzers; which, being within a short range of
Tepeaca, severely annoyed that position, but,
from its great elevation, could not fire into the
other works. This was an annoyance not an
ticipated by the besieged, as they had believed
it impracticable to raise cannon to that spot.
The enemy, however, after some time, made an
excavation in the side of the precipice, below
the battery, sufficient to admit one gun, which
effectually raked the works of the fort, from
Tepeaca down to Santa Rosalia. On the side
of the barranca, fronting Santa Rosalia and La
Libertad, the enemy had erected two batteries,
the one commanding the other, which threw
shot into the works of the besieged, from the
distance of half-musquet-shot. In the first, the
enemy planted three pieces of heavy artillery ;
in the second, two pieces. In the rear of the
latter, on a small table land, that was naturally
well defended, was an intrenched camp, with
one piece of artillery. On a commanding
height, in the rear of the whole, were planted a
twelve-pound battering gun and a howitzer.
From this position, the whole of that part of
Los Remedios, from La Cueva up to Tepeaca,
was much annoyed. Opposite the weak part
of Pansacola, another encampment was formed,
and a battery of two pieces of artillery and two

60 MEMOIRS OF THE
howitzers was there opened. On the left of
La Cueva, three pieces of artillery and two how
itzers were subsequently planted in battery,
which fired into the rear of that work. Between
their several position's also, on every place
where escape was in any way practicable, were
posted intrenched picquets, with the view of
cutting off from the fort all possible external
communication. A corps of eight hundred well-
equipped infantry and cavalry, under the com
mand of Don'Francisco de Orrantia, was order
ed to observe the movements of Mina.
Thus had the enemy, with extraordinary
trouble and skill, completed a line of attack,
which effectually hemmed in the garrison, and
menaced the works of Los Remedios. We
have already described the defences of the fort;
and althdugh, at the time the siege was com
menced, they were in many parts defective, yet,
by the labour of the peasantry, and the skill
and activity of Mina's officers, they were daily
improved and strengthened.
Mina advanced from the Tlachiquera to the
cantonment of Don Ehcarnacion Ortiz, where
he augmented his force with two hundred and
fifty of the cavalry Of that officer, and marched
the same evening. His first great object was to
interrupt the enemy's line of communication

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 61
between the city of Mexico and the northern
provinces. By destroying their fortifications
in that direction, their convoys would be de^
prived of their strong places of depot, and con
sequently would be exposed to the incursions'
of the patriots of Xalpa, who were in for
midable bodies about Queretaro, and on that
road. Thus, also, supplies for the besieging
army at Remedios would be rendered pre
carious. Mina advanced rapidly the first night of his
march ; and, at sun-rise next morning, came
up to a fortified hacienda, called Biscocho. Its
defences were insignificant. The garrison took
possession of the church, and from the roof and
steeple fired on the assailants. Mina sent a
summons, demanding their immediate sur
render. A refusal having been returned, the
place was attacked, and, after a short conflict,
carried. The garrison were made prisoners,
with the exception of the commandant, who
had prudently decamped on the first appear
ance of Mina's troops. The recollection of the
dreadful massacre at Sombrero, the clamours
of Mina's surviving companions, and the rage
of his whole division, now operated on his feel
ings ; and, for the first time, he listened to the
cries of revenge. Thirty-one of the garrison

62 MEMOIRS OF THE
were taken out, and shot. '< The mere mention,
a few weeks before, of such a sacrifice of pri
soners, would have filled the general, as well
as his troops, with horror ; but the wanton bar
barity of the royalists rendered it, necessary to
repress the feelings of humanity. The exten
sion of mercy to an enemy who spurned at
every principle of civilized warfare, had become
impolitic and preposterous ; and it was now
necessary to repel acts of barbarism, by mea
sures of just retaliation. The remains of Mina's
division vowedto sacrifice every royalist taken
in arms, until they had expiated the blood of
their murdered companions, or until the enemy
should refrain from immolating their prisoners
in cold blood. It was not, however, Mina's in
tention to cherish these views of retaliation.
On the occasion in question, he permitted the
principle to be acted upon ; but it is the only
act, bearing the apparent impress of cruelty or
severity, with which his name can be charged.
After ordering the hacienda to be burned,
to prevent its being immediately re-occupied
by the enemy, and driving off the cattle, the
general, next morning, continued his march
towards San Luis de la Paz, a pueblo of some
importance, situated about fourteen leagues to
the eastward of Guanaxuato. San Luis de la

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 63
Paz had suffered much during the revolution,
and many of its principal edifices were in ruins.
It was occupied by a detachment of the enemy,
consisting of one hundred infantry, aided by
some of the male population of the place. On
Mina's approach, the enemy had ordered them
to repair to the fortifications, and had made
preparations for resistance. The church, the
parsonage-house which joined it, and the ceme
tery, were the chief places of defence. The
former was in itself a strong hold ; while the
latter was surrounded by a wall pierced with
loop-holes, outside of which was a dry ditch,
crossed by a drawbridge, affording the only
approach to the church. Its garrison, sheltered
by the wall, gave great annoyance through the
loop-holes; and, every place around theirlittle
work was commanded by infantry posted on
the top of the church and in the belfry, the
openings of which had been filled up with
bricks, sufficient to protect the men.
The garrison, supposing that Mina would be
repulsed with the same ease with which the
attacks of other patriot commanders had always
been foiled, had been careless in supplying the
place with provisions; but they procured water
from a fountain at the parsonage-house. Against.
organized troops this place could not have

64 MEMOIRS OF THE
been defended ; and if Mina had then had with
him his former little band of foreigners, he
would have carried it in a few minutes by storm.
But he no\y found that the patriot troops, whom
he had beheld in combats in plains against the
enemy's cavalry and infantry acting with the
greatest gallantry, when brought to scale walls',
or to oppose infantry posted within a fortified
place, Were totally ineffective.
The general summoned the commander of
the garrison to surrender. A refusal having
been returned, Mina surrounded the place; so
as effectually to prevent the escape of the gar
rison. He determined on making an experi
ment to' carry it by assault, particularly as some
ruins of houses stood Within twenty paces' of
the drawbridge. He made the necessary dis
positions, but soon perceived that it was diffi
cult to draw his soldiers from their coverts
among the ruined houses. In vain he tried to
make them advance in a compact body. They
scattered and fell back before the fire of the
infantry of the garrison. Some intrepid officers'
and men of the storming parties boldly ad
vanced ; but, not being properly supported,
their lives were sacrificed to their gallantry.
The general was deeply mortified : he resolved,
however, to reduce the place by famine, in case

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 65
he could not otherwise effect it. The patriots
at times would seem anxious to renew the
attack, and the general, enlivened at this dis
play of zeal, would again lead them on : but
vain were these attempts ; they invariably
shrunk back, at the very critical moment when
firmness was most necessary. Various plans
were now devised to destroy the drawbridge,
but none of the troops could be prevailed upon
to carry them into execution. Bundles of fag
gots were prepared to be thrown into the ditch
to burn it down : but the few bundles, which
some spirited volunteers carried to the spot,
were not sufficient to accomplish the object.
The drawbridge was suspended only by strong-
leathern thongs ; to cut these, was one plan ;
and several bold attempts were ineffectually
made to reach them. On one of those occar
sions of fitful animation among his troops,
Mina ordered one of his officers, Captain Per-
rier, to head the storming party. This brave
man found no difficulty in scaling the wall,
and, supposing his troops would follow him,
leaped in among the enemy ; but> on tuning
round, he found himself alone, — abandoned at
a moment when an easy victory might have
been gained. The gallant captain, with great
VOL. II. Fi

66 MEMOIRS OF THE
exertions, made his escape back, but was se
verely wounded.
Mina, after spending four days in these abor^
tive attempts at assault, resorted to sapping and
running a covered way from the ruins of the
houses to the drawbridge ; which he accom
plished, and the bridge was then cut down.
The garrison at once surrendered, without fur
ther opposition, and called for quarter. The
scenes of Sombrero were still fresh in the re
collection of his troops ; they demanded re
venge, and reminded the general of their re
cent oath not to spare a royalist taken in arms.
But the merciful disposition of Mina now dis*
played itself: he interposed between the con
querors and the vanquished, and succeeded in
preventing an indiscriminate slaughter of the
prisoners ; but, to appease the patriots, he con
sented to make an example of three persons — >
the commander of the place ; that of Biscocho,
who Was found here ; and an European soldier :
these were shot. The greater part of the pri^
soners expressed a desire to join Mina's ban
ners ; and the remainder were set at liberty.
The fortifications of San Luis were demo
lished, as it was impossible to attempt to hold
it against a regular siege. Colonel Gonzales,
in whose district it lay, a celebrated warrior of

« MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 67
the troops of Xalpa, was left in coinmand of
the place, to watch the movements of the enemy.
Mina then advanced against San Miguel el
Grande, a town of considerable importance,
fourteen leagues south-east of Guanaxuato.
While making- preparations for its capture,
which, [from its position, he had every reason
to calculate upon, he received advice that a very
strong body of the enemy were advancing for
its defence ; he therefore considered it prudent
to draw off his troops, and retreat. He now saw
the misfortune of having occupied so much
time in the reduction of San Luis de la Paz.
If he had proceeded to San Miguel el Grande
three days sooner, he could have taken the
place. Resources of every kind would have
been acquired there ; he would have completed
his plan of cutting off the enemy's chain of
communications ; and the war might have as
sumed a new character. But to fail, where
success was justly anticipated, is an event inci
dent to the species of warfare in which he was
then engaged ; yet it is ever to be regretted
that he was frustrated in the prosecution of this
plan. Mina being thus under the necessity of aban
doning his design upon San Miguel, proceeded
to the Valle de Santiago, a place of some im-

68 MEMOIRS OF THE
portance, situated on the south side of the river'
of that name, sixteen leagues south of Gua
naxuato. The Valle de Santiago, whose destruc
tion by Torres has been before noticed, was
one of the few towns which remained in the
possession of the patriots. When Mina entered
it, he found it in ruins ; the churches alone re
maining uninjured. A considerable popula
tion, among whom were some very respectable
families, still dwelt amidst this scene of desola
tion, in huts erected on the sites of their former
handsome edifices. The inhabitants of the
Valle de Santiago, animated by their hostility
to Spanish authority, scarcely appeared to regret
that their comforts had been sacrificed at the
shrine of liberty. Enthusiastically devoted to
the cause of their country, they had always re
jected with scorn every overture of the royalists
to seduce them. Most tenderly did they che
rish the thought of the independence of their
country ; most faithfully did they cling to her
through the dark night of her misfortunes;
and, finally, sealed their attachment to her, by
deserting the place of their nativity, when it
subsequently fell into the hands of the enemy.
The district in which it is situated, though
not extensive, is yet valuable from its soil,
which is more productive, perhaps, than that of

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 69
any other part of the kingdom. It enjoyed, at
that time, a great commerce ; the annual reve
nue of the comandancia being one hundred
and twenty thousand dollars. Don Lucas Flores,
the commandant, was a hardy, intrepid man ;
and, as a guerilla chief, had been distinguished
by his enterprise. Being so destitute of edu_
cation as to be unable to write his own
name, the regulation of the finances was com.
mitted to a treasurer, whose principal care
was directed to the enrichment of himself; so
that the revenue of this important district dis
appeared, and the public coffers were kept
empty. Don Lucas was one of the confederated com
mandants under Padre Torres. Operated upon
by the bad example of his chief, he became dissi
pated and inactive, and lost his popularity by
the commission of arbitra'ry and vexatious acts.
It was in the power of Don Lucas, by cordially
co-operating with Mina, to have rendered the
most essential service to the common cause.
He had secreted upwards of fifteen hundred
stand of excellent arms, which he had taken
from the enemy in different actions; these,
with the resources of his comandancia, pro
perly applied, would have been all-important at
that juncture. We believe that he was sincerely

70 MEMOIRS OF THE
attached to his country, but from his great regard
for Torres, or from pride, ignorance, orJ<some
other motive^ his conduct towards Mina was
characterized by reserve. Don Lucas com
manded a body of brave troops, than whom
none had displayed more gallantry in irregular
conflicts with the enemy's cavalry ; but,' as
was usual, the escort of the commandant Was
the only portion of them properly equipped.
Gaming, and disorderly conduct of every kind,
predominated among them, as unfortunately
they did among all the revolutionary troops.
Mina had selected the Valle de Santiago for
his head-quarters, on account of its position,
its abundant resources for the supply of his
troops, and the confidence he reposed in the
patriotism of its inhabitants. On entering the
town, the respectable inhabitants received him
in the most affectionate and enthusiastic manner,
conducting him to the church amidst a con
course of people. A Te Deum was chaunled,
and every eye beamed with satisfaction at be
holding Mina. The troops encamped near the
town ; where provisions and pay were furnished
them by the comandancia, or by patriotic in
dividuals. During his stay in the Valle de Santiago,
Mina attempted to remedy the want of disci-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 71
pline among his troops. But the officers were
so illiterate, and so entirely strangers to mili
tary subordination, that he could accomplish but
little in the short time he was among them. A
total change of system, and much time, were
requisite to eradicate their pernicious habits,
and establish discipline. To change or instruct
the officers, to regulate anew the finances, to
repress the excesses of anarchy, and establish
order and subordination, were objects to be
executed only by degrees. Besides, had Mina
attempted to introduce the change at once, his
measures would have been viewed as harsh and
despotic, and he would have created enemies
among those whose good-will at that crisis it
was so important for him to gain. Under these
circumstances, there remained no alternative
for him, but to make the best use of the means
which were presented to him, and to adopt such
a system of tactics as was best suited to troops
undisciplined, and unacquainted with the im
portance of military subjection, until time and
events should enable him gradually to effect a
change ; and he flattered himself that this would
be more speedily accomplished, could he only
succeed in raising the siege of Los Remedios.
While waiting for reenforcements, he ad
vanced with a select corps to attack a fortified

72 MEMOIRS OF THE
hacienda, called La Sanja, a few leagues dis
tant from the Valle de Santiago. This position
is strong, and being in a low situation near the
lake of Jurida, the country around it is capable
of being inundated at pleasure ; it is likewise
encompassed by broad and deep ditches. These
difficulties were not to be surmounted by inex
perienced troops, and the attempt to take it by
storm proved abortive ; he therefore returned
to the Valle de Santiago.
After his return, he issued orders to the sur-
1 rounding commandants, urging them to direct
all their exertions to cut up the intercourse by
the roads to Los Remedios ; pointing that out,
as the most effectual measure to defeat the views
of the enemy. Having received a small reen-
forcement of troops, he marched, with nearly
one thousand cavalry, to the vicinity of the fort,
for the purpose of attacking the enemy, upon
the first favourable opportunity ; and with this
view he proceeded to the hacienda of La
Hoya. The enemy, when apprised of his approach,
despatched a strong division under the com
mand of Don Francisco de Orrantia, to attack.
him. The general made his dispositions for
battle ; but finding, on reconnoitring, that the
force consisted of a body of infantry and cavalry

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 73
against which it would be imprudent to contend,
he ordered a retreat. The enemy pursued him
to the foot of the mountains near Guanaxqato
where the patriots adopted their usual mode of
eluding the enemy, by separating into small
detachments, each one following the route to
its own comandancia. The general, with a
small party, hung on the rear of the enemy,
skirmishing with them, until they entered the
town of Irapuato. He then proceeded to the
Valle de Santiago, and issued orders to the com
mandants to reassemble their troops as early as
possible. The junction of their forces being
accomplished, he marched to the plain of Silao,
between the place of that name and Los Re
medios, where he was reenforced by other di
visions of patriots ; with one of which came
Don Pedro Moreno, the ci-devant commandant
of Sombrero. The general's force then amount
ed to about eleven hundred men, a great pro
portion of whom were miserably equipped. He
menaced the enemy's fortified towns, and, by his
rapid and unexpected movements, kept the Baxio
in a state of constant alarm, thereby preventing
supplies from reaching the besieging army at
Los Remedios ; while Orrantia, with a division
of picked troops, followed the movements of
Mina, but did not attempt to attack him.

74 MEMOIRS OF THE
The royalists generally bivouacked in the same
positions which Mina had occupied on the pre
ceding night.
Mina was in close correspondence with some
of the leading inhabitants of the enemy's towns ;
and, as he found that the enemy at Los Reme
dios drew their principal supplies from the city
of Guanaxuato, he considered its capture as the
most effectual means of cutting them off, and
thus raising the siege of the fort. Mina well
knew the strength of Lilian's position at Los
Remedios. He was aware of the deficiency of
discipline among the patriot troops ; and that
the numerical force of the enemy was nearly
seven times greater than his own, and, besides,
consisted principally of European veterans, with
their best cavalry, which Was adapted to the
nature and circumstances of the country. To
attack the encampment of Linan, therefore, in
the plain at the foot of the hill of Los Remedios,
under such circumstances, would have been to
disregard all military principles ; it would have
been rashness in the extreme ; and, much as
Mina liked dashing operations, he was too pru
dent to attempt to perform them, with such
troops as those then under his command. To
attack the enemy's intrenchments around the
fort, was impracticable. Besides, could he have

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 75
ascended the heights with cavalry, he had seen
enough to convince him that the patriot troops
were not capable of assaulting by escalade.
These considerations united in confirming his
purpose ; and, having received the most flatter
ing assurances of support from some of the most
respectable citizens of Guanaxuato, he decided
on the attack of that city.
Mina communicated these intentions to Padre
Torres, by couriers. But this man, either from
ignorance, or from apprehension of the conse
quences that would arise in favour of Mina, if
the latter should take Guanaxuato, opposed the
plan ; insisting that the only possible mode of
relieving the fort was by attacking the besiegers.
In vain did the general represent to him the ad
vantages that must arise from the capture of
Guanaxuato, and the disadvantages attendant
upon attacking the besiegers, from the relative
strength and composition of the adverse forces ;
and that therefore the only effective blow which
could be struck against the enemy, would be
the capture of Guanaxuato. Torres at length
threw off all reserve ; he not only disapproved
of Mina's plan, but resorted to the disgraceful
step of sending an order to Don Lucas Flores,
and to others of the commandants, to put their
best troops under Mina's command only in the

76 MEMOIRS OF THE
event of his attacking the enemy at the fort*
otherwise, that they must afford hint only partial
succours of the worst of their troops. This was
an unexpected blow to Mina. He could scarcely
repress his indignation at the baseness of Tor
res; but it was not the moment to indulge in
expressions of displeasure, and he therefore
strove to accommodate himself to circum
stances, which it was not in his power to resist
or to modify.
Mina continued his operations by a system
of guerilla warfare in the Baxio, and actually
reduced the enemy to so great a degree of want,
that desertions from their ranks commenced.
A sergeant and two men, of the European regi
ment of Fernando VII. presented themselves to
Mina in the hacienda de Burras, five leagues
from Gaunaxuato. From these men he learned
that the enemy had been compelled to subsist
chiefly upon the green corn, which their cavalry
brought in from the neighbouring ranches ;
that their troops received no pay ; and that dis
content was becoming general. They also
stated, that he might expect soon to be joined
by a number of deserters; that many soldiers,
before that time, would have passed over to the
patriot standard, had it not been from an ap
prehension of being put to death by some

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 77
roving band of patriots, before they could reach
Mina. During these operations of Mina in the Baxio,
the enemy was carrying on the siege of Los
Remedios with vigour. They had already been
employed twenty days in throwing up intrench-
ments, to protect themselves from the assaults
which they feared Mina might attempt to make
on them ; and the lines of approach, for the
reduction of the fort, were thus becoming daily
more formidable.
The garrison, in the mean time, was not inac
tive. Under the direction of Mina's officers,
the curtain, if it may be so termed, and the
works extending from Santa Rosalia to Tepe
aca, had been nearly completed ; and to their
unintermitted exertions was Padre Torres wholly
indebted for the fort's being placed in a state
capable of making so gallant a resistance against
an enemy so much more numerous, and so far
superior in the character of his troops, and
in. artillery.
From the opposite heights, which were within
musquet-shot, the enemy frequently held con
versations with the besieged, and vauntingly
expressed their confidence of gaining possession
of the fort by storm, on the very first attempt.
Accordingly, about the 20th of September, they

78 MEMOIRS OF THE
advanced in three columns, and assaulted the
fort at the points of Pansacola and Tepeaca,
directing their principal efforts against a part of
the curtain which was then unfinished. The
battery of La Libertad, which had been plan
ned by Mina, and which his officers had la
boured to complete, was also unfinished. They
advanced against each point simultaneously,
and upon the opening in the curtain, in admi
rable order ; but they were received in a manner
which they had not expected. After an invete
rate conflict of three hours, finding their at
tempts to enter the fort abortive, they were
compelled to retire, after suffering very severely.
Lilian, being thus disappointed in carrying Los
Remedios on the first assault, determined to
open a mine under the work at Tepeaca. In
this effort he also failed ; twice was he disap
pointed in his attempts to destroy the battery by
explosion. Had he accomplished that object,
the fort must have fallen into his possession, as
Tepeaca was the key to the position. But the
engineers of Linan must have been deficient in
skill; for, on springing the mine, the explosion
each time issued by the mouth of the gallery,
killing and wounding many of the miners.
This, conjoined with the frequent sorties from
the fort on the mining parties, at length com-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 79
pelled the enemy to abandon the project of
undermining it.
Meanwhile they had erected batteries in front
of La Libertad. From these they opened a
heavy fire, which seriously injured the curtain
and works generally. As Linan had been foiled
in his attempts to blow up Tepeaca, he deter
mined, once more, to resort to open assault.
Having succeeded in making a breach in the
curtain, below Santa Rosalia, the enemy pre
pared to storm it, making, at the same time,
judicious diversions on Pansacola and Tepeaca.
The design of the enemy being soon perceived,
the gun from Santa Rosalia was carried down
and planted in the breach, supported by in
fantry, and peasantry armed with missile wea
pons. A strong column of European infantry
moving up to the breach, undercover of a fire
from their works, advanced intrepidly to within
a few paces of it, when they were received with
so much spirit, that they soon fell back. They
rallied and returned to the attack, but, on ap
proaching the fatal breach, were again repulsed.
At the other points of assault they were received
with the same gallantry ; and, after having suf
fered a severe loss in each attack, the enemy
beat the retreat, and retired within their in-
trenchments.

80 MEMOIRS OF THE
The garrison, animated by their recent ex
ploits, determined to become the assailants,
The batteries opposite to La Libertad had se
riously annoyed the besieged ; for the superior
artillery of the enemy, placed there within
short range of the works, did them great injury.
The damage committed thereby during the day
was repaired by night with stones and sand
bags. But, wearied with the great and repeated
fatigue, the garrison resolved to attempt the de
struction of the enemy's first battery, on which
were mounted three heavy pieces of artillery.
This enterprise was to be performed against
European troops, strongly intrenched,
A party of two hundred and fifty men was set
lected for this daring operation, commanded by
Captains Crocker and Ramsay, and Lieutenant
Wolfe, three officers of Mina. Lieutenant
Wolfe, with a detachment of fifty men, was
ordered to gain the rear of the enemy's first
work, by a circuitous route, and act simulta
neously with the remainder of the party, which
was to advance in front. Favoured by the
obscurity of the night, the parties gained their
positions unobserved by the enemy. Lieutenant
Wolfe opened a fire from the rear ; and scarcely
had the enemy directed their attention to that
point, when the party in front gallantly rushed

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 81
Forward. The enemy, being in a state of con
tinual alarm of Mina, and not expecting an
assault from the besieged, finding themselves
attacked in front and rear at the same instant,
supposed that the attack in front was in co
operation with that of Mina in the rear. Under
this impression, we presume, they discharged a
couple of guns, loaded with grape-shot, at the
party in front, but without any effect ; and,
struck with a panic, exclaiming, Mina ! Mina !
they leaped their works in confusion, and fled
to their second battery. The two heaviest guns
were spiked, and their limbers destroyed ; the
work was levelled, and the party retired without
the loss or injury of a man. They brought off
the third gun from the enemy's works, but
could not carry it further than the foot of the
barranca, where it was rendered unserviceable
and abandoned.
Thus was executed an enterprise entirely
unexpected on the part of the enemy, the effect
of which must have been very considerable
on their minds, however unimportant it may be
viewed in relation to the force on either side.
The enemy, however, shortly after replaced
their artillery, and thenceforward limited their
operations to a cannonading and blockade.
The damage which their artillery effected on the
VOL. n. G

82 MEMOIRS OF THE
works of the fort, was speedily repaired by the
ordinary means of war. The siege did not
excite much uneasiness; for, in despite of the
enemy's vigilance, some of the brave peasants
found their way into the fort almost every night,
with powder and other articles. Provisions
were abundant in the magazines. The finest
fresh bread was daily served out ; meat was
plentiful ; and in fact the garrison had not only
necessaries, but luxuries. ;
The enemy's situation presented a striking
contrast. They had scarcely any other sub
sistence than unripe corn, as before mentioned ;
for Mina had effectually cut off their supplies>
All the country, for several miles around Los
Remedios, had been deserted by the inhabit
ants, who had likewise driven off their cattle.
The situation of the enemy was soon known to
the garrison ; and, in order to. shew them the
hopelessness of an attempt to obtain Los Re
medios by famine, presents of fresh-baked
bread, meat, brandy, and even fruit, were fre
quently placed at about half way between the ;
hostile works.
The general was still pursuing his guerilla
warfare, harassing the enemy incessantly, and
cutting off their supplies of provisions, with an
effect which every day made their situation
more critical.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 83
While Mina was marching through the ha
cienda of La Caxa, on the 10th of October,
a peasant brought him the intelligence, that
Orrantia was approaching, and was but a short
distance in the rear.
Having had some opportunities of instilling
a little more confidence in his troops, Mina
thought the present a fit occasion to try them in
the field, and therefore determined to give
battle to Orrantia.
The experiment recently made in attacking
fortifications, had convinced him that they could
not be relied upon for such operations ; but, as
his force was then numerically superior to the
enemy's, he entertained expectations that they
would feel a confidence in themselves, and that
amidst the fortuitous occurrences of an engage
ment, his experience might enable him to seize
upon some advantageous moment to decide the
conflict. To succeed in destroying this enemy
would be in effect to raise the siege of Los
Remedios, as Linan could not detach from his
force such another body of infantry and cavalry,,
as that of Orrantia's ; and Mina would thereby
be enabled to prosecute other plans against the
enemy with facility, in which he had been
hitherto frustrated by the position of Orrantia's
division. Mina, it must be acknowledged, was

84 MEMOIRS OF THE
not very sanguine of the result of the battle ;
but as in war, under such circumstances, delay
itself is disadvantageous* and as he hoped, at all
events^ to occasion a severe loss to the enemy,
as well as to give the patriot troops an oppor
tunity to distinguish themselves, he therefore
determined to await the attack. The hacienda
of La Caxa is situated on elevated ground, in a
pass between two hills, distant from the enemy's
town of Irapiiato three leagues. The buildings
of the hacienda were strongly fenced in. In
front of them extended large plantations of
Indian corn, which at that time was in full
growth. The whole was enclosed by a very
strong wall, with a small gate in one side,
through which lay the road to the hacienda
through the corn-fields. Immediately conti
guous to this wall, on both sides, the ground
was lying fallow.
Mina bad with him, at this time, about
eleven hundred men ; but their character as
soldiers must be borne in mind ; for, in conse
quence ofthe disgraceful order issued by Torres,
these troops were composed of the most ordi
nary men of the different comandancias, and
many of them only armed with lazos and ma
chetes. Desertion, as might be expected from
such troops, Mas frequent, and, from the de-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 85
ficiency of all ideas of discipline, it was practised
with an impunity the most pernicious, because
irremediable. Whenever they were wearied
with service, or were anxious to return to their
families, they retired in pairs or dozens; and
sometimes, at a critical moment, when an action
was about taking place, they went off; in still
more considerable numbers. Mina, at length,
finding it indispensable to interpose a check to
this practice, even at the risk of losing his
popularity, issued an order denouncing- the
penalty of death on all deserters. He sentenced
to be shot two deserters, one of whom held
the rank of a colonel. This act of firmness on
the part of Mina, at least put a temporary check
on desertion. Another evil had considerably
injured the troops; it was a custom they had
adopted of permitting females to accompany
their expeditions. At the time we are speaking
of, Ortiz had reinforced Mina with some ca
valry ; and many of the officers had brought
with them their wives. Whether this was from
anticipating an attack on the city of Gua
naxuato, where the females would expect to
come in for a share of the spoil, or front some
other cause, is immaterial ; but it was the first
time that Mina had been encumbered with such
auxiliaries, and they were of vefy serious disad
vantage to him on this occasion.

86 MEMOIRS OF THE
*•• The general, under all these embarrassing
circumstances, made his dispositions for action.
He posted a picquet at the gate of the enclo
sure, and, at some distance in the rear, on an
elevated position, established his advanced
guard, composed of two hundred and fifty
men, such as he thought the best adapted
for that dut}-, under the command of an enter
prising Creole nicknamed " El Giro." In the
corn-field, in front of the hacienda, on each
side of the road, he posted the main body,
Testing obliquely upon it as a centre; and
within the fence of the hacienda, was the rear
guard of two hundred men, with the women,
ammunition, &c.
These dispositions were scarcely made, when
the enemy were descried in motion upon the
fallow ground before-mentioned, outside the
fence, where they halted for a considerable
time, apparently undecided how to act. Mina,
thereupon, having given his instructions to the
commander of the main body, proceeded to the
advanced post, whence he could better recon
noitre the enemy, and seize upon any opportu
nity for a favourable movement. At length
the enemy attacked and drove in the picquet,
and passed within the fence, and again halted
on the clear space within it, in close order.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 87
Apprehensive of an ambuscade, the enemy
threw out some light troops among the corn ;
but these were soon recalled, and whether or
not they were afraid to advance by the high
road, we cannot say ; but, after a considerable
time spent in preparation, they filed off to the
right, thereby appearing to menace the left of
Mina, and turn his flank. In executing this
movement, their infantry fell into disorder; and
Mina, supposing that he could reach them before
they could form anew, made a charge with the
advanced guard. It was executed with spirit ;
but his distance from the enemy was so great,
that they had time to form, and thereby save
themselves. Mina, with only two hundred and
fifty men, now found himself engaged with the
enemy's whole force. In the height of the
action, a party of thirty of the. enemy's cavalry,
having made a circuit, approached the hacienda
where the women were placed, who became
alarmed, and fled. This created a panic in the
rear-guard, who took to flight. The main body,
seeing the flight of the rear-guard, without
knowing the cause, likewise broke and dis*
persed, while Mina, with his little corps,,, was
left to sustain the whole brunt of the action.
The enemy's cavalry, seeing the confusion, pur
sued the fugitives, and the rout became general.

88 MEMOIRS OF THE
Upon this unexpected disaster, no other rev
source was left to Mina, than to cut his way
through the enemy, which he most gallantly
effected, after sustaining some loss. Orrantia
then proceeded to the hacienda, where he shot
some of the peasantry, for having remained in
the place during the action : their houses he
gave up to pillage. Mina, with the brave little
party, who had supported him so well, bi
vouacked near the scene of action, while Orrantia
passed the night at the hacienda, without ven
turing upon another attack. Next morning
Mina proceeded to a small place, about fouis
leagues distant, called Pueblo Nuebo, where
he foUnd some of thefugitives ; but the greater
number had crossed the river, on whose banks
the place stands, and had returned to their
respective homes.
In liberate affair the general again expe-
perieneed the .lamentable evil of the want of
discipline among the patriot troops, and of
the fat^ consequences of allowing females to
accompany them. But he was so highly pleased
with the valour and conduct of the advanced
party, under his immediate command, that he
felt a renewed conviction that be should be
able to produce a considerable reformation
among the patriot forces, by their example and

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 89
success. He was convinced, that if the un
looked-for panic-terror we have mentioned had
not taken place, and that if his main body had
been once closely engaged, the defeat of Or
rantia would have been certain, or, at the least,
that he must have been seriously crippled, and
compelled to retire.
Despondency under any circumstances formed
no part of Mina's character. His first care
was, therefore, to adopt measures the best
calculated to remedy the evils by which he was
encompassed ; and, as he knew that it would
take a considerable time to re-assemble the
scattered troops, be resolved, in the interval, to
visit Xauxilla, the seat of the patriot govern
ment, with which he wished to consult, as
to his future operations. With this view he
selected an escort of twenty men, and dismissed
the rest, after despatching orders to the dif
ferent commandants, to assemble with their
troops on a certain day at La Caxa. He pro
ceeded in the evening for Xauxilla, and arrived
there the next day.
Xauxilla was a small mud fort, the con
struction of which displayed the exercise of
some military science. It was situated on an
island just large enough to contain it, in the
lake of Zacapo, a short distance from the vil-

gO MEMOIRS OF THE
Jage of that name, in the intendancy of Val-
ladolid, about twenty leagues south-west of
the Valle de Santiago, and eighteen north-west
of the city of Valladolid. It was surrounded by
a sWamp or pond, containing from five to six
feet of water in depth, and could only be
reached by canoes. Its garrison was composed
of one hundred tolerably well-disciplined in
fantry. At this, place the Republican Gazette
was printed. There was, likewise, within the
fort an extensive manufactory of powder, whence
supplies had been sent to Los Remedios. The
members of the government (if it may be so
called) received Mina with cordiality. He
frankly unfolded to them his plans, particularly
that of attacking Guanaxuato ; but this plan
did not meet with their approbation. They did
not believe that it could be accomplished with
such troops as could then be placed under
Mina's command. They were aware, that with
undisciplined men, nothing could be effected,,
that would shed a lustre on Mina, or be of
essential benefit to their country. They strongly
recommended to the general to withdraw his
remaining officers and men from the fort of
Los Remedios, the place being impregnable,
and well stored with provisions ; and there
being consequently no apprehensions of its

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 91
falling into the hands of the enemy, there was
no absolute necessity that called for the presence
of Mina's officers.
The members of the government endeavour
ed to impress upon Mina's mind the impor
tance of organizing a body of troops, before he
should undertake any momentous enterprise;
and that, for the accomplishment of that pur
pose, the country between Xauxilla and the
shores of the Pacific Ocean was the most proper
place, as the enemy were there less numerous
than in the Baxio, and the people were uni
versally earnest in the patriot cause ; besides,
that the fertility of the country yielded ample
supplies, and its natural positions afforded com
plete security. They made use of the most
cogent arguments to persuade Mina to adopt
this plan ; but, after giving them all the con
sideration to which they were entitled, he re
mained unconvinced of its feasibility. His
primary object was to relieve Los Remedios.
Knowing the critical situation to which the
enemy were reduced, by the failure of their
supplies of provisions, and believing that if the
design of compelling Linan to withdraw from
the siege of that fort, by the extremity of hunger,
was abandoned, such another opportunity might
not again occur; he flattered himself that if he

92 MEMOIRS OF THE
could effect this his favourite object, the affairs
of the revolution would then assume a different
aspect. He was, it is true, sensible that full
reliance could not be placed upon the troops he
commanded ; but he thought, if he could obtain
fifty infantry from Xauxilla, to be added to a
like number from among the prisoners of San
Luis de la Paz, whom Ortiz had undertaken to
train, that with these, and an overwhelming
force of cavalry, he should be able to capture
the city of Guanaxuato. Mina likewise in
formed his counsellors, that his honour was im
plicated in relieving the fort of Remedios, and
that he had also pledged himself to attack
Guanaxuato. The government, on finding his resolution
taken, ordered fifty infantry of the fort to march
to his place of rendezvous. Although the mem
bers of the government much regretted Mina's
determination, yet they all admired the generous
sentiments by which he was actuated in vindi
cating his plan, and earnestly wished him full
success. The general marched from Xauxilla, taking*
on his return, a circuitous route through Puru-
andiro, formerly a considerable and rich town,
but which, by the mandates of Torres, had
been reduced to a heap of ruins, with the

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 93
Usual exception of the churches. It lies about
sixteen leagues north of the city of Valladolid,
and was at that time in possession of the patriots,
who hailed the arrival of Mina among them by
illuminations and other public demonstrations
of joy. After remaining there two days, for
the purpose of procuring some pecuniary aid,
to carry into effect his intended object, he pro
ceeded to the Valle de Santiago. He there
found a small party of the patriot troops from
Xalpa, awaiting his arrival. But he had been
in the town only a few minutes, when the ap
proach of a strong body of the enemy was an
nounced from the look-out posts on the heights.
It was the division of Orrantia. Mina, who
entertained the most sovereign contempt for
Orrantia, as a military man, could not endure
the thought of makingapassive retreat, although
he knew the enemy's superior numbers. He
therefore placed his few men in ambush, in the
corn that was growing in the vicinity of the
place, and close to the road by which he pre
sumed the enemy would pursue him ; intend
ing, if their cavalry only advanced in pursuit
of him, to draw them into the ambuscade, in
which case the destruction of a portion of them
Was certain. Orrantia, having entered the
town, and receiving information that Mina,

94 MEMOIRS OF THE
with some troops, was hovering about the place,
halted his troops. After a considerable lapse
of time, he againadvanced from it, but so cau
tiously, that Mina, finding it impossible to suc
ceed in his designs, withdrew his men from
their ambuscade, covering their retreat in per
son, with a few men. By taking a circuitous
route through the heights, he decended in the
rear of the enemy, and proceeded to La Caxa,
passing through Pueblo Nuevo. A Spanish
officer, whose name honour forbids us to men
tion, there presented himself as a deserter to
Mina. He obtained the confidence of the ge
neral ; and, after having been furnished by him
with some money, was despatched upon a secret
mission. A sergeant and two soldiers of the
regiment of Zaragoza likewise there deserted
to him. They confirmed the accounts which
had been previously received, of the enemy's
famished condition ; of the discontent which
prevailed among their troops generally ; and of
the numerous desertions which took place every
night, especially among the Creoles. But the
spirit of desertion which Mina's operations had
begun to excite in the enemy's ranks, was at
once checked by the unexpected and disastrous
events we are about to narrate in the succeeding
chapter.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 95

CHAPTER X.
Mina advances against Guanaxuato — Description of that
city — He attacks it — Failure — He proceeds with an escort
to the rancho del Venadito — Movements of Orrantia —
Mina made prisoner- — Brutal conduct of Orrantia to
wards him — Death of Mina — Reflections — State of So
ciety in Mexico — Remarks on the present state of the
royal forces, and the facility with which the Country
could be invaded, and its emancipation accomplished.
At the hacienda of La Caxa, Mina assembled
about eleven hundred troops, with which he
advanced to the hacienda of Burras. In the
night of the 23d, avoiding the high roads, and
having made a circuit through the cultivated
grounds, he passed along the heights imme
diately over the city of Guanaxuato, and gained,
by day-light, an unfrequented spot called La
Mina de la Luz, in the mountains, about four
leagues therefrom. He halted there during the
day, awaiting the arrival of some reenforce-
ments of infantry and cavalry despatched by
Don Encarnacion Ortiz. They joined him in
the afternoon ; and his force, thus augmented,

96 •«>- MEMOIRS OFf THE
amounted to nearly fourteen hundred men, of
whom ninety only were infantry.
Before relating the disastrous attack on the
city of Guanaxuato, it will be proper to present
the reader with a brief view of this celebrated
town, because, in point of wealth and natural
advantages, it holds the next rank in importance
to the capital of New Spain;. and indeed, as
respects its physical resources, is equal, if not
superior, to any city in Spanish America. These
circumstances alone were such as to render its
capture an enterprise worthy of the gallant
Mina, and of the greatest importance to the
revolutionary cause.
Guanaxuato, the capital of the intendancy of
that name, is situated amidst the rich metal
liferous mountains, which border upon the
plains of Silao, Salamanca, &c. on the east*
Those plains (usually called by the inhabitants
the Baxio) are the most beautiful and fertile
to be found in all New Spain. The glowing
description given by the Baron de Humboldt,
of the beauty and agricultural richness of this
region, is not, in any respect, exaggerated ;
indeed it is impossible for the traveller to pass,
through that highly favoured country^ without
experiencing emotions of admiration and de- ;
light. The softness and purity of the atmo-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 97
sphere are soothing and invigorating; and the
effect on the vision is such, that in no place
have we ever beheld a verdure so vivid, as
that of the vegetable productions of those
plains. The mountains in its vicinity are abrupt,
lofty, and rugged, like all those which abound
in minerals. They are intersected by deep
barrancas, many of them from two to three
hundred yards wide; and the awful precipices
with which these barrancas abound, strike the
stranger with surprise. The highly cultivated
plains, and the chains of mountains, present the
most sublime scenery, mingling the extremes
of light and shade in the most striking and ex
quisite contrast; equalling the most celebrated
of European scenery in grandeur and magni
tude, and rivalling the softest landscapes of
Lausanne or Italy.
Along the windings of one of these barrancas
is situated the city of Guanaxuato. It is so
completely embosomed among surrounding
mountains, that it can only be seen after ascend
ing the heights around it, when the novelty of
its situation strikes the stranger with astonish
ment. In some places, the city spreads out
like a broad amphitheatre ; at others, it stretches
along a narrow ridge ; while the ranges of the
VOL. II. h

98 MEMOIRS OF THE
habitations, accommodated to the sinuosities of
the ground, present the most fantastic, but per
haps the most varied and elegant grqups of
dwellings. Prior to the revolution, its popular
tion was estimated at seventy thousand souls;
but at present that number has experienced a
great diminution. ,. .,
«• During the rainy season, it is exppsed to
injury from the violent torrents that rush from
the mountains down the barranca in which the
«ity stands, in their passage to the plain of
Silao. Large sums have been expended on
works to restrain these torrents within a chan
nel ; but, nevertheless, accidents happen to the
-city from them almost every year. , ,.-.{', ;,.
The finest silver mines of America are in its
immediate vicinity, particularly the famous one
of Valenciana, which, previous to the revoluj-
tion, yielded to its proprietor the clear annual
revenue of half a million of dollars.
' The mines of the Mexican kingdom, and par
ticularly those of Guanaxuato, form an impor
tant and interesting exception to the remark,
that death reigns in the mines of America,, The
mines of Pena.aswell as those of New Granada,
are in general situated in uncongenial regions,
or those of perpetual snow ; vegetation is not
seen for many leagues around them, and pro-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 99
visions must necessarily be brought to them
from a great distance. The miner has to un
dergo the (transition from extreme heat to that
of cold ; to quit delightful valleys, blessed with
a fine temperature, to inhabit a frigid region,
where everlasting sterility prevails. He is forced,
by the law of the Mitq, to abandon his family ;
or, if they accompany him, it is only to partake
of his hardships and his sorrows. Widely dif
ferent is the lot of the Mexican miner. At an
elevation of from six to seven thousand feet
above the ocean, he enjoys all the blessings of
the temperate zone. In Mexico, we see the
highest .cultivation in the vicinity of mining
stations. The intendancy of Guanaxuato is the
smallest, and contains a more dense population
than any other in Mexico. According to M.de
Humboldt, it is fifty-two leagues in length, and
thirty^one in breadth ; covering a surface equal
to nine hundred and eleven square leagues,
which, in 1803,, contained' a population of five
hundred and seventeen thousand three hundred
souls, or five hundred and sixty-eight to each
square league. The beautiful plains of Gua
naxuato, extending in length thirty leagues^
from Celava to the Villa de Leon, and imme
diately around the mines, are in the highest
st^te of cultivation, studded with three cities,

100 MEMOIRS OF THE
four towns, thirty-seven pueblos, and four
hundred and forty-eight haciendas. The moun_
tains abound with fine forests; and provisions
and luxuries are abundant in all directions
around these mines.
Hundreds of the miners of Guanaxuato came
under our observation, and a more robust race
of people we beheld not in Mexico. Thus,'
from personal observation, we were led to
adopt the opinion, that the labour incident to
their course of life was not so deleterious as
we should otherwise have thought.
In the mine of Valenciana. for example, pre
vious to the revolution, (for since that period, it
has, in a great measure, become filled with
water,) it was the constant business of a large
portion of the labourers to carry on their backs
burthens of minerals, averaging three hundred '
pounds, from the bottom to the mouth of the
mine, by an ascent of eighteen hundred steps,
passing too through a temperature varying
from forty-five to ninety-three degrees. Never
theless, the miner enjoys perfect health ; and
the proportion of births to deaths, as given by
M. de Humboldt, at once demonstrates, al
though a large proportion of the inhabitants
are Indians, the salubrity of the mining station.
In the city of' Guanaxuato, the average number

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 101
of births for five years exceeds that of the deaths
by two hundred for one hundred ; and in the
adjoining mines of Santa Ana and Marfil a
hundred and ninety-five to a hundred.
That the labour in the mines may have been}
pernicious in former years, when it was com
pulsory, and when the barbarous law of the
Mita Avas in force, when the pits and galleries
were charged with impure air, and less atten
tion was bestowed on the accommodation of
the miner, we cannot deny; but the improve-,
ments which have been made within the last
twenty-five years by the school of mines esta
blished in the city of Mexico, have lessened
these evils, and introduced a system by which,
the mines are ventilated, and the air purified..
The wages of the miner are more liberal ; and,
his labour being voluntary, when he feels dis
satisfied, he consequently retires, and his place
is supplied from the superabundant population
of the adjacent fertile country. No doubt can
be entertained, that when foreign arts and
sciences are introduced into Mexico, where so
spacious and favourable a field for their culture
is at present fenced round by Spanish policy,
human labour in the mines will be greatly di
minished; and, instead of the tedious and labo
rious occupations, now resorted to from neces-:

102 MEMOIRS OF THE
gity, machinery will, in a great measure; effect
these objects, diminish human suffering, and
diffuse happiness over those delightful regions^
It is there that the power of steam remains yeH
to be successfully applied.
Historians and travellers have been so much
accustomed to copy each other in depicting the
horrors of the unfortunate miner, that the gal
ley slaves of Europe have been considered
happy, when compared with the individual who
descends into the mines of Spanish America;
and, although some of these poetical descrip
tions1 of Rayriall, Pauw, and the Scottish histo
rian Robertson, may have been ih past timesi
applicable to the mines of Potosi, and others'
among the Andes of Peru, we feel satisfied
that such descriptions will hot apply to the con
dition of the miner in Mexico. It has likewise
been a vulgar opinion throughout the civilized
world, that an immense proportion of the Indian,
population Were employed in the mines. Leav
ing the consideration of what occurs in South
America to the future observer, we confine our
selves to Mexico, when we state, that in the
year 1807, according to the returns transmitted
to the school of mines, the whole number of
persons employed in all the mines of New
Spain was thirty-two thousand three hundred

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 103
slnd forty. So that, when we reflect that the
population of New Spain is between six and
seven millions, we at once perceive how small,
to the general population of the country, -la -the
proportion of persons engaged in this spgciGs
of labour. But, since the present revolution
commenced, some of the mines have been aban
doned, others have become choked up with
water, and therefore the above number must
necessarily be considerably reduced. Should
our hopes be realized, that a liberal government
may at no distant day be established in New
Spain, it is plain that the introduction df
machinery will not only lessen the number
of men hitherto employed in those works, but
will augment the produce of these mines far
beyond what they have yet yielded, so as to
keep pace with the necessary demands of an
augmenting population, and the additional calls
of the world in its career of improvement.
It is not, however, the mines of Guanaxuato
which constitute the real wealth of that impor
tant ihtendancy of New Spain. Its riches are
founded on a more durable basis. The benig
nity of the climate, the fertility of the soil, and
the, hardy race of men, susceptible of every pd-
lish and refinement, artd with genius calculated
Jo pursue every intellectual enterprise with ap-

J04 MEMOIRS OF THE
dour and success, are treasures which. will exist,
'.should even the silver of its piled-up moun
tains be exhausted.
a,.' All the nutritious grains necessary for human
enjoyment and support, find a congenial soil and
climate in the intendancy of Guanaxuato; and
the adjoining intendapcies are equally blessed,.
No part of the earth yields a more abundant
product to the labours of the agriculturist, nor
do we believe there is any climate so favourable
to longevity, or a territory which would sustain
a more dense population on each square mile,
than the climate and territory of the intendanCy
of Guanaxuato. Not only its fertile plains,
but its loftiest summits, appear destined for the
abodes of rural felicity. H,
The future race of Mexicans which is to
flourish in this favoured part of New Spain, is
not destined to depend on the caprices of arti
ficial policy, nor the casualties of foreign com
merce, for the supply of either necessaries or
luxuries. The inhabitants of this intendancy,
as well as of Mexico generally, are sure of the
jealousy of selfish or less favoured nations ;
and it is, perhaps, fortunate for them, because
they will the more readily apply the energy of
their genius, and their industry, to procure
from their own resources those commodities,

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 105
the supply of which, if drawn from other na
tions, might enable the latter to interfere with
their prosperity, and subject them to the dele
terious system, which has already made South
America suffer three centuries of wretchedness,
and has not spared any part of the world from
its vexation. As we have before observed,
whatever foreign productions of the temperate
zone may hereafter be introduced into this
intendancy, will there flourish; while its indi
genous productions, and the few of foreign
origin at present introduced, are alone amply
sufficient for human comfort and subsistence.
Although the agriculture of Mexico is a cen
tury behind that of Europe or the United States,
still its products are astonishingly great. As
wheat is sown in the dry season, it is raised by
irrigation. M. de Humboldt makes the average
produce of Mexico from twenty-two to twenty-
five for one. But it varies in different situations
from eighteen and twenty to seventy and eighty
for one fanega sown; — its average thus exceed
ing four or five times the mean produce of
France. Indian corn grows variously ; in some
parts of the Baxio it yields the astonishing in
crease of eight hundred for one fanega sown ;
in some parts, the harvest is considered bad at
one hundred and fifty for one. The mean pro-

106 MEMOIRS OF THE
duce of the equinoctial region of Mexico is
taken by M. de Humboldt at one hundred and
fifty for one.
i The fruits, whether indigenous or exotic*
grow to great perfection in Guanaxuato ; and
in the markets are exhibited, in the same basket*
the products of the temperate as well as of the
torrid zohe. There, in the highest state of
perfection, are ' offered for sale, pine-apples,
grapes, oranges, bananas, peaches, apples, pears*
&c. gathered within a few leagues of each
other. The animals of Guanaxuato are of a
superior kind ; the sheep which browse on the
mountains afford a delicious meat, and yield a
remarkably fine wool ; and the horses, in point
of beauty, form, muscle, bone, and high mettle*
can no where be surpassed.
In no part of New Spain is there a finer
race of men than in Guanaxuato, and the cha
racter is common to Indians and Creoles, Ro
bust in their limbs, comely, and athletic, with
an eye denoting extraordinary acuteness, these
men create emotions in a stranger rarely excited
at first sight : and whenever the blessings of a
liberal government shall, be obtained by them*
and the advantages of an extended and liberal
fedueation be diffused among them, we predict
that the province of Guanaxuato will occupy

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 107
a distinguished place among the Mexican pro
vinces. — -But let us resume the operations against
the city.
It is evident from the description we have
given of Guanaxuato, that artillery, placed ok
the heights which encompass it, would soon
compel it to surrender. However, as the enemy
entertained no apprehensions of formidable
attacks from the patriots, they had neglected
to fortify the passes of the mountains leading
to the city, and relied for their defence on a
castle,' or strong barracks, which stood in a
central position.
Mina was not provided with the necessary
artillery to occupy the heights, and as Orrantia
was following him, he resolved to carry the.
city by a coup de main. His intention was
communicated to the troops, who manifested
an anxiety to be led on. Pleased with their
enthusiasm, and flattering himself that he was
about to strike a blow which would give a deci^
sive turn to the revolution, he made his ar
rangements accordingly. Filled with these pre
sages, he appeared more than usually animated;
and, as the darkness of the night approached,
advanced upon the city. At eleven o'clock the
advanced guard arrived in the suburbs. A
considerable halt was there made, to enable the

108 MEMOIRS OF THE
division to close up, as the defiles through
which the place had been approached were very
narrow ; in some places not affording a passage
for more than a single &\e of men. The troops
at length re-united ; and although the sentinel8
were proclaiming within a short distance their
" All's well!" yet such had been the silence
and good order on the part of Mina's troops,
that the enemy were not apprised of his approach
until after midnight,, when they received the first
intimation of it, by the surprise and capture of
one of their outposts. The alarm of the enemy
became general, and a firing commenced from
the castle. But habits of discipline were again
found wanting ; and scenes even more dis
graceful than those we have formerly describ
ed as having occurred at San Luis de la.
Paz, were here re-acted, at the critical mo
ment when order and obedience were most re.
quired. Mina found himself surrounded by^a
military mob. In vain did he employ persua
sion or threats ; his mildness won them not ;
his orders were not obeyed ; and although the
enemy's fire had slackened for some time, there
by offering an opportunity for the assault, all his
attempts were fruitless — he could not induce
them to move forward. Until near dawn did the
general fruitlessly exert himself to restore some
order, and prevail on the troops to advance ;

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 109
but finding it impossible, and knowing that
Orrantia was approaching, he was compelled to
abandon the assault, and to commence a retreat:
With such troops as these, after the failure of
an enterprise, a retreat must be synonymous
with flight. Insensible that they could pass
with more celerity and safety by preserving a
regular order of march, they crowded to the
defile by which they had entered, each one en
deavouring to precede the other ; they soon there
fore choked up the pass, and a tumult ensued. A
few of the enemy perceiving the retreat, ven
tured from their position, and fired some ran
dom shots. The confusion augmented the alarm
of the fugitives, lest they should be overtaken
by the enemy, as they were thus huddled toge
ther. At length the general, with infinite diffi
culty, succeeded in allaying their apprehensions
and restored some little order among them.
During this disastrous scene, Don Francisco
Ortiz, one of the patriot officers, had, with part
of his troops, gained the height on which stand
the works of the Valenciana mine, and most
wantonly set fire to them. This act bighly in
censed Mina, as he had uniformly given the
most positive orders against the destruction of
private property.
The troops were at length extricated from the

110 MEMOIRS OF THE
defile, and, a little after sunrise, reached La Mina
de la Luz, where a halt was made. The general
could no longer conceal his deep mortification*
nor restrain his exasperated feelings. To a
body of patriot officers, who were assembled
around him, he observed, that they were un
worthy any man of character should espouse
their cause. " Had you done your duty," said
he, " your men would have done their's, and
Guanaxuato would have been our's." The
order of the day passed a censure on those who,
deserved it, and commended a few who had
merited his applause by their good conduct.
Having thus failed in his favourite enterprise
against Guanaxuato, and having now no imme-
diate object in view to employ the troops, in
order to deceive the royalists as to his own
movements, he dismissed them to their respec
tive comandancias, where he believed they
might be useful in harassing the enemy, until
he again required their services; thereby, at
the same time, preserving his men and horses
from the marches and countermarches to which,
they would have been subject, from the pursuit
of Orrantia, and recruiting them for his next
attempt. He strictly enjoined those command
ants, whose stations were around Guanaxuato,
not to allow supplies of any kind to enter the

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. H%
city ; still fondly persuading himself that be
should be able to renew the attack upon it with
more effect. Retaining with him forty infantry
and thirty cavalry, the general determined; to
proceed to the residence of his friend Don
Mariano Lferrerq, at a neighbouring rancho
called El Venadito. Accordingly, on the same
evening, after having dismissed the troops, he
took up his march for that, place, but passed
the night at a short distance from La Mina de
la Luz.
The rancho del Venadito was composed of a
few houses on the lands of the Tlachiquera,
about one league distant from the hacienda, and
eight from the town of Silao. Its owner, Don
Mariano Herrera, was a native of Guanaxuato ;
a man of high respectability, and of a mind
jvell cultivated. He had suffered severely from
the royalists : Orrantia had laid waste the ha
cienda, burned the buildings, and pillaged the
church, converting it into a stable. The unforr
tunate Don Mariano had fallen a prisoner into
his bands, and had been carried off by him,
together with all fhe property that could be
collected. After being thus despoiled, and his
fine estate destroyed, he was compelled to
ransom his life by paying twenty thousand
dollars. Upon being set at liberty, he returned

112 Memoirs of the
to his estate, and there employed himself irr
the pursuits of agriculture. His mansion and1
buildings being burned, his crops destroyed,1
his cattle and moveables taken away, and his
funds exhausted, he was unable to restore his
estate to its pristine condition ; and it became a
place only for his personal subsistence and'
safety. Indeed, had he possessed the means o*
recalling its former comforts and beauties, it
would only have exposed him anew to the
depredations of an insatiable rapacity. He
therefore constructed only a small house;. and
as his dependents were devoted to him, he
hoped, from the peculiar situation of the Vena-
ditp to enjoy a secure retreat.
The Venadito was placed in a small circular
barranca, in front of which was a small plain.
The barranca was more or less covered with a
copse, among which were interspersed large
masses of rock. Through these wound the only
path to the high grounds surrounding, — a spa
cious table land, bounded at its extremities by
barrancas. The road from Guanaxuato and
Silao, running through a long, narrow, and in
tricate barranca, in which dwelt a numerous
peasantry, warmly attached to the cause of
liberty, and devoted to Don Mariano* was sup
posed to afford complete protection from a

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 113
surprise by the enemy in that direction, as
their approach could be communicated to Don
Mariano in sufficient time to enable him and his
attendants to take refuge among the barrancas
in the rear of the Venadito. On the other side
there were no royalist posts for a considerable
distance, and as the patriot troops under Ortiz
ranged unmolested in that direction, no danger
was thence apprehended.
The Venadito was, therefore, deemed per
fectly secure from a surprise by day, and at
night it was the custom of Don Mariano to
take refuge in the mountains ; so that although
living in constant apprehension, yet he consi
dered his person in safety. In this solitary
spot Don Mariano passed his time, solaced by
the attentions of a beloved sister, who had torn
herself from her friends in Guanaxuato,' to
partake of her brother's fortune.
Mina and Herrera had formed for each other
a warm friendship ; the former gave to the
latter his entire confidence, of which he was in
every respect deserving. Mina arrived the next
day, about noon, at the Venadito, where he
was most cordially received by his friend. He
understood that Orrantia was in Irapuatd, at a
loss to discover what direction he had taken ;
and he knew that he would be more confounded
vol. u. i

114 MEMOIRS OF THE
when he heard of the dispersion. of the patriot!
troops. From these, circumstances, and this
position of the Venadito, Mina thought himself
perfectly secure. He therefore determined to
pass the night at the rancho with his friend,
and ordered the horses of the cavalry out to
pasture. During the afternoon Don Pedro
Moreno, ^who resided in the neighbourhood;
visited Mina, and remained with him. The
troops encamped in advance of the house;
Videttes . were posted; and the general was so
satisfied of his security, that, contrary to his
usual custom, he retired to rest on the floor in
the house. We mention these circumstances,
because the sequel will shew, that the general,
in this rare instance of a departure from his
usual habit of sleeping with his men, commit
ted a most unfortunate error.
Among the pernicious and impolitic prac
tices of the patriots, was that of permitting
priests to come out of the enemy's towns to per
form mass among them. Many of these men
were spies and agents of the royalists, who ,
never failed to collect every possible information
for the advantage of their masters. The road
by which Mina had that morning passed, lay
through a small pueblo to which a padre re
hired weekly from Silao. It was Sunday when

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 115
the general passed through it. The padre waited
on him to pay his respects, conducting himself
with all that humility and sycophancy- which
his fraternity so well know how to use, when
a point is to be gained. Mina treated him, as
he always did persons of his description, with
attention and respect, but, at the same time,
with caution. The padre either was informed
of, or conjectured Mina's destination ; but
be that as it may, he was so very anxious to
carry the gratifying intelligence to the royal
ists, that, the instant Mina departed from the
pueblo, without waiting for his dinner, he
mounted his mule, and set out for Silao, dis
tant about five or six leagues.
Mina's suppositions of Orrantia's incertitude
of the course of his proceedings were well
founded ; for the latter was totally at a loss
where to look for him, and had marched to
Silao in that state of uncertainty. The dis
persion of Mina's troops increased the per
plexity of Orrantia ; but while he was in this
state of confusion (as he expressed himself
in ' his dispatches to the viceroy), he received
from the priest the unexpected, but important
information, that Mina had gone to the Ve
nadito. Had not Orrantia by accident arrived
in Silao that very evening, the padre's in-

116 MEMOIRS OF THE
tentions and information must have been of no
avail, because it was the determination of M in a
to have marched from the Venadito the ensuing
morning. A concurrence of unfortunate cir
cumstances, however, seems to have led to that
catastrophe which ¦' we are about to narrate,
Orrantia, notwithstanding the fatigue of his
troops, lost not a moment in putting them
in'mbtion, and having gained a position suitable
to his design, placed them in ambush near
the Venadito, intending, as soon as day-light
should enable him to discern objects, to fall
upon Mina's party.
At dawn of the morning of the 27th,
Orrantia's cavalry sallied from the ambush",
and advanced at full speed on Mina's encamp
ment. The alarm was given ; the troopers'of
Mina, finding themselves Cut off from their
horses at pasture, mingled with the infantry,
'whose first impulse was to save themselves
by flight. If thirty infantry only had united at
that juncture, such was the situation of the
ground, that they could have repelled the whole
force of Orrantia, or at least could have held
him in check, and made -good their retreat.
But officers and soldiers thought of nothing
but their own safety ; in the utmost disorder
they rushed forward to gain the summit of

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 117
the hills, and thence escape by the barrancas.
in the rear. Mina, awakened by the noise and
tumult of his flying troops, started from the.
floor, and rushed out of the house in the same
apparel in which he had passed the night,
without coat, hat, or even his sword. Regard
less of his person, the first object was to attempt
the rallyiug of his flying troops ; but all his
exertions were unavailing, for he soon found
himself alone. He beheld the enemy pursuing
and cutting down his flying comrades, and
attempted, when too late, to secure his own
safety: but the enemy were upon him.; In the
act of hallooing to the fugitives to halt and form>
he was seized by a dragoon, and having no arms
whatever, resistance was perfectly useless.
If Mina, on first leaving the house, had at
tempted to escape, he might have succeeded
with as much ease as many others ; but such a
thought, we believe, never entered hjs mind-
His favourite servant, a coloured boy of New
Orleans, after the general left the house, sadr
dled his best horse, and went in pursuit of
his master, carrying likewise his sword and
pistols; but unfortunately he found him not.
The dragoon who captured Mina was igno
rant of the rank of his prisoner, until informed
of it by the general himself. He was then

JH8 MEMOIRS OF THE
pinioned, and conducted into the presence of
Orrantia, who, in the most arrogant man*
ner, began to reproach him for having taken
up arms against his sovereign, and interrogated
him concerning his motives in thus becoming
a traitor, insulting him, and lavishing upon
him the bitterest criminations. Mina, who on
the most trying occasions never lost his presence
of mind and characteristic firmness, replied to
these interrogatories in so sarcastic a strain,
and with such strong expressions of contempt
and indignation manifested in his countenance,
that the brutal Orrantia started from his seat,
and beat with the flat of his sword his disarmed
and pinioned prisoner. Mina, motionless as a
statue, endured this indignity ; and then,
with a crest brightened by conscious great
ness, and an eye glowing with the fires of an
elevated spirit, looked down upon his con
queror, and said, " I regret being made a
prisoner; but to fall into the hands of one
regardless of the character of a Spaniard and a
soldier, renders my misfortune doubly keen."
The magnanimity of Mina filled every man
present with admiration, and even Orrantia
stood confounded with the severity of his
rebuke. The capture of Mina was considered by the

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 119
"Spanish government as an event of such high
importance, that they have honoured the pre
sent viceroy, Don Juan Ruiz de Apodaca,
with the title of Conde del Venadito; Linan
and Orrantia have been presented with mili
tary crosses ; and to the dragoon who ac
tually took Mina, a yearly stipend has been
assigned, accompanied by promotion to the
rank of a corporal.
A letter, purporting to be written by Mina to
Linan, on the 3rd of November, after his cap
ture, has appeared in the Mexican Gazette,
which, although it contains nothing but what
might be expected from a man whose mind was
soured by the conduct of such men as Padre
Torres, is yet couched in a style that renders it
a suspicious document; besides that the whole
tenor of Mina's conduct, from the moment
of his capture to that of his execution, forbids
the belief of his having written the letter in
question. We further know, that, subsequent
to his capture, he wrote a letter to his coun
tryman, Don Pablo Erdozain, who commanded
at the work of Tepeaca ; in which letter, written
in the provincial dialect of Navarre, he gives
some instructions about his own private affairs,
and concludes by wishing Erdozain success.
and exhorting him to pursue a conduct marked

120 .'¦* MEMOIRS OF THE
by honour and consistency. We have thought
proper to mention these circumstances, in order
.to counteract any erroneous impression that
may have been made by the publication before
alluded to in the Mexican Gazette. We have,
•on other occasions, noticed the recantations and
penitential documents published in that Gazette,
•relative to Hidalgo, Morelos, and other patriot
chiefs, all of which are now well known to
have been forgeries of the royalists, for the pur
pose of deceiving the people.
Five of the officers of Mina's division, and
some few of the soldiers, escaped from the
Venadito : Don Jose Maria Liceaga succeeded
in his flight on horseback. The Creole troops
in general began their flight so early in the
alarm, that they had time to conceal themselves
in the broken ground. Of the division, four
men- were killed. Don Pedro Moreno, who
had fled up the side of the barranca, was over.
taken, and killed, and his head severed from his
body ; this trophy was afterwards stuck, on a
pole. Don Mariano Herrera, and about fourteen
of the troops, were made prisoners : these, with
the exception of Don Mariano,* were executed.
* The fate of this generous friend of Mina is marked by
so many singular circumstances, that it would be unpar.
donable to pass it over without notice. Don Mariano was

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 121
Orrantia, after the disgraceful scene we have
already noticed, inquired the force of the pa
triots in his neighbourhood ; Mina informed
Conducted to Irapuato, and there thrown into prison. His
affectionate sister accompanied him. Her exertions were
unremitting to save her brother's life. On her knees, she
implored in his behalf the mercy of the leaders of the roy
alists. Her intercession at length prevailed. After he had
been sentenced to death, and was blindfolded, he was re
prieved at the place of execution. Unexpectedly snatched
from the threshold of the grave, he was bereft of reason :
and in the close confinement in which he was subsequently
placed, became permanently deranged. His only and con
stant employment was twisting his beard, which had grown
very long. He became unconscious even of the presence
of his sister; and his few incoherent expressions were la
mentations for the fate of his friend Mina. The exertions
of the sister to alleviate the situation of her wretched bro
ther, were unceasing.
The last account we have received of Don Mariano and
bis estimable sister, was in September, 1818; at which
period the latter was in the hacienda de Burras, on her re
turn to Irapuato from Guanaxuato, whither she had re
paired to obtain from the royal authorities permission to
adopt some means for the relief of her brother. She had
so far succeeded as to procure permission from Linares, the
commandant-general, to remove him (on giving two secu
rities, each under heavy penalties, that he should return
to his prison in Irapuato, in the event of his being restored
to his reason) to his hacienda of the Tlachiquera, where
she hoped, by the change of scene, to calm his imagination.
How far she had succeeded in her pious intentions, we re^
gret that we caunot ascertain.

122 MEMOIRS OF THE
him; when, conceiving perhaps that a despe
rate effort might be made to rescue the general;,
he immediately retreated upon Silao with his
prisoner, who was treated with every indignity.
This ungenerous treatment was borne by Mina
with his characteristic fortitude ; the situation
of his companions engrossed his reflections,
and while on the road, his endeavours to cheer
them up were constant.
On reaching Silao, he was put into irons by
his savage conductor. Thence he was removed
to Irapuato, and finally to Lilian's head-quarters
in front of Tepeaca at Los Remedios, where he
was committed to the care of the regiment of
Navarra. His treatment there was such as a
brave man deserved ; every humane attention
being shewn, him, and his situation made as
comfortable as circumstances would admit.
We have understood, that, among the few
papers which fell into the hands of the enemy,
were some in cipher. To obtain an explana
tion of these was a matter of great consequence,
because they would develope the names of cer
tain patriots who resided within their walls,
and who had held correspondence with Mina.
Fortunately for the writers, Mina had been
accustomed, on receiving any communication
of importance, to copy it, and destroy the ori
ginal. All his answers to their inquiries breathed

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 123
fidelity to a cause in which he had been so
shamefully treated, and thus displayed in a
new light the nobleness of his character. We
have conversed with some royal officers, who
were present at these conversations ; and they
have assured us, that such was the admiration
excited by his conduct, that there were few offi
cers in Lilian's army who did not sympathize in
Mina's misfortune, and were much more dis
posed to liberate than to sacrifice him.
Upon the arrival at Mexico of the express
which had been despatched to announce the
capture of Mina, couriers were sent by the
viceroy to every part of the kingdom, to convey
the cheering intelligence. Te Deums were
chanted in the churches ; salutes of artillery,
illuminations, and rejoicings, took place in
every town in the possession of the royalists;
and such was the general joy among them, that
they hailed the capture of Mina as the termi
nation of the revolution. These demonstra
tions on the part of the government and its ad
herents, are in themselves no common eulo-
gium on the character of Mina.
In the city of Mexico, a great anxiety pre
vailed to behold Mina, and had he reached
that place, much interest would have been made
to save his life ; but the viceroy, fearing the

124 MEMOIRS OF THE
consequences that might ensue should he be
brought thither, and being in constant dread lest
he should escape, despatched an order to Linan
for the immediate execution of his prisoner.
When this order was communicated to Mina,
he received it without any visible emotion. He
continued to resist all overtures, for the pur
pose of drawing information from him, but re
gretted that he had not landed in Mexico one
year sooner, when his services would have been
more effective. He likewise regretted quitting
life so deeply indebted to certain individuals,
who had generously aided his enterprise.
On the 1 1th of November (as well as we can
now recollect) he was conducted under a mili
tary escort to the fatal ground, attended by a
file of the Cacadores of the regiment of Zara
goza. In this last scene of his life was the hero
of Navarre not unmindful of his character;
with a firm step he advanced to the fatal spot,
and with his usual serenity told the soldiers to
take good aim, " Y no me hagais sufrir," (and
don't let me suffer.) The officer commanding
gave the accustomed signal ; the soldiers fired ;
and that spirit fled from earth, which, for all the
and qualities which constitute the hero and the
patriot, seemed to have been born for the good
of mankind.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 125
So anxious was the government that his death
should be confirmed, that Liiian was instructed
to detach a surgeon from each European regi
ment, and the captain of each company, to
attend the execution, who should certify that
Mina was dead, and moreover describe the
manner in which the balls entered his body,
and note the one that caused his death. This
was done, and the singular document was af
terwards published in the Gazette of Mexico.
Thus perished this gallant youth, in the
twenty-eighth year of his age. His short but
brilliant career entitles him to a distinguished
place on the list of those heroes who have shed
their blood in bold and generous exertions to
break the tyrant's sceptre, and to extend the
blessings of freedom among the human race.
No man was ever better calculated to execute
an enterprise of hazard than Xavier Mina. His
person was slight, but well formed, and about
five feet seven inches in height. His physical
he structure was well adapted for action. His
moral qualities were great ; and personal valour
possessed in an eminent degree. Serene in the
hour of danger, he was always prepared to
seize upon any advantages that were offered by
the conjuncture of events. At the head of his
men, he infused into them his own spirit. In

126 MEMOIRS OF THE
his diet, he was frugal in the extreme ; no pri
vations nor hardships seemed to affect him. He
always preferred the simplest beverage. His
cloak and saddle were his usual bed ; even in
the worst of weather, when every accommo
dation could have been afforded him, he en
camped with his troops. He was affable,
generous, and candid ; his moderation and
humanity were alike conspicuous; and to all
the qualities of the soldier he united the man
ners and accomplishments of the gentleman.
To fail in great undertakings has been the
lot of many a gallant man, as well as Mina,
and the world is ever ready to point out the
measures which would have averted such fail
ures. Inexperience may be excused for li
berties of this nature, because they are gene
rally the expression of wishes, rather than
of judgments, as to what might have been
done. We think that the facts developed in the
course of this work unequivocally demonstrate
that Mina was sacrificed to ignorance, to jea
lousy, and to a combination of unfortunate
circumstances, which no foresight could have
anticipated, and which led to the melancholy
termination of a career, as full of lustre as any
of the same duration, recorded in the historic

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 127
page. Mina, at his outset in this undertaking,
had to depend on the liberality of the mer
cantile world. The support he received, as
well in London as at Baltimore, was limited
to a few generous individuals ; he was in hopes
that their example would inspire others, but
he was disappointed at a time when liberal
succours were most wanted.
We have, in the early part of this work, no
ticed, that at New Orleans a proposal was
made to him, to attack and take Pensacola ; an
operation perfectly accordant with Mina's views,
because Pensacola would have been to him
a centre, where he might have collected troops,
and have organized his expedition against
Mexico in a suitable manner ; but the parties
at 'New Orleans were not only niggardly as to
the resources they offered, but so ungenerous
in the terms upon which they would assist the
expedition, that he found it incompatible with
his dignity and ulterior plans to undertake
it. It is not necessary to go into a detail of all
the disappointments of the general, such as
from an examination of his papers they appear
to have been, because we should wound the
feelings, or excite the ill-will of certain in
dividuals, who, perhaps, may not be so much to
blame as we infer from the perusal of the

128 MEMOIRS OF THE
papers in question: but of this point we are
certain, that if Mina had been in possession of
funds, he could, with the greatest facility, have
taken Pensacola, have there raised two thousand
men, and have decided the fate of Mexico in a
few months. Indeed, with one thousand foreign
ers, he might have beaten all the royalists
under the command of Arredondo, and could
then have penetrated into the interior provinces
¦of Mexico, or have moved towards the capital,
if circumstances had justified it ; or he would
have had his choice of a route through Old
Mexico, where he would have been joined
by as many thousand natives as his situation
required. When Mina formed his plans in London, for
the emancipation of Mexico, and even after his
arrival in the United States, there did not exist
any positive laws, either of Great Britain or of
the United States, to interfere with his enter
prise. Besides, the royal forces receiving at
that time succours of arms and ships from the
private enterprise of both countries, the laws
of neutrality, which require that both belli
gerents should be treated alike, necessarily en
titled the patriots to the same privileges. The
occasion was therefore favourable for his under
taking; but, as we have before said, funds were

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 129
not forthcoming, and Mina had no alternative,
but either to abandon it entirely, or pursue it
under all the straitened and unfortunate cir
cumstances which surrounded him. That spirit
of enterprise which once distinguished the mer
cantile body in the United States, splendid, ad
venturous, and successful, has become more
narrow and personal than in former times. This
change, from broad and comprehensive adven
tures to partial and separate undertakings, had
a most pernicious effect on the expedition
under Mina. The few merchants, who gene
rously afforded aid, suffered; the majority of
their countrymen who embarked in the sacred
cause, together with their leader, perished ;
and, instead of a field of commercial enterprise
being laid open, embracing the richest regions
of North America, the whole expedition was lost.
It is not now practicable to estimate accurately
the extent of the commerce that would have been
opened, the amount of wealth that would have
been acquired, or the number of ships and sea
men that would have been employed, had the
cause of Mexico been suitably sustained.
We have heard much of the assistance which
the Mexican patriots have received from indi
viduals in the United States ; and indeed if we
were to believe the one-tenth part of what the
VOL. II. K

130 Memoirs of the
Chevalier Onis has stated on this subject, we
might suppose that the American merchants
had been liberal in the" extreme to the Mexican
pebple ; but- the real fact is, that a single house
in London has supplied a larger amount of
arms and clothing to Venezuela, than has been
Contributed by all the merchants of the United
States to Mexico ; at the same time that the
royal armies were fed, and furnished with am*
tttUnitiOhj ships, and every species of supply,
from our principal sea-ports.
'* The resources which Mina obtained at Bal
timore Were Small, although Don Onis magni
fied his expedition so greatly. In his terrified
imagination, it was converted into a formidable
army, a Vast train of artillery* and moreover, a
large body of the imperial guard. This exag
geration served the minister's purposes; and
the impressions made by his romantic tales ex
cited such an alarm in the Holy Alliance, as
to produce orders for a diplomatic attack on the
government of the United States ; the further
notice of which does not properly belong to
these memoirs. It was in vain that Mina enr
deavoured to convince some merchants of the
United States of the advantages they would de
rive from the political and commercial eman
cipation of Mexico ; it was in vain that he

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 131
offered the most flattering terms for ample sup
plies ; while the influence of the Spanish agents,
through the contracts which they were enabled
to bestow, produced such an influence on the
monied men, and the monied institutions of
some of our principal cities, as to interfere ma
terially with the necessities of Mina, and the
emancipation of Mexico.
The want of proper support from the mer
cantile world, was theirs* great obstacle which
Mina had to contend against. The second, and
most serious impediment to his enterprise, was
the jealousy of Padre Torres: When Mina,
With his little band of three hundred men,
scarcely two-thirds of whom were foreigners,
had fought his way into the interior of the
kingdom, after a march of more than six hun
dred miles, gaining successive battles, con
founding the royalists by his chivalrous exploits,
and at length effecting his junction with the
patriots, in the intendancy of Guanaxuato,
eighty leagues only from the seat of govern
ment, we find that he had to encounter a per
fidious enemy in the very man who ought to
have been his firm and cordial friend. The
proofs we have furnished of the jealousy and
hatred of Mina which Padre Torres nourished,
leave not a shadow of doubt that the sacrifice of

132 memoirs of the
the latter, as well as the failure of his under*
taking, is to be attributed in an especial : mea
sure to this vindictive priest; even after the
capture of the heroic Mina, Torres gave furr
ther proofs of the jealous and rancorous feeling?
¦which actuated his conduct.
We have already stated, that Mina had, been
conducted to the head-quarters of Lilian, in
front of Tepeaca, and there retained a prisoner.
This was known to the garrison in Los Reme
dios, and also that his fate was suspended till
the return of a courier from the viceroy. During
this interval, several of the foreign officers of
the division, as well as some gallant Creoles,
proposed forming a select corps of twp hundred
determined men, to storm the enemy's works,
and rescue the general at every hazard. The
-design was as bold and feasible, as it was noble
and practicable: every officer in the fort be
longing to Mina's division was willing to have
perished, rather than not to have succeeded in the
attempt. It would have cost some lives, perhaps
those of one-half of the adventurers ; but there
¦can scarcely be a doubt that the plan would
have succeeded, as the enemy, confiding in the
natural strength of their position, were lulled
into entire security. Doctor Hennessey was
.deputed to lay the proposal before Padre Torres.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 133
His urgent requests were discountenanced by
that unfeeling monster, whose uniform excuse
was, that it would require too great a sacrifice
of lives. The destruction of Mina was his dar
ling wish ; he well knew the injuries he had
already done the general, and that if the latter
survived, such was his popularity, it was pro
bable he would become the leading chief of
the revolution. In fine, Torres refused per
mission for a single man to leave the. fort, and
denounced the enterprise as an act of rashness;
and he was supported in this opinion by Colonel
Noboa, the second in command in the fort;.
We deem it necessary, in justice to Mina, to
state some facts relative to Noboa. He was a
Spaniard ; and, in the expedition, Mina had
appointed him chief of the staff. He possessed
some theoretic knowledge, was conversant in
the smaller details, and was an excellent drill
officer ; but whenever he ventured beyond the
duties of that station, his deficiencies became
manifest. In his manners he was arrogant and
supercilious. In such service as that in Mexico,
these defects might have been overlooked, but
his conduct iu the action at Peotillos, at Pinos,
and at San Juan de los Llanos, had been such
as to exclude him from all necessary confi
dence. At the Jaral, his' negligence' was the

134 MEMOIRS OF THE
cause of the marquis's escape ; and on that oc
casion he likewise committed such a disgrace
ful excess, that Mina ordered his aid-de-camp,
Lieutenant-Colonel Arago, to communicate to
him a severe reprimand. For this act he never
forgave Mina, and thusbecamehis secret enemy.
His conduct during the siege of Los Remedios
was by no means equal to that of his comrades,
and, badly suited the important command he
held in it. He rarely left his quarters during
day-light, occasionally visited the batteries at
night, but on no occasion displayed either zeal,
activity, or energy. He became, in fact, the
creature of Torres, and consequently the enemy
of Mina. For this reason, he disapproved of
the daring scheme for the rescue of the unfor
tunate prisoner*
We have thus touched on the prominent
causes which led to the failure of Mina's un
dertaking, and to his owft death. It will like*.
wise have been seen, from what We have before
remarked of the state of the revolution at the
time of his landing on the Mexican coast, that
the moment was unpropitious for the execution
of his enterprise, and that he was prevented by
untoward circumstances from uniting his small
force with that of either Victoria or Teran. It
4s true, that both of those generals, at the time

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. J35
Mina was at Soto la Marina, had experienced
serious reverses, yet neither of them was. entirely
overcome ; and as Mina had with hini, a con
siderable quantity of arms, if forfune had not
frowned, he could have raised, either in the in
tendancy of Vera Cruz, or at Tehuacau. in that
of La Puebla, any number of men that might
have been required ; for we know from personal
observation, that in either of the two last-named
intendancies, as well as in the populqus one of
Oaxaca, Mina would have been cordially re
ceived by nearly all classes of the inhabitants.
It is also true, that in the Mexican Gazette of
that epoch, the insurrection is stated to have
been nearly quelled ; that is, the revolutionists
had then no armies that deserved the name.
But the spirit of the people was unsubdued,
and their feelings of hatred to the Spanish go
vernment was unchanged. The document of
the bishop of Mechoacan, which was published
about that time, gave a history of the state of
Mexico, which could not have been suspected
of exaggeration, since it was addressed to the
monarch of Spain by one of the few of his ad
herents who dared to speak the truth. There
had no doubt been many disasters, and there
was that kind of calm which succeeds al| storms ;
but a spark would then have lighted up a new

136 MEMOIRS OF THE
flame, and would now, in every section of the
viceroyalty. That hatred of Spain, and a desire
to be free from her controul, are the predominant
feelings of the Mexicans, no one acquainted
with their real character can deny ; and that
they will again develope their irrevocable alien
ation from the Spanish government, on the first
favourable occasion that may offer, is beyond a
doubt. Although it. might be more in place to intro
duce the ensuing observations as the concluding
portion of our narrative, yet to ward off from
that gallant youth, whose career we have just
been tracing, the charge of rashness in invading
Mexico, we think proper here to introduce our
views of the practicability of expelling the Spa
niard from the throne of that kingdom ; evincing
thereby the truth of the remark we have so
often urged upon the reader, that Mina's dis
asters were altogether owing to the intervention
of causes which prudence could not have anti- '
cipated, nor wisdom have remedied.
The whole number of European Spaniards in
the viceroyalty does not exceed sixty thousand.
Even the fidelity of many of these to the royal
government is very equivocal. We have fre
quently heard them utter sentiments as strong
and as ardent in favour of the emancipation of

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 137
Mexico, as we haive ever heard from any Creole;
The Spanish troops, we know, have become
weary of, and alarmed at, the warfare practised
in Mexico. The European soldiers at present
there, as well as those who may in future be
sent from Spain, will be found reluctant com
batants, in the event of further military opera
tions in those parts of the viceroyalty that are
at present tranquil. Privations, and death in
the most horrible shapes, stare the Spanish sol
dier in the face, in whatever part of the New
World be sets his foot under the royal ban
ner: freedom, wealth, and independence, are
at his choice, whenever he thinks proper to for
sake it. Officers and soldiers, on departing
from Spain for America, take a final leave
of their families and friends. The sailing of
an expedition from Cadiz has become almost
a funeral ceremony ; indeed, it maybe strictly
so called, because, within the last ten years,
Spanish America has become either the adopted
country or the sepulchre of almost every officer
and soldier who has left the Peninsula. The
diseases incident to the coasts of Spanish Ame
rica, and the barbarous warfare carried on in
its interior, would not only destroy all the
armies of Spain, but those of any other Euro
pean nation, not even excepting those of the

138 MEMOIRS OF THE
empire of the Russias. The whole number of
Spanish European troops, at the period of the
latest advices, in all the viceroyalty of Mexico,
was short of four thousand eight hundred.
This force, or even five times the number,
would be insufficient to maintain the sovereign
ty of Spain over Mexico a single week. It is
on the Creole royal troops that the government
of Spain has had to depend for several years,
and on them still rests the preservation of the
viceroyalty. Of these last-mentioned troops*
a great proportion are men who $t some period
of the revolution have been in the patriot ser
vice, but, for reasons which have been assigned
in the course of this work, are at present in the
service of the crown.
Prior to the revolution, the Spanish govern
ment had been very careful tp prohibit from
the mass of the people the use of fire-arms,
and indeed of all other military weapons. The
present struggles have compelled the Spanish
government to place arms in the bands of the
Creole population, and to conciliate them by
means never before employed or permitted ; so
that these, as well as those who have been in
the service of the patriots, are fainiharjzedto
the use of arms, and now feel an importance
in society, which they can never relinquish nor

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 130
be divested of, and which must bring to their
minds a constant comparison of the present,
with their condition ten or twelve years ago ;
so that if the Spanish government were now to
attempt disarming these royal Creoles, their
authority would not be long-lived.
The interchange of sentiments between that
portion of the Creoles who have been insur
gents and those who have continued faithful to
the royal cause, has already produced effects
which fill the authorities in Mexico with great
alarm ; and there is scarcely any abatement of
those effects, since the period when the elo
quent bishop of Mechoacan so forcibly repre
sented them. Indeed, political rights and per
sonal wrongs now constitute the private and
perpetual theme of conversation between the
royal and patriot Creole. Among the latter,
not one in ten thousand will ever be a sincerely
faithful subject of the Spanish government,
while the transition from a royalist to a revolu-
tionist is easy, without danger or peril, and
congenial to the feelings of nearly every Mexi
can Creole.
The present viceroy, who has conducted him
self with extraordinary address in a critical
situation, has stated in his despatches to the
court of Spain, that he has reduced all the for-

140 MEMOIRS OF THE
tifications, and pacified nearly all the parts of the
country in which there were bodies of patriots ;
that he has captured such a party ; that another
has capitulated ; and that more than eighty
thousand of the deluded wretches have received
the royal pardon, and adhiered to their oath of
allegiance to their legitimate sovereign. He
assures the Spanish cabinet, that only some
small bodies of banditti remain, which he hopes
soon to exterminate. He states, that since the
capture and execution of Mina, all hopes of
success on the part of the insurgents in Mexico
have been abandoned ; and he even carries his
consolatory assurances so far as to say, that no
more European troops need at present be sent
from Spain to Mexico, as he has the firmest
reliance on the fidelity of the Creole royalists.
These flattering accounts are received at Madrid
with the same credulity as were the advices of
Mina's embarkation with a splendid train of
artillery at Baltimore ; they have been published
in the Gazette of Madrid, and circulated over
Spain and the rest of Europe. The facts al
ready noticed, and others which we have yet to
state, will probably remove the veil of decep
tion which has hitherto been thrown over the
affairs of Mexico by the artifices and influence
of the Spanish agents; and to every impartial

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 141
reader present a view of the actual state of so
ciety in that country. We say, that the royal
forces at present in Mexico consist of but few
European troops, the main body of them being
composed of pardoned insurgents and disaffected
•Creoles. We have stated that these forces are only
royalists by accident or necessity, and that nine-
tenths of them are impatient to abandon the Spa
nish standard. On the first occasion that- they
find a rallying point, in a moderate force of disci
plined foreign troops, with judicious leaders,
they will use the opportunity to effect the inde
pendence of Mexico.
We have already depicted the conduct of the
royal troops, in their different marches, sieges,
and battles with Mina ; and we have seen the
exploits that this youth performed, with a mere
handful of only three hundred men, of which,
as we have before observed, less than two-
thirds were foreigners. A general opinion pre
vails, as well in Europe as in the United States,
that to make Mexico independent will be a very
difficult undertaking. . Taught by experience,
we are of the contrary opinion; and haye.no
hesitation in saying, that if a number of foreign
-troops, equal to that which within the last three
years has. been raised in Great Britain, and
conveyed to Venezuela,, had landed in Mexico,

142 MEMOIRS OF THE
its independence would have been accomplished
within three months from their disembarkation;
The brave men who have been recently raised
in Ireland, by the patriotic General D'Evereux,
would have been more than sufficient to have
decided the destinies of Mexico. Our asser
tion is supported, not merely by what we have
shewn was effected by Mina with his small
band of foreigners, and by other facts , which
we have stated, but also by our personal know
ledge of the general solicitude of the Mexican
people to be emancipated from Spanish domi
nation. ,
We admit, that the conquest of Mexico, with
the view of its being held dependent on any fo*
reign power, would be an impracticable under
taking ; for it is their subjection to foreign rule
that excites their abhorrence ; and in resisting
such an attempt by any other nation on earthj
the Spanish government would be aided by the
united exertions of all classes of Creoles and
Indians ; and the war would become like that
in Spain against France. But if an invading
army should erect the banners of freedom, and
proclaim the emancipation of Mexico from all
foreign dependence, they would be hailed as de
liverers, and would receive the cordial support
of the great mass of the Mexican population.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 143
We have seen the difficulties which the Spa
nish government experienced in concentrating
a sufficient force to check the operations of
Mina, and to subdue the patriots under such
incapable officers as Padre Torres and his
subalterns. Indfeed, our opinion is, that had
Linan been defeated by Mina, the royalists
could not have collected another army able to
withstand him. That Linan was not defeated,
is solely to be attributed to ignorance and want
of energy in Padre Torres, and his jealousy of
Mina. We are aware it may be said, that any
other distinguished foreigner would be liable
to be treated as Mina was, from the jealousy of
the Creole chiefs ; but one thousand foreign
bayonets would place him above the influence
of their jealous feeling ; and besides, we hope,
for the honour of the Mexican Creoles, that
there are but few among them capable of acting
the base part that Torres and Moreno acted
towards Mina. We feel great pleasure in stating,
that we have seen hundreds of Creole officers^
possessing the most generous and grateful feel-!
ings towards such foreigners as had come among
them, either as visitors, or with a view to
their aid. Among the old Spaniards, jea
lousy of foreigners is a principle flowing
from education and interest ; it is the necessary
consequence of the knowledge of their own

144 MEMOIRS OF THE
weakness, and has been particularly fostered
by their government.
Among some of the elder Creoles likewise,
some prejudices against strangers are occa
sionally perceptible ; but among the rising
generation, and particularly those who have
risen from youth to manhood since the revolu
tion, we have met with very few exceptions
to the prevailing attachment to foreigners, with
which the sentiment of liberty is always united.
The young Creole of Mexico is perhaps the
most ingenuous and generous of the human
race ; and, far from viewing the stranger as an
intruder in his country, he lavishes on him un
bounded hospitality, and appears eager only to
acquire knowledge, and to form his manners
from every pleasing example he sees.
We confess, that when we entered the Mexi
can territory, we were astonished to find the
character of the Creole so different from the
representations that had always been made con
cerning it ; and when we reflected on their
mode of education, their entire non-intercourse
with the people of civilized nations, and their
limited literature, we were the more astonished
to find them so liberal in their sentiments. In
truth we are perfectly convinced, that when the
Mexicans shall enjoy the blessings of a free

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 145
government, and the advantages of a liberal
education, they will speedily become as esti
mable a people as can any where be found.
We likewise think it of some importance to
remark, that the Creole female, whether united
in marriage to an European Spaniard, or to one
of her own countrymen, is secretly or openly an
enemy to the Spanish government : this trait
in their character we have seen frequently
evinced in the most striking manner. The
threats of punishment have no effect in restrain
ing them ; during the revolution they have
been faithful friends of the patriots, and, on
many occasions, have given proofs of their
intrepid spirit. Every defeat of the revolu
tionists clouded their brows with sorrow; while
their fine eyes would beam through tears of
joy, when they heard of triumphs of the patriots
over the Gachupins. The maternal songs they
chant to their babes, are conceived in the spirit
of liberty, and marked with hatred to the
despotism of Spain. Ask a child of only five or
six years old, if it is a Spaniard ? and it will with
indignation reply, " No soy Gachupin, soy
Americano," — I am not a Gachupin ; I am an
American. No gift of prophecy is necessary to predict
the consequences that, must ensue, when mo-
VOL. II. L

146 MEMOIRS OF THE
thers- thus inspire their children. Thoseconse-
quences have already, in the short space of
nine years, developed themselves in a manner
tbat may well excite the fears of Spain for the
preservation of her dominion "over the Mexican
kingdom. To protect her tottering sovereignty,
she has been obliged to establish garrisons
ih almost every city and village in the vice-
royalty. Even on the haciendas royal troops
must be stationed * to keep the inhabitants in
subjection. Throughout the intendancies of Vera Cruz,
La Puebla, Mexico, Guadalaxara, Zacatecas,
Valladolid, Guanaxuato, and part of that of San
Luis Potosi, detachments of from fifty to four
hundred men are distributed and stationed
within a few leagues of each other. Thus their
military force is dispersed over an immense
surface; so that, in the event of an invasion, the
government has only this alternative, to with
draw their troops from their scattered out-posts,
or expose them to be beaten in detail. When
ever their troops are withdrawn to any central
point, the inhabitants will immediately break
out in insurrection. The very circumstance of
the troops being thus quartered in villages and
on estates, betrays to the people the fears of
the government, while the soldiers themselves

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 147
(being generally Creoles), by forming connex
ions in the districts where they are quartered, are
much more likely, in the event of future insur
rections, to take the side of the people, and the
cause of their country, than to adhere to a go- 1
vernment which they already dislike. We con
sider, in fact, every Creole regiment at present
in Mexico, under the Spanish standard, as train
ing for the establishment of the future freedom
of their country . This assertion is founded on
a knowledge of their character and feelings ^
and, indeed, many European Spanish officers1
have confessed to us their belief in this im
portant fact.
The Creole officers in the royal regiments we
pronounce, with scarcely an exception, to be
royalists only in appearance ; they are at heart
sincere patriots, ardently desirous of seeing
their country emancipated from Spain, the
moment it can be accomplished in a proper
manner. Repeatedly have several of these
officers said to the writer, " Ah ! if the insur
gents had not stained the first steps of the re
volution with outrageous excesses, which alarm
ed us all, we should have joined them, and
established the independence of our country
six years ago." This opinion is expressed,
not only by the Creole royal officers, but by

148 MEMOIRS OF THE
every enlightened native with whom we have con
versed; and although the viceroy Apodaca says,
in his late official despatches, that tranquillity is
restored throughout the kingdom, we conceive
he is too well aware, that it is only a deceptive
calm. It is true, that in the great intendancies
of Vera Cruz, La Puebla, Oaxaca, and Mexico,
the insurgents are no longer organized in hos-.
tile bodies; but the character and feelings of
the inhabitants are unchanged, and they are
daily becoming better acquainted with their
true interests. The pardoned insurgents, in
those provinces, now mingle with those who
have been called royalists. They discuss among
themselves tbeir errors, their misfortunes, and
their rights. A certain Spanish officer of dis
tinction stated to the writer, that " although
much had been said about shooting the insur
gents, yet it was now useless to pursue that
system ; for he conceived that every Creole and
Indian in the country either already was, or
would shortly become, an insurgent; and be
cause about eighty thousand of those dangerous
men, who were before scattered in forests,, are
now in our towns and cities, where they are
circulating their poison in the bosoms of our
families; therefore," said he, " the royal in-
dultos have only prepared the way for those

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 149
eighty thousand men to contaminate the royal
ists, and to organize new convulsions."
We have no doubt, that every one of those
pardoned insurgents would be shot to-morrow,
if their fate depended on the inclination of the
Spanish government; but, at the present day,
such an experiment would be too dangerous,
because there is not a royal Creole who would
not turn his bayonet against any authority that
should dare to violate the faith which has been
pledged to the insurgents. We likewise have
not the least doubt, if the Spanish government
could pour into Mexico myriads of European
troops, so as to garrison every town and village
of the kingdom, that every royal Creole would
be deprived of his arms ; but as Spain never
can send a force capable of effecting such an
object, it follows, that her sovereignty now de
pends, and must continue dependent, on the
fidelity of the Creole troops.
The actual state of society in Mexico having
been thus illustrated, it must be obvious to
the reader, that the undertaking of the enter
prising Mina was by no means of the desperate
nature alleged in various publications. It failed
from causes which we think have been amply
explained ; but he and his brave little band,
by marching from the Mexican coast to Gua-

150 MEMOIRS OF THE
naxuato, have shewn what may be 'accom
plished at a future day by some more fortunate
heroes. Two thousand foreign infantry, led by intelli
gent and gallant officers, would overturn the
Spanish government in Mexico, in less than
six months from the day of their landing, either
on the coast of the Pacific ocean, or on that of
the Gulf of Mexico. The moment it was known,
that a respectable invading army had landed,
with the avowed object of assisting the people
to throw off the yoke of Spain, we repeat, that
they would be joined by as many Mexicans as
it would be possible to arm and organize. The
government would be compelled to withdraw
the royal troops from their present positions;
insurrections would follow ; and the fate of
Mexico would, in all human probability, be
speedily decided.
Along the range of coast, in the Gulf of
Mexico, there is not a single spot, excepting
Vera Cruz, where two thousand men would be
unable to effect a landing; for, although the
coast cannot be closely approached by ships
drawing much water, yet every part of it will
permit the landing of troops from open boats ;
and, by marches of three days, they could reach
the Table Land of Mexico. The line of coast

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 151
is so extensive, as, totally to preclude the possi
bility of its being guarded at all points against
the invasion of a large body of troops-.
The same facility for landing is offered qn
the coast of the Pacific Ocean, from Guatimala
to California. Acapulco and San Bias are the
only two places at which a landing could be
resisted; and even those places might be car
ried by a coup de main, without much danger
or loss.
The beautiful and rich intendancy of Oaxaca
offers a more secure and important field for the
operations of an invading army, than any other
part of the kingdom. There are several fine
bays along its coast on the Pacific, where
an army could land, at a distance of not more
than thirty-five leagues from the city of Oaxaca.
The whole province abounds in all the mate
rials essential to the subsistence of an army,
Th»city of Oaxaca is the neatest, cleanest, and
most regularly built city in the kingdom ; the
edifices are constructed with a green stone,
which preserves its colour to perpetuity, and
:gives to the city an appearance of freshness,
such as we have never seen in any other. The
convent of San Francisco, built more than two
hundred years ago, looks, at this day, as if it
had just come from the hands of the architect.

152 MEMOIRS OF THE
Streams of the purest water flow through all
the streets; and in all the squares are beautiful
fountains, for the use of the inhabitants. The
fruits of the torrid and temperate zones are
to be seen every day in the market-place. We
have seen on one side of the road trees loaded
with oranges, and on the other fields of wheat.
The temperature of this city is considered equal
to that of any other in New Spain ; the thermo
meter rarely falling below sixty-three, nor
ranging higher than seventy-eight degrees. The
inhabitants are well made, and remarkable for
longevity ; the women are likewise distin
guished for their beauty and vivacity. Along
the coast of Oaxaca the climate is destructive
of health ; but the greater part of the province,
and particularly the mountains of the Misteca,
are famed for their pure and salubrious air, and
the most populous Indian villages of all New
Spain are found in this province. The Indians
of Tehuantepec are noted for their activity and
beauty. All these Indian villages may be con
sidered as containing true friends to the patriot
causey who would afford their cordial support
to an invading army.
From the port of Guasacualco, at the bottom
of the Gulf of Mexico, an army could inarch in
•forty-eight hours to the Table Land of Oaxaca.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. "155
rWe know of no part of New Spain so accessible
to an invading army as this province; nordo
we know of any other which presents so impor
tant a rallying point for the patriots of the
provinces of Vera Cruz, Puebla, and Mexico,
as this on the banks of the noble navigable
river of Guasacualco. Resources for the payment
of an army are also abundant in this province ;
it is here that the article of cochineal is most
extensively raised, to the value of more than -a
million of dollars per annum.
<<: All the preceding suggestions, respecting the
facility of invading and emancipating Mexico,
are not offered with a view of inviting the
attention of desperate adventurers, but with the
hope of their being useful, at no distant day, to
the governments of the republics of Colombia,
'Buenos Ay res, and Chili. Although the author
may not be deemed fastidious as to the means
that should be employed to effect the emanci
pation of Mexico, yet he has no hesitation in
saying, that if it ever should be accomplished
by foreigners, he would wish them to be citizens
of the United States. This view may, perhaps,
be displeasing to many of our peaceable citi
zens; but as we are living in an age of revo
lutions, when the happiness of man is the great
purpose and end of society, it is not only a

154 MEMOIRS OF THE
natural desire on the part of a citizen of the
United States, but would be on that of every
liberal mind throughout the civilized world.
The New World may soon have to exert all its
physical and moral resources against the ambi
tious and anti-social schemes of the Old World,
and rescue the fairest portion of the earth from
the odious debasement under which it has so
long suffered. It is not extravagant to believe,
if geographical position and other circum
stances be considered, that, among the inhabit
ants of the United States and those of Mexico,
there may arise a conviction, that it is their
policy and interest to form a political and com
mercial alliance.
In the following chapter we shall resume the
detail of the operations Of the royalists against
Los Remedios; and, .in its sequel, it will be
seen, that notwithstanding all the disasters of
-the patriots, subsequent to Mina's. death, and
the flattering statements made by the viceroy of
the general pacification of the kingdom, the
revolutionists maintained last year formidable
parties in the provinces of Guanaxuato, Mexico,
-and Valladolid ; and more especially on the
coast, of the: Pacific Ocean, in the last-named
province.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. .155

CHAPTER XI.
Assault of Los Remedios, on the 16th of November, and
repulse of the enemy — Sortie by the garrison on the enemy's
intrenchments — Cause which led to the evacuation of the
fort — Los Remedios evacuated, on the night of the \st of
January, 1818 — Barbarities of the royalists there — Ope
rations of the contending parties, after the reduction of
Los Remedios — Loss of Xauxilla — Detailed account of
the subsequent events of the. Revolution, and its actual
state in the month of July, 1819 — Reflections.
JL he royalists, encouraged by the death of
Mina, redoubled their exertions to obtain pos
session of the fort of Los Remedios ; but they
found the spirits of the besieged grew sterner
as necessity pressed upon them. The forces of
the enemy, relieved from those apprehensions
of Mina which had before paralyzed their ex
ertions, now came forth with confidence, de
nouncing the severest vengeance upon all those
places which had rendered him assistance.
The patriot government appointed Colonel
Don Miguel de Borja, a Mexican officer, com-

15o* MEMOIRS OF THE
mander of the troops in the field ; and Colonel
Arago, aid-de-camp to the late general, second
in command. But some of the patriot chiefs,
jealous of being commanded by one of their
own number, carried on an independent parti
san warfare against the besiegers, without pay
ing much attention to the orders of the govern
ment or its officers.
The enemy, in the interval since the affair at
Los Remedios, mentioned in Chapter IX. had
kept up a brisk cannonade, which considerably
damaged the works of the besieged ; the bat
tery of Santa Rosalia having been thereby
rendered untenable. As soon as Mina was shot,
they made an exulting and menacing commu
nication of the event to the garrison, recom
mending them to confess themselves, as it was
intended to carry the fort by storm, when every
individual within it should be put to the sword.
Immediately afterwards, as if determined to put
this threat into execution, they concentrated
their fire upon the curtain, between the batteries
of Santa Rosalia and La Libertad ; and, on
the morning of the 16th of November, suc
ceeded in making a practicable breach there.
In the afternoon, the enemy Were observed
to be making preparations for the assault.
About two o'clock their bugles sounded the

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 157
advance* and the columns moved up, at the
same time, to La Cueva, and towards the
breach ; other detachments also advanced upon
Tepeaca and Pansacola; but it was soon ascer
tained that the latter movements were feints,
and that the real attack would be directed
against the breach. Accordingly, the neces
sary preparations to receive them were made :
the women, and even grown children, who on
these occasions vied with the men in point of
daring, soon flocked with the peasants to the
threatened point, to bear their share' in the
danger and glory of the day.
The enemy advanced very steadily to. the
breach, under cover of a fire from their works,
bearing before them the symbol of extermina
tion. They moved up with great resolution,
though exposed to a galling fire of musquetry
and grape-shot, and showers of missile wea
pons discharged by the peasants and women,
the latter of whom, regardless of danger, mount
ed the ramparts, with their aprons and baskets
filled with stones, and hurled them at the asto
nished assailants. The enemy, nevertheless,
preserved their order of close column, until
within about twenty paces of the breach, when
they suddenly halted ; some few determined
men precipitated themselves from the head of

15$ MEMOIRS OF THE
the column, actually entered the breach, and
there perished ; among these was the officer
who bore the black flag: but the rest of the
assailing column remained as if petrified, —
their dismay had completely mastered them;
which being observed by the defenders of the
breach, they sallied forth, made a vigorous
attack, and compelled the enemy to give way,
and fly in the utmost disorder, leaving the side
of the barranca covered with their killed and
wounded. An irregular fire was maintained,
from different points, for some time ; When the
enemy, relinquishing the attack, retired within
their intrenchments, having suffered severely.*
The loss of the garrison was considerable, the
survivors of Mina's division bearing a large
proportion of it.
Linan after this discomfiture, directed his
attention to the re-construction of the mine
under the work at Tepeaca; and, having suc
ceeded in his approach by means of a covered
way, effected the dislodgement of the besieged
* The official despatch of the royal commander acknow
ledges his loss, in this affair, to be forty-four killed, includ
ing seven officers ; one hundred and seventy-seven wounded,
including twenty-three officers ; and one hundred and thirty-
six bruised by missile weapons, including eleven officers : — ¦
total, three hundred and fifty-seven. '

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 159
from a breastwork which had been thrown up
in front of the gallery to prevent any further
attempts of the enemy by mining. In this ope
ration, and in a vigorous cannonade, the enemy
dissipated the remainder of the month of No
vember, and the whole of December ; but their
repeated efforts failed to blow up Tepeaca.
We have before mentioned, that considerable
quantities of charcoal, saltpetre, and sulphur,
were in the fort, from which a sufficiency of
powder should have been made : but, either
through the bad management of the chiefs, or
a dependence upon supplies from Xauxilla,
only one man had been employed in the com
position of this indispensable article. The
operation was performed by the patriots in a
very tedious manner, by means of metates : by
this stone the ingredients are ground, and af
terwards grained in sieves. This process is so
slow, that a man cannot manufacture more in a
day than an expert artificer would make in
an hour. Being manufactured without art, or
a scientific knowledge of the necessary propor
tions of component materials, its grain is bad,
it frequently hangs fire, and can seldom be
relied upon. Bad, however, as would have
been the quality of the powder, a sufficient
quantity might have been made if proper mea-

160 MEMOIRS OF THE
sures had been timely employed : but, from the
defects, in this point, and the length of time;
that the garrison had maintained the canno
nade, it was discovered, in November, that the*
magazine was nearly exhausted. ,
To remedy the want of ammunition, which-
the partial succours from Xauxilla were insuffi
cient to supply, it was determined to make a
sortie on the enemy's intrenchments, whence it
was hoped that a supply might be obtained.
Accordingly, the enemy's works, opposite to La
Libertad were selected as the point of attack, it
being, indeed, the only position fairly open to;
such an enterprise. Three hundred men were de
tached for this service, and the command was:
given to captains Crocker and Ramsay, the two,
intrepid youths who distinguished themselves,"
on a former occasion, against the same po-:
sition. Preparations were made : at night, the party*
sallied ; and, gaining the rear of the enemy's*
first battery, stormed the second line, under the
expectation that the enemy would abandon the
first, and that possession would thus be gained
of both. In this they were deceived : the
second line was carried ; when the enemy
retired within their third intrenchment, whence
a brisk cannonade and fire of musquetry pre*-.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 161
vailed, which seriously annoyed the assailants;
The gallant party, however, having succeeded
in obtaining a small quantity of ammunition;
spiked the artillery, dismantled and rolled the
guns down the barranca, and then retired,; but
not without the loss of twenty-seven killed, and
several wounded. !
Towards the last of December, the am
munition became entirely expended ; and, as
Xauxilla, whence the fort had been hitherto
supplied, had in the mean time been closely mr
vested, it was impossible to obtain further sup
plies from that place. The garrison was thus
reduced to the alternative of either evacuating
the fort, or awaiting another assault from the
enemy. , This last course would have been
highly imprudent ; for the want of ammunition
would have exposed them to the ultimate dis
cretion of the enemy. The evacuation of the fort
was therefore resolved upon. The only two
points by which this could be effected were La
Cueva and Pansacola. If made from La Cueva,
it would be necessary to descend into the plain,
and encounter the main force of the enemy,
which would have been certain destruction.
The only remaining expedient was to proceed
by Pansacola. The enemy .were; weakest "at
that point ; but great obstacles to the1 attempt
VOL, II. M

162 MEMOIRS OF THE
also existed there, arising from the ruggedness
of the route by which it must be effected ; for
the way ran through the barrancas, in which it
was impossible to move in compact order ; he-
sides, they were so much hemmed in by preci
pices, as to render it extremely difficult to
ascend to the elevated ground opposite to Pan*
sacola ; and even there the enemy had thrown
up a chain of intrenchments. The prospects
of the garrison were therefore more discoura
ging- than those of the defenders of Sombrero,
when reduced to a like extremity ; but a hope
was indulged, that the mountains might be
gained before the enemy could reenforce their
posts, or despatch parties from the grand en
campment in pursuit. Pansacola, therefore:,
was the point determined upon, as affording
the best, and indeed the only possible means of
retreat ; and the night of. the 1st of January,
1.818, was fixed upon for the evacuation of the
fort. It had been the custom in the fort for the
sentinels to pass the watch- word during the
night : but as soon as the evacuation was deter
mined upon, Colonel Noboa ordered the dis
continuance of this practice. Thisr in the
event, was a fatal measure, because it indicated
to the enemy that the garrison was about to

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 16$
undertake some movement, which they natu
rally supposed must be the evacuation of the
fort. They therefore made every preparation
to cut off the retreat, and to intercept as many
of the. fugitives as possible. Within the fort*
the greatest secrecy had bee*i observed ; not
even Mina's officers were informed of the pro
posed evacuation, until the moment it was
about to be carried into execution ; but they,
as well as the enemy, had anticipated the event,
from the change that had taken place in the
practice of the sentries.
At the appointed hour, on the night of the
first of January, the whole of the garrison— -the
troops, peasantry, women and children — assem
bled at Pansacola. Scenes of distress then
took place, which exceeded even those of Som
brero. The abandonment of the wounded)
whom it was impossible to remove ; the cer
tainty of their falling into the power of a re
morseless enemy ; the recollection of the fate
of those who had remained in a like situation at
Sombrero,- — were circumstances that imparted
to the final separation of companions and rela
tives unutterable horror.
Every thing being arranged, the advanced
guard, with which marched Padre Tortes^
descended into the barranca. The #ther divi-

164 MEMOIRS OF THE
sions of the troops followed ; but, owing to the
peculiar difficulties of the pass, their progress
was so slow, that before half the garrison was'
out of the fort, the advanced guard encoun
tered an enemy's post. The sharp skirmish-.
ing that took place between the parties, break
ing upon the dead stillness of this midnight
retreat, roused the enemy, and put them on the
alert. From their head-quarters, a column
entered the fort by Tepeaca; finding it de
serted, they communicated the information to
their comrades in front of Pansacola, that the
garrison was sallying from that point, imme
diately large fires blazed up in every direction^
which, throwing a strong glare of lightinto the
barrancas, and over the summits of the conti
guous hills, pointed out the direction taken by
the fugitives. The enemy's troops, who had
entered by Tepeaca, now descended in pursuit
of those who were waiting to pass out of the
fort. Then, horror and confusion put to flight
the death-like silence which had been main
tained on the part of the fugitives. The air
was rent with the shouts of the men, the screams
of the women and children, and the jeers and
hallooing of the enemy, united with the dis
charges of musquetry. Numbers, attempting
to fly from the bayonets which threatened mo*

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 165
tnentary annihilation in the rear, rushed in
crowds to the fatal pass, which being too nar
row to contain them all, they tumbled over
each other down the precipices, where they met
instantaneous death, or had their limbs dread
fully fractured and mangled : those who came
last were more fortunate than their comrades ;
for, rolling over the dead, dying, and wounded,
who had preceded them, and had reduced the
fall by their number, many of them escaped
with life. Sounds of woe re-echoed through
the barrancas, and were answered by the scoffs
of a vindictive enemy. As soon as the alarm
had been given, the enemy so posted their in
fantry as completely to guard every practicable
pass to the hill-tops: many, nevertheless, did
succeed in forcing a passage to thtem ; while
others concealed themselves in. the barrancas.
Ati length, the dawn broke upon this dreadful
night, and enabled the enemy to adopt new pre
cautions to secure the fugitives. Every' cleft
and bush was then explored by the enemy's in
fantry ; and numbers of both sexes, found there,
met with instant death. Don Cruz i Arroyo,
dragged from his concealment, met his death
beneath the bayonets of the soldiers. v Being
recognised by them, they inflicted' upon* his
lifeless body theithost shocking barbarities, in

166 MEMOIRS OF THE '.»
revenge for the destruction which the spirit
that otace animated it had showered upon them.
They ciit off his head, tore out his entrails *ad
his heart, and delighted their worsethan savage
eyes with the sight of his yet quivering limbs*
The cavalry scoured the plains, and , took or
killed, many, who* having escaped the horrors
of the night, had proceeded on their way, rer
joking that they had so far, and, as they hoped*
altogether, eluded the enemy.
;i AiB'Ongthose who escaped were Padre Torres
and twelve of Mina's division. The rest of
that band were killed during the sieges or foil
in; the darkness of the night in the barrancasj.
Among the latter were the brave Captain
Crocker and Doctor Hennessey. .Among the
prisoners were Colonel Noboa, the only one of
the division who fell into the ehemy's bands,
and the two brothers of Padre Torres, r Num-
bers of women were made prisoners, with the
details of whose. treatment delicacy forbids us
to pollute our pagesi ' It is impossible to depict
.all the barbarous excesses of the brutal sol
diery; ; the acts committed at Sombrero^ though
lavage in the extreme, do not.lapproximate in
atrocity to those at Los Remedios. Is The sick
ajfld wounded in thevhospjtal calmly anticipated
i^eathi: but not in the dreadful shape in which

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 167
they were destined to meet it. The building
in which these hapless victims were crowded
was fired ; and when any of the unfortunate
wretches, who had strength enough left to at
tempt to crawl out of the flames, made their
appearance, they were thrust back or bayoneted,
and in less than an hour their cries were suc
ceeded by the silence of death — their ashes
alone remained. This is one of those infernal
exploits, of which any notice would, of course
be excluded from the columns of the Mexican
Gazette : but its authenticity does not depend
on such authority ; it has been related by those
who were at that moment prisoners of Linan,
and by Spanish officers, who shuddered while
they told thj8 melancholy tale. Denials of these
acts of savage barbarity might be listened to,
6r excuses for their commission might be of
some avail, upon the plea of the uncontrouled
frenzy of a few individuals, had not similar
enormities been continually perpetrated by the
royalists during this revolution : a few of them
we have already noticed* and the black list will
be swelled by a detail of others in the following
chapter. The majority of the combatants, who were
taken prisoners, did not long remain in doubt
as to their fate. Linan, ever anxious to render

168 MEMOIRS OF THE
inore distressing the situation of his unfortunate
prisoners, and not content with the prospect
of the fate which, awaited them, was. unceasing
in heaping acts of indignity upon them' He
compelled them to labour in the demolition of
the- works, and immediately afterwards shot
them; Among those who thus suffered death was
Colonel Noboa, who, in his last moments, dis
played great- fortitude, and died; exclaiming
" Viva la Republica."
' Of the females who were rna.de prisoners,
those belonging to the families of the chiefs
were sent to the enemy's towns. In this number
were two sisters of Padre Torres, one a most
amiable and interesting young lady, and 'the
Whole of the female part of the family. of Don
Miguel de Borja. The women of the lower
orders were set at liberty, after having their
heads shaved bare.
The ertemy found- a considerable supply of
grain in the magazine of the fort, but nothing
else; although Linan boasts, in his despatch*
of having found a quantity of ammunition — a
pitiful fabrication, of the same stamp with many
others which have characterized the. official
accounts of the royal commandants.
Thus fell the fort of Los Remedios, having
withstood, for four months, the attempts of an

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 169
enemy vastly superior in numerical force, in
artillery, in ammunition, and in the superior
experience and discipline of their troops, a
large proportion of them having belonged, to
the royal armies in the campaigns of the
Peninsula. The death of Mina, and the fall of Los
Remedios, enabled the royalists to take active
measures to dispossess the patriots of their re
maining strong hold. They flattered themselves,
that when this was effected* the long-protracted
insurrection would soon be terminated. They
do not appear to have been fully aware of the
fact, that the patriots were animated by a spirit
of hatred which could not be sUbdued, and
that if driven out of forts, they would retire to
the mountains and barrancas, and instead of
acceding to terms, would suffer every possible
privation, and eventually become (what they
are generally called) a body of banditti.
Iu the brief view we have taken, in the course
of this work, of the military operations of the
patriots, we have exhibited their alternate suc
cesses and defeats, and have shewn that .the
latter arose from ignorance, want of organiza
tion and discipline, a deficiency of musquets,
and especially from the want of combination
among the patriot chiefs. To the two last-men-

170 MEMOIRS OF THE
tioned circumstances, more than to any othersjs
may be ascribed the success of the royalists;.
for there does hot jexist the least doubt in our
minds; -that; during the years 1814, 1815^ 1816,
and 1817, a union of the patriot forces, and a
supply of eight or ten thousand foreign mus*
quets, would have decided the struggle in favour
of the revolutionists in a very few months. It
is not now necessary to give a minute account
of the series of disasters and confusion which
took place among the patriots subsequent ' to
the death of Mina, except so far as may tend to
shew the unconquerable spirit of hostility to
the Spanish government, which predominates
in the people in arms in the intendiancies of
Guanaxuato, Valladolid, and Mexico.
We have made mention of the little fortress
of Xauxilla, the place where the members of the
patriot government held their sittings. During
the month of December, the royalists of the in
tendancy of Valladolid > had raised a force of
one thousand men, for the reduction of it. The
direction of this operation was given to Don
Matias Martin y Aguirre, commandant-general
of the province of Valladolid, in which province
Xauxilla was situated. Don Matias, a distant
relation of the unfortunate Mina, was a most
able and active officer. His exertions con-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 171
triihuted much to preserve the jewel of Mexico
in. the diadem, of Spain. Unlike his contem
poraries, he never wantonly died his bands
in human blood : he obeyed with reluctance
many of the cruel mandates of his governneht,
but at the same time mercy influenced all his
conduct, and tempered his sword with clemency.
Ob account of his distinguished services, he
was appointed commander of the regiment of
dragoons, called the Fieles de San Luis, which,
although composed of wretched troops, was
among the best appointed, best organized, and
finest cavalry in the royal service. He enjoyed,
at the period of which we are now speaking,
the confidence of the viceroy ; and warmly
seconded his exertions to attain the object of
their government with as little effusion of blood
as circumstances would permit. He enjoined
upon all the officers within the sphere of his
command to act with mercy ; an injunction
obeyed by some of them, while others, freed
from his immediate controul, continued to give
loose to their long-indulged spirit of cruelty.
His conduct to the prisoners that fell into his
hands* was not merely merciful, but generous;
and on several occasions he took upon himself
the responsibility of disobeying superior orders,
rather than deprive them of their lives. We

172 MEMOIRS OF THE
feel great pleasure in thus offering our faint
tribute of respect to one whose sentiments
present so great a Contrast to those of the major
part of the Spanish chiefs. Some of the officers
of Mina's expedition, who fell into the hands
of Don Matias, were most humanely treated ;
and the soldiers who were made captives, were
liberated on condition that they should serve
two years in the royal armies. One of them,
an American, through his intercession, was par
doned, liberated, and sent to the United States.
Not one of Mina's associates suffered death at
his hands ; and although some of them were
sent to Europe byorders of the government, it
was contrary to the wishes of Don Matias.
Some of Mina's officers, now in the United
States, owe their lives to the humane Aguirre.
Don Matias, on investing Xauxilla, found,
that from its strength, and its peculiar situation,
it Was capable of making a formidable resist
ance. The fort was commanded by a man of
the name of Lopez de Lara, supported by two
officers of Mina's division, Captains Lawrence
Christie and James Devers, both Americans.
A few days after the siege commenced, the
members of the government retired to the
Tierra Caliente of Valladolid.
.Don Matias, prior to the commencement of

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 173
hostilities, sent a flag of truce/offering terms of
capitulation to tbe garrison, which were imme
diately rejected. Approaches were then madej
and after several ineffectual attempts to carry it
by storm, the enemy were compelled to await
its reduction by famine.
While these' Operations were going on at
Xauxilla, Padre Torres escaped from Los Re
medios, and retired to the pueblo of Penjamo:
The plains and mountains in its vicinity afford
ed him a temporary refuge. The pueblo of
Penjamo is situated, as before observed, about
four leagues from the fort of Los Remedios,
upon a declivity near the foot of the range of
hills in which the fort was erected, overlooking
a fine plain, highly cultivated with Indian corn,
and forming an amphitheatre with the sur
rounding hills. The inhabitants of the plain
of Penjamo were, generally speaking, in easy
circumstances, and many of them, prior to the
revolution, had possessed considerable wealth.
The pueblo of Penjamo was the general resi
dence of those farmers, who were distinguished
for urbanity and hospitality. Exclusive of their
agricultural pursuits, they carried on an exten
sive trade in provisions, particularly in live hogs,
which were sent to the city of Guanaxuato.
The inhabitants of the pueblo, and indeed

174 MEMOIRS OF THE
of all the plain, had been conspicuous, during
the whole of the revolution, for their enthu
siasm in favour of the patriots ; and it was in
this place that Torres had commenced hjg mili
tary career. He was at thai time the curate of
a little village near Penjatfwi* called Cwitsw de
las NamnJQS. Subsequently becoming com
mandant of the place, at the time when Mina
penetrated into the province of Guanaxuato,
Penjamo formed his immediate comandancia.
Notwithstanding the despotic sway which he
exercised over his friends from his head-quar
ters at Los Remedies, a great portion of the
people still remained attached to him. Amidst
the general destruction of towns and villages^
Penjamo had not escaped. Its handsome
buildings had all been razed to the ground*
and on their sites had been erected a few huts*.
It was here that Padre Torres established his
nominal head-quarters, after the evacuation of
Los Remedios: we say his nominal head-quar
ters* because the circumstances of his situation
effectually prevented him from remaining per
manently in any one spot, even had his coward
nature permitted him ; for the enemy covered
the plain with their troops in pursuit of him,
and strained every nerve to overtake him. But
his activity being excited by his fears, he never

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 175
slept two successive nights in the same place or
on the same mountain. During this period of
pursuit and danger, which continued nearly a
month, Torres retained with him a small escort
of cavalry; and, without leaving the plain and
mountains of Penjamo,. was enabled to elude
the vigilance of his pursuers. Had he displayed
the same activity, when it would have preserved
the troops under his orders* or infested the
enemy, he would have deserved and received
commendation. Aware of his inability to Cope
with his pursuers, he was compelled to use un
remitting personal exertions to guard against
a surprise, Whenever it became dark, he inva
riably conducted his escort, through by-paths
and circuitous routes, to secret places in the
mountains, always distant from the place where
he bad passed the preceding night; He laid down
with fear and trembling, with a servant near
bino, to give the alarm in case of danger, and a
horse weady saddled and bridled, not with a
view of acting on the defensive with his troops,
but of securing his personal safety by instant
flight. He possessed some of the fleetest horses
in the kingdom, was an expert rider, and
always kept near him three or four horses
ready to be mounted. ' In the occasional actions
which his troops had with the enemy, he inva-

176 MEMOIRS OF THE
riably acted in a manner ill becoming a soldier:
and a commander, always taking post in a com
manding situation in the rear, /instead of ani
mating his soldiers by his presence in the fight;
and, on discovering among his men the least
appearance of confusion or dismay, he would
put spurs to his horse, and leave them to shift
for themselves.
The enemy, in the mean time, were not
idle ; their light divisions scoured the country
in every direction. Neither Torres nor his
subaltern' officers opposed any resistance to
their progress, each individual being occupied
in providing for his own safety. They passed the
night in the mountains, sub dio, regardless of
the inclemency of the weather; and, in the
day-time, a watch was kept from the steeple
of a church, or some commanding height,' to
guard against a surprise from the enemy. Such
was then, and is now, the manner of life of
these unfortunate people ; and nothing can
more forcibly illustrate their abhorrence of the
royal government, than that they should submit
to such privations, rather than accept the pro
tection of the royal amnesty.
The enemy soon fortified themselves in the
Valle de Santiago, thereby depriving the pa
triots of the resources of that district. They

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 177
also occupied the hacienda of Queramaro, about
a league from the foot of the hill which as
cended to the late fort, which prevented its
beingre-occupied by the patriots, and deprived
Torres of a valuable portion of his coman
dancia. In the Tierra Caliente of Valladolid,
they were equally active. Over the whole
couutry the patriots seemed panic-struck ; and
such wasthe want of unity in their operations,
that even skirmishes with the enemy at length
became of rare occurrence.
Torres, finding that the enemy relaxed the
vigour of their pursuit, made a faint exertion
to relieve the garrison of Xauxilla, the siege of
which place had been vigorously prosecuted
by Aguirre. When arrived within a league
and a half of the enemy, he despatched Don
Pablo Erdozain, an excellent cavalry officer,
(of whom we have before made mention), with
a party of three hundred men, to lay in wait
for a party of the enemy, of about the same
number, who left their camp every morning
for the purpose of foraging. The measures of
Don Pablo were judiciously taken : placing his
troops in ambush, he anxiously awaited the
approach of the enemy, who were soon de
scried advancing ; and every thing promised
a successful result : they entered the; ambush
VOL. II. N

ITS MEMOIRS OF THE
unsuspectingly, apd without order ; . at that
favourable moment . Don Pablo ordered the
charge ; bu.t, to bis inexpressible mortification
and astonishment, the troops, instead of obeying
his orders, after. wavering for a moment, turned
their backs upon the enemy, and fled: they
w^re immediately pursued, and the gallant
Erdozain with difficulty effected his escape.
.A, rencounter >vith a party of the enemy oc*
purred .about the same time, at an hacienda
called Surumuato, situated a few leagues, from
Penjamo, which terminated as fruitlessly as the
action we have just related: for,, although the
royalists were actually defeated, and might have
been totally destroyed ; yet they finally came off
victorious, in consequence of the flight of the
patriots at a critical moment.
Padre Torres, instead of being humbled by
bis recent misfortunes, became eyery day more;
capricious and despotic; and at length com
mitted an act which caused bis subalterns to
tremble for their personal safety, and drew
down upon him their odium. Don Lucast
Flores, the, commandant, of the Valle de San
tiago, who >ad been one of the firmest and
most useful friends of Torres, was, upon some
frivolous pretext, arrested ; and, withoufca trial
or a hearing, being allowed him, was conducted.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 179
A4o the mountains, and there privately shot; The
manner of his arrest displays the treacherous
and barbarous character of Torres: he sent
ah order to Don Lucas, to meet him at a certain
place ; the order was obeyed, and Torres, with
his staff, met him there. The customary em
braces passed between- them, a social inter
course- followed, and cards were introduced.
Don Lucas lost all his money, of which the padre
won a considerable portion; they dined with
their usual cordiality, and after dinner Flores
was arrested, without the least previous expla
nation. His personal effects Were immediately
shared by the staff, Torres himself taking the
best horse, 'With savage indifference, Torres
turned to5 Flores, and ordered him to retire.
This unfortunate officer was conducted, as be
fore observed, to some secret place ih the moun
tains, above Penjamo, and there shot.
While Torres was committing these excesses^
and flying about the country to elude the
enemy, the siege of Xauxilla was steadily per
severed in by Aguirre. It had held out three
months; but the commandant, Lopez de Lara,
and some of his officers, became alarmed. Fore
seeing thatthe fort would be eventually reduced
by "starvation, and presuming thatthe same
fate would attend the garrison that had befallen

180 MEMOIRS OF THE
the patriots at the other forts, Lara thought it
best to take measures in due season, for the
safety of himself and his party. He concealed
his intentions from Captains Christie and De-
vers, as he well knew that they would never
consent to surrender the fort, as long as it was
tenable. Accordingly, he sent a secret over
ture to Aguirre, offering to deliver up the fort
and the two Anglo-Americans. The overture
was of course readily accepted. Lara and his
associates then seized the persons of Mina's
officers, and delivered them, with the fort, into
the hands of the enemy. Aguirre displayed
the magnanimity of his character, by adopting
a line of conduct directly the reverse of that
pursued by the barbarous Linan and other
Spanish chiefs. Disgusted with the perfidy of
Lara, he upbraided him in the severest terms,
for his unmanly and dishonourable conduct to
his allies, the two Anglo-Americans, whom
he immediately ordered to be treated with as
much indulgence as was consistent with their
safe keeping ; and, instead of shooting the
troops that thus fell into his hands, he disarmed
and settbem at liberty.
Aguirre, after destroying the fort, and leaving
a garrison in the village of Zacapo, to prevent
its being re-occupied, returned; to Valladolid,

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 181
taking with him his two American prisoners-
They were put into close confinement* and or.
dersifrom the viceroy were received to put them
to death. The generous Aguirre resisted the re
peated commands of the viceroy to that effect ; and
finally, by persevering in their behalf, prevailed
on the government to spare their lives. But,
notwithstanding all his exertions to have them
liberated, and sent to the United States, they
were removed to the capital, and. subsequently
transported to Europe.
The infuriated Torres was still pursuing his
mad career, wandering about the country, ar
bitrarily seizing on every man's property, and
burning townsand haciendas, under the pretext
of depriving the enemy of the means of forti
fying themselves in their progress through the
country. The unfortunate town of Puruandiro
underwent a second conflagration. Penjamo
shared the same fate. Only one church in each
was spared ; and the inhabitants were forbidden
to live among the ruins. In fine, this man's
tyranny and excesses became so great, that the
people in his comandancia at length hated and
feared him more than they did the enemy.
The revolutionary government, in the mean
time, had experienced several vicissitudes.
After its seat had been removed from Xauxilla,

182 MEMOIRS OF THE
it was established in the Tierra Caliente of
Valladolid, where the enemy were not quite so
numerous as in the Baxio, and where, from the
natural advantages of the country* it could
occupy positions that would be secure, or at
least favourable for escape, in the event of a
surprise. Three of its members, either from
disgust, or a conviction that their services could
no longer be of any use to their country, signed
and sent in an instrument of their resignation.
These were — Aijala, the president; Loxero, the
secretary ; and Tercera. Doctor San Martin
proceeded to a small place called Zarate, where
Don Antonio Cumplido, Don Pedro Villasenor,
and Don Pedro Bermeo, were appointed gover-
nantes, in lieu of the others ; and San Martin
became president by reason of seniority.
The new government was encompassed with
difficulties, which it was almost impossible to
overcome ; and, however great may have been
its zeal to restore order, and give a new impulse
to the cause of the revolution* an event occurred
that prevented it from displaying its exertions :
for, in the month of February, 1818, its mem
bers were surprised by a party of the enemy,
who entered Zarate, and took prisoner the presi
dent, San Martin ; the infirmities of the old gen-,
tleman preventing him from escaping with his

Mexican Revolution. 18^
coadjutors. Cumplido resigned his place, under
the impression that matters were in so desperate
a state, as to render nugatory the establishment
of any - regular government. Nevertheless, a
form of civil authority was still kept up ; and
Don Josi Pagola, a worthy and intelligent
patriot, and Don Mariano Sanchez de Ariola,
were appointed to fill the places of San Martin
and Cumplido. The two new members, with
Don Pedro Villaseiior and Bermeo, therefore
constituted the government ; and VillaseHor
was elected president.
The first subject that occupied the attention
of the new government, was a dissension be
tween Padre Torres and two of his officers, Don
Andres Delgado and the Brigadier Huerta.
Both these officers commanded strong bodies
of patriots. Delgado was at the head of the
troops lately under the command of the mur
dered chief Flores. The conduct of Torres
bad become so insupportably outrageous and
tyrannical, that Delgado and Huerta refused
longer to submit to his authority, and called a
eouncil Of the patriot chiefs, in the month
of April, at Puruandiro, (at which Torres
attended) for the purpose of nominating a new
commander-in-chief. Colonel Don Juan Arago
was named to fill the place of Torres. The

184 MEMOIRS OF THE "
padre sullenly retired from the meeting, accom
panied by a few of the least respectable of the
chiefs: He had the address to induce them to
sign a petition to the government in his behalf,
in which they declared their satisfaction with
his conduct, and prayed that he might retain
his station. The government, however, ratified
the nomination of Arago, and appointed him
commandant-general of the province of Gua
naxuato; permitting Torres to retire with all his
honours, and to draw the pay corresponding
with his rank. The appointment of Colonel
Arago was a most mortifying circumstance
to the padre, who had always regarded him
with envy. » ,
The restless and ambitious priest was not,
however, disposed to submit, without an effort
to re-establish himself in the supreme command.
On the 28th of April, having with him nearly
fifteen hundred troops, including infantry, he
received intelligence that a light division of the
enemy, four hundred strong, under Colonel
Bustamante, was in the rancho de los Frijoles.
As a means of regaining his popularity, he de
termined to attack the enemy. He took them
completely by surprise ; yet, notwithstanding,
the action was most disgracefully lost, in conse
quence of his injudicious dispositions, and his

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 185
own personal bad conduct. Scarcely had -.the
engagement commenced, when the cavalry,
from, one of those unaccountable terrors with
which they Were occasionally seized, without
entering into action, fled. Torres, who was
some distance in the rear, seeing the confusion-,*
instead of attempting to rally, outstripped them1
in the flight. The infantry, thus abandoned1,'
and; left to contend, without even a hope of
success, against overpowering odds, regarding
their. situation as desperate, formed under some
trees,, and, with determined valour, defended
themselves, until every individual but one was
killed. . The head of their commander, Lieute
nant Wolfe, was struck off, carried to Irapuato,
and there elevated upon a pole.
As soon as Arago received his appointment
from the government, he communicated the
information to Torres ; who answered, that the
appointment was illegal, and would be resisted.
Among the chiefs who had been instrumental
in depriving Torres of his command, was Don
Andres Delgado, well known to the Gachupins
by the name of " El Giro." He was an Indian,
and, though destitute of education, was parti
cularly acute, and admirably calculated for
partisan warfare. His courage was impetuous,
and his activity astonished the enemy. He was

186 MEMOIRS OF THE
%lfty twenty-five years of age, and in his short
military career had received twenty-two wounds.
The dragoons of the Valle de Santiago, the
finest and most efficient body of patriots in
Mexico!, were under his command. Few* of
the royal troops were equal to them in the field, — *
none exceeded them in courage.. They were
mounted on the finest horses. the country couldl
produce ;; and, unlike other bodies of patriots,
were constantly in operation against the enemy,-
keeping that part of the Baxio about Salamanca!
and Zelaya in a state of continual alarm. El
Giro, and his whole troop, hated and despised
Torres ; and . they anxiously awaited an order*
to. force him into obedience : but Arago was*
aware of the evil consequences attendant upon
dissention, and therefore determined to try pa
cific measures, before he. resorted to force.
Torres was attended by the ex-president,
Don Ignacio Ayala, a man full of duplicity and
cunning, by whose advice he had opposed the
recent changes. The force that Torres had
under his immediate command was about one
hundred and twenty men; but he was, privately
upheld by Don Eucarnacion Ortiz and Don
Miguel de Borja.
Mina's division was now nearly annihilated,
nine officers and four soldiers only surviving.'

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 187
Those who bad been, with Torres* neglected
and ill-treated, had, with one exception;, left
him: and that solitary individual, as soon as
Arago received his preferment, abandoned the
padre, and rejoined his comrades. ;••,/,
Arago, finding that alibis attempts) to bring
Torres to an acknowledgment of his authority
proved abortive, . reluctantly , had recourse to
arms. Torres, uhable to cope with the forces
of Arago, fled to his friends, Borja and Ortiz.
Conceiving that with their aid it was still possi
ble for him to regain his lost power, he issued
an arrogant and absurd proclamation, declaring
the establishment of the government in the
Tierra Caliente to be illegal, commanding ober
dience to Don Ignacio Ayala as the only legiti
mate head of the civil authority, and calling on
all true Americans to aid him in the vindication
of his title. From Burras, the padre set out, with
about three hundred men, furnished him by
BOrja and Ortiz* for Penjamo, of which place,
Arago, as successor to the comandancia, had
taken possession, in the month of July. Arag©
soon received a communication from these,
friends of Torres, stating, that a desire to ar
range matters amicably, and not an intention of
acting with hostility, had induced them to
afford the padre an escort, and to accompany,

188 MEMOIRS OF THE
him themselves. After some correspondence,.
it was agreed, that at Surumuato, on the bank
of the Rio Grande, with the river between the
parties, ¦ the differences should be discussed.
Arago, as well to avoid the effusion of blood,;
as to avert the fatal Consequences which must
arise to the cause of their country from these
dissentions, and which had hitherto been its
destruction, deemed it expedient to assent to
the conference, although he was perfectly aware
of the perfidious intentions of Torres and his
partisans.' With two hundred men, he therefore repaired,
to Surumuato: but, soon after the discussion
was opened, it became obvious that nothing
short of reinstating the padre in his former
power, and acknowledging the acts of the go
vernment to be illegal, would settle the dispute.
Arago, after spending two days in fruitless at
tempts at pacification, perceiving that his oppo
nents were only amusing him in order to gain
time and receive reenforcements of troops,
broke up the conference, by giving them a cer.
tain number of hours finally to make up their
minds whether they would or would not obey
the orders of the government. No answer
being returned within the time, Arago imme
diately adopted measures to reduce the refrac-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 189
tory padre and his partisans by force of arms.
Accordingly, .El Giro, with only a few of his
brave Santiago dragoons, soon decided the
matter; gallantly swimming the river, about
twenty of his men attacked their opponents,
-and routed them. Torres was saved from cap
ture only by the speed of his horse ; he fled to
the mountains of Penjamo, where he collected
some of the fugitives. His friends, finding
that disaster only would attend the struggle,
finally sent in their adherence to the govern
ment. Various skirmishes took place between
the contending parties, in which Torres inva
riably came off with disgrace ; but, notwith
standing all the exertions of Arago to obtain
possession of his person, the wily priest eluded
him, as he had formerly done the royalists.
This contest between Arago and Torres was
terminated by the advance of a division of
royalists, in September, under the command of
Colonel Marquez Donallo, to Penjamo. A
post was established in that pueblo, which cut
off Torres from his places of retreat in the
mountains and plains. The padre thenceforth
found his situation daily becoming more despe
rate ; and at length, in utter despair, he dis
banded his few remaining troops, and, with his
adviser Ayala and a few domestics, threw him-

19D MEMOIRS OF THE "
self on the protection of the brothers Ortiz.
They interceded with the government in his
behalf; and, notwithstanding his previous in-
famousrand treacherous conduct merited'sevefre
punishment yet he was allowed to remain un-
molested in that part of the country, ontbe'ex-
press condition that he should neither directly
nor indirectly interfere in the public affair^.
This condition was guaranteed by Ortiz; and
thus terminated the disgraceful career of this
ambitious priest. In the month of June, last
year, he was wandering among the mountains
within the range of Don Encarnacion Ortiz, in
the vicinity of San Felipe, eluding the pursuit
of the royalists, and trembling for his safety
even among his former friends. It was fortu
nate for him that he did not fall into the hands
of EI Giro: for such was the conviction of
Mina's officers of his treachery towards their
deceased general, and so exasperated were they
at his shameful conduct with regard to themi .
selves, that they certainly would have permitted
him to fall a sacrifice to the vengeance of that
chieftain and his men . inon
The situation of the patriots in the province
of Guanaxuato was daily becoming more criti"
cal ; but, although every pueblo of any impor
tance was occupied by the royalists* still th#

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 191
patriots carried on an irregular warfare. They
roamed among the mountains and through tthe
plains, occasionally skirmishing with the enemy ;
but neither observing order among themselves,
nor aiming at a combined plan of operations.
With the exception of El Giro and his troop,
they at length merited an appellation little bet
ter than that of banditti, so generally applied
to them by the royalists. ¦- ¦¦ ' ^ - ;
In the westerh Tierra Caliente, the cause of
the patriots assumed a brighter aspect. The
enemy had there steadily pursued the system
adopted in Guanaxuato, of throwing bodies of
troops into every pueblo : by which means,
they had so far spbdued opposition, as to flatter
themselves that the pacification of the western.
part of the province of Valladolid would soon
be accomplished, the more especially as they
had compelled the patriots under the command
of Lieutenant-Genera} Don Vicente Guerrero to1
retire into the mountains near the shores of the:
Pacific ocean. This officer is one of those ex
traordinary men whom revolutions bring into:
notice. During the life, and after the death'
of General Morelos, Guerrero bad distinguished
himself by his intrepidity and activity. On'
one occasion, in the mountains of the Misteea,
with opty about pne hundred and forty Misteea

192 .<•¦'- MEMOIRS OF THE
Indians. under his orders, whose only weapons
Cdnsisted; of clubs and slings, he particularly
signalized hiinself by a brilliant achievement.
t The: royalists were frequently careless in
their encampments at night, and particularly in
the Misteea,. where they knew that Guerrero
had not an arinedforce to attack them . A party
of three hundred royalists having encamped a
few miles from where Guerrero was stationed
with his Indians, he proposed to his men to
make an attack on the enemy during a rainy
and stormy night. The plan was agreed on,
and executed with such silence and celerity,
that Guerrero was in the midst of the encamp
ment before the enemy were aware of his ap
proach. The royalists were panic-struck, and
attempted to fly : many of them Were killed,
and the whole of their arms, baggage, &c, &c.
fell into the hands of Guerrero. This, and
other similar exploits, had made him renowned
among the patriots of the Misteea ; but towards'
the latter part of 1817, he had been so severely
pressed by superior numbers of the royalists,
that he was obliged to- retire from the Misteea,
and, with a servant, passing through the lines
of the enemy, reached the Tierra Caliente of
Valladolid ; where, after encountering many'
vicissitudes in the autumn of the following

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 193
year, he with eighty men surprised a strong
party of four hundred of the enemy, destroying
nearly the whole of them. This exploit threw
some arms into his power, with which he lighted
up a flame that rapidly spread over the Tierra
Caliente ; and, before the enemy could recover
from the surprise which this new antagonist
created, he attacked their different posts, beat
them in detail, and roused the drooping spirits
of the patriots in the western parts of Mexico,
as well as of Valladolid. The viceroy, alarmed
at this rapid and unexpected progress of the
patriots, transmitted orders to adopt the most
vigorous measures against Guerrero : accord
ingly, Brigadier Negrete was ordered to advance
with a strong division to the Tierra Caliente,
threatening at once to annihilate Guerrero and
his party. In conformity with his orders,
Negrete proceeded to the village of Churumucoo,
situated on the right bank of a river which
flows from the east, and unites with the Mar-
quez a few leagues from the village, — the junc
tion of which rivers forms the Zacatula. He
found the patriot chief posted on the opposite
side of the river ; but, not deeming it prudent
to attack him, finding that he could not
long maintain his own position for want of
provisions and fearing the destructive in-
VOL. II. o

'194 MEMOIRS OF THE
fluence of the climate, he made a retrograde
movement, and, much to the vexation of the
royalist subjects, returned to Valladolid without
achieving any thing.
At this period, Don Miguel de Borja was
chosen by some part of the troops of Xalpa,
for their commander in chief; to accept of
which station it was necessary for him to give
up his comandancia of Burras.
The occupation of Penjamo by the enemy had
deprived Arago of those pecuniary resources
from which he had calculated to raise and
equip his forces; and, believing that by good
management ample means might be obtained at
Burras, and that great advantages would result
from the communication he could establish with
the patriotic inhabitants of Guanaxuato, from
the vicinity of that city to Burras, he took the
command of that district. Arago's expecta
tions, however, were at the outset frustrated;
for, on investigation, he found that his prede
cessor had levied so many contributions on the
unfortunate farmers, that they had little left,
and as he was averse to the system of exactions
which Torres, Borja, and others, had pursued,
he was compelled to depend on a few indivi
duals for the urgent supplies of his few troops.
A short time before Borja gave up the command

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 195
of Burras, he had received from the inhabit
ants twelve months' revenue in anticipation;
which circumstance, united with those already
mentioned, rendered it absolutely impracticable
for Arago to realize any of the plans he had
previously contemplated.
Before Borja left Burras, an event occurred*
which filled with sorrow the breast of every
true patriot. Don Jose Maria Liceaga, whom
we have before mentioned as a distinguished
and staunch defender of his country's rights,
was treacherously murdered. Strong grounds
exist for believing that Borja was the principal
instigator of this murder. Liceaga had retired
from public life, and resided on his hacienda
(La Gabia), in the district of Burras. Journey
ing along the high road, he met a party of
Borja's men, headed by one of his captains.
Without any previous explanation, they furi
ously attacked him : he attempted to save him
self by flight, but a shot from Borja's officer
brought him to the ground, and he was in
stantly put to death. Borja has endeavoured
to vindicate this horrid deed, by alleging, that
Liceaga was proceeding to the town of Irapuato,
to deliver himself up to the enemy, and to ac
cept the royal pardon.
All who knew Liceaga pronounced this to be

196 MEMOIRS OF THE
a calumnious accusation. His undeviatirlg ad
herence to the cause of the revolution through
all its vicissitudes, his refusal of the repeated
overtures of the enemy for reconciliation, and
the firmness of his character, displayed on
numerous trying occasions, made the accusa
tion of Borja appear as absurd as it was un
founded. The fact, however, we understood
to be, that Borja had, some weeks before this
event, demanded one thousand dollars from
Liceaga, which was accordingly furnished him;
and, in order to avoid its repayment, as well as
to get rid of a man who constantly expressed
himself hostile to such lawless proceedings, he
resolved on his destruction, and effectuated it
in the manner we have related.
The patriots shuddered at the tale ; for, al
though Liceaga, by his love of order and strength
of character, had become obnoxious to the mi
litary chiefs, yet by the people in general he
was respected.
About the time this melancholy circumstance
took place, the forces under Guerrero were
daily augmenting, and the political horizon in
that part of the theatre of the revolution once
more assumed an aspect favourable to the
patriots. Three, of Mina's officers, who had
retired to the Canada a de Huango, eleven

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 197
leagues north of the city of Valladolid. placing
themselves under the ordersof Brigadier Huerta,
were authorized by him to organize a body of
infantry and cavalry. Huerta, like most of the
chiefs We have before described, had been raised,
by the vicissitudes of the revolution, to a situa
tion which he was totally unqualified to fill.
He was illiterate, vicious, arid jealous of his
superiors; but at the same time he was daringly
brave, and ready to undertake'any project, how
ever hazardous. He assumed the title of com
mandant-general of the province of Valladolid.
We believe that he meant well to his country,
but his extreme ignorance prevented him from
being of much service ; and, like Torres, he
could not bear the sight of any man whom he
thought likely to interfere with his ambition.
He viewed the brilliant successes of Guerrero
with a jealous eye ; and although the latter
was extremely anxious to obtain the co-opera
tion of all the patriot chiefs, he could not ac
complish it with Huerta.
Colonel Bradburn (one of the three officers
who had retired to the Cahadas de Huangoj
was assiduously engaged in raising and organ
izing a body of infantry and cavalry, relying on
the promises which had been made him by
Huerta, of being furnished with every thing he

198 MEMOIRS OF THE
wanted. Bradburn and his two comrades found
recruits flocking in to them from all directions.
Barracks were erected ; an armoury and powder
manufactory were established; arrangements
were made to procure clothing from the enemy's
towns ; and every thing went on prosperously,
until the moment arrived when the new troops
were to receive arms. Huerta, under various
pretexts, withheld them- Bradburn was some
time before be could penetrate the cause of
Huerta's strange conduct ; but he at length
discovered that it arose from jealousy, Huerta,
on seeing what he thought a body of well-trained
troops under the command of Bradburn, con
ceived it possible that the latter would cq-pperate
with, or enter into the views of Guerrero, and
thereby diminish the authority which he him
self was aiming to obtain. This was the real
cause of his refusing Bradburn the necessary
supplies. Matters continued in this state for upwards
of two months, in the Cafiadas; and although
the enemy were garrisoned in various directions
within a few leagues, in any one of which posts
they were far superior in effective force, yet
Bradburn, with a hundred men wretchedly
armed, held them in check. At length the
enemy determined to destroy him, and in March,

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 199
1819, advanced with fifteen hundred men, under
the command of Don Vicente Lara. Against
this formidable force resistance was useless.
Bradburn retreated for two days ; but, being
closely pursued in the mountains, his party was
destroyed, with the exception of about thirty
who made their escape. The prisoners were
conducted to the neighbouring pueblo of Clm*
candiro, and there instantly shot,
Huerta could at that time have mustered four
hundred cavalry ; and as he had received timely
advice of the movements of the enemy, could
have reenforced the little party ; instead of
which, he quietly permitted it to be completely
broken up. His subsequent conduct to Mina's
officers was disgraceful, and serves to confirm
what we have before stated, that during the last-
three years the patriot chiefs were generally
ignorant, incapable, and licentious men, who
studied only their separate interests, to the ruin
of their country. Under such unfortunate cir
cumstances, it is almost incredible that the roy
alists did not completely quell the insurrection ;
and that they have not been able so to do, arises
from the general hostile feeling of the people,
and the occasional appearance of such men as
Don Vicente Guerrero.

200 MEMOIRS OF THE
The conduct of Huerta, and the distracted?
state of the.patriots in Valladolid* prevented the
patriot government from possessing a place of
security in which to hold their sessions. The
late president, Don Jose Pagola, and his secre
tary, were taken prisoners by surprise, and shot,
Don Jose Castaneda was appointed in the place
of Pagola, and the presidency devolved on Don
Pedro Villasertor. The government removed
to a place called Las Valzas, near the village of
Churumucoo, adjacent to the conflux of the
Rio Grande and the Marquez, Here it. con-,
sldered itself secure from surprise ; and con
fided in the vigilance and abilities of General
Guerrero, with whom they now resolved to
co-operate in exertions to give to the cause of
the revolution a new aspect.
The enemy, in the upper parts of Valladolid,
had fortified themselves at Puruandiro, at Chu,
cahdiro, and at several other places. Huerta's
troops were daily abandoning him, and some
of them had accepted the royal pardon. The
famous El Giro had been surprised by a party
of the enemy. Finding himself surrounded by
numbers, and escape impossible, he disdained
the calls of the enemy for him to surrender,
His innate courage, lighted up by desperation,

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 201
caused a severe conflict, in which, after killing
three of the enemy with bis own hand, and
wounding others, he fell overpowered by num
bers. The royalists were therefore less annoyed,
in thatpart of the country, than they had been
for a long time previous.
The revolutionists were in no condition to
carry on a series of harassing operations. Their
system of defence, however, was such, that they
suffered little loss : their guerilla parties were
still numerous: in the rainy season, they re
tired to the mountains, and there recruited
their horses, and repaired their arms ; on the
return of the dry season, they descended into
the plains, and attackedthe enemy with renew
ed vigour.
In the month of July, 1819, the revolution
may be considered as having reached a lower
ebb than at any previous period since the com
mencement of the struggle. But the royalists
were very far from being in an unmolested
state : they were still obliged to keep withinj
their fortified places. The patriots still con
tinued to possess the plains in the undermen
tioned parts of the country, and in fact were
masters of the country up to the very walls of
the fortified towns:—-

202 MEMOIRS OF THE
In the intendancy of Guanaxuato, there
were still, undervariouspatriotchiefs, Men,
at least  1000
In the Tierra Fria apd Caliente of Val
ladolid  -  1500
Over an extensive surface in the inten
dancy of Mexico  - - - 2000
Bordering on Guadalaxara and Valla
dolid, near the lake of Chapala - - - 500
On the coast of the Pacific Ocean, in
¦ the province of Mexico, under the
orders of General Guerrero and the
Brigadier Mondesdeoca, all deter^
mined troops, and principally in
fantry  1400
Total  6400

In the foregoing statement, we conceive that
the numbers are within the actual force of the
patriots bearing arms ; and, in the estimate, we
do not include that portion of the peasantry
whom circumstances have compelled to a pre
tended neutrality, but who are ripe for revolt,
whenever they again behold the patriot cause
assume a favourable aspect.
We omit making any observations relative to
the state of the other intendancies, because

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 209
there the royalists have succeeded, by military
occupation, in enforcing a momentary pacifi
cation. By referring the reader to what we
have previously remarked on the character and
feelings of the population of the great inten-
dancies of Vera Cruz, Puebla, and Oaxaca, it
is obvious that the present tranquillity is a pre
carious calm, liable at any moment to be suc
ceeded by a revolutionary tempest.
Various writers, within the last seven years,-
have published the most gloomy and absurd
stories relative to the revolutions of Mexico and
South America ; and on no other subject have
the public been more egregiously misled.
Among the books abounding in erroneous
statements, none is more conspicuous than a
work which was re-published in Philadelphia, in
1819, entitled, " A Descriptive, Historical, and
Geographical Account of Spanish America, &c.
&.c. By R. H. Bonnycastle, Captain in the
Corps of Royal Engineers." So long as Cap
tain Bonnycastle exercises the office of a pla
giarist, in faithfully copying from Humboldt,
Clavigero, and other celebrated authors, he is
excusable for the errors of his statements : but
when he undertakes to give us a detail of the
present contest in Spanish America, with: his
speculations and predictions, and sentiments.

201 , MEMOIRS OF THE
up©h political subjects; he must bear Upon h*s
ofan shoulders the charge of writing with the
servility of a Spanish stipendiary,, instead of
the impartiality* and manliness which ought
to characterise a British ojffi^er-^-and of dis
playing the grossest ignorance of facts, which
woqld scarcely have escaped the observation
of any one who had paid the least attention
to the affairs of Spanish America. For in-
stance-rr- In page 316, be informs us* that " Mina,
who had been concerned in the Caracas revo
lution, lindertook an expedition against New
Spain, where he was taken prisoner, and be
headed in Mexico."
In page 243, after having given a confused
accoUnt of the insurrection at Caracas, he states,
that Miranda was taken, and beheaded.
In page 315, he eulogizes the ferocious Boves,
a man whose career of horrid cruelties in
Caracas makes even the royalists blush to ac
knowledge him for an associate Or a Spaniard.
In page 317, speaking of the state of the
revolution in 1816 and 1817, he tells us, that
" in New Grenada, Florida, Quito, Peru, and
Mexico, the insurgents have very little sway.''
In page 57, he gives the most ludicrous and
false account of the situation of the insurgents

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 20ft
in New Spain ; and gravely states, that " nei
ther the Indians nor people of the interior tiak$
any part of the struggle"
In page 348, speaking of Buenos Ayres aj&d
Chili, he states, that " the insurgent privateers
still dare to shew their flag in the Pacific."
In several parts of his book, he asserts that
the royal authority is generally restored through
out Spanish America, and that he has not the
least doubt of the ability of Spain to preserve
her sovereignty over all those dominions.
Should his book ever pass to a second edition,
we advise the captain to correct the errors we
have noticed, and candidly to confess that
events have occurred totally at variance with hia
confident predictions.
We have thus conducted our reader through
some of the prominent scenes of the Mexican
revolution, up to July, 1819 ; we have given a
faithful detail of the daring achievements and
misfortunes of the gallant Mina and his little
band ;* we have shewn what a few foreigners,
did actually accomplish in Mexico ; and, fi-i
nally, we have endeavoured to convey a correct
* The survivors of Mina's division, still in Mexico, are-^-
Colonels Bradburn, Arago, and Don Pablo Erdozain, Cap
tain Don Autonio Mandretta, Mr. Gerhard Hophprst, two
soldiers, and two coloured boys.

206 MEMOIRS OF THE
idea of the state of society in that kingdom,
and to exhibit the very precarious tenure by
which Spain there maintains her authority.-,
The picture we have drawn of Padre Torres
and others of the patriot chiefs, may possibly
induce a belief, that it is difficult for the patriots:
to obtain proper leaders to guide them to vic
tory ; but the reader should bear in mind, that
the men with whom Mina was unfortunately
obliged to co-operate, rose to their stations'
during seasons of anarchy and confusion ; they
had been heaved to the surface of the revolution
by its currents and agitated waters, and were
not otherwise distinguished than by their am
bition, their licentiousness, and their ignorance.,
Should Mexico ever be invaded by a respectable
foreign force, with a view of co-operating with
the people in the establishment of their inde
pendence, there will not be found any deficiency
of. worthy and able Creole officers, willing
to lend their exertions to the cause of their
country, as well from among those who have
formerly headed the insurgents, as from those
who have hitherto been in the royal service ;
and, with respect to the population in general,
legions of friends to independence will be found
in every province of Old Mexico.
The royalists, in the intendancies of Gqanax-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 207"
uato, Valladolid, Mexico, La Puebla* and Vera
Cruz, are walking among ashes still warm from
the recent eruptions; they are passing a pre
carious existence, surrounded by volcanoes.
The spirit of hostility to the Spanish govern
ment is smothered but for a season ; and
when the flames of resistance shall again
burst forth in those provinces, an, ocean of
blood will not extinguish them. It will, more
over, be difficult to prevent the revolutionary
fire that is now burning along the shores of the
Pacific Ocean from spreading into the interior.
The patriot General Guerrero and his partisans
occupy a part of New Spain, from which it will
be almost impossible for the royalists to dis
lodge them. This chieftain has his principal
establishment at the Orilla de Zacatula, situated
on the right bank of the river of that name,
about a league and a half from its mouths.
The river Zacatula discharges itself into the
Pacific Ocean, nearly in the latitude of eighteen
degrees north : it has two mouths, about a
league distant from each other; both these are
obstructed by bars, but the northernmost one
affords an entrance for boats. About sixty
miles east-south-east from this river, is the
harbour of Siguatanejo, which, for beauty,
spaciousness, and security, is exceeded by none

208 MEMOIRS OF THE
oo the shores of the Pacific Ocean. The Spa
niards, fearful lest it should become known to
foreigners, have vigorously prohibited all traffic
whatever at this port. Lord Anson, we believe;
was the first and only foreigner that ever entered
it. About fifteen milesnorth from Zacatula, there
is likewise an excellent bay (ensanada), called
Petacalco. The anchorage therein is conve
nient and safe, and the water is smooth through
out the greater part of the year. The sea-*.
breeze sets in regularly at eight o'clock in the
morning, and continues until sun-set, when it
is succeeded by a land-breeze, which usually
blows until six or seven o'clock next morning;
The • whole line of this coast, from Zacatula
down to Siguatanejo, is at present under the
control of Guerrero. The positions he has
chosen are not only secure from surprise by the
enemy, but that at Orilla is even capable of sus
taining a formidable siege. It is defended on
the south-east by a deep, wide, and rapid river ;
and between it and a place called Colima, is a
wilderness, impassable by an army. From
Tierra Fria, it can only be approached by a
road on the right bank of the river, which road
passes over mountains for nearly thirty leagues*
every mile of which offers defiles, where one
hundred resolute men could arrest the march

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 209
-of one thousand. In fact, the country occupied
by Guerrero is one of the most favourable parts
of New Spain for defensive operations ; and, so
long, as this, experienced chief remains on the
defensive, it will be almost impracticable for
his enemies to subdue him. His advanced
posts extend to Las Valzas, The country*
being thinly settled, affords not the means
of subsistence for an army of royalists ; while
the patriots, inured to privations, have a suf
ficiency. Guerrero has adopted the plan of
collecting the cattle into a herd, so that, on the
approach of an enemy, he has only to drive
them to the rear, thus cutting off the means of
subsistence from his opponents. The latter
must, therefore, receive their supplies from a
great distance, which almost precludes the pos
sibility of attempting a formal siege of Guerr
rer.o?s strong hold, the only manner in which
he can be dislodged.
The people of all that part of the province of
Mexico are remarkable for their hatred to the
Spaniards.; and, in the adjoining provinces of
La Puebla and Oaxaca, the whole of the popu
lation along the coast of the Pacific Ocean are
ready to co-operate with Guerrero. The inha
bitants of the mountains of the Misteea are
particularly attached to him; and should he
vol. u. p

210 MEMOIRS OF THE
make his future advances in that direction, he
woujd be cordially supported. It is probable,
however, that Guerrero will remain at his pre
sent position on the river Zacatula, until some
favourable circumstances occur in the other
provinces, or until he receives a supply of arms
and munitions of war. .,•<:> *
Should the cruizers of Buenos Ayres and
Chili direct their attention to that part of the
coast of the Pacific Ocean within the jurisdiction
of Guerrero's command, they could, with the
aid of the latter, fortify Siguatanejo, and make
it a place of rendezvous, of high importance, to
themselves, and of very serious annoyance to
the enemy. By the adoption of such a mea
sure, the whole commerce of, the coast from
Guaquil to Acapulco and San Bias could be
annihilated, and the trade between Manilla and
Acapulco obstructed or destroyed. We pre
sume the reason why such an attempt has
not yet been made, must arise from a want of
information in the governments of Buenos
A\res and Chili, with regard to the position
occupied by Guerrero, and the character of
the population of the whole range of the coast.
Two thousand troops, with an extra supply
of ten thousand musquets, landing on the coast
near Guerrero's position, and uniting with that

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 211
chieftain, would decide the fate of Mexico in
less than six months ; and, should those troops
be Creoles of Chili, of Buenos Ayres, or of the
republic of Columbia, they would be received
with joy and gratitude by the Mexicans, and
would, moreover, be their fittest auxiliaries.
These observations, combined with the facts
which we have related in the preceding chap
ters, will make it obvious to the reader, that
the sovereignty of Spain over Mexico is sus
pended by a fragile thread ; and that the eman
cipation of the latter from Spanish thraldom
must take place at no distant day.
We shall close our Memoirs of the Revo^
Iution in the following chapter, by briefly
noticing the cruelties committed by the Spanish
authorities in Mexico and South America
during the last nine years,

212 MEMOIRS OF THE

CHAPTER XII.
Cruelty a predominant feature in Spanish history; exempli-
, fitd by a brief view of the conduct of. Spain in Europe,
and by the horrors committed, by her authorities, in
Mexico and South America, since the year 1810—
Reflections.
The deeds of cruelty which we have related
in the course of our Memoirs of the Mexican
Revolution, may startle some of our readers,
and incline them to doubt the correctness of
our statements. We therefore deem it necessary
to state, that in almost every instance which
we have noticed of the atrocities perpetrated
by the royalists, we have derived our informa
tion from the records of facts, either acknow
ledged or never denied by the Spanish govern
ment, and have generally obtained it from Spa
nish official documents, published in Spanish
America, and in the Madrid Gazette. In the
early years of the present revolutions in Spanish
America, the viceroys, captains-general, and
nearly all the royal officers, appear to have

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 213
emulated each other in defaming the American
character, and in boasting of the inhuman
deeds they had performed, They appear to
have been regardless of the opinions of the
civilized world, andexulting in that whichshoUld
have caused the deepest shame, have placed on
record the bloody deeds performed by their
orders. But while they have thus set at de
fiance the judgment of the present generation,
they have created a tribunal in the posterity of
Spanish America, which will pass upon them a
severe but righteous condemnation.
An inquiry into the causes which have ope
rated to distinguish Spain among the nations
of Europe for inhumanity, may deserve the at.
tention of the future philosopher and states
man. The chivalrous exploits of the ancient
Castilians, the generosity and nobleness which
characterized the Spaniard of the olden time,
have been the theme of admiration for many
centuries ; but an attentive examination of their
history will convince us, that even in the era of
their brightest glory, cruelty was a prominent
trait in their character. In vain have they
styled themselves the most Christian nation on
earth — in vain have they called themselves the
favoured people of God— in vain have they
crowded their cities, towns, and villages, with

214 MEMOIRS OF THE
temples dedicated to religion, and spread legion*
of priests over their territories — in vain do they
perpetually ring in our ears their pre-eminent
piety, when all these advantages have been in
sufficient to check their propensities to the
odious vice of cruelty, which, even in Savages
and Pagans, excites our abhorrence and repro
bation. Does this arise from physical causes,
or does it originate in that vindictive and re
lentless spirit which has ever characterized ec
clesiastical despotism, whether existing among
Christians or Pagans ?
In all the wars on the European continent in
which Spain has taken a part, her officers and
soldiers have been distinguished for their fercr
city and cruelty, but more particularly in those
of the reign of Philip III. It was in that mo
narch's reign, that Spain prosecuted a war in the
Netherlands, accompanied by such scenes of
licentiousness and barbarity, as cause her name*
even to this day, to be execrated by the Dutch
people; and it was during his reign, about the
year 1609, that unparalleled deeds of horror
were committed, in the expulsion of the. Moors
Trom Spain. These people had lived in the
-country eight hundred years, and were distin
guished from the Spaniards by their language,
religion, character, and manners. A fter a series

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 215
of bloody wars, the Spaniards at length overcame
and reduced them to a state of vassalage, when
the greater part of them submitted to receive
Christian baptism. They were an industrious
and frugal race ; and while the Spanish vil
lages all over Castile and Andalusia were falling
into decay, those of the Moors increased and
flourished. In consequence of this, their num
bers rapidly augmented ; and the Spaniards
entertained fears, that if some remedy was not
speedily applied, the Moors might regain their
former ascendancy. The two schemes presented
to the Christian cabinet of Philip III. were, to
put the whole of them to the sword, or to trans
port them to foreign parts. There were nume
rous advocates for the indiscriminate slaughter
of these unfortunate people ; but it was appre
hended that such a deed would fill all Europe
with indignation, and therefore it was resolved
to expel the Moors from the kingdom.
Among the ecclesiastics of those days, who
bore a distinguished part in this act of violence
and injustice, was Don Juan de Ribera, patriarch
of Antioch and archbishop of Valentia, an aged
prelate, highly venerated for his piety apd learn
ing, and eulogized by Spanish and Italian his
torians as one of the brightest ornaments that
ever adorned the Christian church. -The me-

216 MEMOIRS OF THE
morial addressed to the king, on this occasion,
by that so much lauded patriarch, breathes in
every line the darkest spirit of fanaticism, and
is the most, outrageous violation of the princi->
pies of humanity and Christianity that was ever
penned. According to the bishop's doctrine,
even the Moors who had been baptized and
converted to Christianity, were still to be consi-*
dered as " dangerous heretics." He carried
his intolerance and blasphemy to such art extra
vagant length, as to say in his memorial, " In
baptizing the Moresco children, therefore* our
Consciences are greatly disturbed with the apJ
prehension that we are guilty of violating the
commandment of our Lord Jesus Christ* who
has prohibited the giving of holy things to dogs,
and the casting of pearls before swine/'
It was finally determined by Philip, with the
advice of all his counsellors spiritual and tetn-'
poral, that the Moors were to be considered. aS
obstinate heretics, and apostates from the faithj
whom the king, if he thought fit, might justly
punish with death ; that therefore there could
be no room to doubt the lawfulness of the
milder punishment of banishment ? and, accord*
ingly, it was resolved that they should be imme*
diately expelled the kingdom.
The manner in which this unfeeling sen-*

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. fclfr
tence was carried into execution* is 'calculated
lo make the heart freeze with horror: we shall
content ourselves with exhibiting a brief out
line of the enormities which ensued.
By the edict of expulsion, all the men, women,
and children, were commanded, under pain of
death, to be ready, within three days, to repair
to the sea-ports for embarkation. All their
effects were confiscated ; and death was pro
nounced against those who should attempt to
conceal aliy part thereof. The numbers that
were massacred on their route to the coast, and
that perished on their voyage to Barbary, have
been variously represented by different histoi-
rians, not one of whom makes the total less
than one hundred thousand men, women, and
children. They were barbarously murdered at
Sea, by the officers and crews of the ships
which they had freighted. There are instances
•recorded Of inhuman cruelties exercised on
this injured attd defenceless people, surpassing
in atrocity whatever is related in sacred or prb'-
fane history. Men were butchered in presence
of their wives and children, and the latter af
terwards thrown alive into the sea. Some of
the females, on account of- their beauty, were
preserved alive for a short time, to glut the
brutal lust of the murderers of their husbands

218 MEMOIRS OF THE
or brothers, and then either slaughtered or com
mitted to the waves. Such were the deeds of
horror which were revealed, upon the trials to
which some of these inhuman barbarians were
brought, in consequence of their quarrels con
cerning the division of the spoil.
The fate of those who reached the coast of
Barbary was not less deplorable. They were
furiously attacked by the Bedouin Arabs, a
wild banditti, who subsist by plunder. Of six
thousand Moors, who set out together from
Conastal, a town in the neighbourhood of Oran*
with an intention of going to Algiers, only one
person survived to reach that place.
Had these unfortunate people been extermi
nated by the sword, as was at first proposed, it
would have been an act of mercy, compared
with the fate to which they were actually doomed;
but their sufferings, so far from exciting com
miseration in the authors of their calamities*
were made a subject of exultation ; and the act
was pronounced by the Catholic clergy to be
acceptable in the sight of God, and a signal
instance of divine judgment against heresy.
In some parts of Spain, where the Moors
either resisted the order for expulsion, or could
not comply with it under the peremptory terms
prescribed, they were butchered in the mogt

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 219
horrible manner. No favour was shewn to age
or sex; while rolling in the dust, imploring
mercy of their savage conquerors, they were
indiscriminately slain. Some had sheltered
themselves among the woods and rocks; but
Philip fixed a price upon their heads, and sol
diers were sent to hunt them as beasts of prey.
Scarcely an individual escaped. Those who
were taken alive in the mountains of Valentia,
were conducted to the city; and, after suffering
every species of mockery and insult, were put
to death by excruciating tortures. Such of our
readers as wish to examine the details of these
dreadful transactions, are referred to Watson's
History of the Reign of Philip HI. and to con
temporary historians.
A government that could sanction such atro
cities, and a people who could rejoice in the
barbarous spectacles of an auto defi, and in the
other horrors of the tribunal of the Inquisition,
were of course prepared for the perpetration
of all those inhuman acts which have taken
place in the New World since the epoch of its
discovery, and more especially of those enormi
ties which have occurred during the present
revolution in Spanish America, which it has
become pur duty to notice in the present
chapter.

220 Memoirs of the
We shall first recapitulate the cruelties that
have been exercised in Mexico. The procla
mations and decrees of viceroy Venegas outrage
every principle of humanity and civilized war
fare ; and his despatches to the court of Madrid,
which have been published in the Gazette of
that city, contaih little else than an account bf
the number of insurgents he has slain in battle,
or murdered after he had taken them prisoners.
Commandant Revollo, in his official despatch
to the viceroy* recommends the promotion of a
"Serjeant, for having slain his nephew among the
insurgents. Commandant Bustamante recom
mends in like manner a dragoon, for having
Mlled his kneeling brother. General Truxillo
boasts of having murdered the bearers of a flag
of truce. General Calleja, on several occa
sions, writes in the most exulting style, of the
thousands he had butchered, while on their knees
imploring his mercy. In the action of Zamora,
the rOyal commander states, that all the prisoners,
were deliberately despatched. General Cruz, in
almost every despatch to the viceroy, boasts of
the number of prisoners he had shot, and of the
towns and villages he had reduced to ashes.
Captain Blanco says, that his troops, eager for
Wood, destroyed persons of every age and se j?,
ton til no more victims' could be found. Don

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 221
Caetano Quintero, in his despatch of the 29th
of August, 1811, says, that in the attack of
Amoladeras, which continued two hours, no
quarter was given. Commandant Villaescusa
describes the manner in which he entrapped the
bearer of a flag of truce, and subsequently mur
dered him. General Calleja issues proclama
tions and edicts of the most sanguinary nature,
and carries into execution all his threats. The
burning of towns, the butchery of prisoners,
and the annihilation of a defenceless population,
are the perpetual themes of this monster, in his
official despatches. Yet, as we have before
stated, for these eminent proofs of his loyalty
to his beloved monarch, he was promoted to
the rank of mariscal de campo, made viceroy
of Mexico, decorated with the cross of
Charles III. and was last year nominated to the
command of that expedition which was intended
for new scenes of butchery in America, but
which the influence of justice and regeneration
has suppressed.
It must be understood, that the preceding
outline of atrocities committed in Mexico by
the royalists, is only a very small part of the
tragic scenes already brought to light: they are
merely a part of those which have been con
fessed in public documents even by the royal*

222 MEMOIRS OF THE
ists, and which we have casually met with, in
various writers, prior to the year 1814.
While we were in Mexico, we carefully ex
amined the official papers, respecting the cruel
ties referred to in the work of William Walton,
Esq. published in London in 1814, entitled
" An Expose of the Dissensions of Spanish
America;" and we found that they corresponded:
with Mr. Walton's statements. But when we
reflect on the vast number of dreadful acts
which were related to us by individuals who
were witnesses of the transactions, and of which
not the least account has yet been published;
we feel justified in asserting, that not one-eighth
of the long catalogue of cruelties committed by
the royalists in Mexico, has yet been exhibited
to public notice.
We perused a manuscript History of the Mex
ican Revolution up to 1816, written by a dis
tinguished Creole (whose name honour and
prudence forbid us to disclose), which contained
a minute detail of the royal massacres and de-
vastations. The enormities that Were there re
lated have no parallel on the page of history.
The writer of that manuscript, trembling for
his life in case such a document should fall into
the hands of the royalists, committed it to the
flames : fortunate was it for him that he did so;

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 223
for, a few days afterwards, he was under the
necessity of delivering up his person to the roy
alists. He still lives, and we hope will yet have
an opportunity of exhibiting to the world a
faithful history of the revolution ; for, until
such a work shall appear, civilized nations will
not be able to form a complete opinion of the
sufferings which the Mexican people have ex
perienced, during their struggle for freedom.
Having thus noticed the bloody scenes acted
by Spanish policy in Mexico, let us take a cur
sory view of those which have taken place in
other parts of Spanish America.
Venezuela, New Grenada, and Quito, at pre
sent constituting the republic of Colombia,
have been the theatres of greater horrors, if
possible, than those which have abounded in
Mexico. The reader, overcome with disgust,
would turn from the page that contained the
recital of but a thousandth part of the execu
tions which have taken place at Carthagena,
Mompos, Santa Fe de Bogota, Popayan, Quito,
Caracas, Barcelona, Cumana, La Guayra,
Puerto Cavello, Valencia, and other cities o{
those countries. Of the extent of those bar
barities, some idea may be formed, when we
state, that, within the last nine years, it appears,
frojn Spanish official documents, that there have

224 MEMOIR? OF THE x
been sacrificed in cold blood, by hanging, shoot"
ing, and other modes of execution, eighty thou*
s#nd prisoners, in those three provinces.. We
must bear in mind, that in these eighty thoui
sand victims are not included many thousand
others who were put to death by a brutal soli
diery, whenever they visited a village, the sen->
timents of whose inhabitants they suspected to
be favourable to the insurgents. How many
inoffensive men, women, and children, have
been slaughtered, of whose fate no further
notice has been taken, in the official despatches
of the royal commanders, than in the following .
words : " The town or pueblo of -*  rr-, with
all its inhabitants, has disappeared from the face
of the earth ! J !,y
In June, 1816, the Spanish General Morillo
entered the city of Santa Fe de Bogota, then
called the capital of New Grenada. In one of
his despatches from thence, which was inter-t
cepted in its passage to Spain, he boldly de?
scribes the measures which he had pursued, in
the following words : " Every person, of either-
sex, capable of reading or writing* were treated
as rebels." " By thus cutting off all who could
read or write, he hoped effectually to arrest the
spirit of revolution." The authenticity of such
an extraordinary official communication might

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 225
admit of some doubt, if the monster who penned
it had not in reality executed the savage deeds
therein announced. All persons in Santa Fe
and in Carthagena, who had been distinguished
by their learning, or eminence in science, Or
who had held stations in the provincial admi
nistrations, and in the congress, with their
wives and daughters, were thrown into loath
some dungeons. Six hundred of them were
hanged or shot, and their bodies exhibited on
gibbets. All the females who were accom
plished in literature, of which there were many,
suffered the same fate. The learned and bene
volent Mutis, of whom Humboldt has spoken
in terms of admiration, Lozano and Caldos,
who were his disciples in philosophy, a distin
guished chemist, and several other men of
science, who had not borne arms, nor held any'
public trust, were put to death by order of
Morillo. Some of the females were indebted
for the preservation of their lives merely to the
fatigue of the executioners : these women
were afterwards exiled. Nearly the whole
population of Santa Fe supplicated Morillo to1
spare the life of the venerable Mutis; but the
savage was inexorable, openly avowing, that
learned Creoles were more dangerous enemies
than the insurgents in arms. Yet, after having
VOL. II. o

226 MEMOIRS OF THE
committed such acts of vindictive cruelty}
" this Spanish apostle of pacificatjon-'-this prac
tical and preventative philanthropist— this mon
ster of inhumanity — this pillar of the Spanish
constitution" — this very same Morillo, issues a
proclamation from his head-quarters in Caracas,
the 12th of June last, addressed to the emigrants
from Costa Finne, in which, after reminding
them of his incessant efforts for the pacification
of that country, since his arrival in 1815, he
assures them that his sole object has been-, and
continues to be, that of rendering them happy f!
In apprizing them of his determination to re
turn tc» his native country, he expresses his
ardent desire, that, before his departure* be
may be enabled to give them ^.fraternal embrace;
3nd, for that purpose, conjures them earnestly
to hasten their arrival at Venezuela, that be
may not be deprived of that great satisfaction,
it beingthe only consolation remaining, to biro,
on the eve of this cruel separation !
To what emigrants, it may be asked, can
this pacific overture be addressed? Few are
they indeed* unless those be included, "who*
under the special passport of Morillo, have emi
grated to another world, but whose spirits are
beard around their tombs.
We are still more astonished in beholding

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 227
this same Don Pablo Morillo, who for five years
has lavished upon the people of the CostaFirme
the grossest epithets and execrations, suddenly
addressing, for the first time, on the 17th of the.
same month, a letter to the Congress of Colom
bia, on the subject of his proclamation, and
styling them, with the most consummate hypo
crisy and adulation, " Their High Mightinesses,
the Congress assembled at Guayana.'" In this
letter, after beginning with " High and Mighty
Lords," be dares to insult them by advancing
the gross falsehood, that the present constitution
of Spain was adopted by the universal suffrage
of the representatives of both hemispheres ; and
informs them, that he had received " positive
orders, from the constitutional monarch of the
Spains, to enter into a just and generous accom
modation, which shall re-unite all the family, in
order to enjoy the advantages of their political
regeneration, and to put an end to the fatal
effects of a division, generated by a desire to be
free from oppression, that, by a false calcu
lation, had been considered peculiar to those
countries, notwithstanding that it had been
transcendental to all the empire."
The brief view we have taken of the murders
of unfortunate Creoles, in the three provinces
before mentioned, we are well convinced, em-

228 MEMOIRS OF THE
braces but a small part of the numbers which
have perished ; and were we to say, that one
hundred and fifty thousand, instead of eighty thou
sand, have been deliberately slaughtered by the
royalists, we conceive that we should still be
short of the actual number of victims.
Similar scenes of carnage have taken place
in the provinces of La Plata and Chili ; and
although we have no recent accounts of such
events, yet we find enough to make us shudder,
on perusing the eloquent manifesto, addressed
to all nations, by the Congress of the provinces
of Rio de la Plata, dated at Buenos Ayres, the
25th of October, 1816, from which we make
the following extracts : —
" The town of Cochabamba was taken, and
delivered up to plunder for three hours. The
commandant of the royal troops, Goyeneche,
entering, with one-half of his cavalry, the gate
of the principal church, the host being exposed,
killed with a stroke of his sword the fiscal
Lopez Andreu, who presented it, trembling with
terror. He ordered the respectable governor
intendant, Antesana, to be shot ; and, observing
with complacency from the balcony of his house
this iniquitous assassination, ferociously cried
out to his troops, not to shoot the victim in the
head, as it was wanted to be stuck upon a pike.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 229
When it was severed from the body by his com
mand, the headless trunk was dragged through
the streets, while at the same time the brutal
soldiers were permitted to dispose at pleasure
of the lives and properties of the inhabitants,
during many successive days. Wherever this
Nero went, death and devastation marked his
path. A gesture, a clouded visage, an indiscreet
word, or a tear stealing down the cheek, was a
crime of state. The royalists have adopted the
dreadful system of putting men to death indis
criminately, for no other purpose than to dimi
nish our numbers; and, on entering our towns,
have been known to massacre even the unfortu
nate market-people, driving them to the public
square in groups, and shooting them down with
cold-blooded, wanton cruelty. The villages of
Chuquisaca and Cochabamba have more than
once been theatres of this shocking barbarity.
"They have compelled our soldiers, taken pri
soners, to serve against their wills in the ranks
of their armies, carrying the officers in irons to
distant outposts, where it was impossible for
them to preserve health for a single year, while
others have been starved to death in dungeons,
and many have been forced to labour on the
public works. They have wantonly shot the
bearers of flags of truce, and have inflicted the

U30 MEMOIRS OF THE
-most Unjustifiable outrages upon chiefs after
ifheir surrender, and other principal personages,
^notwithstanding the humanity that had been
shewn by us to those prisoners who fell into
our hands. In proof Of this assertion, We heed
:onl: mention the deputy Matos of Potosi, Cap-
*tain«General Pumacagua, General Angulo, and
his brother, the commandant Muiiecas, and
other partisan chiefs, shot in cold blood, many
days after, they had surrendered themselves pri
soners. " In the district of Valle Grande, they in
dulged themselves in the brutal sport of cutting
off the ears of the natives, and transmitting a
pannier full of them to head-quarters. They
afterwards destroyed the town by fire ; burnt
about forty populous villages of Peru ; and
took a hellish pleasure in shutting up the inha
bitants in their houses before setting them on
fire, in order that their unhappy victims might
be burnt alive.
" They had not only shewn themselves im
placable in murdering our countrymen, but
they have thrown aside all decency and mora
lity, parading old men of the religious profes
sion, and women, in the public places, made
fast to a cannon, and their bodies exposed to
shame.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 231
" They 'have established an inquisitorial sys
tem for all these punishments; they have
dragged out peaceful inhabitants from their
'houses, and transported them across the ocean,
to be tried for pretended offences, and have
executed, without trial, a multitude of citizens.
" They have attacked our sea-coasts, and mur
dered defenceless inhabitants, without sparing
clergymen and those in extreme old age. By
the order of General Puzuela, they burnt the
town of Puna ; and, meeting with no others;
they put to the sword old men, women, and
children. They have compelled our brothers
and sons to take up arms against us, and have
forced them, under the command of Spanish
officers, to fight against our troops. They
have excited domestic insurrections, corrupting
with money, and every species of seduction, the
pacific inhabitants of the country, in order to in
volve us in a frightful anarchy, and to enable
them to attack us weakened and divided. They
have displayed a new invention of horror, by
poisoning fountains and food at La Paz ; and
in recompense for the kind treatment they re
ceived when obliged to surrender at discretion
at that place, they blew up one hundred and
fifty patriots, in the barracks which had been
previously mined for that purpose.

232 MEMOIRS OF THE
" They have abused the sacred privilege of
flags of truce, tampered with our governors
and generals, and they have repeatedly written
letters inciting to treason. They have declared
that the laws of war, recognised by civilized
nations, ought not to be observed towards us ;
and, with contemptuous indifference, replied to
General Belgrano, that treaties could not be en.
tered into nor kept with insurgents.
. " It is in the name of Ferdinand of Bourbon,
that the heads of captured officers have been
stuck up on the highways; that a distinguished
partisan leader has been actually impaled ; and
that the monster Centano, after having mur-r
dered Colonel Gamargo in the same horrid
manner, cut off his head, and sent it as a pre
sent to General Puzuela, informing him that it
was a miracle of the Virgin del Carmen.
" It is Ferdinand of Bourbon, who has sent
his generals with decrees of pardon, which
they caused to be published, \yith no other
view than to deceive the simple and ignorant,
in order to facilitate their entrance into, cities
and towns; but giving, at the same time, pri
vate instructions, authorizing and commanding
them, after having thus obtained possession,
to hang, burn, confiscate, assassinate, and in
flict every possible suffering on those who had

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 233
availed themselves of such suppositious par
dons. • " What could America expect from a king,
actuated, at the very moment of seating himself
on the throne, by sentiments so inhuman? — of
a king, who has no other rewards but chains
and gibbets, for the immense sacrifices of his
Spanish subjects in releasing him from capti
vity — of subjects, who, at the expense of their
blood, and of every privation, have redeemed
him from a prison, in order to adorn his tem
ples with a crown? If these men, to whom he
owed so much, received death, were doomed to
perpetual imprisonment, or to base slavery, for
no other cause than that of having framed a
constitution, what might we not expect to be
reserved for us ? To 'hope for a benign treat
ment from him, and from his bloody ministers,
would have been to seek among tigers for the
mildness of the dove. Then, indeed, would
have been repeated towards us the ensanguined
scenes of Caracas, Carthagena, and Quito.
We should then have spurned the ashes of the
eighty thousand persons who have fallen vic
tims to the fury of the enemy, and whose illus
trious manes justly call for revenge; and we
should have merited the execrations of every
succeeding generation of our posterity, con-

234 MEMOIRS OF THE
demned to serve- a master always disposed to
tyrannize over them, while, by his nullityioh
the sea; he has become unable to protect tHfem
from foreign invasion." '.':>»;
.iThe Madrid Gazette has published the fol^
lowiAg, among many of the blood-stained des'
patches from America : —
"'! " Battle of Santa Helena, in Peril, April 3, 1816.
" 1 can assure your excellency, that I never
sW rage or energy equal to that of our ene
mies. They throw themselves on our musquets,
as if they had nothing to fear from them: our
soldiers were mixed with them' ; they grasped
our men by the body, and endeavoured to
wrench the arms out of their hands. A Shower
of stories fell 'Upon us: we Were obliged to
fight with the bayonet. The wretch Larnargo
died bymy hand : I did not cease striking him
With my sabre, until his sword fell from his
hand. I send it to you, together with his head.
More than six hundred men were despatched
with the bayonet, or shot by the soldiers. I
intend thatthe celebrated Pedro Villarubia shall
be beheaded in the public square. He is about
to be conveyed to Pesit, accompanied by two
sergeants, who deserted from the regiment of
Lima. They will be shot, together with all the
other prisoners." ''"-*

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 235
Where is the citizen of the United States*
where is the lover of liberty, or where is the
man possessing even a spark of humanity,
whose bosom does not throb with indignatieh
against a policy such as that bf Spain, after
perusing this eloquent and dignified manifesto,
and the relation we have given of the horrors
that have taken place in Mexico, New Grenada,
Quito, and Venezuela? What ought to be
the feelings excited in the breast of every citizen
of the United States, at the mention of the
inhuman treatment, and the cold-blooded mur
der of their felloW-citizens, whom accident or
the chance of war placed in the hands. of the
Spaniards in Mexico, and who were cruelly
put to death, not to afford an example which
might deter other foreigners from aiding the
patriots (for the cruelties exercised towards
them have not yet been told to the world by the
perpetrators), but to satiate that thirst for re
venge which has always formed a component
part of the Spanish character ? Although
Mina's comrades acted in contravention to the
existing laws of their own country, that cir
cumstance cannot possibly palliate the inhu
manity they experienced — inhumanity the more
outrageous, as the conduct of the victims had
been marked by honour, justice, and clemency —

236 MEMOIRS OF THE
inhumanity which can only be equalled by the
wild and savage inhabitants of unexplored
countries — a degree of inhumanity which adds
its mite to the load of infamy with which the
annals of Spanish history are already burthened.
The recollection of the scenes which occurred
at the abandonment of Sombrero, and in the
dungeons of San Juan de Ulua, cannot be
easily effaced ; and we hope, nay, we feel con
fident, that there does not exist an American
citizen, whose breast burns not with indig
nation against a nation which in the present
day can sanction deeds of so appalling a
nature. If the causes which arrayed the colonies of
North America in opposition to the authority
of Great Britain, have been proclaimed by the
world to be just; with how much greater rea
son may the colonists of Spanish America
appeal to the universe for approbation and
support, during their present struggles for
emancipation from Spanish thraldom ! Yet,
strange and incredible as it may appear, there
are in free North America many who, far from
sympathizing with their southern brethren, or
even wishing success to a cause in which they
themselves have contended successfully, con
demn the exertions of those who are imitating

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 237
their example, in striving to obtain the bless
ings of freedom, support Spain with all the
weight of argument, and are almost brought
to deprecate the independence of Spanish
America. Every trifling opportunity which
presents itself is seized with avidity by many,
to misrepresent and falsify the efforts of the ill-
fated Spanish Americans. Their victories are
burlesqued, their reverses are magnified, and
their sufferings are derided, by those who, en
joying the blessings of security and plenty,
know not, except by hearsay, the toils, the
dangers, and the hardships, endured by this
oppressed people. Incapable of appreciating
their exertions, they are callous to the appeals,
and even withhold their applause from the per
severance and intrepidity which they have dis
played against the tyranny of the Old World.
Because the union, energy, and wisdom, which
accomplished the independence of the United
States, have not directed the operations of a
people who are only now emerging from a state
of the most complex slavery, and involuntary
ignorance, under which colonies ever groaned,
they are shamefully disregarded as unworthy of
protection, and the voice of humanity is suf
fered to waste itself in vain. Such principles
should be found only in the satellites of crowned

238 MEMOIRS OF THE
heads. That misrepresentation and falsehood
on this subject should be propagated by Spanish
agents and foreigners, who come into our
country imbued with monarchical and aristo-
cratical principles, cannot excite surprise ; but
can we refrain from expressing our regret and
indignation, when we behold some of our own
citizens espousing the cause of Spain, with
as much zeal as if their very existence depended
upon the continuance of her wide-extended
dominion in the western hemisphere ?
In the course of this work, we have merely
glanced at some of the grievances which Ame
rica has endured for the space of three hundred
years. Ponderous volumes would be filled with
a detail of them. They are, however, so far
known, as to supersede the necessity of our
enlarging farther upon the subject. It must,
nevertheless,, be remarked, that we did not ob
serve in the former Cortes of Spain any dispo
sition to relax the iniquitous system so long
maintained in Spanish America; but, on the;
contrary, that body, in unison with the Cadiz
monopolists, exhibited more rancorous hostility
to the Spanish Americans than had been dis
played during any period since the conquest.
We have already noticed the infamous decree
of the Cortes, of the 10th of April, 1813, wherein

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 239
they declared, that it was " derogatory to the
majesty a,nd dignity of the national eongms^i
to confirm a capitulation made with malignant
insurgents. On examining the decrees of the
Cortes, of the regency, and of the different jua-.
tas who exercised the functions of the Spanish
government during the late war in the Penin
sula, we do not find a single instance of
paternal and generous conduct towards, the
Americas. But a few years ago, the Con-
sulado, or board of trade of Mexico, composed
of European members, in its solemn delibera
tions, manifested to the Cortes, that the Ajmer\-
cans were a race of monkeys filled with vice and,
ignorance,— -automata, unworthy of being repre?
sented, or representing . This silly and singular
communication, instead of being treated with
Scorn, and its authors severely reprehended,.
gave rise to serious debates, in which the Ame-
ricans were most abusively slandered, as may
be seen by examining the proceedings of the
Cortes for September, 1811.
The representation of America, as well in the
former as in the present Cortes, is the greatest
farce, or rather the most outrageous insult
that was ever offered to a body of rational
beings. Spain, with a population of nine or ten
millions, elects one hundred and fifty representa-

240 MEMOIRS OF THE
tives to that body; while America, with a
population of eighteen millions, has thirty repre
sentatives, that is, one for every six hundred
thousand souls. But the most extravagant pe
culiarity of the farce is, that an electorate junta
assembled at Madrid, in May last, and there named
the thirty representatives who are to represent
Spanish America in the Cortes. To say that the
decrees of such a Cortes are binding, even on
that portion of Spanish America at present
under the royal authority, would be an assertion
rather difficult to maintain : but to suppose
that the people of Chili, of Buenos Ayres, of
Venezuela, and of Neze Grenada, are represented
by men nominated at Madrid, and bound
by the acts of a Cortes thus constituted, is
indeed an absurdity that has no parallel in
the annals of legislation. In fact, the orders
issued by the late Cortes to the royal com
manders in America, were more barbarous and
imperious than those issued by Ferdinand, after
his return to the Spanish throne ; and we have
seen how faithfully those orders were executed
by the Spanish officers.
Every revolving hour, since the present revo
lution commenced in Spanish America, has
been marked by new injuries towards its inha
bitants ; and, considering the extent and nature

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 241
of those injuries, we are astonished that there
exists a Creole, from Cape Horn to the Floridas,
who does not execrate the Spanish name.
If, during the revolutionary contest of the
North American colonies, any attempt on the
part of the mother country to refuse the rebels,;
as they were then called, the rights of civilized
warfare, caused general indignation — if, in the
case of a single citizen put to death contrary
to the usages of war, the whole nation took a
common interest in the murder, and adopted,
immediate measures of retaliation, — what ought
to be the feelings and conduct of the South
Americans towards a government which hag
acted as Spain has done during the present
contest? If an Indian alliance was reprobated
by many of, the most enlightened members of a
British parliament, during the struggles of
North America for independence, what lan
guage should now be used towards a. nation
that has ordered and sanctioned such excesses
as.those we have related ? Let us recall to the
recollection of our readers the speech made by
the venerable Earl of Chatham, at the time
when Lord Suffolk, then British secretary of
state, contended in the British House of Peers
for the employment of Indians in the war against
America. The . secretary undertook to main-
VOL. II. R

24& MEMOIRS OF THE
tain, that, " besides its policy, the measure was
also allowable on principle, for that it was perfectly
justifiable to use all the means thai God and Na
ture put into our hands."
Earl Chatham replied, in a burst of elo
quence, not surpassed for Btrength,, beauty, and
effect, by any thing history has recorded : —
" I am astonished," exclaimed the dignified
Statesman,- — " Shocked, to hear such principles
Confessed ; to hear them avowed in this house,
or even in this country. My lords, I did not
intend to have encroached again on your at
tention; 'butlcahnot repress my indignation—
I feel myself impelled to speak. My lords,
we are called upon, as members of this house,
as taen, as Christians, to protest against such
horrible barbarity. ' That God and Nature
put into our hands!' What idea of God and
Nature that noble lord may entertain, I know
not ; but I know that such detestable princi
ples are equally abhorrent to religion and
h umanity . W hat ! to attribute the sacred sane*
tion of God and Nature to the massacres of the
Indian scalping knife ! to the cannibal savage,
torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the
blood of his mangled victims ! Such notions
shock every precept of morality, every feeling
of humanity, every sentiment of honour. These

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 243
abominable principles, and this more abomi
nable avowal of them, demand the most deci
sive indignation. I call upon that reverend,
and this most learned bench, to vindicate the
religion of their God ; to support the justice of
their country. I call upon the bishops to inter
pose the unsullied sanctity of their lawn; upon
the judges to interpose the purity of their
ermine ; to save us from this pollution. I cjall
upon the honour of your lordships to reverence
the dignity of your ancestors, and to maintain
your own. I call upon the spirit and hnmanity
of my country, to vindicate the national cha*
racter. I invoke the genius of the constitution.
From the tapestry that adorns these walls, the
immortal ancestor of this noble lord frowns
with indignation at the disgrace of his country;
In vain did he defend the liberty, and establish
the religion of Britain against the tyranny of
Romie, if these worse than popish cruelties and
inquisitorial practices are endured among us.
To send forth the merciless cannibal, thirsting
for blood ! Against whom ? Your Protestant
brethren ! To lay waste their country, to desolate
their dwellings, and extirpate their race and
name, by the aid and instrumentality of these
horrid hell-hounds of war! Spain can no longer
boast pre-eminence in barbarity. She armed

244 " MEMOIRS OF THE '
herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the
wretched natives of* Mexico ; but we, more
ruthless, loose the dogs of war against our coun
trymen in America, endeared to us by every
tie that should sanctify humanity. i My lords,
I solemnly, call iipon your 'lordships, and upon
every order of men in the state, to stamp upon
this 'infamous procedure the indelible stigma
of public abhorrence. More particularly Icall
upon the holy prelates of our religion to do
away. this iniquity ; let them perform a lus
tration, to purify their country from this deep
and deadly sin. My lords, I am old: and weak*
and at present unable to say more; but my feel-
ings and indignation were too strong to say less.
I could riot have slept this night in my bed, nor
have reposed my head upon my pillow, without
giving this vent to my. eternal abhorrence' of
such enormous and preposterous principles." •
What would the patriotic and high-minded
Earl of Chatham have said, had he lived in the
present times, and heard of the barbarities
of Spain towards her colonists ?
When the Russians put to the sword thirty
thousand Turks at the capture of Ismail, all
Europe shuddered. When it was said that
Bonaparte had put to death his sick in Egypt,
all Europe wasshocked. When Indian savages

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 245
are taken as the allies of Great Britain in.
modern warfare, the British people, as well as
the whole civilized world, condemn the bar.
barous alliance. When the city of Washington]
was entered by the British — when the public
edifices which had been erected there for civil
purposes, and the national library, were set fire
to, Europe frowned on the destroyers, and
registered the transaction in her records as an
act of Vandalism, disgraceful to the exalted)
nation whose officers directed it, and dis
honourable to the age in which it was com
mitted. What, then, should be the denunciation
which the conduct of Spain to her transatlantic,
brethren has merited ?— a nation, which, hug-;
ging itself in the cloak of religion, branding*
every other, that differed from her in tenets,:
with the stigma of heresy, proclaiming herself
through the world as the champion of Chris
tianity, and boasting of her peculiar adherence
to its doctrines, orders and sanctions a system:
of atrocities, unknown in the darkest ages. of
society, and rewards with honours and dis-.
tinctions those who shew themselves to ,be
animated with the spirit of. her sanguinary
edicts ! Will it be believed by posterity, that
the rest of the world looked on this tragic,
scene, without making one single , effort, to.

246 MEMOIRS OF THE
staunch the bleedirag wounds of eighteen million!
of people ? By thig sanguinary course of con
duct, more than a million of human beings have
perished in Spanish America, since the year
1810 ; and no small proportion of these victims
have perished, not on the field of battle, but by
death, inflicted in all its most hideous forms, by
the hand of cold-blooded cruelty. " Have not
sufficient victims been already immolated on
the altars of Vengeance ? have not sufficient
families beeri ruined ? have not sufficient cities-
and towns been plundered and destroyed ?"
" Is it not time to put an end to such a vast arid
fruitless effusion of human blood, and to staUrich
the horrors of so destructive and protracted a
war?" "Are not the enormities we have related
sufficient to fill the heart of every friend of his
own species with alarm, and chill every feeling
of humanity ?"
The horrors we have noticed are not such as
are inseparable from a state of warfare ; they
have been engendered by a spirit of revenge,
and executed with a barbarity, unpractised even
in the darkest ages of Paganism^ The stipu
lations of society, in all Christian states, have
meliorated the afflictions of war by certain
usages generally held sacred ; but on the Ame
rican continent, Spain has given to the ravages

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 247
of war, every infernal atrocity whichthe malice
of a demon could suggest. ;
Is there no generous or eloquent Spaniard
to be found in the present Spanish Cortes, who
will raise his voice in that body, and, emulating
the renown of Chatham, step forward to stigt-
matize the dreadful system which Spain has
pursued, and is still pursuing, towards Aroe*-
rica ?
If no European Spaniard can be found
capable of divesting himself of bis natural
[orgulia) pride, or of elevating his mind above
the prejudices of his education, are there no
natives of America, in the present Cortes,, who,
like Mexia, Lardizabal, Arispe, Teran, Cala-
trava, Palacios, Couto, and Ribera, members of
the former Cortes, will stand forth in behalf of
America, at the present crisis, and raise their
voices against the inhuman practices of this
frightful and extraordinary contest ? If no such
generous statesmen appear in the saloon of
the present Cortes, or if Spain pursues the
system that has hitherto prevailed in her coun
cils, humanity may still have to deplore, for a
few years longer, scenes of carnage and desola
tion ; but the arm of dreadful retribution can
not be long stayed ; it will fall with accumu
lated weight on the head of every ^European

248 MEMOIRS OF THE
Spaniard now in America, or who may here
after dare to set foot on its soil.
Nations, like individuals, when excited. by
powerful passions, soon pass to extremes in
their conduct. The affection of a slave to a
master is in some few instances strong and
steady, but in general it is weak and preca
rious. The ties between a colony and a mother
country, bear a much closer analogy to those
between the master and slave, than between the
parent and offspring. •¦>
Is it not an abuse of reason, as well as a vio
lation of every natural law, to suppose that the
parent state (as it is called), situated at a -dis
tance of two thousand leagues, should dictate.to,
and control an empire vastly superior in extent
of territory and population ? Can any thing
account for the submission of colonies, under
such circumstances, but an absolute ignorance
of their physical and moral strength. Will not
every attempt made by the parent state to keep
those colonies in subjection, after the latter
have discovered their rights and their strength,
tend to destroy the little affection that may still
linger in the bosoms of the colonists towards
their former madre patria? Will not such out
rages as Spain has been in the habit of exerci
sing towards the Spanish Americans for upwards

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 249
of three centuries, and more especially during
the last ten years, not only destroy every prin
ciple of attachment, but give birth to an inex
tinguishable hatred? Is it possible that the
wise Europeans of the Peninsula have not yet
discovered the inutility of all their menaces
and savage edicts, arid of all their murders, to
effect the pacification of America? Are they so
infatuated or blinded by pride and prejudice, as
not to see, that the constitution, which would
have been received some years ago with joy arid
gratitude by. the Americans, will now be re>-
jected with disdain ; or if received by any
portion, that it will be for no other purpose
than a temporary expedient, to enable them
with more ease and certainty to accomplish
their ulterior views in favour of the indepen
dence of their country?
We entertain very little expectation that the
present Cortes will adopt a more liberal system
of policy towards America than the last. It
remains, however, yet to be seen, whether the
lessons of experience will dissipate the mists in
which the former Cortes were involved,, and
whether some of the members of the present
body have become regenerated by adversity.
We. shall gratefully acknowledge our mistake,
should the Cortes generously come forward

250 MEMOIRS OF THE
and prove themselves just and wise, by respect
ing the rights of mankind in America, and by
magnanimously confessing thatthe inhabitants
of America, as well by reason as by the laws of
nature, are entitled to1 - the privileges and
blessings of self-government.
Should any enlightened Spaniard peruse
these remarks, we pray that he will bear in
mind, that they have been penned by a citizen
of the United States, not with a view to wound
the feelings of a Spaniard, but to shew the
dreadful effects of ecclesiastical and civil des
potism on the human character. We know
not any natural causes to make the natives of
the Peninsula of Spain more sanguinary than
the rest of the human race. The greater por
tion of the Spanish Peninsula enjoys as fine a
climate as any in Europe ; its soil is capable of
•yielding every thing necessary for human sub'
sistence ; and Christianity has shed its rays in
' every corner of the kingdom : but, neverthe
less, there is a vindictive spirit in the Spaniard,
there is hauteur in his deportment, cruelty in
his conduct in war, and a jealousy the most ab
surd and constant, against the people of all
¦other nations. These are characteristics of the
¦Spaniard, attested by the page of history, and
fey almost every traveller who has visited Spain.

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 251
The exceptions to this general character are more
rare among Spaniards than among any otbek*
people of the earth. It is possible their character
may be changed by a. new course of education.
Bigots always have been, and ever will be cruel ;
but when we see civil despotism blended with
religious intolerance, we may cease to wonder,
that the Spaniard, in his individual as well as
national character, is proud and vindictive.
These traits have, in a most striking manner,
been exemplified in the conduct of Spajn and
of Spaniards towards America : and, With a
View to illustrate the subject, we shall close
Our Memoirs of the Mexican Revolution with
the following paraphrase Of the sentiments of
a celebrated modern writer : —
" Humanity hath lifted up her voice, and is
invoking every heart of generous sentiments to
frown upon the execrable scenes that are acting
in America, and which, under names the most
specious and venerated, are covering her with
crimes of the deepest dye. The men who tread
the soil of that unhappy country have lost their
natures. The eye there sees none but ferocious
enemies, bent on mutual slaughter. Every
thing is devastated — every thing is consumed
by the sword and the flames. The Spanish
soldier, made savage by his ideal wrongs, has

252. MEMOIRS OF THE tt
proclaimed extermination to be the only law of
those vast regions. How long shall we unmoved.
contemplate these horrors, which strip the hu^
man character of its noblest attributes, and de
grade man to the level of the ferocious beasts
of the forest ? Shall havoc still elevate her en
sanguined brow in the New World, within the
eye-shot of the Old? t and after so much has
been done to ameliorate the intercourse between
Europe and Africa, shall nothing be done for
America ? tip riJuJ
" A king of Syracuse imposed no other law
on conquered Carthage than the abolition of
human sacrifices. The Catholic religion had
cast down the blood-stained altars of Mexico ;
but Spain has rebuilt the fearful shrines, and-
now, armies of inhuman priests offer up pro
strate America, at her command, as a victim to
appease the irritated manes of her rejected
crown! Will Europe never cease to be the
curse of the inhabitants of those climes, and to;
force from them their gold by their blood, and
shed their blood by armies paid with that gold ? i
" The senate of Rome once listened with
submission to a savage, and rewarded the in
genuous frankness of his words by suspending
the exactions of .his country. Ah ! how: nobly
was Rome then represented by her senate ! and

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 253
how much more glorious would Europe appear,
should she, in the name of humanity, interpose
her august judgment to stem the tide of woe
which overwhelms America, and should she,
placing herself between these fierce combatants,
exact a truce of their rage! When, then, Ame
rica and Spain should present themselves before
this Areopagus, what emotions would not the
former excite, and how speechless would the
latter. be, if America, discovering her wounds,
and shewing her opened and almost bloodless
veins, should exclaim — ' Cruel Spain ! did
Heaven form me for thyself alone ? In tran
quillity and happiness I passed the peaceful
ages, that preceded the fatal hour, when the
hand of thy Columbus tore aside the veil, which
from creation's dawn had hid me from thine
eyes. But I learned to know thee by my tear
ful eyes, and by my lavished blood. For, soon
as thy soldiers had landed on my shores, they
poured among my unoffending children an un
known and appalling fire, and thy fiery coursers
smote them with their mailed hoofs. Thou
destroyedst my thrones, and the altars erected
by my gratitude to that great luminary, whose
rays fertibze my soil, ripen the juices of my
peerless vegetables, and beautify, with splendid
hues, my flowers and my fruits, the inhabit-

254 MEMOIRS OF THE
ants of my groves and of my wide-spread
plains. The bowels of my lofty mountains give
thee riches ; the freshness and medicinal vir
tues of my plants give thee health ; and the only
acknowledgment that I have yet received from
thee has been death, and death alone !
" ' From the time that thou deliveredst to
the flames the last scion of my Incas, and
transportedst to another hemisphere the race
which occupied my throne of Mexico, hast
thou forborne one instant to heap outrage upon
putrage, and to add ruins to ruins ?
*' ' With extended arms I receive thee in my
territory, and thou instantly declarest me a
slave; and, to arrogate to thyself the right of
subjecting me, thou placest the widest and most
unnatural distinctions between thy children
and mine, condemning mine to form the last
link in the chain of being.
" ' It was necessary that Rome should com
mand thee to view in them human beings, and
thy obedience to her orders was for once with
out reproach. But, thenceforth, thou didst
entrust to chains and to the knife the duty of
maintaining that distinction thou hadst placed
between mine and thine. Surely, beings so
inferior to the cherished sons of thy bosom
merited extermination, and they have disap-

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 255
peared. Tben, at least, thou wast not a parri
cide ; but now, is it not thine own blood that
thou art shedding ? Have those who sprung
from thy loins, my adopted sons, lost in thine
eyes all traces of their origin ? Dost thou not
acknowledge them as brothers ? In the first
tempest of thy wrath, thy vengeance fell on
strangers ; but now thou hast risen up against
Spaniards — thou warrest against thine own
family. No longer do strange and different
forms of worship divide us. My voice now
utters the sounds of that majestic language
which thou hast diffused throughout the vast
extent of my dominions. O Spain ! how canst
thou assume the tender name of mother ? A
mother studies the happiness of her offspring — •
their felicity constitutes her delight. But hast
thou ever attempted to soothe my sufferings, or
enlighten my mind ? Speak, and inform me*
in which of thy acts or sentiments can I recog
nize thy fostering care ?
" ' From the commencement of thy reign
over me, thou hast trembled for the preserva
tion of thy power. The extent of my territory
fills thee with alarm, when compared with thy
straitened limits in one corner of Europe. My
wealth makes thee blush for thy poverty ; my
fertility, for the idleness of thy soil. The popu-

256 MEMOIRS OF THE
lation which my vast , regions are destined by
the God of nature to subsist, frightens by anti
cipation thy unpeopled cities and deserted
plains ; and; to quiet thy jealous fears, thou re-
pressest the principles of strength and felicity
within me, and withdrawest from my soil its
exuberant fruitfulness, that the tree may bear
no more fruit than thy own hand can pluck.
Like the Dutch, who, traverse the fruitful Mo
luccas, and extirpate the luxurious shoots, lest
their superabundance should interfere with the
value of the produce to which avarice has limit
ed those isles, thou hast commanded nature,
prodigal of her favours to me, to become sterile ;
thou hast forbidden the olive to yield its ojl to
me — the mulberry tree, to nourish the, insect
whose industry would yield me robes of comfort
and splendour — -the vine, to beautify my hills,
or allay my thirst with its juice. To extract for
thee the: gold from my mountains, is all that
thou permittest me to do. Thou hast debarred
me from communication with the rest of the
world ; and if. I am known to it, it is yet undis
covered to me. The products of human in
dustry, the embellishments of art, and the ad
vantages of science, thou. withholdest from, my
enjoyment. My noble rivers flow through soli
tary forests and unpeopled regions.; My ports

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 257
are capable of containing all the ships of the
world ; but thy iron laws condemn them to a
solitude that is never broken, but by some
meanly freighted vessel despatched by the ava
rice of thy ministers, or by the intrigues of
thy courtiers.
" ' To whom hast thou committed thy au
thority over me ? To ungrateful strangers. By
whom have they been succeeded ? By men
equally unknown and ungrateful, whose rapacity
has long since ceased to excite my surprise,
and whose forbearance I have never known.
Behold what thy reign has cost me : and add
to this, thy wars that interest me not, which
blockade my ports, ravage my coasts, and con
vert the vast circumference of my territory into
the barrier of a prison.
" ' But the endurance ®f these wrongs has
reached its height. For a long time, thou hast
ceased to exist in relation to me. Events; over
which I had not the slightest influence, have
occasioned this separation, and established new
relations between us. Other views have burst
upon my enraptured sight, and have created
for me a new existence. Shall I renounce that
existence for thy sake, and become again a
hewer of wood and a drawer of water ? Leave
oh, leave me, to pUrsue in peace that path
VOL. II. s

258: MEMOIRS OF THE '
which is fitting to my age, and which the march
of mind has formed for me. Deceive not thy
self, nor think that it is I who have burst
asunder the bonds that united us : it was Nature
herself — it was that world from which thou
hast excluded me, to which I now belong, and
from which I must never again be parted. j
" ' Tell me, did thy king alone reign over
me ? No ; every Spaniard, every factory, every
workshop, in the Peninsula, considered me its
subject and its slave. Trembling under the
load of multiplied wrongs, my groans were
punished with stripes and death ; and when I
spoke of civil rights, thy sword was unsheathed,
and the fire of extermination was lighted;
Blood and ashes smoke on every side ; and the
lion of Castile, emulating in ferocity the mon
arch of my own forests, is preparing to reign,
like him, in deserts. ;
" ' When the Supreme Being created man,
was it that 'he should be a vassal ? Has his
neck been only formed to bear the yoke ? Is
the exercise of his reasoning powers to be de
nied him ? Is the act of reflecting and com
paring criminal ? Does he merit extermination,
for daring to resist oppression ? Dost, thou not
know, that it is the oppressor who makes the
rebel ? Is it not a law of nature,for manhood

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 259
to feel and assert the rights belonging to that
stage of existence ? Do not children separate
from their parents after a certain age, and hast
thou never seen them become parents iri their
turn ? Is it a crime, then, for me to throw off
my swaddling clothes, when they no longer cor
respond with my growth ? When every thing
within reminds me of my maturity — -when every
thing without is enlightened, is in motion, still
advancing to perfection, must I be held in lead
ing-strings, and live in that darkness in which
thou wouldst retain me? Where are thy means
to effect it ? Whence are thy treasures, but from
the bowels of my mountains ? Whence are thy
ships, but from my woods ? Whence thy revenue,
but from the harvests that thou art now destroy-.
ing, and from the plains that thou art now lay
ing waste ? Whence are thy soldiers ? Alas !
thou draggest them to dye their hands in the
blood of brothers. Dost thou nely on their
support? Will it not fail thee, if once they
rivet their glance upon the fascinating ore,
that I can pour into their hands, instead of the
miserable pittance that thou givest them ? — if
once they taste the fruits which I can offer
them, instead of a subsistence measured by
avarice, and diminished by fraud ? — or if once
they behold the brides to whom I can unite

260 MEMOIRS OF THE
them, ihsfead of that gloomy celibacy to which*
thod wouldst doom their youth, and by which
thou wouldst extinguish their race? May not
those very soldiers, under circumstances so new
and unexpected to them, become my friends,
and thy enemies ? Forget not, that the barba
rians who invaded Greece refused to quit it,
when they had once tasted its delicious fruits,
and caught a glimpse of those beauties who had
served as models to the chisel and to the pencil
of the artists, whose works have since filled a
world with admiration. But suppose that these
soldiers, with whom thou threatenest me, should
not prove faithless to thee; sent for my destruc-i
tion, they will find their graves on my shores,
and their tombs will be seen in my mountains.
Dost thou for a moment believe that the sight
of them will intimidate me ? The days of Cortez
and of Pizarro have past away for ever. My
sorts and thy sons descend from them. No
longer do thy arms and thy horses create sur
prise; and if for an age thy sons were believed
immortal, for an age has that illusion been dis
pelled. Receive from me the oft-times salutary
advice of an enemy. Abjure an empire thou
canst no longer control ; and confess that the
period has arrived, when America, by the de
crees Of the God of heaven, must be separated

MEXICAN REVOLUTION. 261
from thy unnatural sway. Know, that the day
is fast approaching, when all nations will learn
that their true interests consist in cultivating'
amity and intercourse with each other, instead
of strug-gling for the crown of domination!.
Anticipate my future prosperity, and behold in
it the real source of thine own happiness and
regeneration. Get rid of thy watchfulness and
thy remorse. Come and settle on my soil, as
brothers and as friends. Participate in those
harvests which all-bountiful nature, in my fa
voured climes, yields to industry. Let us inter
change with each other our respective produc
tions : let us terminate the murderous struggle
between our own kindred. Imbrue thy hands
no longer in the blood of my sons. Let the
powers of youthful America no longer remain
dormant, but let her dispute the prize of im
provement with Spain. Cultivate thy fields,
and re-animate the languishing industry of thy
people. With the riches of my mines will I
pay for the produce of thy industry. But look
to obtain them no more by the sword. Re
member, too, that riches are the wages of in
dustry ; nor will this decree of nature be
changed for thee. If my entreaties, thus found
ed in justice, reason, and fraternal sentiments,
should fail to soften thy heart — if, deaf to the

262 MEMOIRS, &d.
Voice of my sufferings, nothing will content
thee but the return of my neck to the yoke — if
thou fearest not that America may one day deny
to Spain, what Spain now refuses to America —
if thou wilt draw thy vengeful steel, and strive
to enforce thy will at the point of the sword, —
then be it so : my sons shall answer thee with
their's; and thou wilt find engraved upon their
blades, My Ultimatum !' "

ROUTE

TO

THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

CHAPTER XIII.

Examination of the different routes to the Pacific Ocean —
Doubts respecting a passage to the north-west — The com
munication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans,
at the province of Chocb, examined — Observations upon
the routes by the Isthmus of Darien or Panama ; by
the Isthmus of Costa Rica ; and by that of Oaxaca —
General observations on the importance of this passage to
the civilized world.
Having thus far occupied the attention of our
readers with an account of the civil wars of
Mexico, we turn with satisfaction from those
tragic scenes, to an object of the highest im
portance to the whole civilized world, and
which we deem particularly interesting to the
citizens of the United States, as well as to the
present and future generations of the whole
continent of America.

264 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
To shorten the navigation between the eastern
and western parts of our globe, either by disco
vering a passage in the high northern latitudes,
or by cutting canals and opening routes through
some parts of the American continent, so as to
afford either a navigable or rapid communi
cation between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans,
is most certainly an object which all the nations
of the earth ought to rejoice in seeing accom
plished. For the last two centuries large sums have
been expended in attempting the discovery of a
north-west passage to the Pacific. Ocean ; and
even at the present day, expeditions for that
purpose are annually fitted out, either by the
European governments, or by enterprising pri
vate companies. To say that no such passage
exists, and that for several degrees around the
pole there is an impenetrable and eternal con
gelation, would be controverting the opinions
of many enlightened men : but we believe they
will all agree with us, that if ever such a passage
should be discovered, it will be in latitudes
encumbered with floating ice the greater part
of the year, perpetually exposed to tempestuous
weather, in a region where vegetation is scarcely
visible, and where no supplies could be ob
tained by the unfortunate mariner, in the event

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 265
of detention or shipwreck. These dangers
may be encountered, and in part surmounted,
by human courage and enterprise ; but the
time that would be required to perform a
voyage in that direction, would always be un
certain. It would, at least, occupy as many
months as the present circuitous route to the
western shores of the Pacific Ocean. It is,
therefore, our opinion, that should such a north
west passage eventually be discovered, its utildty
to the commercial world would be very trivial.
Waiving, then, any further consideration ©f this
point, we will proceed to examine the different
sections of the continent, where nature requires
but little aid from art, in order to effect the
great object of a communication between the
Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.
The Spanish and British governments have
at various times received the most flattering
statements respecting the feasibility of opening
this communication, either entirely by water in
some places, or by land and water in others.
Nine different routes have been proposed:
but we shall confine our examination to those
places where we think the project of cutting
a canal may be successfully undertaken ; and
where a land and water communication appears
to be perfectly within the compass of human
exertion to accomplish.

266. ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
More than two centuries ago, the Spanish
government knew, that in the province of Choco,
in New Grenada the cutting of a canal' of
a few leagues would effect a navigable com
munication between the two oceans,- and
that, during the rainy season, when the valleys
of Choco were overflowed, canoes passed with
produce from one sea to the other. But they
prohibited, under pain of death to those con
cerned, all communication whatever by that
route. A monk (the curate ofNovilla), igno
rant of the interdiction, or pretending to be so,
assembled all the Indians of his parish, and in a
short time Cut a canal between the rivers Atralo
and San Juan, since called the canal of the
Raspadura. Large canoes (bongos), loaded
with cocoa, actually passed through it. This
communication was speedily stopped, by order
of the government, and the unlucky curate with
great difficulty obtained a pardon.
In the year 1813, the author of this work con
versed with some intelligent Spaniards and
Creoles, at Carthagena, respecting the Raspa
dura canal; and they stated, that although it
was at present choked up with sand and bushes,
yet it might soon be cleared. They also stated,
that there were several places between the
sources of the rivers Atrato and San Juan,

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 267
where a canal might be cut by a shorter route
than the one which had been opened by the
curate of Novilla. The distance bietween the
navigable waters of Atrato and San Juan is
only thirteen leagues; and from the Pacific
to the Atlantic Ocean, following the course
of the ravines, is only eighty leagues. No
doubt, therefore, can exist, that a water
communication between the two oceans might
be accomplished, in the province of Choco, by
either opening the former canal of Raspadura,
or by cutting a new one between the two rivers
we have mentioned. This communication
would certainly not admit the passage of vessels
of large burthen, owing to impediments in the
two rivers, and to the shallowness of the water
on the bars, at their mouths ; but as the ordi
nary purposes of commerce could be answered
by the use of large flat-bottomed boats, this
route merits great consideration ; and it will,
doubtless, at some future period, be the chan
nel of an important commerce.
Besides this route, there is, in the same pro
vince, another, and, as we were informed, a
preferable one, by the river Naipi, which
empties itself into the Atrato, of which indeed
jt is only a branch. From the port of Cupica,
on the Pacific Ocean, to the head of the navi-

268 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
gable waters of the Naipi, is only twentyfowr
miles, and the country between the two places
is a dead level. A canal might, thereforte, be
cut there without difficulty. The course of the
Naipi is stated to be very circuitous, and makes
the distance of the navigation a few leagues
longer than by the route of the Raspadura; but
the circumstance of the waters of the Naipi
being so near the port of Cupica, gives to this
rpute an important advantage. The want of
correct topographical knowledge prevents us
from forming an opinion upon the merits of
these two routes ; but there cannot exist a doubt
that by either of them a communication between
the two oceans may be established for the navi
gation of boats ; and it is possible, that at some
future period, when population becomes dense,
and a free trade shall be permitted between the
inhabitants of the Atlantic and Pacific shores,
that the province of Choco may then afford
a channel for the navigation of large vessels.
Secondly, The Isthmus of Darien, or, as
it is usually called, of Panama, is the section of
the American continent most celebrated among
geographers, authors, and projectors, as the
point at which the two oceans may be united,
by means of a canal, with greater facility than
at any other place. The Spanish government

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 269
have, at different times, endeavoured to obtain
aticurate surveys of this Isthmus ; and, for that
purpose, engineers of eminence and capacity
have been employed. Some of the reports that
were officially made on this subject, contain the
most extravagant statements — such as, that by
cutting a canal of about twelve leagues, following
the course of the ravines at the foot of the
mountains, a passage may be opened as wide as
the Gut of Gibraltar, from the bay of Panama,
to the navigable waters of Cruces or Chagre.
Other reporters have stated, that such water
communication cannot be accomplished but by
locks and tunnels, passing over an elevation
of at least four hundred feet. In one point,
however, all these statements accord, viz. that
by a good road from Panama to the place
of embarkation on the river Cruces, property
of any description or weight might be conveyed
in carriages ; and, as the distance is only about
twenty-three miles, this place would, undoubt
edly, afford a more rapid and shorter route
between the two oceans than any yet pointed
out. During the administration of William Pitt,
various projects were presented to him, tending
to show the feasibility of cutting a canal through
the Isthmus, sufficiently wide and deep to admit

270 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
vessels of the largest size ; and it is well known
that this statesman frequently, among his friends,
spoke with rapture on the subject, and that it
constituted one of the great considerations in
his mind when forming his plans for the eman
cipation of Spanish America.
So late as the year 1810, the Edinburgh Re
viewers appear to have entertained the same
opinion; for we find, in the number for Janu
ary of that year, the following observations : — •
" In enumerating, however, the advantages of
a commercial nature which would assuredly
spring from the emancipation of South America,
we have not yet noticed the greatest, perhaps, of
all— the mightiest event, probably, in favour of
the peaceful intercourse of nations, which the
physical circumstances 'of the globe present to
the enterprise of man, — / mean, the formation of a
navigable passage across the Isthmus of Panamh
—the junction of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans:
It is remarkable, that this magnificent underta
king, pregnant with consequences so important
to mankind, and about which so little is known
in this country, is so far from being a romantic
and chimerical project, that it is not only prac
ticable but easy.'' The writer proceeds to point
out the means by which this great work can be
effected ; and then launches forth into a detail

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 271
of the advantages, which would result to the
commercial and civilized world, by thus bring
ing Asia nearer to Europe, &c.
It is with diffidence we venture to combat
opinions emanating from such respectable
sources ; but all details, tending to disembarrass
this important and interesting question must
be acceptable.
Our information on this subject has been
obtained from respectable individuals at Cartha-
gena and Jamaica, who visited the Isthmus from
commercial views, or for the express purpose of
a personal examination of the facilitiesor difficul
ties of cutting the so-much-talked-of navigable
canal. It is therefore presumable, that intelli
gence from such sources is correct. We have
likewise carefully examined the observations of
William Walton, Esq. of London, on this sub
ject, published in the fifth and sixth numbers
of the Colonial Journal for March and June,
1817; and as Mr. Walton's remarks have like
wise been founded on personal investigation,
during a visit made to Panama, we think his
opinions worthy of great attention, more espe
cially as all his works on South America are
characterized by liberality, and bear the impress
of an ardent attachment to the cause of rational
liberty, and a consequent desire to promote

272 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
and extend the commercial intercourse between
the Old and New World.
The river Chagre empties itself into the At
lantic ocean about the latitude of 9° 18' north,
and 80° 35' west longitude ; it is navigable for
boats (or large bongos) about twenty leagues,
to the town of Cruces : the bar, at the entrance
of the river, will not admit a vessel drawing
more water than ten feet. The current in the
river, at certain seasons, is extremely rapid, so
that boats are sometimes fifteen or twenty days
getting to Cruces ,- but this disadvantage could
be remedied by steam vessels.
A chain of mountains, which Humboldt con
siders a prolongation of the Andes of New
Grenada, runs through the Isthmus, following
the curvature of the coast, and flanked by other
lofty hills, rising on both sides. The road
from Cruces to Panama winds round the sides
of those hills, or rather along their central base.
Supposing a canal to be cut at the foot of these
hills, pursuing the sinuosities of the ravines, it
would nevertheless be necessary for the engi
neer to make use of arches in some places, and
subterraneous passages at others, in order to
obtain a level ; and he would likewise have to
carry the canal over an elevation of some
hundred feet. But, even admitting that human

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 273
ingenuity and labour should surmount the phy
sical obstacles, and that a canal should be com
pleted from Cruces to Panama, we nevertheless
encounter at the latter an impediment that we
firmly believe to be insuperable.
The water along the coast, in the bay of
Panama, is so shallow, that none but flat-
bottomed boats, of one or two feet in draught,
can approach the shore. The city of PanamA is
situated at the head of the gulf of that name*
on a peninsula washed by the waters of the
Pacific ocean. A marine gate faces the port,'
which by the Spaniards is called " El Puerto
de las Piraguas." from its being the place of
resort of the boats so called . On the other side,
facing the Isthmus, is another gate, called " La
Puerta de la Tierra," or land gate. To the
south, the town is surrounded and defended by a
range of small islands. The anchorage place for
all vessels of large size is at two small islands,
called Pericp and Flaminco, distant about seven
miles from the city. The lading and unlading
of vessels is therefore tedious and expensive ;
and in fact the bay of Panama is nothing more
than an open roadstead.
The extreme shallowness of the water near
the beach, not only in the bay, but along the
whole coast, opposite to those places where the
VOL. II. T

274 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
projectors of the canal have contemplated cut
ting a passage, seems, as we have before ob
served,, to present a most serious obstacle to its
execution. Supposing that, by locks and tun
nels, and excavations, the Isthmus should be
perforated from Cruces to the shores of the bay
of Panama, the canal. must then be continued
seven miles into the ocean, to admit the naviga
tion of large vessels. We conceive it possible
to make such a channel into the ocean, but it
appears to us to be an Herculean task. Besides,
a channel there would be liable to the operation
of the same causes that have thrown up the
sand along the shore of the bay, and would
consequently be perpetually filling up. But
even admitting that all these impediments could
be overcome, and that a passage should be
opened sufficient tp allow vessels drawing eigh
teen or twenty feet of water to proceed as far as
Cruces, they would; not then find a sufficiency
qf water to descend the Chagre, and to pass the
bar at its mouth : it would be necessary there
fore to continue the canal by another route,
through the entire Isthmus, before it could be
used as a passage for the navigation of large
vessels. We shall rejoice if future surveys of the
jsthmus prove that the obstacles we have sug
gested either do not exist, or that they may be

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 275
surmounted. For we readily confess, that there
is not a point where it would be more desirable
to carry this design into execution, than the
Isthmus of Panama, both on accourit of its
central position, and of the short distance there
between the two oceans.
Some writers have suggested, that the cutting
of a canal at this Isthmus would produce a
serious physical revolution in the ' adjacent
country, arising from a supposed difference in
the height of the waters on the Pacific and
Atlantic shores. Some have gone so far as to
say, that the whole Isthmus would be inundated,
and the present course of the Gulf Stream be
entirely changed. But we consider that Hum
boldt and other sgavans of the age have com
pletely refuted the theory of a difference in
the elevation of the waters of the Pacific and
Atlantic oceans. The only difficulty, in our
estimation, is, to find out a practicable route for
a canal capable of admitting large vessels to
pass from one ocean to another; but although
such a route cannot be discovered, and the ob
stacles we have suggested cannot be surmounted,
yet the Isthmus of Panama must be viewed as a
place which from its geographical position and
other advantages, appears destined to enjoy a
considerable future trade, but never to become
a great commercial emporium.

276 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
Thirdly- — We now come to treat of a section
of the American continent, where the magni
ficent scheme of cutting a navigable canal,, be
tween the two oceans, appears unincumbered
with any natural obstacles. , ,';,.,..
The province of Costa Rica, or, as it is
named by some geographers, Nicaragua, has
occupied but the very cursory notice of either
Spanish or Other writers ; they have all, how
ever, stated, that a communication could be
opened by the lake of Nicaragua, between the
two seas, but no accurate description of the
country has ever been published ; and indeed
so completely has the mind of the public been
turned towards the Isthmus of Panama, as
the favoured spot where the canal should be cut,
that Costa Rica has been disregarded.
In looking over the excellent maps of Melish
and Doctor Robinson, recently published, we
perceive that the river called San Juan dis
cbarges its waters into the Atlantic Ocean, in
the pfovince of Costa Rica, about the latitude
of 10° 45' north. This noble river has its
source in the lake of Nicaragua. The bar at
its mouth has been generally described as not
having more than twelve feet water on it. About
sixteen years ago, an enterprising Englishman,
who casually visited the river, examined the

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 277
different passages over the bar, and discoivered
one, which although narrow, would admit a
vessel drawing twenty-five feet. It is said that
some of the traders to that coast from Honduras,
are likewise acquainted with the passage just
mentioned, but it has never been laid down on
any map ; and if the Spanish government had
been informed of it, they would, conformably
to their usual policy, have studiously concealed
it. After the bar of the San Juan is crossed,
there is excellent and safe anchorage in four
and six fathoms of water. It is stated that there
are no obstructions to the navigation of the
river, but what may be easily removed ; and at
present large brigs and schooners sail up the
river into the lake. This important fact has been
communicated to us by several traders. The
waters of the lake, throughout its whole extent,
are from three to eight fathoms in depth.
, In the lake are some beautiful islands, which,
with the country around its borders, form a no
mantic and most enchanting scenery. At its
western extremity is a small river, which com
municates with the lake of Leon, distant about
eight leagues. From the latter, as well as from
Nicaragua, therearesomesmall rivers which flow
into the Pacific ocean . The distance from the lake
of Leon to the ocean is about thirteen miles ; and
from Nicaragua^to the gulf of Papagayo, in the

278 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
Pacific ocean, is twenty-one miles. The ground
between the two lakes and the sea is a dead
level. The only inequalities seen are some
isolated conical hills, of volcanic origin. There
are two places where a canal could be cut with
the greatest facility : the one, from the coast of
Nicoya (or, as it is called in some of the maps,
Caldera) to the lake of Leon, a distance of
thirteen or fifteen miles; the other, from the gulf
ofPapagayo to the lake of Nicaragua, a distance
of about twenty-one or twenty- five miles. The coast
of Nicoya and the gulf of Papagayo are free
from rocks and shoals, particularly in the gulf,
the shore of which is so bold that a frigate may
anchor within a few yards of the beach. Some
navigators have represented the coasts of Costa
Rica, as well on the Pacific as on the Atlantic
side, as being subject to severe tempests ; and
hence these storms have been called Papagayos :
but we have conversed with several mariners
who have experienced them, and have been
assured that they are trifling, when compared
with the dreadful hurricanes experienced among
the Antilles, in the months of August, Septem
ber, and October. The Papagayos are merely
strong north-east gales, which last about the
same time, during the winter season, as the
northern gales in the gulf of Mexico. For more
than half the year, the seasons are perfectly

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 279
tranquil, and more especially on the coast of
the Pacific ocean. We have conversed with
persons* residents of the city of Leon, who
assured us, that for twenty years past they had
not experienced any thing deserving the name
of a hurricane.
The climate of Costa Rica has none of the
deleterious qualities of the province of Choco
and the Isthmus of Panama. The sea breezes
from the Pacific as , well as Atlantic set in
steadily every morning, and diffuse over the
whole Isthmus of Costa Rica a perpetual fresh
ness. We think it is not hazarding too much
to say, that this part of the American continent
is the most salubrious of all the tropical regions.
The most finely formed and robust race of
Indians of the American continent, are found
here. The soil is peculiarly fertile, particu
larly in the vicinity of the river San Juan, and
around the borders of the lakes Nicaragua and
Leon. From the preceding outline it will be per
ceived, tbat nature has already provided a water
conveyance through this Isthmus, to within
a few leagues of the Pacific Ocean ; but, sup
posing that the route we have mentioned, up
the river San Juan, and through the lake of
Nicaragua, should, when accurately surveyed,

280 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN*
discover obstructions (which we do notantici*
pate) to the navigation of large vessels* whetf*
would exist the difficulty, in such case* of
cutting a canal through the entire Isthmus ?
The Whole distance is only one hundred and
ninety, or at most tieo hundred miles from the
Atlantic Ocean to the gulf of Papagayo. There
is scarcely ten miles of the distance but what
passes over a plain ; and, by digging the canal
near the' banks of the river San Juan, and the
margin of the lake of Nicaragua, an abundant
supply of water could be procured for a canal
of any depth or width. Surely the magnitude
bf such an undertaking would not be a material
objection, in the present age of enterprise and
improvement, especially when we look at what
has been accomplished in Europe, and at the
splendid canal now cutting in our own country,
in the state of New York. It may be said, that
the present poverty of the country, and its
thin population, are powerful obstacles to the
execution of the project. If Costa Rica were in
the possession of a liberal government, willing
to lend its encouragement to this important
object, capital in abundance would speedily be
forthcoming, either from Great Britain or from
the United States. Enterprising companies
would soon be formed; and we hazard little in

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN, 281
predicting, that the canal stock of such an asjfor
ciation would yield a profit far greater than that
of any other company in the world. With regard
to the difficulty of procuring labourers in. the
present state of the population of the country, it
could soon be obviated. The Indians of Guar
iimala and Yucatan would flock to the Isthmus
of Costa Rica in thousands, provided the ban
ners of freedom were hoisted there, under any
government capable of affording them pro
tection, and rewarding them for their labour.
The present condition of those unfortunate
people is wretched beyond conception, particu
larly of those in the interior of Yucatan. We
have seen them attending mass, and accompa-i
nying religious processions, in hundreds and
thousands, almost in a state of nudity. Adults
had a covering over their loins, and sometimes
a shirt and a pair of drawers; but children
of both sexes, under ten and twelve years of
age, were literally naked. The fruits of their
labour are absorbed by the exactions of their
civil, military, and ecclesiastical despots: they
feel no stimulus to industry, who are de
barred from enjoying or inheriting its fruits:
they pass a life of ignorance and apathy, and
die in misery. Unfold to these unfortunate
beings a new and rational mode of existence,

282 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
oflfer them moderate wages and comfortable
clothing, give them personal protection* and
allow them the advantages of a free external
and internal commerce, and they would soon
display a different character. Offer to the
view ofthe Indians these blessings, and multi
tudes would repair to the proposed point, from
all the adjacent countries. Under such circum
stances, we do not entertain any doubt that
twenty, thirty, or even fifty thousand Indians
could be procured for the work in question,
who would give their labour with gratitude for
a moderate compensation. Every Indian among
the natives of Costa Rica would rejoice at the
prospect of being employed and paid for his
labour, — and more especially in the execution
of an undertaking, which even to his untutored
mind, would present such obvious advantages
to his country and to his posterity.
We feel great pleasure in stating, that many
of these ideas are derived from an interesting
and able Memoir, written by the late Bryan
Edwards, the celebrated historian of the West
Indies. We perused it, several years since, at
Jamaica ; and, although we have not seen it
among any of the published works of that dis
tinguished writer, we believe the Memoir to have
been laid before the British government. Bryan

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 283
Edwards was perfectly aware of the importance
of Costa Rica to the British nation, and of
the practicability of forming a communication
between the two seas in the manner we have sug
gested ; and he made use of the most cogent and
eloquent reasoning, to induce his government
to seize the Isthmus of Costa Rica by conquest
in tear, or to obtain it by negotiation in peace.
We presume the British government have not
lost sight of those representations, nor of other
interesting communications on the same subject
which have been made to them by several intel
ligent individuals who had resided in the bay of
Honduras. The Isthmus of Costa Rica may,
hereafter, become to the New, what the Isthmus
of Suez was to the Old World, prior to the
discovery of the route to Asia by the Cape
of Good Hope.
Should a canal be cut through Costa Rica
of sufficient dimensions to admit the passage of
the largest vessels, and ports of free commerce
to all nations be established at the mouths of
this canal on the Pacific and Atlantic oceans,
there cannot be a doubt that, in less than a
century, this Isthmus would become the greatest
commercial thoroughfare in the world. Let
the reader cast his eye upon the map, and behold
its important geographical position. Nearly

284 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC QGBAM..
central, as respects the distance between Cape
Horn and the north-west coast of Americ»rtn
in the vicinity of the two great oceans, gupgff
seding the necessity of the circuitous and perilr
ous navigation round Cape Horn ; it appears
to be the favoured spot, destined by nature \o
be the heart of the commerce of the world, ot
The most ardent imagination would fail in
an attempt to pourtray all the important- and
beneficial consequences that would result from
the execution of this work, the magnitude
and grandeur of which are worthy the profound
attention of every commercial nation.. It is,
indeed, a subject so deeply and generally inter
esting, that the powerful nations of the Old and
those of the New World should discard from its
examination all selfish or ambitious consider-.
ations. Should the work be undertaken, let it
be executed on a magnificent scale; and, when
completed, let it become, like the Ocean* a
highway of nations, the enjoyment of which
shall be guaranteed by them all, and which
shall be exempt from the caprice or regula
tions of any one kingdom or state. This idea
may, at first view, appear as extravagant as ft
is novel ; but we cannot perceive apy thing in
it that is not in unison with the liberal and
enterprising spirit of the present age ; and we

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 285
feel perfectly assured, that if it receives the en
couragement and support of the nations of the
Old World, those who will hereafter govern in
the New, will not hesitate to relinquish a ffew
leagues of territory on the American continent,
for the general benefit of mankind ; and more
especially when America herself must derive
permanent and incalculable advantages from
being the great channel of communication be
tween the Oriental and Western World.
Fourthly — Having thus attempted to eluci
date the extraordinary and peculiar advantages
which Costa Rica possesses for the establish
ment of a navigable intercourse between the
two seas, we will now proceed to examine ano
ther position, which, although it is deficient in
some of the natural advantages of Costa Rica,
still possesses others of so important a character
as to render it almost doubtful with us at which
of the two places the desired communication
ought first to be opened. Were we to consult
the present and future interests of Mexico, and
of the republic of the United States, we should
say that the Mexican Isthmus (or, as it is more
properly designated, the Isthmus ofTehuantepec)
is the section before all others on the American
continent, where the communication between
the Pacific and Atlantic oceans should be made.

286 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
But, as we are desirous of seeing the blessings
of commerce extensively diffused; for the bene
fit of the human race generally, and not of any
nation in particular, we should rejoice to see
the communication between the two seas simul
taneously opened at every place where it is
practicable, whether by land or water, or by the
latter solely, thereby exciting emulation, and
widening the range of commercial enterprise.
We do not advocate a system of commercial
aggrandizement, which seeks to raise itself by
the oppression and ruin of other nations, nor a
system of restrictions at variance with the laws
of nature, and the happiness of mankind. We
wish to see the two great oceans of our globe
brought nearer to each other by canals and
high roads, at such places as the God of nature
has evidently destined for channels of commu
nication ; and that they should no longer re
main dark and dreary deserts, such as they have
been for ages, under the anti-social principles
of the Spanish government.
The Isthmus of Tehuantepec is comprised in
a tract of territory embracing the intendancy of
Oaxaca and part of that of Vera Cruz. On the
coast of the Pacific ocean, it extends from a
place called Tonala, on the borders of Guatimala,
to the province of La Puebla. On the Atlantic

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 287
coast, or rather in the great bend of the Mexican
Gulf, it extends from the bay of Alvarado to
-Yucatan, including the province of Tabasco.
The greatest breadth of the Isthmus, within
those limits, is about one hundred and twenty-
five miles. The narrowest part is between the
port of Guasacualco in the Gulf, and the bay
of Tehuantepec on the Pacific ocean. The
latitude of the former is about 18° 30', and of
the latter about 16° 30'. From the summit of
a mountain called Chillilo, or La Gineta, on, a
clear day, the Atlantic and Pacific oceans can
be distinctly seen. We have conversed with
many persons in the city of Oaxaca, who had
visited the mountain for the sole purpose of en
joying this interesting spectacle ; and they speak
in the most rapturous strains of the sublimity
of the surrounding scenery, as well as of the
beauty and grandeur which the view of the two
oceans presents. A chain of mountains, which
may be termed a continuation of the Andes?
runs through the centre of this Isthmus, the
elevation of which above the ocean varies from
five or six thousand to three or four hundred
feet. From some extraordinary convulsion , of
nature, vast. chasms or ravines have been form
ed among these mountains, which we shall
hereafter speak of; as it is by means of those

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
fissures that nature appears to point out to man
the practicability of forming a water comma*
nication between the two seas. ^ During the
rainy season; these chasms contain a vast body
of water, which seeks its discharge by rivets
flowing into the Pacific and Atlantic OceansL
The Indians of the Isthmus, particularly those
of Tabasco and Tehuaritepec, assert that they
pass With their canoes entirely through the
Isthmus. We endeavoured,* while at Oaxaca,
to ascertain this fact ; and we are convinced
that when the waters are at their height during
the rainy season, a canoe may pass, by the sinu
osities of the ravines, from the river Guasacuulcto
to the rivers Chimalapa and TehuantepeC.
There is no part of the Mexican kingdom
watered by such noble rivers as this Isthmus.
We shall merely notice a few of the most con
siderable. Guaspala, Tustepec, Cartas, and
several others with whose names we are unac
quainted, discharge their waters in the bay of
Alvarado, a few leagues to the south-east of the
city of Vera Cruz. The St. Pierre and Tabasco
disembogue near each other on the coast of
Tabasco. Those rivers have their sources in
the mountains of Oaxaca, Vera Cruz, and
Chiapa. They flow through a country as fer
tile as any in New Spain, abounding in forests

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 289
of the most valuable timber ; and are navigable
at all seasons for large boats {bongos), and
during the floods have water sufficient for the
largest vessels. On these rivers, at some future
time, steam navigation may be made to afford
similar benefits to those it now yields on the
Mississippi and Ohio. On the western side of
the mountains, there are several important
streams descending into the Pacific Ocean. Chi-
malapa and Tehuanlepec discharge into the bay
bearing the name of the latter. The majestic
river Guasacualco empties into the bay of the
same name, in the'Mexican Gulf. The sources
of the three last-named rivers are within five
leagues of each other ; but, as we have before
mentioned, when the ravines of the mountains
are filled with water, canoes may pass from the
rivers Chirrialapa and Tehuantepec to Guasa
cualco. We will not positively assert that a
navigable canal may be formed, so as to Unite
the waters of these three rivers, but we believe
it practicable. The point will be decided,
when the Isthmus shall hereafter be properly
surveyed ; in the mean time, we will exa<-
mine the importance of the Isthmus, as a means
of communication between the Atlantic and
Pacific oceans, even should a canal never be
formed. VOL II. w

290 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
At the mouth of the river Guasacualco, is
the most spacious and secure harbour of any on
the Atlantic coast of Mexico. It is the only
port in the Mexican Gulf, where vessels of war,
and others of a large size, can enter ; and is far
superior either to Pensacola or Espiritu Santo.
There are, at all seasons, on the bar at the
mouth of the port, twenty-two feet water ; and
it is said, that, during the flood of the river, the
bar occasionally shifts, and affords passages in
five and six fathoms water. Some years ago, a
Spanish ship of the line, called the Asia, crossed
the bar of Guasacualco, and anchored in the
port. We have heard of some ports to the
northward of Vera Cruz, capable of admitting
vessels of a large size ; of these, Matagorda
has been stated to have twenty feet water on the
bar at the mouth of the harbour: it is in lati
tude 28° 30', about half-way between the rivers
Sabine and Del Norte.' But from recent infor
mation which we have obtained from the offi
cers of the United States' navy, who have been
cruising in that vicinity, we are induced to be
lieve that there is not a single safe port in the
whole range of the coast in the Gulf, with the
exception of Guasacualco. Vera Cruz is little
more than an open roadstead ; and, during the
northern gales, vessels are frequently driven

ROUTE TO THE' PACIFIC OCEAN. 291
ashore in that port. Ships of war, and other
large vessels, are moored by cables made fast to
rings in the walls of the castle of San Juan de
Ulua, situated on a small island in the centre of
the harbour; but, during heavy gales, they
are even here exposed to the danger of found
ering. The river Guasacualco is navigable, for vessels
of the largest size, to within twelve leagues of
the navigable waters of Chimalapa and Tehu-
antepec. The latter river admits from the
Pacific Ocean, vessels drawing twenty feet
water. It was on this river that the celebrated
Cortez constructed ships, when he sent Pedro
de Alvarado to conquer Guatimala. No doubt
therefore exists, that the Isthmus of Tehuan-
tepec can be entered on the Pacific and Atlantic
coasts, by the rivers before mentioned, and
that a good carriage road might be made, of
from twelve to fourteen leagues, along the sides
of the mountains, by which all species of mer
chandise could be transported with ease, in a
few hours, from the navigable waters of Chi
malapa and Tehuantepec, to those of Guasa
cualco. There is no part of New Spain where such a
road could be made with so much facility ; and
indeed, if on a topographical survey of the

292: ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
Isthmus, if shall be found practicable to cut a,
canal, there is no place where such an under
taking could be accomplished with such ease as
i]B the province of Oaxaca.
It is. proper that we should here, present the
reader: With a brief description of this intent
dancy, in order to give him some idea of its
present and probable future importance*
The intendancy. of Oaxaca is bounded on the
north and north-east by that of Vera Cruz, by
the captaincy-general of Guatimala on the
south-east, by the intendancy of La Puebla on
the west and north-west, and by the Pacific
Ocean on the sotith. In its boundaries are
comprehended a great part of the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec, as before described. It is about
orie hundred and twenty-five leagues in length,
from bast to west, and its greatest breadth
about ninety leagues. Notwithstanding the
contracted limits of this province, and although
not orte-eighth of it is yet cultivated, it has a
population, in proportion to its surface, far
greater than any other province in New Spain.
According to a census taken in 1808, it con
tained six hundred thousand inhabitants. The
number of cities, towns, and villages, exceeds
eight hundred. We have visited several villages,
containing six and seven thousand inhabitants!

ROUTE TQ THE PACIFIC OCEAtfi 298;
The city of Oaxaca (or Antequera) contains
about thirty-eight thousand inhabitants ; and,
as we have observed in a former chapter, this
city equals, if it does not surpass, the capital
of the Mexican kingdom, in its beautiful streets
and squares, as well as in the splendour of its
edifices. Its salubrity is unequalled an the
American continent; even ifs shores on the
Pacific Ocean appear exempted from the usual
diseases which afflict the inhabitants of the
Atlantic and South-Sea coasts.
The population of Tehuantepec, which is
situated on the river, only six leagues from the
ocean, and about the latitude of 16° 30', are
among the most active and healthy race of
Indians We have ever seen. The Indian females
of Tehuantepec may be properly called the
Circassians of Southern America. Their pier*
cingeyes give to their countenance an extraor,
dinary animation; their long black hair is
neatly plaited, and adorned with combs, made
of gold or tortoise-shell ; while the celerity and
grace of their movements strike a stranger with
astonishment. They are very industrious,- andf
manufacture nearly all their own clothing.
Tbey are remarkable for their cleanliness, and*
are fond of bathing. The Spanish government,:
daring the present revolution, have looked upon

294 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
these Indians with a jealous eye, in conse
quence of their known predilection for the
insurgents. The vicinity of the town to the
sea-coast, and its being situated on a navigable
river, are circumstances that give the govern
ment much uneasiness, because they are aware,
that if a foreign enemy should land on the
coast of Oaxaca, they would be received with
open arms by the Indians of Tehuantepec, and,
indeed, by the greater part of the population of
the whole province, as we have suggested in
a former part of this volume. The intendancy
of Oaxaca, therefore, not only at present pos
sesses an immense population, but is of the
highestimportance for its valuable productions.
It is the region of New Spain that appears the
most favourable to the production of the im
portant article of cochineal. In no other part
of Mexico does the nopal (on which tree the
cochineal insect subsists) flourish so well. Its
propagation has been unsuccessfully attempted
in various other provinces; but not only do the
climate and soil appear peculiarly adapted to
this plant in Oaxaca, but the Indians have, by
a long course of practice, acquired so much
experience in the manner of cultivating the
nopal, and collecting the insects, as to preclude
all rivalship in any of the other provinces. In

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 295
some years there have been produced, in
Oaxaca, four hundred thousand pounds weight
of cochineal : this is worth in Europe, even
during peace, about one million six hundred
thousand dollars. During war, it has frequently
sold in England at twenty-five shillings sterling
per pound. The poor Indian who collects this
precious commodity, barters it for manufac
tured goods to the Spanish shop-keepers in the
villages. The extortion of these men, together
with the exactions of the government and
priesthood, leave to the Indian a miserable
return for his care and industry; but we have
no doubt, that if these unjust and unnatural
restrictions on the labour of the natives were
removed, the intendancy of Oaxaca would, in a
very few years, produce above a million of
pounds of cochineal per annum.
The mountains of this intendancy, particu
larly those of the Misteea, are likewise pecu
liarly adapted to the growth of the mulberry
tree. Many years ago, the experiment was
made, and it succeeded so well, that it awakened
the jealousy of the European Spaniards; and
they created so many obstacles to the manu
facturing of silk in Oaxaca, that ^he Indians
became exasperated, and in one night destroyed
every mulberry tree in the intendancy; since

296 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
which time no attempts have been made to
renew its culture.
The indigo, of the district of Tehuantepec,
is superior in quality to that of Guatimala ; but
as there are no ports open to foreign commerce
along the coast of the Pacific Ocean, in the
vicinity of Tehuantepec, nor, indeed, on any
part of the coast of Oaxaca, the inhabitants
have not been stimulated either to the culture
of that, or of the cotton plant, or of the sugar
cane, except so far as is absolutely necessary
to supply their own immediate consumption.
In all the mountainous districts of Oaxaca,
and more especially in the spacious valleys
which are situated from twenty-five hundred to
six thousand feet above the level of thesea, we
find a soil and climate at least equal, if not
superior, to any on the globe. There is not
a single article raised in the temperate zone,
that would not here find a congenial region.
Wheat, and all kinds of grain, yield a return to
the cultivator equal to that of the most fertile
parts of Europe. The fruits and vegetables of
Oaxaca are unrivalled for luxuriance and
delicacy. Peaches, pears, apricots, and straw
berries, are here to be found of a size and
flavour superior to those of the south of France;
and the variety and excellence, of the grape

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 29#
point out the valleys of Oaxaca as the gfe.at
future vineyards of New Spain; Asparagus^
artichokes, turnips, cabbages, and all the varipus
productions of horticulture, grow to a size and
perfection we have never beheld elsewhere.
To all these important natural advantages of
this favoured country, must be added that of
its mineral productions. Some of the most
valuable gold mines of New Spain are in this
province ; but they have not yet been extent
sively worked, inasmuch as the attention of the:
directors of the mining establishments in
Mexico has been principally directed to the
mines of Guanaxuato, and of other provinces*
silver mines being considered more profitable
than those of gold. The Indians of the Upper
and Lower Misteea, as well as those of the
district of Tehuantepec, collect grains of gold
in the beds of the rivulets that flow through the
mountains ; and larger masses of gold have
been found in Oaxaca, than in any other part
of New Spain. Indications of silver ore are,
likewise, discoverable in all the mountainous
districts; but as yet scarcely any attention has
been paid to them. In fact, there cannot be a
doubt that this province abounds in all the
precious minerals ; and when the use of ma
chinery shall be introduced, and the restrictions

298 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
on human industry and enterprise be removed,
this province will yield as much gold and silver
as any other in America. It is worthy of re
mark, likewise, that copper and iron ore have
been found in different parts of Oaxaca. In the
village of Yanhuitlan, there is a large piece of
metal, which the blacksmiths of the place use as
an anvil. It was found on the summit of a hill
near the village, and is of an extraordinary
weight for its dimensions. Various attempts
have been made to fuse it, but it has resisted
the most intense heat.*
From the preceding outline of the great
resources of this province, including its dense
population, it will be evident to the reader, that
to make a carriage road of fourteen, or even
(should it be necessary) of twenty leagues, over
the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, so as to form
* We feel great hesitation in adding, that this mass of
metal is platina, although it is so named in some manu
script notes upon the intendancy, of Oaxaca, at present in
our1 possession, by Teran and Bustamante, names with
which our readers are familiar. Beside their being men of
general information, it may not be improper to add, that
Bustamante was at one time connected with the School of
Mines in Mexico. We at least learn, from their so terming
it, that it is a very general belief that the mass is platina.
The mineralogists will, of course, immediately pronounce it
to be impossible,— and we are content.

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN 299
a rapid communication from the navigable
waters of the Chimalapa and Tehuantepec to
the Guasacualco, or to cut a canal through such
parts of the Isthmus as an accurate survey shall
shew to be fittest for the purpose, are ope
rations which could be performed with the
greatest facility by the inhabitants of Oaxaca.
The idea of such an undertaking has long
been familiar to several enlightened men of
Oaxaca. So early as the year 1745, a memorial
was presented to the viceroy of Mexico, signed
by several distinguished Creoles, praying him
to represent to the court of Spain the immense
benefits that would arise to the kingdom, from
making Guasacualco a port of entry, and the
great depot of commerce, instead of the port
and city of Vera Cruz. A copy of this in
teresting document was put into our hands,
while in the city of Oaxaca, in the year 1816,
and we were forcibly struck with the import
ance of the facts noticed therein. It displays
an intelligence, a foresight, and a spirit of
liberality, such as could scarcely have been
expected, in those days, from men reared in
that political and commercial darkness in which
Spain enveloped her dominions. After giving
a topographical description of the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec, and expatiating on the fertility

300 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
and beauty of the country, the memorialists'
Explicitly declare, that a canal can be cut, so as
to unite the waters of the rivers before men
tioned ; and they likewise state, that should
political reasons prevent the formation of the
proposed canal, at all events a great road
might be made across the ridge, by "means
of which property could be transported in
carriages at a moderate expense. The memo
rialists then proceed to unfold the great ad
vantages that would result to the kingdom
of Mexico, by opening a traffic between Ma
nilla and the coast of Oaxaca, instead of the
trade being restricted (as it still is) to the port
of Acapulco. The superior advantages of the
port and harbour of Guasacualco over that of
Vera Cruz, and the number of valuable ports
on the coast of Oaxaca, are then noticed ; and,
of the latter, they particularly mention Tehuan
tepec^, San Diego, Santa Cruz de Guatuleo,
Cacalutla, San Augustin, Puerto de los Angeles,
Escondido (hidden port), and the ensanada or
bay of Mazuntld. The port of Escondido has a
narrow, but excellent entrance, which is only-
discovered on a very near approach to the
coast ; but it is as spacious as Acapulco, and
would afford perfectly secure moorings for
hundreds of vessels. It could easily be fortified

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 30!
so as to render it impregnable to external at
tacks. The port of Santa Cruz de Guatulco is,
likewise, equal to any on the Pacific shore, and
is situated only thirty-five leagues south of the
city of Oaxaca.
The whole of the Memoir alluded to is full of
interesting information and luminous argu
ment, and would have excited the profound
attention of any other government than that of
Spain. The merchants of Vera Cruz no sooner
heard of the Memorial, than they adopted
every possible measure to prevent its even
reaching Madrid ; but; nevertheless, it was
transmitted to the court. The Cadiz mo^
nopolists, and the Philippine company, viewed
with great alarm a project that threatened
to divert the trade out of its ordinary channels:
The mercantile establishments they had already
fixed at Acapulco and Vera Cruz, and the
expensive edifices they had erected at those
places, would become valueless in proportion
as this should be effected. These parties, there
fore, and their agents in Vera Cruz and Aca
pulco, put in action every engine of intrigue,
in order to defeat the wishes of the Oaxaca
memorialists. The Memorial was placed among
the secret royal archives at Madrid, that is,
it was laid on the shelf of oblivion ; and the

302 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
only notice that was ever bestowed on it, was by
an order from the court, prohibiting the parties
from ever again reviving the subject, under
pain of the royal displeasure ; and severely
reprimanding, or stigmatizing, the Oaxaca
memorialists, as audacious innovators of the
established regulations and commerce of the
kingdom. The only viceroys who have displayed liberal
sentiments, or shewn the least regard for the
internal improvement of New Spain, and the
establishment, on liberal principles, of the
internal and external commerce of the country,
were the Count of Revillagigedo and Don Jose
Iturrigaray. Both of those viceroys were men
of enlarged minds, who viewed with disgust
the unnatural and impolitic regulations imposed
by Spain upon her colonies. During their
administration, the}' made some important im
provements in Mexico. The formation of a
canal to unite the waters of Guasacualco with
those of Chimalapa and Tehuantepec, was
a favourite project with both ; and, convinced
of its practicability, they made urgent repre
sentations to the court, of Madrid, to induce
it to sanction the undertaking. Their applica
tions were of no avail ; and, in the end, they
both incurred the displeasure of the cabinet

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 303
of Madrid. The character and fate of the
noble-minded Iturrigaray have been noticed
in our first chapter of the Memoirs of the
Revolution. Having shewn the practicability and facility
of opening a communication, either by a navi
gable canal or by a land and water conveyahce,
at the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, between the
Atlantic and Pacific oceans, we will now pro
ceed to draw an outline of the great advantages
to the commercial world in general, and parti
cularly to the inhabitants of Mexico, Guatimala,
and the United States, that will flow from such
a communication. It is necessary to remark,
that the following observations are founded
upon our conviction, that New Spain will
become independent of European control. At
what period this great event will be accom
plished, we will not venture to predict ; but we
may express a belief, that it will take place in a
very few years.
In viewing the map of the American conti
nent, we perceive that the Isthmus of Tehuan
tepec, and the Isthmus of Costa Rica, are the
two great points at which to concentrate the
commerce of the New World, and to facilitate
the intercourse between it and the Old World.
It is immaterial at which of those two points

304 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
the communication be first opened; it, matters'
hot which of them will become the more im
portant. If both communications be simulta-*
neously opened, we conceive there will be no
want of commerce to render the districts
through which they will pass flourishing in the
highest degree.
The Isthmus of Costa Rica wilfbe the. pro
per and natural route for part of the commerce
of Guatimala, Perd, and Chili. The Isthmus
of Tehuantepec will be the route for the com
merce of the vast range of coast on the Pacific
ocean, stretching from Guatimala to the north
western extremities of the American continent.
The advantages which this last-named Isthmus
enjoys, by being in the heart of a thickly set
tled, rich, and healthy country, have been
already described ; and its proximity to the
United States renders it, in our estimation, the
most important spot at which to perfect the first
communication between the two oceans.
Tehuantepec on the Pacific ocean, and Gua
sacualco on the Atlantic, ought to be declared
free ports for the commerce of all nations.- Proi-
perty passing by this route should pay only a
small toll or trifling duty, for the purpose of
keeping the canal or the road in a constant state
of good order. We have stated, that large vessels

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 305
can enter the rivers Tehuantepec and Guasa
cualco, and ascend the same to within, about
fourteen leagues of each other. We have shewn
that a good carriage road could be promptly
made, so as to transport property of every kind
to and from the respective rivers. Making,
therefore, large allowances for unexpected
obstacles, we think that by this route cargoes
of all kinds of merchandise could be trans
ported from one ocean to the other, in less
than six days. The productions of Guati
mala, of Oaxaca, of La Puebla, of Mexico,
of Valladolid, and of Guadalaxara, instead
of being conveyed, as they are at present,
an immense distance by land to Vera Cruz, ,
would be carried to the ports of those provinces
on the Pacific coast, and embarked for Tehuan
tepec, thence pass over to Guasacualco, andi
from the latter be embarked for Europe, the
United States, or elsewhere. The future pro- >
ducts of the great province of Sinaloa, bf Old
and New California, and of all the north-west .
regions of America, could be brought to the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The fabrics of Europe
and of the United States could be carried to
Guasacualco, passedover to Tehuantepec, and
thence be circulated through the vast regions
wehave just mentioned. Theproductsof China
VOL. II. x

306 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIG OCEAN.
and of flie East Indies would likewise be brought
to this Isthmus, dispersed over Guatimala,
Oaxaca, and all the eastern sections of the
Mexican empire adjacent tdthe Gulf of Mexico,
and be carried with rapidity to the river Mis
sissippi, to Florida, dnd indeed to all parts of
tbe United States, and to Europe.
The intercourse between the United States
and its territory on the north-west coast of
America, Would be carried on with safety and
rapidity by the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, instead
of by the present tedious and perilous route
rOhnd Cap'e Horn : dnd steam navigation might
be introduced in the Pacific ocean, so as to
effect an entire revolution in the present com
merce of the whole Southern Sea. It is not
only along the vast coast of the Pacific ocean,
from Valparaiso to Columbia river, that steam
Vessels eould be used, so as to triumph over the
obstacles Which have hitherto impeded the na
vigation Of those seas, but we perceive no diffi
culty to the traversing of the whole Southern
oeean in steam vessels. The voyage from Ma
nilla to Acapulco has frequently been made, by
dull-sailing Spanish ships, in seventy-five days :
and at certain seasons of the year, it has been
performed by vessels whose top-gallant sails were
not once taken in during the voyage. Violent

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 307
storms are seldom experienced in the Pacific
ocean, excepting in the vicinity of Cape Horn
and in the high latitudes to the north-west.
Such a vessel as the steam-ship Fulton could
perform a voyage between Oaxaca and China,
with infinitely less sea-risk than attends the
voyages she is now performing between New
York, Havana, and New Orleans. A steam
vessel could perform the voyage from Tehuan
tepec to China, in from fifty to sixty days; and
indeed, were we to calculate on the favourable
winds at certain seasons of the year, united to
the power of steam, it can be proved that it is
practicable to perform the voyage between
Oaxaca and Canton, in less than fifty days.
We forbear dilating on the importance Of this
invaluable art to the commerce of the Southern
ocean, lest some of our readers should deem
our sketch an enthusiastic flight of fancy ; but
to those who are conversant with steam navi
gation, who are acquainted with the wonders
it has already performed in the internal naviga
tion of our country, who have examined the
structure of the steam-ship Fulton, and who
have marked the improvements that are yearly
adding strength to the power of steam, our ex
pectations will not appear too sanguine.
From the river Mississippi, a steam vessel

308 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
could with ease perform a voyage to the port of
Guasacualco in six days. Allowing seven days
for the transportation of property across the
Isthmus, and fifty for the voyage to China, it
will be seen that by steam navigation a voyage
could be performed from the United States to
China in sixty-three days. This will be more
clearly evinced, by the following actual com
putation of the distances : —
Statute miles.
The ofdinary route from Philadelphia to Canton. . . .16,150
By steam-boat navigation and conveyance through the
Isthmus of Oaxaca, from and to the same places : —
From Philadelphia to Guasacualco  2,100
Passage over to Tehuantepec, by land and
water  120
From Tehuantepec, by the islands lying
nearly in the direct course to Canton —
To the Sandwich islands  3,835
Ladrone do  3,900
Canton  2,080  9,815  12,035
Actual distance saved  4,115
From Philadelphia to Columbia river, by the usual
route of Cape Horn  18,261
From the same to the same, by the proposed route : —
To Guasacualco, and overland  2,220
From Tehuantepec to the Columbia 2,760  4,980
Actual distance saved  13,281
fflhe preceding calculations were furnished by Mr. Melish,']

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 309
We calculate, likewise, that steam vessels
could perforin the voyage from Columbia river
to Tehuantepec, in from eighteen to twenty-four
days, more especially by taking advantage of
the proper seasons. Along the whole range of
the Mexican and Californian coasts, there are
safe and convenient harbours, which Would
afford refreshments, and shelter from storms.
It is true that this immense extent of* territory
is at present but thinly settled, and that the
wretched inhabitants, by the barbarous policy
of the Spanish government, have been excluded
from all intercourse with the civilized world.
The whole of the country adjacent to the Paci
fic ocean, with its noble rivers and fertile soil,
is nearly in the same state as at the period of its
first discovery by the Spaniards. The only ports
on the Mexican coast that have been permitted
to enjoy any trade, are San Bias and Acapulco ;
but even this trade was so complete a monopoly,
and encumbered by so many restrictions, that
it scarcely deserved the name of commerce,
and was comparatively of little utility to the
inhabitants in general. The western sections
of Mexico have been supplied almost exclu
sively with articles carried by land from Vera
Cruz. The impost charges at that place, the
enormous expense of land carriage over such a
vast extent of territory, and the numberless ex-

310 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
actions on the route, increased the price of
foreign merchandise to four or five times its
original cost; whereas, had the articles been
landed at Guasacualco, conveyed across the
Isthmus, and thence transported by water to
the fine bays and rivers along the coast, the ex
pense would have been trifling, and the route
performed in one-third of the time that was
occupied in transporting them by land.
When those restrictions shall be removed,
under which the Mexican people have so long
suffered, that is, when their country shall no
longer be subject to the control of Spain,—-
when human industry shall be allowed the scope
which reason and nature dictate, — and when
the inhabitants of Mexico shall be permitted
to enjoy an unshackled traffic with all nations,
how extraordinary will be the change in their
condition ! Not only will the beautiful inten-
dancies of Guadalaxara, Valladolid, La Puebla,
Mexico, Oaxaca, and Vera Cruz, become the
regions of comfort and opulence, but all the
internal provinces, and even Old and New
California, will soon become flourishing and
populous countries. Let the reader cast his
eye upon the map, and behold the position of
the great provinces of Sonora, Sinaloa, and
Biscay, adjacent to the Gulf of California ; let
him trace the route of the river Colorado, from

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 311
its source to its discharge in the Californian
Gulf, and view the noble rivers of Tinpanogos,
Buenaventura, and Felipe, discharging their
waters on the coast of New California ; let him
then anticipate the future importance of this
country, when a government made by and for
the people shall there be established. The
country through which those rivers flow, and
the coasts of both the Californias, have remain
ed a desert, not because the soil and climate
are,, as some writers have represented, unfa
vourable to the residence of man, but be
cause the Spanish government had studiously
barred the door to their settlement and im
provement. We have perused some interesting manu
scripts respecting the Californias, and the pro
vinces of Sinaloa and Sonora ; one in particular,
written by Padre Garcia, who travelled from
the mouth of the Colorado to its source, a dis<-
tance of more than six hundred miles. We
have read others, written by the friars who re
sided at the different Missionary establishments
on the coast of California. They represent a
very small part of the peninsula of Old Cali
fornia as being a rocky and sterile country:
but all New California, nearly up to the Co
lumbia river, and all the interior of the pro?

?312 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
vince of Sonora, they extol for its fertility bf
soil and purity of climate.
It may not be amiss here to remark, that
about eight years since, we met with a Russian
gentleman, who had visited Monterey, on the
coast of California, and who was in possession
of a great stock of valuable information respect
ing those countries. He spoke in the most
favourable terms of the climate, and represented
the soil to be excellent. We have little doubt
but that the journal of this Russian was laid
before his government; and it may have given
rise to those projects of the Russian cabinet
.which have been recently spoken of. It has
been rumoured, that a secret treaty was actually
entered into between Ferdinand VII. and the
Emperor of Russia, by which the former trans
ferred to the latter a considerable part of New
California ; but, owing to the remonstrances of
the government of Great Britain, upon receiv
ing intimation of such treaty, the court of
Madrid has never openly avowed it, or car
ried it into effect. Whatever credence may
be given to this report, we know that the
Russians, in pursuance of their system of ad
vancing their power wherever a foot-hold can be
gained, have planted their banners on several
parts of the American continent. Their settle-

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 313

o
2

ments commence at the island of Kodia, in 57-|'
north latitude, and 152£° west longitude. They
occupy an important position in Norfolk Sound,
in 57° north latitude, and 135° west longitude,
where they have a strong fort, mounting up
wards of one hundred pieces of heavy cannon;
and in the year 1813, they had descended as
far south as 38|° north latitude, and settled at
Badoga, distant about thirty miles from the
northernmost Spanish settlement in California.
Let the Russian imperial flag be planted on the
American continent, by force or by negotiation,
.it will be better for mankind than that the
country should remain a desert under the do
minion of Spain. Whether Russians, citizens
of the United States, or Mexicans, shall pre
dominate among the settlers along the north
west coast of America, is a point that can only
be determined by time ; but in proportion as
the whole coast shall become thickly settled,
will the importance of the Isthmus of Tehuan
tepec be augmented, because it must eventu
ally be the great channel of communication be
tween Europe, the United States, and the north
west coast of America.
The fine rivers we have before mentioned
have their sources on the confines, and some of
them within the limits of the United States.

314 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
The whole of the region lying west of the
Rocky Mountains, or Northern Andes, abounds
in excellent streams, which discharge themselves
into the Pacific, along the coast, or in the Gulf
of California ; and consequently, in proportion
as the interior of that vast country shall become
settled, so will its intercourse with the civilized
world, by the route of Tehuantepec, gradually
become more important. In fact, it is impos
sible for the imagination to form any proper
conception of the magnitude of the commerce
that will pass through the Isthmus of Tehu
antepec, when Mexico and South America shall
enjoy the blessings of liberal governments.
The Mexican dominions alone are capable
of yielding subsistence and comfort to more
than treble the present population of all Spa
nish America. The rapid progress of the
United States may serve as an example of the
growth of population in new countries blessed
by liberal governments. The calculations of
Franklin and Jefferson have been fully realized.
We more than double our population every
twenty-two years ; an increase which, regulated
by the laws of population, will continue, until
the surface of our territory shall become as ge
nerally cultivated, and as thickly inhabited, as
that of Europe and Asia. Give to Mexico the

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 315
advantages of a good government, open her
ports to the commerce of the globe, encourage
emigration from all parts of the world, and, in
fine, let her pursue the course marked out foy
her by reason and nature, and she will soon
become as flourishing as any part of the New*
World. We have before remarked the great
physical advantages possessed by Mexico, as
respects the climate and soil ; and we do not
believe that there is any part of our globe capa
ble of sustaining a greater population upon the
same space of territory. We therefore do not
doubt, that from the day that Mexico takes her
rank among the nations of the earth as an inde?»
pendent power, governed by wise and liberal
institutions, she will continue to double her
numbers every twenty-two years, until the
whole of her vast regions be covered with in
habitants. Let us calculate her probable popu
lation a century hence. Fixing on the year
1825, as the epoch of the commencement of
her independence, and supposing her popula
tion at that time to be 7,000,000
In 1847 it will be 14,000,000
1869 — * 28b000,000
1891 — 56,000,000
1913 — 112,000,000
We are aware that such calculations would

316 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
have been deemed visionary, thirty or forty
years ago ; and that even at present their accu
racy may be doubted by many of our readers :
but in the minds of those who have noted the
increase of population in our own country, and
have reflected on the happy and important in
fluence of liberal civil institutions, we feel as
sured, our estimates will neither excite surprise
or incredulity. Several enlightened writers
of the present day, and, among others, the
Abb^ de Pradt, admit the correctness of this
rate of increase.
Every successive census of the United States
displays an increase greater than the calculation
alluded to. If, then, by this ratio, our country,
a century hence, shall contain one hundred and
forty millions, and Mexico one hundred and
twelve millions, of persons, how deeply import
ant will the Isthmus of Tehuantepec become to
those two nations ! To Mexico, in particular,
this Isthmus is the great bridge that unites her
northern and southern with her eastern and
western sections. To the United States,, it is
not only of high importance as respects the
possessions of the republic on the north-west
coast, and the great share of the carrying trade
that will be secured to our citizens by their
enterprise and the superior advantages derived

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 317
from their proximity to the Mexican Gulf, but
because the maritime superiority of the New
World appears destined to remain with the
United States. The vast extent of our coast;
from Passamaquoddy to the river Sabine, the
immense internal navigation of our great rivers,-
and our fisheries, will ere long employ a greater
number of individuals than are engaged in the:
pursuits of navigation in all Europe. In the
event of the United States' being engaged in
any future war, that is popular (and in no other
do we hope they will ever be engaged), there
can be procured a sufficient number of seamen,
from the great sources just mentioned, to man
a fleet equal to that of any nation in Europe.
We shall therefore not only be capable of pro
tecting our future commerce along our coasts,
but also of extending that protection to what
ever place our enterprise and interests may
carry our flag. At a distant period, it is not
improbable that some of the great states in
South America may possess a respectable ma
rine, but none that will ever vie in strength
with the navies of the United States. Mexico;
can never become a great maritime power.
Although her rivers are numerous, and several
of them flow through an immense extent of
territory, yet, from the great elevation of more

318 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC dCEAN.
than four-fifths of the country, these rivers ate
not navigable, except for boats of small burthen,
to any great distance from the ocean, and con
sequently the iuternal navigation will never
employ a considerable nutnber of people. On
the coast of the Pacific Ocean * Mexico has some
excellent harbours, and it is possible that at
some future period she may have a naval force
of some importance in those seas. But along
the coast in the Mexican Gulf, the port of
Guasacualco is the only one suitable for naval
arsenals, or that would afford security to vessels
of war. We have before noticed the objections
to the port of Vera Cruz ; and all the others,
from Alvarado to the Sabine, are difficult of
entrance, and obstructed by bars. The whole
coast of Yucatan is likewise without a single
port capable of admitting large vessels. It is
therefore obvious, from these important ob
stacles, that Mexico can never become a mari
time rival of the United States in the Mexican
Gulf; but, on the contrary, the whole of hefr
future commerce therein must be under the
protection and control of the latter ; and con
sequently, it must always be of deep import
ance to Mexico, to cultivate the amity of, and to
seek a political alliance with the United States.
The expediency of this friendly and political

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 319
bond will be further evideint, on viewing the
map of the two countries. In examining the
delineation of the Widest part of the continent,
from Monterey, on the coast of New California,
to the town of St. Louis, at the confluence of
the Mississippi and Missouri, a distance of
about eighteen hundred miles in a direct line,
we are struck with admiration at the peculiar
manner iri which nature has provided, by means
of water communication in every direction, for
the intercourse of the future inhabitants of
those vast regions.
Our topographical knowledge of that sec
tion of America is yet imperfect; but we know
sufficient to enable us to form some idea of the
great advantages that must be reciprocally en
joyed by the inhabitants of Mexico and the
United States, when an unrestrained intercourse
shall be permitted between them* and when the
productions of industry shall be interchanged,
through the medium of internal navigation,
between the two nations. The important river
Del Norte has its sources in New Mexico, not
far distant from the heads of the rivers which
flow to the Pacific ocean ; and empties into the
Mexican Gulf, about 25° 50' north latitude.
Descending through a mountainous country, it
is in many places extremely rapid,, and hence

320 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
it is usually called El Rio Bravo; but it is
nevertheless navigable for boats from its mouth
nearly to its source. The Red River and the
Arkansd, have their heads near the source of
Del Norte. In the course of these rivers to the
Mississippi, they receive the tribute of innu
merable smaller streams. 'The Kanzas, and the
Platte, which empty into the Missouri, have
their origin in the same mountains that give
birth to Del Norte. Throughout the whole of
this country, whether among its lofty moun
tains or extensive prairies, the traveller can,
scarcely proceed five leagues, without meeting
a stream capable of boat navigation. The na-;
vigation of the Mexican rivers, for the reasons
we have before assigned, will never employ
large vessels: they will, however, greatly faci
litate the intercourse between the respective
interior provinces. But the great rivers that
discharge themselves into the Missouri and
Mississippi, some Of which we have named,
are destined to afford employment to manyi
hundred thousands of persons, in vessels of all
sizes. When we reflect that the great country we
have thus briefly glanced at, is throughout its
whole extent susceptible of high cultivation,
the greater part of it enjoying a climate equal ;

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 321
to any on earth, it is not within the reach of
the most ardent fancy to draw a sketch of its
future importance; nor can we form an esti
mate, with strict accuracy, of the millions of
human beings which at some future day
may find subsistence and comfort in those' re
gions. The population of the United States is
rapidly rolling towards the Mexican settlements.
Already have the banks of the Red River, the
Arkansa, and the Missouri, become the resi
dence of American citizens. The arts, the
sciences, and (if we may use the expression)
the blessings of rational liberty, are spreading
in that direction. Territorial limits present
but feeble barriers against the diffusion of light
apd knowledge. Their progress cannot be
impeded by edicts of the present Or of any
future government in Mexico. The Mexican
on One bank of a river, living in wretchedness
and smarting under oppression, cannot long
remain blind and insensible to the advantages
and happiness of the citizens of the United
States on the opposite bank.
From this brief outline of the topography of
Mexico and the adjoining territory of the United
States, some faint idea may be formed of the
vast internal commerce that must take place
between the two nations, as population shall in-
VOL. II. Y

322 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
crease, and restrictions upon their intercourse
be removed. How many articles will be raised
from the soil of the two countries, that are at
present scarcely thought of ! How many, manu
factories will be established, in regions calcu-
lated to produce all the raw materials for the
mechanic and artist ! Is it because the two coun
tries may cultivate the same products, and esta-,
blish the same kind of manufactories, that some
writers have maintained the opinion, that the
future commerce between the United States and
Mexico will be unimportant? Might they not as
well argue, that because wheat is raised in Ken
tucky, it is injurious to the culture of that arti
cle in Pennsylvania ? or that because certain ma
nufactories are established at Pittsburg, they
are rivals to those of the same class at Boston ?
Do we notsee, that in proportion as population
spreads over a country, the consumption of the
products of the soil is augmented ? and that
human industry receives a new stimulus from
a thousand artificial wants, that are created in
society, as they increase in numbers and opu
lence? Is it possible, that, in the nineteenth century,
we have heard the ambassador of a civilized
nation stating, in a formal diplomatic communi
cation to the government of the United States,

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 323
that they ought to oppose the extension of the
blessings of freedom and commerce to Mexico,
because wheat, and other staples of the United
States, could be raised with greater facility in
that country, and because its superior climate
would invite the emigration of our citizens, and
thereby diminish our strength ? These were the
sentiments, openly and officially avowed, of the
Chevalier Onis. He did not scruple to recom
mend these abominable and anti-social princi
ples to the serious consideration of our cabinet ;
and, what is still more extraordinary and dis
graceful, the same doctrine has found abettors
in some American writers, who have endea
voured to prove that the independence of Mexico
would be injurious to the commercial interests of
the United States.
We humbly conceive that the sketch we have
given of the advantages which our country will
derive from Mexico being under a liberal go
vernment, is a mode of refutation to the princi
ples advanced by the Chevalier Onis and his
partisans, as unanswerable as it must be grate
ful to every American citizen, who feels, as we
do, the absurdity and iniquity of sacrificing the
happiness of millions of the human race at the
shrine of political ambition and mercantile
calculation. We conceive, that the indepen--

324 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC ACEAN,
dence of Mexico will be an event next in im
portance, to the whole civilized world, to tha,t
of the declaration of the independence of the
United. States, on the 4th of July, 1776; and to
promote such an event, by every fair and ho
nourable means, is in unison with the wishes
and interests of all classes of our fellow-citi
zens. It is possible that Spain may, for a few years
longer, endeavour to preserve her tottering so
vereignty over Mexico ; but even admitting that
her sway should continue longer than we anti
cipate, it will be of little or no use to herr
because her moral as well as physical supremacy
is no longer felt, nor can ever, again be exer
cised over her former subjects in that kingdom.
She can no more expect to find obedience and
respect among the Mexican Creoles and In
dians, than she can compel the waves of the
ocean to subside, when agitated by the winds ;
but even admitting that_it is still possible for
Spain to re-subjugate the Mexicans, may we not
ask, how is she to preserve her empire there, in
the event of a war with Great Britain, the
United States, or any other maritime nation ?
Have we not proved, that on the fidelity of her
American subjects she can no longer place any
reliance, even for a moment ? Where are her,

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 325
fleets to protect her commerce with Mexico, or
to prevent its being invaded by aii enemy in
every direction, as well on the Atlantic as on
the Pacific coast ? If then, during peace with
all nations, Spain finds it difficult to preserve
Mexico, and to repress the revolutionary spirit
of the people — if, during War, she is exposed to
have Mexico torn from her by conquest, where
is the policy of exhausting the blood and trea
sure of the inhabitants of Spain, to maintain a
sovereignty over an empire liable every instant
to break from her grasp ? If these observations
are applicable to the relative situation of Spain
with Mexico, and indeed with all her possessions
on the American continent, do they riot apply
with still greater force to the islands of Cuba,
Porto Rico, and the Philippines ? Will the
most prejudiced Spaniard undertake to say, that
those great islands can be held by a nation
without a maritime force ? Of what use are
their vast fortifications and garrisons, against
a rigorous blockade ? Let us examine the pre
sent state of the important island of Cuba, in
order to demonstrate the precarious tenure of
Spanish sovereignty in that island.
The port of Havana has' been^ very justly
called the principal maritime key of the West
Indies, 'inasmuch as its position gives it aeon-

326 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
trol, not only over the immense commerce at
present existing, but of all the indefinite future
trade of* the vast countries lying between the
Isthmus of Panama and Florida ; for, by the
laws of nature, the whole of such trade must
pass from those regions by the route between
the Cuba and Florida shores. Fast-sailing
vessels, it is true, may occasionally beat up
from Jamaica, and from the Isthmus of Panama,
so as to pass between Cuba and St. Domingo ;
but rapid currents, and the trade winds, will
compel the great body of commerce to be
carried on by the passage through the Gulf ; it
is, therefore, undeniable, that Havana is a key
of .the highest maritime consequence in > the
Western World — a key that can lock and Un
lock at pleasure the commerce alluded to, and
mdre especially that of Mexico. Indeed it is
not saying too much, to assert that the political
and commercial destinies of the Mexican em
pire, must be very materially influenced by the
conduct of that power which holds the port
of Havana. How long the island of Cuba will
continue under Spanish banners, whether it
will be seized b'yi Great Britain by force, or
be obtained by her through negotiation, or
whether the pebple of Cuba will declare their
independence, are all-important questions to

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 327
the civilized world, and, to the United States,
most deeply interesting.
Within a few years past, the British Journals
have teemed with essays, tending to prove, not
merely the great commercial benefits that will
arise to Great Britain from possessing Cuba,
but also that its possession is absolutely neces
sary, as well for the security of the British West
India commerce, as to repress the growing
power of the United States. However extrava
gant many of the opinions contained in those
essays may be, and however marked with illi
beral and hostile features towards the United
States, yet they are so flattering to the domi
neering spirit of the British nation, that we
should not be surprised to see them realized
by the British cabinet, on the first favourable
occasion.- Should Great Britain gain possession of the
island of Cuba, it would, no doubt, be in her
power to retain it for a long time ; and, by the
establishment of extensive arsenals at the port
of Havana, she would, likewise, be able to
keep there an immense fleet ; so that, in the
event of a war with the United States, the vast
commerce of the river Mississippi, and that
of all the Mexican Gulf, would be seriously
annoyed, ^nd, perhaps, entirely suspended. All

328 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
this we admit ; but, nevertheless, we do not
hesitate to predict, that in less than half a
century hence, when the United States shall
have a population exceeding/orty millions, and
a naval force, such as the extent of their mari
time resources will then enable them to maintain,
the island of Cuba, as well as all the Antilles,
and the commerce of the Mexican Gulf, will be
under the control of the republic. This idea
does not spring from any ill-will towards other
nations, but is merely a hint to the governments
of the Old World, that their establishments
in the New are limited to a short duration ; and
that every new attempt, whether on the part of
Great Britain or any other nation, to oppose
the natural and inevitable progress of the United
States, by planting rival posts, either on the
continent or islands adjacent, will only tend to
an earlier developement of our resources ; and,
consequently, accelerate the epoch, when the
power of our republic will be felt and acknow
ledged over the western hemisphere.
East and West Florida must be incorporated
in our federative states, either by treaty or
conquest. We have already experienced the
fatal consequences of permitting that section of
the continent to be held by nations hostile to
our interests, and jealous of our prosperity.

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 329
Our citizens on the frontiers of Georgia and
Louisiana, must 'no longer be exposed to in
vasion and massacre, in consequence oftheim-
pOtence and dispositions of a neutral power
in the Floridas. The security of the vast, com
merce of the Mississippi, and the prosperity of
our great western states, must not be jeopardized
by allowing any foreign nation to possess the
important maritime keys of East and. West
Florida. , ;(i
If Great Britain should hoist her royal ban
ners at Havana, and make it the depot of her
navy, and the Gibraltar of the West Indies,
we must then make Pensacola and Espiritu
Santo our two great southern arsenals,; and if
we are to become rivals for supremacy on the
western shores of the Atlantic, then be it so.
Before we close our remarks on this import
tant subject, we deem it necessary to say a few
words on the probability that Cuba will not
remain long under any foreign flag, but will
become an independent power, under the pro?
tection of the United States. We know that
this is the wish, and we are likewise certain it
is the interest of the people of that island. It
has not escaped the penetration of all the
enlightened inhabitants of Cuba, that Spain
cannot protect them during war ; and, conse
quently, they know that every war in which

330 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
she may in future be engaged, exposes them-,
not only to have their commerce destroyed, but
to invasion and conquest. Under these cir
cumstances, independent of all political enmity
to the government of Spain, the inhabitants of
Cuba have no common interests with her. The
products of the island are valuable, in propor
tion as they can, without restriction, be sent to
every part of the world ; and the articles neces
sary for the subsistence and comfort of the in
habitants cannot be supplied from Spain, and
therefore must be furnished by other nations.
The city of Havana and its environs, at this
day, consume more flour and provisions, of the
growth of the United States, than Jamaica, or
any other island in the West Indies. One hundred
and twenty thousand barrels of flour, besides an
immense quantity of other provisions, are now an
nually carried to Havana from the United States.
The enormous influx of negroes into the
island of Cuba, within the last few years, and
the inattention of the planters to the culture of
provisions, have rendered the island completely
dependent on foreign supplies, for the sub
sistence of the inhabitants. Suspend all com
merce with Havana, by a strict blockade of its
port, for only four or five months, and the
city, with all its famous fortifications, would be
compelled to surrender, without firing a gun.

ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 331
The United States at present have a greater
tonnage employed in the trade to the island
of Cuba, than to all the rest of the West India
islands. From our proximity, as well as the
enterprise of our citizens, and more especially
from our being the great source from whence
must be derived flour and other provisions,
we must always enjoy a considerable portion of
its commerce. If it become independent, we
Shall be perfectly satisfied with such portion of the
trade, as will fall to our lot, from the circum
stances just suggested ; and we shall feel plea
sure in beholding the island in the enjoyment
of ah intercourse with all nations, giving' to
none any exclusive privileges.
We do not hesitate to declare our wishes for
the-ihdependence of Cuba ; because, as we know
that Spain cannot possibly long retain it, with
out a navy, we certainly would rather see the
island under a self-constituted government,
than heboid it under the domination of an
European power, jealous of our prosperity, and
capable of seriously annoying the commerce of
our coasts.
But it is to Mexico that we turn, and turn
again, with fond delight. We implore the
reader to ponder what we have written of her
present situation, of her capacity for future
greatness, and of the career she has yet to com-

332 ROUTE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.
mence and run. For ourselves, we disguise
not our admiration of her ; we conceal not our
affection for. her. We have visited her, and we
have found her sons our friends, our admirers,
our disciples. We look towards her, and we
see the day-spring of a glorious national ex
istence arising within her bounds ; and vain
will be the effort to obscure its light. It will
lead her in the path of success. If cast down;
Antaeus like, she will rise again — if overpow
ered, her throes and struggles will convulse her
territory. Mexico will — she must be free: for
the seeds of independence have already been
scattered there upon the mountain and in the
vale ; they are now germinating ; they will
strike deep roots into the earth, for they are
watered with the tears of oppressed millions ;—
they will flourish, till their strength shall laugh
to scorn the fiercest blast of opposition ; and
then, beneath the serene and cloudless sky of
liberty, they will grow a beauteous grove,
whose shade shall refresh no heads but those of
Freemen,

APPENDIX.

STATEMENT OF TEE
CLAIMS OF W.D.ROBINSON
Upon
THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT.
In the year 1799, I visited the city of Caracas as a
merchant, and presented letters of introduction to Don
Manuel Guevara de Vazconcelos, captain-general of
Venezuela, and to Don Estevan Fernandez de Leon,
intendant thereof. They received me in the most
friendly manner, and each offered me his assistance and
protection so long as it suited my convenience to remain
in the country.
At that period, the province of Venezuela was in
a most deplorable condition. War existed between
Great Britain and Spain ; British cruizers blockaded
all the ports ; and intercourse with the mother country
was almost wholly suspended. The inhabitants were
deficient in clothing, and in many of the necessaries of
life; the products of agriculture were rotting in the

334 APPENDIX.
warehouses; in fine, the want of external commerce
had spread wretchedness and discontent through the
province. The intendant, knowing that I was a citizen of the
United States, and judging, from the respectable man
ner in which I had been introduced to him, that I
might be able to suggest some plan, by which, through
the medium of neutral commerce, the evils that so
seriously oppressed the province, might be remedied,
treated me with particular confidence; and, after various
conferences, proposed to sell me forty thousand quintals
of Varinas tobacco, belonging to the crown of Spain,
then deposited, as he stated, in the royal stores in
various parts of the province. Many advantageous
privileges, and flattering inducements to make the pur
chase, were held out to me by the intendant, provided I
Would engage to introduce into Venezuela, in a short
time, certain articles which were then indispensably
necessary for its welfare.
The magnitude of the undertaking, and the difficulty
of executing it during the war then existing between
England and Spain, were deliberately weighed ; but, as
I had commercial connexions, upon whose assistance I
could confidently depend, I resolved on embarking in
the speculation; and, accordingly, after several verbal
and written discussions between myself and the in
tendant, all the essential and preparatory points being
settled, on the 5th of September, 1799, a contract was
signed, by which the intendant, in the name, and by
virtue of the special authority of his Catholic Majesty,
sold me the ichole of the Varinas tobacco then in
the province, as well, as the crops of the three following.

APPENDIX. 335
years. On my part, I was bound to pay for, and
export, this tobacco within three years, in the mode
prescribed by the stipulations of the contract. I was
likewise bound to procure the house of the American
consul at Curacoa, trading under the firm of Phillips
and Corser, to become my securities for the due
execution of the contract. This security was duly
given, and the said house of Phillips and Gorser
likewise became parties interested in the contract.
The privileges secured to me, by the stipulated
terms, were more ample than any that had ever before
been conceded to a foreigner. The jealousy rof the
Spanish merchants at Caracas was, therefore, excited.
Although these men were absolutely incapable of re
lieving the wants of the province, or his Catholic
Majesty's treasury, yet their selfish and contracted
dispositions would not allow them to view, without dis
content, the probability that a foreigner might reap
advantage from so extensive a commercial speculation.
They adopted every possible expedient, through their
agents at Cadiz, to prevent the contract from ; receiving
the royal sanction. But their exertions were ineffectual ;
for, in a few months, the ratification of the contract by
his Catholic Majesty was transmitted to the intendant;
who was directed, at the same time, to afford me every
possible facility in the execution of the same.
Another obstacle to the completion of the contract
was created by the Marquis Caso Yrujo, then ambas
sador of Spain in the United States. The marquis had
received letters, a long time previous to the forma
tion of the contract into which I entered, from the
intendant of Caracas, requesting him to take pre-

336 APPENDIX.
liminary measures with' the merchants in the United
States, relative to the disposal of the aforesaid tobacco ;
but reserving the ratification of those measures until
they should receive his approbation. The marquis, in
his zeal to promote the interests of his, Catholic Majesty,
entered into absolute contracts with the houses of John
Craig of Philadelphia, and James Barry of Baltimore,
in the month of July, 1799 ; and with the house of John
Juhel and Co. of New York, in the month of August of
the same year; whereby the tobacco was to be taken
from Caracas to the United States, and thence to Hol-r
land and Hamburgh, on account of the Spanish go
vernment, but to be covered as American property.
The correspondence on that subject between the
Marquis Casa Yrujo and the intendant of Caracas, and
the contracts formed by the marquis with the houses
before-mentioned, were furnished me at Caracas, and I
now possess authentic copies of all those singular docu
ments. Without troubling the reader with a detailed
account of these papers, I deem it necessary to observe,
that, from the conditions of the contracts, his Catholic
Majesty would have received far less than one hundred
thousand dollars neat proceeds from the same quantity
of tobacco, for which I have paid upwards of eight hun.
dred thousand dollars into his treasury. This will not
appear extraordinary to the mercantile world, when
I state, that, according to the marquis's contracts, the
houses before-mentioned were to receive as high as
twelve dollars, and in no instance less than ten and
a half dollars freight per barrel, for carrying this
tobacco from Caracas to Europe. Insurance was to
be effected on the property, and charged to the account.

APPENDIX. 337
of his Catholic Majesty. Commissions were likewise
to be allowed these houses, on the arrival of the tobacco
in the United States ; and commissions were to be paid
to the agents sent out to Caracas to receive the tobacco.
Certain privileges were also to be granted to the vessels
employed in this business ; and, in short, the whole
of his Catholic Majesty's tobacco would scarcely have
sufficed to pay the freight and other charges which the
marquis had generously guaranteed in his contracts !
In virtue of these strange arrangements, the before-
mentioned American houses actually despatched several
ships and brigs to La Guayra, where they arrived just as
I had concluded the contract with the intendant.
Although the intendant at once perceived the very
great difference, in favour of the royal treasury, between
the engagements he had entered into with me, and
those 'which the marquis had formed, — notwithstanding
that personage had undertaken to make positive en
gagements without waiting for the intendant's appro
bation 5 yet it was with difficulty that I could persuade
him to declare the whole of the marquis's contracts to be
null and void. I understand that the marquis made loud
complaints to his court, accompanied by heavy demands
on the part of the individuals with whom he had con
tracted. Having surmounted these obstacles, which had arisen
in the early stages of the business, and having delivered
to the intendant, in the latter part of the year 1799, and
in the beginning of 1800, a considerable amount in
those articles most needed by the province, I pro
ceeded to the United States, and thence to London
Hamburgh, and Amsterdam, in order to make the
vol. n. z

33$ APPENDIX.
heeessary arrangements for the. speedy fulfilment of my
engagements. Having introductory letters to some respectable capi
talists of those cities, and as the contract itself was
a document calculated to command particular attention,
from the circumstance of the good faith of the Spanish
government being solemnly pledged to its faithful exe
cution, I found no difficulty in obtaining the necessary
capital. The house of John and Abram Atkins, of.
London, furnished two ships, with valuable cargoes, on
the faith of the Contract. Other houses, at Hamburgh,
Amsterdam, and Embden, likewise furnished cargoes to
a great amount. Several houses in the United States
also entered into similar arrangements with me.
The whole of this property was faithfully delivered,
in the course of three or four years, to the royal treasury
at Caracas, to the amount of nearly nine hundred
thousand dollars, as is proved by the account current
rendered to me by the ministers of the tobacco depart
ment in 1803, and by other official documents now
in my possession. The merchandise thus delivered,
consisted of the choicest articles that had ever been
introduced into Spanish America : and the prices stipu
lated in the contract, for the said merchandise, were so
moderate, as to enable the intendant to sell them to the
inhabitants of the province at an immense profit. For
the sale of these goods, the intendant appointed admi.
ministrators, auditors, treasurers, &c. ; in fact, he created
a new department, under his sole patronage. But, not
withstanding that all the individuals employed therein
did not lose sight of their own interests, yet the ulti
mate profit accruing to the royal treasury was. very
great.

APPENDIX. 339
While the revenue was thus in the receipt of above a
million of dollars, and while the intendant was laying a
foundation at court for future promotion and honours,
in recompense for the great services he had rendered
his Catholic Majesty's treasury, the tobacco contractors,
and the foreign merchants who had so liberally sup
ported them, became victims to his rapacity, ambition,
and bad faith. Were the various instances of exaction
and injustice practised by this man to be related, they
would scarcely be deemed credible ; but as I have all
the documents necessary to establish the facts, I shall, at
some future time, publish the extraordinary detail, in
order that the mercantile world may see what acts of
baseness can be perpetrated by the royal authorities in
Spanish America, when foreign property unfortunately
falls within their grasp.
There is, however, one circumstance in this business
SO peculiarly stamped with iniquity, that I must here
briefly state it. It was mentioned in the contract, that
some part of the forty thousand quintals' of tobacco
was partially injured by worms, but nevertheless I was
to receive it, provided it was in a merchantable state.
It was, however, expressly stipulated that the whole of
-the tobacco should be of good quality (buena calidad) ;
and it was with that view that I procured an article to
be inserted, which- required that I should be furnished
with the crops of the three years following the date of
¦the contract, so as to complete the quantity of forty
¦thousand quintals of "buena calidad." Indeed, when
¦forming the contract, the idea never presented itself to
my mind, that in a solemn engagement, for the per
formance of which the good faith and honour ©f a na-

340 APPENDIX.
tion were pledged, rotten tobacco would be offered
to me in payment for so large an amount of money
furnished to the royal treasury: but, to my utter asto
nishment, and to the ruin of myself and associates,
such was the disgraceful fact: for when my agents
at Puerto Cavello, at La Guayra, at Cumana, and at
Guyana, received the tobacco, they found more than
four-fifths of it, not in a state of partial deterioration,
but absolutely rotten and unmerchantable. As soon as
I was made acquainted with this fact, I entered a legal
protest, and resisted the receipt of the worthless com
modity. I remonstrated in strong terms with the in
tendant, and prayed he would pay me in some other
produce of the country. My remonstrances were either
disregarded, or, if answered, it was to inform me that my
language was too strong; that his Catholic Majesty's
authorities must be addressed by supplication.' and,
finally, I was informed, that it was not convenient for
the royal treasury to pay me in any other commodity
than in the tobacco then existing, and that I must re
ceive the whole of it, in whatever condition it might be
found. If my previous remonstrances were deemed
too strong, they were now called insulting, because,
unable longer to restrain my indignation at such outra
geous injustice, I did not hesitate to accuse the intendant
of conduct most palpably fraudulent. He continued to
menace me, while I persevered in my accusations, until
finally I commenced against him and his government a
judicial process, under all the disadvantages and. obsta
cles naturally attendant upon the claim of a foreigner
placed in such a dilemma in Spanish America.
While this law-suit was in progress, I endeavoured to

APPENDIX. 341
prevail on the supercargoes, captains, and agents, not
to receive any of the rotten tobacco, but to return to
England and to the United States with the contract
vessels in ballast. In some instances, my wishes were
acceded to, and the vessels departed without any lading,
after making the proper protests; but, generally, the
parties preferred taking cargoes of the tobacco, in the
hope that some portion of it would be saleable in Eu
rope. The result was (as I had anticipated) that seve
ral of those cargoes sold at Hamburgh and Amsterdam
for less than was sufficient to defray the expenses of
freight and other incidental charges. The original ca
pital furnished by the parties in Europe was not only all
lost, but in some cases that loss was increased by the ex
penses amounting to more than the proceeds of the
tobacco. Thus were my associates and myself sacrificed: my
credit was destroyed, my prospects in life blasted, and
those who had confided in the honour of the Spanish
government, and in my representations, seriously injured
or entirely ruined, by the bad faith and iniquitous con
duct of Don Estevan Fernandez de Leon, superinten-
dant-general of his Catholic Majesty's province of Ve
nezuela. It is not easy to estimate the extent of such injuries,
not merely as they affect the immediate interests of in
dividuals, but as they regard the irreparable detriment
they inflict on mercantile character; and it is in this lat
ter point of view that the parties concerned can receive
no adequate redress, even should the Spanish govern
ment refund every dollar of principal and interest
which it has so unjustly and shamefully withheld for
eighteen years,

342 APPENDIX.
To the preceding outline of the injuries received by
me from the Spanish government up to the period at
which I commenced legal proceedings against the In
tendant, I have now to add a detail of outrages of a more
flagrant nature, exercised towards my person as well as
my interests.
In prosecuting the law-suit, I was impeded at every
step by obstacles almost insurmountable. To those who
are unacquainted with the formalities attending a Spa
nish law-suit, the arbitrary character of Spanish tri
bunals, and the enormous expenses of Spanish liti
gation, it is scarcely possible to convey an adequate
idea of the difficulty of the task I had undertaken. It
was necessary not only to contend against the intendant
and the officers in the tobacco department, but against
the whole phalanx of individuals within the sphere of
their influence. My rightful demands were not only
opposed by sophistry and falsehood, but I was even
threatened with expulsion from the country, if I persisted
in urging them. These threats were treated with scorn;
and indeed, as I had been ruined in my interests, I was
indifferent to personal outrage; more especially as I
knew that the execution of such menaces would
strengthen my case, when it should become necessary
for me to implore the protection and interference of my
government. I was perfectly aware, that by the treaty
then existing between Spain and the United States, my
lights were under its guardianship; and had I not pro
duced a copy of that treaty, and insisted on the benefit
of those stipulations whereby the courts of the respec
tive nations were thrown open to the subjects of each
in all cases of debt, demand, &c. I should certainly
have been ordered out of the country. But the inten-

APPENDIX. 343
daht thenceforth became more cautious; and although
at first he denied the existence of the treaty, alleging
that the copy I presented was not genuine, yet he sub
sequently admitted its authenticity, and I was permitted
to proceed with my suit against the royal treasury.
But the most important difficulty I had to contend
against was a decree of the intendant, whereby he re
fused to admit in evidence any memorial or document
relating to my demands, unless it was sanctioned by the
signature of some respectable lawyer of the city. Some
of those professional men declined affixing their names
to my representations, because the arguments therein
used, and the documents annexed, contained truths
fatal to the honour and reputation of the intendant, and
injurious to the interests of the royal revenue. They in
general trembled at the idea of incurring the intendant's
displeasure. But at length I succeeded in inducing some
of the most distinguished lawyers in Caracas to examine
my papers and to espouse my cause, particularly Doctor
Don Jose" Mora, a man renowned for his talents. My
principal memorial in this affair, which was drawn up
by Doctor Mora with great ability, and accompanied by
all the proper documents, cost me the sum of one thou
sand dollars for his signature, as is proved by examining
his charges at the foot of the memorial.
The representation in question was presented, with
«very legal requisite, to the intendant, on the 17th of
January, 1804. The amount of my claims, for the
violation of the contract, against the royal treasury,
thus legally stated by Doctor Mora, wasjfoe hundred
and sixty-four thousand three hundred and twenty-seven
dollars. In my own statement, which I had previously

344 APPENDIX.
presented, on the 24th of September, 1803, to the in
tendant, my demand for balance of account and losses
amounted to four hundred and sixty-four thousand two
hundred dollars ; but Doctor Mora augmented the sum
by charging interest and damages, which I had omitted,
and which, "indeed," I would even then have very cheer
fully relinquished, could I have been reimbursed the
principal. The reimbursement of a sum of such magnitude was
not to be expected without a serious contest, more
especially as it would have been an acknowledgment, on
the part of the Spanish authorities, of their previous
fraudulent conduct; but, nevertheless, neither the tri
bunal of the intendancy, the director-general of the
tobacco rents, nor the administrators of that department,
ever attempted legally to invalidate a single item in the
account presented, annexed to Doctor Mora's memorial.
AH they had to say, consisted in denouncing vengeance'
against the doctor, for having dared to sustain the de
mands of a stranger against the interests of the crown,
and threatening me with expulsion from the country if
I persisted in the law-suit. I persevered however, with
an obstinacy which excited their alarm as well as dis
pleasure, because I was gradually obtaining new proofs
to sustain my original demands.
In the course of the year 1803, there arrived at
Caracas a new intendant, to take the place of Don
Estevan Fernandez de Leon, who was called to Madrid.
This was a fortunate circumstance for me, because, had
De Leon remained in office, I never could have obtained
either originals or copies of various documents, which
were important for the establishment of my claims; but

APPENDIX. 343,
the new ihtendant, with a liberality (which I now feel
great pleasure in stating) rarely to be met with among
the Spanish authorities in America, gave an attentive;
ear to my remonstrances, and furnished me with au-,
thentic copies, from the archives of the intendancy, of
such papers as I solicited. He did not attempt to defend.
the conduct of his predecessor; but, on the contrary, so
well convinced was he of the force and equity of my
demands, and so sensible of the injuries I had received"
in my various transactions with his government, that
while I was , prosecuting my law-suit he shewed every
disposition to render me justice, consistent with his duty
to defend the interests of his sovereign.
Thus has the reader been presented with an account
of but part of the accumulated and aggravated; injuries
which I received from the Spanish authorities in Vene
zuela. The recital ends not here. Indeed it would
seem, that to enter into engagements with the Spanish
government, was, as far as concerned myself, to become
the victim of its perfidiousness and injustice. For, during
the period when I was carrying on the operations of the
tobacco contract, I was appointed by Edward Barry
and Company, of the island of Trinidad, their sole
agent in the management of certain important privileges
which had been granted to them by the crown of Spain.
This agency was of high importance to me, inasmuch
as I became a partner with the said Barry and Company;
and having suffered so seriously by the tobacco contract,
and being uncertain as to the species of redress that
would be ultimately afforded by his Catholic Majesty
for the losses and injuries I had sustained, I was anxious
to adopt any new operations in commerce that afforded
a prospect of lessening my misfortunes.

J46 APPENDIX.
Previous to the arrival of the intendant Arce, the
government had recognised me as the agent of Barry
and Company; and I was in a fair way of speedily re
trieving some part of my recent losses. But between
the captain-general and intendant there arose conflicting
opinions about my residence in the country, and whether
or not, as a stranger, I could enjoy the privileges which
the king had granted to Edward Barry and Company.
The result of the disputes between the two officers, was
a suspension of Barry and Company's contract, until
his Catholic Majesty should be consulted ; of course all
the arrangements I had made to carry the said contract
into effect, were suddenly interrupted!, thereby creating!
serious losses, and affording me new grounds of demand
against the government, in addition to those which were
pending on account of the tobacco contract.
On the 19th of September, 1803, I presented a me
morial to the intendant, setting forth the injuries that
would inevitably result to my interests and character, by
the unjust and extraordinary decrees of the captain-
general, as well as those of the intendancy ; and I de
manded the immediate revocation of those 'decrees, or
an indemnification for the losses I had sustained. The
intendant amd his assessdr (legal adviser) were so well
satisfied of the correctness of the facts set forth in the
memorial just mentioned, and being desirous not to give
me any new motives of complaint, that they promptly
determined to grant me a liberal indemnity; and accord
ingly, on the 9th of November, 1803, the intendant
passed a decree granting me some highly important
privileges, particularly specifying that such privileges
were granted me as an indemnification for the injuries

APPENDIX. 847
I had sustained by the suspension of Barry and Com
pany's contract. This indemnity had no relation to my
pending demands on account of the tobacco contract;
but, as I feared it might hereafter be interpreted as a
relinquishment of my claims, I requested and obtained
from the intendant an express declaration to the con
trary. The most important point in this indemnity was, that
the intendant agreed to sell me a large quantity of
tobacco, at five dollars per quintal, in consequence of
its being of inferior quality. This tobacco was exactly
of the same quality as that which the intendant De
Leon had compelled me to receive on account of the
tobacco contract, at the rate of seventeen, nineteen, and
twenty dollars per quintal, and indeed a large portion
of that very tobacco which I had rejected, constituted a
part of the present sale. I had then an indisputable and
solemn official acknowledgment of its deteriorated con-1
ddtion, by its being valued by the royal authorities, and
re-sqld to me at five dollars per quintal.
This act of the new intendant was in itself of more
value to me than all the privileges conceded to me in
the indemnity in question, because it furnished me with
an unequivocal and irresistible proof of the extent of the
fraud which had been practised upon me by the inten
dant Leon, in having insisted on my receiving warm-
eaten tobacco, at seventeen, nineteen, and twenty 'do liars.,
which was afterwards valued by the tobacco adminis
tration at jive dollars per quintal. This circumstance,
united with other considerations, induced me to be highly
satisfied with the indemnity, inasmuch as it gave me a
hope of not only repairing some of my losses, but of

348 APPENDIX.
proving to his Catholic Majesty and the superior tribu
nals at Madrid, the services I had rendered to the royal
treasury, and the injuries I had suffered by my contract
with De Leon.
The captain-general made some difficulties about
granting his assent to the indemnity, but at length ac
quiesced, and transmitted the necessary orders to all the
commandants of the different ports in Venezuela, to
throw no impediment in my way ; at the same time that
he informed the intendant and myself, that he should
communicate his objections to his Catholic Majesty
against allowing any stranger to enjoy such privileges
as had been conceded to me by the intendant. As I
had suffered severely from the collision of opinion in
the Spanish authorities, and as I knew that every spe
cies of intrigue would be employed in Caracas, and per
haps in Cadiz, to prevent my enjoying the fruits of the
indemnity, I resolved on acting with caution in my mer
cantile arrangements, until I ascertained whether his
Catholic Majesty sanctioned or rejected the arrange
ment which the intendant had made.
On the 25th of August, 1804j the indemnity in ques
tion , received the royal approbation, and the minister
Soler, under that date, transmitted the royal order to
the intendant. On the arrival of this important docu
ment at Caracas, it was immediately communicated to
me officially, by the intendant. I was thus inspired
with new confidence, and made my arrangements ac
cordingly. Scarcely had I begun to carry into effect this flattering
indemnity, when I again became a victim to new out
rages, not only against my interests, but my person,

APPENDIX. 349
On the 29th of August, 1805, the captain-general
communicated his determination to the intendant, not to
permit the execution of the indemnity which had been
conceded to me, alleging that he had {ordenes reservados)
secret orders from his court, which justified this extra
ordinary determination. The intendant, in a firm and
indignant manner, opposed this resolution, and stated to
the captain-general the serious consequences that would
follow to the injury of a stranger, who had rendered
important services to the Spanish government, and
already had heavy pending claims upon the royal trea
sury: and he urged the consideration, that as his
Catholic Majesty had given express orders for the strict
fulfilment of the indemnity conceded to me, it would
endanger the honour and good faith of the king, to
violate engagements which had been thus solemnly
entered into. In vain the intendant protested against
the arbitrary conduct of the captain-general, and in vain
I implored the latter, at least to permit me to pursue my
operations under the indemnity, until we heard further
from his Catholic Majesty. To all these just remon
strances and petitions he was deaf, and in fact issued
orders to the commandants of the ports not to permit a
single vessel to enter under my contract. Thus far the
captain-general's arbitrary and unjust measures affected
only my interests ; but on the 7th of January, 1806, he
issued a decree commanding me to leave the province
immediately. On receiving notice of this decree, I
waited on his excellency, and requested him to state to
me his reasons for thus precipitately expelling me from
the country. He replied, that he did not feel himself
at liberty to state any reasons, further than his having

350 APPENDIX.
deceived orders from the Prince of Peace to send away
every foreigner, without any exception, from the Spanish
dominions under his control* I asked him, if fie had any
Special orders respecting me? He replied, No; but
that he conceived me to be included in the general in
structions he; had received. He permitted me to enter
into a friendly expostulation with him, wherein I endea
voured to convince him, that it was impossible that his
Catholic Majesty could have intended to comprehend
me in the orders which had been transmitted by the
Prince of Peace, more especially as my residence in
Caracas had been specially sanctioned by his Majesty's
approbation. I urged upon his attention all the services
I had rendered his government, and the serious claims I
then had pending, tie replied, with great urbanity,
that he was perfectly sensible of the force of all I said,
and professed to be sincerely sorry for the peculiar
hardships of my case, but that if I suffered in my in
terests, the door was always open for me to obtain re
dress, through the honour and justice of his sovereign ;
and, whatever might be the consequences, he had made
up his mind to compel me to depart from the country,
and, particularly as he had reason to doubt whether I
was a citizen of the United States or not. On his
making this remark, I replied, that it was in my power
to furnish him with undeniable evidence of my being a
native of the United States ; that, in particular, in all the
public documents, since the year 1799, when I first
entered the province, I had been recognised as a citizen
of the United States ; and that, in virtue of being such,
the intendant De Leon had entered into a contract with
me, during the late -war between Great Britain and

APPENDIX. 351
Spain. He then replied, with a good deal of petulance,
" Well, it may be so ; but, as you cannot pursue your
commercial operations but by an intercourse with Eng
lish subjects, it is dangerous to his Catholic Majesty's
interests that you should remain here, therefore you
must depart." I attempted to repel this ungenerous
and unfounded suspicion, by shewing that the disputes
with Spain and Great Britain ought not to endanger my
interests and personal rights as a citizen of the United
States ; and I further stated, that even if a war were
declared between Spain and my own country, there was
a special provision in a treaty existing between the two
nations, whereby the respective subjects and citizens of
each should be allowed one year from the date of a de
claration of war, to remove their persons and effects
from the respective dominions of either power ; and, of
course that it was cruel to place me in a worse predica
ment, in consequence of ¦hostilities with Great Britain,
than I should have been in even in the event of a war
between Spain and the United States. To all these
arguments and expostulations his excellency finally an
swered, " You must depart ; and if you do not imme
diately acquiesce, you shall be expelled the country by
force." I , then requested, as a favour, that I might be per
mitted to present a memorial to him, which should em
brace the same arguments I had verbally stated, as I
wished to possess some documents to prove that I had
in due season represente'd for his consideration what I
deemed necessary in defence of my interests and per
sonal rights ; and I likewise desired, that should he de
cree any thing with respect to the said memorial, that

352 APPENDIX.
he would furnish me with an authentic copy of such
decree. His excellency hesitated for a few minutes,'
but at length said that he would comply with my wishes,
provided the memorial were presented the next day.
Availing myself of this permission, I delayed presenting
my representation until I should again hear from his
excellency, hoping to collect all my papers together in
the mean time, and to make the best arrangements in my
power preparatory to my expulsion from the country.
On the 18th of January, 1806, I laid my memorial
before the captain-general, which caused him to hesitate
for several days before he finally determined to use
forcible means to compel my departure, as I had solemnly
declared that nothing but force should induce me to
abandon my interests. He consulted the tribunal of the
real audiencia, and some of the most distinguished
lawyers of Caracas, on the subject. Some of them
advised him to take no decisive steps until he should
receive further instructions from Madrid ; others coun
selled him to expel me without hesitation ; while some
of the merchants in Caracas, who had always been
hostile to my views, endeavoured to persuade him that
my mercantile connexions with British subjects were
dangerous to the safety of the province.
On the 16th of February, the captain-general sent his
adjutant to inform me, that I must depart for La
Guayra, and embark in the first vessel that should leave
that port. I requested the adjutant to inform his
excellency, that I still adhered to my resolution of re
maining in the country until compulsion should force me
to quit it. A few hours subsequently, I called on the
captain-general, who received me with his usual ur-

APPENDIX* 353
banity. With great, good humour, the old gentleman
shook me by the hand, wished me a pleasant voyage,
and informed me that a military escort was then at the
door, with orders to conduct me to La Guayra. I
requested permission to return with his adjutant to my
place of residence, in order that I might procure my
clothes and papers ; which he granted. After having
collected my papers, the adjutant insisted that I should
return with him to the captain-general, in order to sub-*
fnitj them to his inspection. I complied accordingly ;
but his excellency declined making such examination;
and censured his officer for having suggested the idea.
The last words he said to me were, "I regret, Sir, that
the orders which I have received from the Prince of
Peace have compelled me to expel you from the
province under my command ; but I thank you, in the
name of my sovereign, for the services you have rendered
to our government, and the inhabitants of Venezuela,
during the time you have been among us." I bade his
excellency adieu^ and proceeded to La Guayra, accom
panied by the adjutant and a guard.
On the 21st of February, the commandant of La
Guayra sent a notary to acquaint me, that a Danish
schooner, called the Maria, was to sail the next day for
St. Thomas's, and that if I did not voluntarily embark
in the said vessel, he had orders from the captain-general
to adopt compulsory measures. I answered, that I would
not embark in the schooner, nor in any other vessel, but
by. compulsion. Accordingly, on the following day
(February 22, 1806), I was conducted_to the wharf by a
military guard, attended by notaries, and a cavalcade of
officers and inhabitants. The officer ordered me into
VOL. II. 2 A

354 APPENDIX.
the boat, and continued with me until he saw me
on board the schooner, and the vessel under sail.
Thus Was I forcibly expelled from his Catholic
Majesty's province of Venezuela, after having rendered
the services to the royal treasury and to the country,
before stated. And thus was the suit, then pending, for
the violation of my tobacco contract, at once cut short ;
while the indemnity itself, granted for injuries done
to me, ' became of no effect.
A few hours previous to, my embarkation, I entered
a solemn protest against the proceedings of the captain-
general, his government, and all those who were in
anyway concerned in these outrages on my interests and
person. The papers which I succeeded in taking away with me
were as follows:— Copy of the Protest at La Guayra—
Original Contracts respecting the Varinas tobacco — My
Correspondence with the Intendant, and with the Captain-
general— Notarial Copies of the Proceedings in the suit
against the royal treasury —Indemnity granted me by the
Intendant— Royal Order of his Catholic Majesty, ap
proving of that indemnity — Powers of Attorney from, and
Agreement with Edward Barry and Company, of the
island of Trinidad — Decrees of the Captain-general and
Intendant, authorizing me to execute the privileges
granted by his Catholic Majesty to the said Edward
Barry and Company — Subsequent Decrees of the Captain-
general, suspending and violating his previous decrees —
Proofs of the amount of property delivered by me to the
royal treasury, on the faith of my first contract for forty
thousand quintals of tobacco — Unquestionable Proofs
that the Intendant De Leon, at the time he made the

APPENDIX. 355
contract {September 5, \799j, well knew that the
whole of the said tobdcco was deteriorated and rotten,
thereby committing an enormous and deliberate fraud»
compromising the honour of his Catholic Majesty, and
wantonly ruining those who had unfortunately refied
on the good faith of the Spanish government. All these
important documents are now in my possession.
Upon my arrival at St. Thomas's, I wrote to the am
bassador of the United States at Madrid, transmitting
through him a memorial' to his Catholic Majesty, setting
forth the wrongs I had suffered, accompanied by a
notarial copy of the protest I made at La Guayra, on
the 21st of February, 1806. I have reason to believe
that the memorial was duly presented to the king ; and
I received information, toward the end of the year
1807, that his Catholic Majesty had been pleased to
pass a royal order, reprimanding the captain-general for
his precipitate and unjust conduct towards me; and
commanding the intendant, in case I should return to
Caracas, to permit me to carry into effect the indemnity
which had been granted me.
At the period when this intelligence reached me, my
mercantile affairs were so much embarrassed, and my
credit had received so severe a shock from the unfortu
nate issue of my previous transactions with the Spanish
government, that it was impossible for me to make any
further use of the indemnity in question, and, in ad
dition to this, I was sor disgusted at the recollection of
the perfidy and injury I had already experienced from
the Spanish authorities at Caracas, that I felt a re
pugnance to place my person of interests a second time
within, the sphere of their power. Under these circum-

856 APPENDIX.
Stances, the information: respecting the royal order was a
matter of indifference to me; and I resolved to proceed
to Spain, and lay my case before the superior tribunals
at Madrid. But while I was making arrangements for
that purpose, the revolution of 1808 broke out in Spam;
and the unsettled state of the government for several
subsequent years, rendered it unadvisable to make any
attempts to prosecute my claims, until the affairs of the
kingdom should assume some degree of order and
stability. I therefore concluded to let them " remain in
Sttalu quo," until the period might arrive, when the inter
vention, of my own government should make it expedient
to revive the claims.
It is not for me to say, in what manner, if at all, our
government, ought to interfere ; but it isi believed, it
is -not hazarding much to say, that, in the long catalogue
of injuries received by American citizens from the
Spanish government, there does not exist: a single case,.
either in point of magnitude or outrage, a parallel
to the one just detailed, or which, in the humble
opinion of the writer, more loudly calls for the pro-*
tection and" investigation of the government of the
United States.
It will be, clearly perqeived, from the foregoing state-*
ment, that all my commercial transactions in Venezuela
directly emanated from the highest Spanish authorities;
that the contracts were made on account of the Spanish
government, and, together with- the privileges and in
demnities conceded to me, were sanctioned by the ap
proval of his Catholic Majesty ; that all the injuries my
interests received, and the outrages exercised against my
person, were directly caused by the acts of the Spanish

APPENDIX; 357
authorities; and, finally, that my forcible e-xpu^ioii from-
Caracas, by the despotic conduct of the captain-ge,n$ral
was a manifest infraction of the treaty fhen existing
between Spain and the United States. An infractionof
the treaty ! Can an American citizen seek redress from,
Spain for such a wrong ? — or must he not rather look tq
that benignant power, which, Jike a kind parent, encircles
all its objects within its arms, feeling any outrage com
mitted upon them as thrilling its own heart's blood? To
my government do I look with confidence; (for is it
possible that I can obtain reparation from a government
that has acted as that of Spain has invariably acted
towards all our citizens, who for the last twenty-five
years have had any claims against it ? Has there been a
solitary instance, within that time, of compensation being
afforded for injury, excepting in the case of our fellow-
citizen, Richard W. Meade, Esq. ? And, even in his
case, do we not know that the energetic interference of
the American government alone prevented new out
rages against his person and interests? These are
important facts, known to every one who has paid the
least attention to the conduct of the Spanish go
vernment towards our citizens, ever since the period
of the violation of the right of trading on the river
Mississippi. Until, therefore, my case shall be honoured with the
notice and protection of our government, I cannot hope
to obtain reparation for my wrongs. The principal
circumstances of the case have long since been made
known to the executive of the United States, and to the
American minister at Madrid; but, as it is only within a

358 APPENDIX.
few months past that I obtained possession of the papers
and documents before mentioned (which have been
in keeping, in the island of St. Croix, for the last thirteen
years), I have never, until the present moment, been
enabled to state the facts with precise accuracy, or
to make a representation to our government with due
formality, and supported by the proper proofs.' Such
a representation will now be made; and I flatter myself
with the belief, that it will be found worthy of the at
tention and interposition of the government of the
United States.

INDEX

.Abisbal, Conde de, the Author's letter to, I. xlii.
Acapulco, taken after a fifteen months' siege, by the Patriot
General Morelos, I. 48. Almost the only place at which
the landing of an iuvading force could be resisted, II. 151.
Aculco, bloody battle at, between Hidalgo and Calleja,
I. 36.
Adams, Mr. late president of the United States — extraordinary
proposal from the Spanish ambassador, the Marquis de
CasaYrujo, to save the life of Mr. Adams's grandson, sup
posed to have been taken prisoner by the Spaniards, on
the failure of Miranda's expedition, I. 126.
Aguirre, Don Matias Martin y, a Spanish royalist officer,
distantly related to Mina — an able, active, and humane
man — invests the fortress of Xauxilla, II. 170. Just
tribute to his character, 171.
Allende gives battle to Calleja at Marfil, but is defeated, I.
37. Is taken with Hidalgo, and suffers death, 43.
American government of the United States, intercedes for
the liberation of the author from the dungeons of San
Juan de Ulua, I. xxx. Author's appeal to, against the
oppression of the Spanish government. II. 357.
Anson, Lord, is believed to be the only foreigner whom the
fears of the Spaniards have permitted to enter the river
Zacatula, II. 207.
Apodaca, Don Juan Ruiz de, Viceroy of Mexico, displays a
character the reverse of his sanguinary predecessor Calleja,
I. 63. Despatches an army to invest Tehuacan, 231,

360 INDEX.
Is created Conde del Venadito, in consequence of the
capture of Mina at that place, II. 119. His erroneous
view of the present security of Mexico, 148.
Arago, Col. Don Juan, appointed to succeed Padre Torres as
commander-in-chief of the Patriots, II. 184. Is opposed
by Torres, 187. Conference at Surumuato, to settle their
differences, fails ; and Torres is subdued by force, 189.
Arminan, General, pursues Mina from Altamira, I. 171.
Is defeated by the patriots at Peotillos, 176. His false
and absurd account of the battle as published in the Ga
zette of Mexico, 184.
Arredondo, Don Joaquin, is the royal commandant of the
Eastern provinces of Mexico upon Mina's landing, I. 150.
Lays siege to Soto la Marina, which surrenders after
defeating three assaults, 304.
Arroyo, Don Cruz, killed at Los Remedios, and his .remains
barbarously treated by the Spaniards, II. 16<K
Atkins, Messrs. I.. & A. of London, the Author's connection
with, II. 338.
Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, thejunction of, easy to be ac
complished, and a joint stock company holding out the
highest advantages, II. 281. Would be the greatest
commercial thoroughfare in the world, 283.
Atrato, river of, its proximity to the. Atlantic Ocean, II. 267.
Atonilco, our Lord of, a temple devoted to, founded by the
bandit Lohra, I. 118.
Aury, Commodore, a patriot naval commander, I. 101. Does
not cordially unite with Mina, 107. Dissentions with, 132.
Author, the; authentic sources from whence the materials of
this work are derived, I. xii. His frequent visits to Mexico
enable him to afford the information here given, xv. In
juries from the bad faith of the Spanish government, by
whom he is imprisoned two years and a half, xvii. Visits
Spanish' America for the purpose of rendering assistance
to the Patriots, xviii. Lands at Boquilla de Piedra, and
is kindly treated by General Victoria, xix. And by Gene
ral Terah at Tehuacan, xx. Is unfortunately mistaken
for Dr. John Hamilton Robinson, a brigadier-general in

INDEX. 361
the service of the Mexican Patriots, and very obnoxious to
the Spanish government, xx. Accompanies General Te-
ran towards Guasacualco, is present at the affair of-Playa
Vicente, and undergoes great hardships previous to sur
rendering himself to Ortega, xxii. Accepts the royal
indulto, which is afterwards broken by the Spanish
general, who marches him under a strong escort to Oax
aca, xxvi. There confined as a prisoner, but is kindly
treated by the inhabitants, xxvii. Is sent under a strong
guard to Mexico, but is ordered back on the fourth day's
march, and conveyed to Vera Cruz, where he is- confined
in the dungeon of the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, and
undergoes the most cruel treatment, xxviii. Is visited
by Lieutenant Porter, of the American brig Boxer,
who in vain endeavours to procure his release, xxx.
Discovers it to be the intention of the Viceroy of Mexico
to send him to Spain, with a recommendation thatrjeshould
be there- confined for life, lest he should publish the im
portant information he possessed relative to Mexico, xxxii.
Is embarked for Spain in a frigate, and shipwrecked, xxxiii.
Imprisoned five months at Campeachy, and thence taken
to Havana, xxxiv. Confined for six months in the Moro
Castle, and at length embarks for Cadiz, xxxv. His
favourable reception there from the Governor-General
O'Donnel, ibid. Is again imprisoned, and threatened
with a rigorous confinement at Ceuta, xxxvi. An inter
view with General O'Donnel, xxxvii. Letter from the
American minister at Madrid,' xxxviii. Receives secret
intimation of the intention of Spain to confine him in the
citadal at Ceuta, and therefore projects an escape, xl.
Arrives at Gibraltar, xli. Addresses letters from thence
to the American Minister, to the Cond6 de Abisbal, and
to the Marquis Casa Yrujo, offering to return and me^t
an investigation of his conduct, provided security for
his person is guaranteed, ibid. Evasion of this offer, and
advised by the American Minister not to place confidence
in the proposition held out by the Spanish Minister, xlix.
Does not mean by his suggestions to excite the attention

362 INDEX.
• of desperate adventurers, but would wish the emancipation
of Mexico to be accomplished by citizens of the United
• States in preference to any other foreigners, II. 152. His
claims upon the Spanish government, 333. His visit to
Caracas, and introduction to the Captain-general of Vene-
, zuela, ibid. Treats for the purchase of all the tobacco
belonging to the crown of Spain, 334. Contract signed
for the same, 335. Obstacles he has to contend against,
337. Proceeds to the United States, to London, Hamburg,
and Amsterdam, to make arrangements for the sale of the
tobacco, 338. Fulfils his part of the contract, but is re
quited with fraud and duplicity, 339. Remonstrates, 340.
Commences law proceedings, ibid. Is ruined by confiding
in the honour of the Spanish government, 341. Appointed
agent to Messrs. Barry & Co. of Trinidad, 345. An in-
¦ deninity for his losses awarded, 348. Not carried into
effect, 349. Commanded to leave the province, ibid. Re
monstrates, 350. Is compelled to depart, 351. Sails for
La Guayra, 352. Is forced from thence, and expelled
• from the province of Venezuela, 354. Again remonstrates,
ibid. Appeals to his own government, 356.
Barry and Co. Messrs. of Trinidad, the. Author's connection
with, II. 345.
Bolivar offers to give up his prisoners in exchange for those
taken by the Royalists : his offers rejected, and every
indignity and cruelty heaped upon the Patriots ; at which
he becomes so incensed, that, finding retaliation the only
alternative, he orders thirteen hundred Spanish prisoners
to be shot, and their bodies burned, I. 326.
Bonnycastle, Captain, various instances of gross ignorance
of facts displayed in his History of Spanish Ame
rica, II. 204.
Borja, Don Miguel, chosen commander of the troops of
Xalpa, II. 194. His doubtful conduct relative to the
murder of Liceaga, 196.
Bradburn, Colonel, one of Mina's officers, organizes a body
of troops, II. 197. But is thwarted by the jealousy of
Huerta, 199. Is subdued by superior forces, ibid.

INDEX. 363
Bread, singular process of making it in Mexico, 1. 163.
Britain, her desire to possess the Island of Cuba, important
reflections upon, II. 327. Her attempts to oppose the
progress of the United States must end in their aggran
dizement, 329. If she should make Havana the Gibraltar
of the West Indies, the United States must make arsenals
of Pensacola and Espiritu Santo, ibid.
British Consul at Baltimore joins that of Spain in endeavour
ing to frustrate Mina's expedition, I. 97-
British government, plans submitted to, for.unitiqg the At
lantic and Pacific Oceans, II. 282.
Brush, Mr. James, accompanies Mina from England, affords
assistance to the present work, I. xiii.
Buonaparte, Napoleon, Mina a chief instrument in frustra
ting his designs against Spain, I. 74. Pours fresh
troops into that country, 77- Arrests all the members
of Mina's family, and sends them into France, 80. Im
prisons Mina in the Castle of Vincennes, at Paris, 84. Not
released till the final abdication of Napoleon, ibid.
Bustamante, an officer formerly attached to Hidalgo, trea
cherously gives up Hidalgo, who is shot at Chihua
hua, I. 42. Recommends for promotion a dragoon for
killing bis kneeling brother. II. 220.
Calderon, bloody battle at the bridge of, between Hidalgo
and Calleja, I. 41.
Calleja defeats Hidalgo, with immense slaughter, at Acul-
co, I. 36.- Defeats Allende at Marfil, 37- Enters Gua
naxuato as a conqueror, and there exhibits the horrid
cruelty of his disposition, ibid. Murders all his pri
soners, and butchers fourteen thousand of the inhabit
ants, 38. These acts approved by the Regency at Cadiz,
who appoint him to succeed Venegas in the vice-regal
power, 39, Created Count of Caldcron, ibid. Defeats
Hidalgo at the Bridge of Calderon, and renews his sangui
nary excesses, 41. Other instances of his inhumanity, 62.
Is rewarded by the viceroyship, II. 220.
Canal, to unite the Pacific with the Atlantic Oceans, pro
ject of, II. 265.

364 INDEX,
Capsicum, its great utility and value in Mexico, I. 262.
Casa Yrujo, Marquis, Spanish Minister, is appealed to for
the release of the Author, I. xxxviii. Author's letter to,
in justification of his conduct, xlv. The Marquis's an
swer, addressed to the American Minister, xlvii. His
singular letter to Colonel Smith, relating to the disposal
of some Americans taken prisoners upon the failure of
Miranda's expedition, 126.
Castanon, the Royalist commander, his activity and cru
elty, I. 253. Defeated by Mina, and killed in action at
Llanos, 258.
Cavalry, Mexican, described, II. 53,
Chapels, splendid, description of two, near San Miguel el
Grande, I. 117.
Chatham, Lord, his eloquent speech against the encourage-
ragement of Indian warfare, and the cruelties it en
tails, II. 242.
Chihuahua, in Durango, Hidalgo and his officers shot
there, L 42.
Chillilo, a mountain, from whose summit the interesting
spectacle of a sight of the two oceans may be ob
tained, II. 287.
China to the United States, the voyage might be accom
plished in sixty-three days, II. 308.
Chocho, the province of, best adapted for opening a com
munication between the two seas, II. 268.
Clergy of Mexico, their immense revenue, derived from
tithes, I. 90. Confined to the priests of Old Spain, ibid.
Not averse to the cause of liberty. Their influence and
conduct, ibid.
Cochineal, its abundance in the province of Oaxaca, II.
294.
Colombia,- republic |)f, cruelties committed there, II. 223.
80,000 prisoners have been put to death there, 234.
Comanja, or Fort Sombrero described, I. 209.
Commerce, unnatural restrictions on, I. 13.
Commercial advantages to be derived from the junction of

INDEX. 365
the two oceans, II. 295. ibid. 303. Ill effects of the
present restrictions on,. 309.
Congress formed by Morelos at Apatzingan, Liceaga placed
at its head, 1. 51. It discusses the plans of the general,
, and, by delays and animosities, defeats his objects, 66.
Hold their sessions at Ario, but remove with Morelos to
, Tehuacan» 67. Dissensions take place, 71. The mem
bers are seized, and put under arrest, by the Patriot
General Teran, 72. Never after succeeded in forming
any effective civil, government, 213.
Contrast between the feelings excited in the contest between
the North American colonies and their mother country,
and those of Spain and her colonies, II. 241.
Copero, a fort in the province of Valladolid, surrenders to
the Royalists, I. 235.
Correa, his treacherous conduct towards his friend and
patron, Mina, I. 121. Excites to mutiny the troops of
Aury, 122. Abandons the expedition, and retires to
New Orleans, 123. Escapes to Pensacola, and after
wards to Havana, where his perfidy is rewarded by the
Spanish government, which appoints him to a situation in
the revenue, department, 124.
Costa Rica, or Nicaragua, the spot best adapted for effect
ing the grand scheme of connecting the two oceans, II.
276. Its importance to the British nation, 283.
Cortes sails from Cuba, lands at San Juan de Ulua, captures
Mexico (Nov. 8, 1519), imprisons Montezuma, I. 3.
Reverses of, 4. Retakes Mexico, after nearly destroying
that beautiful city, 5. Horrid barbarities committed by
Cortes, ibid.
Cortez of Spain decree that no capitulation with insurgents
shall be valid, I. 121. Inimical to the freedom of South
America, II. 238. America, the farce of its pretended re
presentation in, by thirty members named in Madrid, 240.
Has no reason to hope amelioration from the present
Cortez, 250.
Creoles, the, adhere to the Viceroy, I. 31. Not permitted
to enjoy lucrative situations in the churchy 188. Up-

366 INDEX.
wards of 1500 are chained in pairs, and confined in
the dungeons of La Guayra and Puerto Cavello, where
they perish, 323. Of the American continent, their qua
lifications for soldiers if disciplined, II. 54. Danger
to Spain apprehended by their being now armed, 138.
Converse freely on political rights and personal wrongs,
139. Few of them are so base as Torres and Moreno,
143i Character of the present race of, 144. Every
Creole regiment may be now considered as training for
the emancipation of the country, 147.
Cruelties Of the Spaniards duriug the Revolution preclude
the possibility of any cordial union hereafter with the
Mexicans, I. 325. The detail drawn from the most au
thentic sources, II. 212.
Cruz, Spanish general, boasts of his barbarity, II. 220.
Cuba, importance of the island of, II. 325. Desire of
Britain to possess it, 327. The probability of its becoming
an independent state, under the protection of the United
States, 329.
Darian, isthmus of, project of connecting the two seas
there, II. 268.
Davila, Don Jos6, governor of Vera Cruz, confines the
Author in the dungeons of the fortress of San Juan de
Ulua, I. xxviii.
D'Evereux, and the brave men he raised in Ireland, would
have decided the destinies of Mexico, II. 142.
Dollars fired by the Royalists from their artillery in the
Battle of Llanos, for want of other shot, I. 259.
Dungeon of San Juan de Ulua at Vera Cruz, horrid descrip
tion of, I. 312.
Edinburgh Reviewers, their opinion on the practicability of
ajunction of the two oceans, II. 270.
Edwards, Bryan, Esq. his opinion as to the Route to the
Pacific Ocean, I. xiv. An unpublished Memoir on the
subject is in existence, II. 282.
Eguia, minister of war to Ferdinand VII. his instructions to
the governor of Cadiz for the treatment of prisoners taken
from Mina, I. 317.

INDEX. 367
El Valle de Maiz, in the province of Potosi, Mina defeats
the Spaniards at, 1.167. Description of the town, 170.
El Giro, a partisan Indian chief of great bravery, II. 186.
Subdues Padre Torres, 189. Is surprised by a party
of the enemy, and killed, after performing prodigies of
valour, 201.
Erdozain, Don Pablo, an excellent cavalry patriot officer,
II. 177. His narrow escape, 178.
Errors of Raynal, Pauw, Robertson, and other historians
and travellers, as to the state and condition of the
miners of Mexico II. 102.
Erving, G.W. minister of the United States, intercedes with
the Spanish government for the liberation of the Author,
I. xxxviii. His letter to the Author, xlix.
Ferdinand VII. loyalty of his American subjects on the
breaking out of the war with France, I. 16. His base
conduct upon his return to Spain, 84. His ungrateful
treatment of the two Minas, 86. Use made of his name
in the perpetration of the most horrid acts, II. 232.
Flores, Don Lucas, commandant of Santiago, II. 69.
Loses all his money at cards, and then is treacherously
shot by Padre Torres, the winner of it, 129.
Floriclas, both East and West, must be incorporated with the
United States, II. 328.
Fulton, the steam vessel, might perform a voyage from
Oaxaca to Canton in less than fifty days. II. 307.
Gachupin, a term of contempt applied by the Mexicans to
their Spanish oppressors, I. 25. Its true meaning, ibid.
Galvezton, iu the island of San Luis, Mina's arrival at, I. 104.
Godoy, Prince of Peace, his conduct towards South Ame
rica, I. 11.
Gomez, Vicente, an officer serving under Osourno, guilty of
the most horrid acts of cruelty, I. 234. Is, in conse
quence, gained over to the Royalist cause, 235.
Gonzales, a celebrated warrior of the troops of Xalpa, left
in command at San Luis, II. 66.
Guanaxuato, city of, in the vicinity of which are the richest
gold and silver mines, I. 27. Taken by the Patriots,

368 INDEX.
and its immense wealth falls into their hands, 28.
¦ The city described, II. 96. • The fertility and beauty of
the country around it, ibid. Its hardy race of inhabit
ants, 103. Interesting reflections on the probable future
importance of this part of New Spain, 104. Failure of
Mina's attack upon, 109.
, Guasacualco, to Oaxaca, an invading army could march in
forty-eight hours, II. 153. Importance of its river to
the project of connecting the two oceans, 290.
Guerrero, a patriot leader, I. 215. Various acts of hero
ism, II. 192. His successes alarm the viceroy, who
orders Brigadier Negrete to advance against him, 193.
His principal establishment is at Zacatula, 207. His
system of warfare, 209. With his aid the cruisers of
Buenos Ayres and Chili might annihilate the commerce
from Guaquil to Acapulco, 210.
Gunpowder, bad mode of manufacturing it in Mexico,
II. 159.
Havana, city of, its immense trade with the United States,
H. 330. Their facilities of blockading it, ibid.
Hennessy, Dr, his great skill and humanity as physician to
Mina's expedition, I. 103. Proposes to rescue Mina, but
is prevented by Padre Torres, II. 132. Is killed at
Los Remedios, 166.
Heroism of a Mexican female in the fort of Soto La
Marina, I. 300.
Herrera, Don Jose, resides at New Orleans, as ambassador
from the Mexican Republic to the United States, I. 107.
His character, 108.
"Herrera, Don Mariano, the friend of Mina, his character,
II. 111. Mina's visit to, ibid. Made prisoner at the
Venadito, with Mina and others, 120. Interesting history
of, ibid. Becomes insane, 121. Removed to Tlaqui-
chera, ibid.
Hidalgo, Dr. Rector of Dolores, heads the people against
Venegas, 22. Character of^ 23. Appointed captain-
general, ibid. Marches to Zelaya, ibid. His great and
irremediable error at the very outset of -the Revolution, 26.

INDEX. 369
Marches upon Guanaxuato with an heterogeneous mass
of 20,000 Patriots, 27. Captures and sacks that city ;
its immense wealth, 28. Advances towards Mexico,
by Valladolid, with 110,000 men, 30. Defeats the
Royalists under Truxillo, at Las Cruces, 33. Fatal
error in judgment, after remaining two days in sight
of Mexico, retreats without any attempt to take that
city, 36. Retreats on Guanaxuato, 37. His rear-guard
under Allende, defeated at Marfel, by Calleja, ibid.
Having lost 30,000 men in these actions, he concentrates
his remaining force of 80,000, excites his troops by ener
getic harangues, and awaits the approach of Calleja, 40.
Is again defeated, at the Bridge of Calderon, 41. At
tempts to escape to the United States, but is seized at
Acatila de BajaD, and treacherously given up by Busta
mante, an officer in whom he had placed great confi
dence, 42. Taken to Chihuahua, in Durango, and there
shot, ibid. Is said in the Mexican Gazette to have re
canted his sentiments a few hours before his death, but
his friends declare him to have died supplicating Heaven
to favour the independence of his country, 43.
Howard, H. Esq. of Baltimore, furnishes the biographical
-sketch of Mina, given in this work. I. xiv.
Huerta, a Patriot chief, II. 197. His character, ibid. Dis
graceful conduct, 199.
Humanity, invocation to, for the cause of the Spanish Ame
ricans, and for a just retribution upon the Spaniards for
the enormities they have committed. II. 251.
Humboldt, his error as to the state of education in Mexico;
I. 13. Faithful description of the province of Guanax
uato, II. 96. Remarks on the fertility of the country
examined, 105. Refutes the theory of a difference of
elevation between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, 275.
Important document, shewing the fears of the Spanish
Mexican government, lest the Author should publish the
information he possesses relative to that country, I. xxxii.
Indians, South American, described ; the difference between
them and the Indians of North America, I. 25. Their
2 B

370 INDEX.
horrid excesses, 27. Desperate valour of, and slaughter
at the battle of Aculco, 36. Fifty thousand could be
obtained, so to open the country as to accomplish the
important plan of uniting the two oceans, II. 282.
Independence of South America, reflections on what might
be accomplished by 200,000 Mexican Creoles, with Euro
pean leaders, II. 54. Next in importance to the indepen
dence of the United States, 324.
Indulto, the royal, shamefully broken in the case of the
Author, I. xxv.
Iturrigaray, Don Jose, Viceroy of Mexico, proposes the
establishment of a provisional government, to save the king
dom from the horrors of anarchy and French intrigue, I. 19.
Arrested and sent to Spain, 20. His liberal sentiments,
II. 302.
Jaral, Marquis, his immense treasures, I. 262. His oppo
sition to the Patriots, "266. His wealth falls into the hands
of Mina, 270. Escapes to Potosi, 271. His erroneous
statement of his losses corrected, 273.
La Caxa, battle of, II. 88.
La Gaza opposed to Mina upon his landing in Mexico, I. 145.
La Guayra, Spanish prisoners shot there, I. 327.
La Mar, an extraordinary female patriot at Soto la Marina,
intrepidity of her conduct, I. 315.
La Sala, Captain, deserts to the Royalists, and give such in
formation as leads to the fall of Soto la Marina, I. 298.
Lara, Lopes de, treacherously gives up two of Mina's officers
and the fort of Xauxilla to Don Aguirre, II. 180.
Las Casas remonstrates with Charles V. against the bar
barities of the Spaniards, I. 6. His predictions have
already been fulfilled, 92.
Las Cruces, battle at, between Hidalgo and Truxillo, I. 33.
Lazo, a loop rope, used in war by the Spanish Americans
with great skill and effect, II. 39.
Leon, failure of Mina's attack on, II. 7.
Liberty enjoyed by the citizens of the United States must
soon communicate its influence to the inhabitants of
Mexico. II. 321.

INDEX. 371
Liceaga, Don Jose Maria, elected President of the first
Patriot Congress, I. 51. Loses his influence, and is pro
scribed by the infamous Padre Torres, but prefers seeking
an abode in the forest to accepting the royal pardon, 248.
Joins Mina at Tlachiquera, II. 57- Escapes from the
Venadito at the time of Mina's capture, 120. Retires
from public life, and is treacherously murdered by a party
of Borja's troops, 194. His character, 196.
Linan, Don Pasqual, takes the command of the army destined
to overthrow Mina, II. 4. Commences the siege of
Sombrero, 7. His diabolical cruelties on taking Fort
Sombrero, 33. His character, 34. His sudden elevation
by Ferdinand VII. from a servant to a Mariscal de Campo,
ibid. Spanish officers disgusted at his enormities, 36. At
present at Vera Cruz, of which province he is governor, ibid.
Appears before Los Remedios, 46. Commences the siege
of, 57. Activity and skill of the besiegers, 59. His
brutal conduct to Mina upon his capture, 123. And to
the prisoners taken at Los Remedios, 168.
Literature excluded from Mexico by the Spaniards, I. 12.
But one public journal allowed there, 93. Change within
these ten years, ibid.
Lohra, a bandit who had acquired great wealth, founds a
splendid temple, which he dedicates to our Lord of
Atonilco, I. 118. His singular history, 119.
Los Remedios, the head-quarters of the tyrant Torres,. I. 241.
It is called by the Royalists San Gregorio, II. 41. Descrip
tion of, ibid. Its defences and means of withstanding a
long siege, 44. Besieged by Linan, 46. Progress of the
siege, 77. Assault repulsed, 78. Second attempt at
storming fails, 79. Successful sortie of the besieged, 80.
Desperate assault after the death of Mina, repulsed, 156.
Sortie, 160. Evacuation decided on, in consequence of
the ammunition being expended, 161. Horrible picture
of the evacuation, 163.
Madrid Gazette, extract from, shewing the cruelty of the
Spaniards, II. 234.
Manifesto, eloquent, addressed to all nations by the Congress

372 INDEX.
of Rio de la Plata, detailing the enormities of the Spaniards,
II. 228.
Manufactures and commerce — the advantages that will result
from the emancipation of South America, II. 322.
Matamoros, second in command to Morelos, a priest, displays
great valour and military talent, defeats the Royalists at
Pururao, I. 66. Is taken by the Royalists, and shot, 67.
Maylefer, Major, a gallant officer under Mina, killed in the
battle of Llanos, I. 258.
Mexico, conquest of, by Cortes, I. 2. Laws relating to, 7.
Its commerce restricted, 13. Civil war of, commences, 23.
Xavier Mina draws his sword in favour of, 89. Failure, in
consequence of the ignorance, ambition, inactivity, and
want of principle, of many of the leaders with whom he
was compelled to act, 212. After the year 1817 the
leaders became men in low stations of life and of the most
licentious and cruel habits, 236. Its conquest now can
only be achieved by a proffer of an independent govern
ment, II. 142. Can never be the maritime rival of the
United States; its policy must, therefore, be to cultivate
an alliance with, 318. General reflections upon her ca
pacity for greatness, 331. She will — she must be
free, 332.
- , Gazette of, no dependence to be placed in its vera
city, I. 184. In it General Victoria was slain more than
twenty times, 232. Castanon's savage acts described,
254. More false statements in, 276. Ibid. II. 119.
Singular attestation of Mina's death in, 125.
-, Clergy of, not averse to the cause of liberty, I. 188.

Just reasons for, ibid. Their immense revenues arising
from tythes, 190. Reflections on their influence and con
duct, l&l.
-, Viceroy of, recommends the Spanish, authorities to

confine the Author for life, lest be should publish the
important information he possesses of the real state of
Mexico, I. xxxii. His erroneous description of the security
of the country since the destruction of Mina, II. 140.
¦ , Government of, alarmed at the junction of Mina with

INDEX. 37$:
Hi« other Patriot forces, I. 207. Their whole efforts di
rected to crush him, II. 2.
Mexicans, their sufferings, I. 5. Excluded from the privileges
of the laws," and from offices of trust, 10. Kept in igno
rance, 12. Their loyalty, on the declaration of war against
France in 1808, 16. The regency of Cadiz declare war
against Caracas, 18. Conspiracy of, against the govern
ment of Venegas, 21. Superstition, exemplified by the
story of the apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe, 110,
Wretched state of the poor, 264. Considered as a
military power; bravery of their troops, but want of
officers and discipline, II. 52. Anxiety of, to behold
Mina after his capture, 123. Their hatred of Spain, and
desire for freedom, will again shew themselves upon any
favourable occasion, 136. Disadvantages under which
they labour, and misrepresentations they endure, 237.
Mechoacan, Bishop of, addresses to the King of Spain a
document on the statement of Mexico, II- 135.
Melish, Mr. his calculations of distances between America
and China, II. 308.
Memorial to the Viceroy of Mexico, that Guasacualco might
be the depot of commerce instead of Vera Cruz, II. 299.
Is full of interesting information and luminous argument, 301,
Subject prohibited to be renewed, 302,
Mina, Don Xavier, memoirs of; born in Navarre, December,
1789, educated at Pampeluna and Zaragoza, I. 76. Joins
¦ the Spanish army, as a volunteer, at the age of eighteen,
at the commencement of the resistance of the Spaniards to
the French, ibid. In the battles of Alcornes, Maria, and
¦ -Belchite, ibid. Undertakes a most difficult and gallant
enterprise; by opening a communication with the provinces
of France adjacent to the Pyrenees, establishes a very
important secret communication, 77. Passes through the
lines of the French position, and originates that plan of
Guerilla warfare which was destructive to the French, and
became eventually the principal means of delivering Spain
from her invaders, 78. His chivalrous exploits, 79. The
French, in revenge, arrest upwards of thirty persons of his

374 INDEX.
family, and send them prisoners into France, 80. Eludes,
with the most consummate skill, every attempt to destroy
him, ibid. Organizes bands of Guerillas throughout the
country, 81. The Junta of Seville appoint him command
ant-general of Navarre, 82. The Junta of Arragon create
him commanding-general of that province, ibid. Spanish
government direct him to destroy the French iron-foundry
atPampeluna; in this hazardous. and unfortunate enter
prise he is opposed by two strong corps of French troops,
and, after a most obstinate and bloody battle, falls, pierced
with wounds, a prisoner in the hands of the French, 83.
His uncle Espoz is chosen, by the brave mountaineers, chief
in his stead, ibid. Xavier first gave system to this irregular
species of valour, which Espoz continued to practise till
the termination of the war, ibid. When taken prisoner,
he had not attained his twenty-first year, 84. Is carried
to Paris, and closely confined in the Castle of Vincennes ;
bis sufferings there ; not liberated till the general peace,
upon the abdication of Napoleon, ibid. Ungrateful con
duct of Ferdinand towards him upon his return to Spain,
86. Is offered the chief military command in Mexico,
which he declines, and retires to Navarre, ibid. r Raises
the standard of the Cortes, in conjunction with his uncle
EspOz, ibid. Romantic boldness of their first attempt
against Pampeluna ; causes of its failure, 87. Retires
into France, where he is arrested, and imprisoned near
Bayonne, 88. Passes over to England, and receives a
liberal pension from«the British government, 89. Re
ceives the most flattering attentions from the English, and
is introduced by a distinguished nobleman to the American
General Scott, ibid. Is furnished with a ship, arms and
stores, and sails, on an enterprise against Mexico, in the
hope of striking a severe blow against the tyranny of Fer
dinand, ibid. Had he landed in Mexico with 1500 men
instead of 270, he would have overturned the Spanish
government almost without a struggle, 94. Sails from
England for the Chesapeake, 95. Proceeds to Baltimore,
Philadelphia, and New York, ibid. Volunteers join him,

INDEX. 375
ibid. His plans made known to the Spanish Minister
Onis, 96. Purity of his motives, 89. First part of the
expedition sails under the direction of Count de Ruuth ;
dangers and misfortunes it experienced from a gale, 99.
Mina sails from Baltimore, and arrives at Port au Prince, 101.
Noble declaration of his sentiments, ibid. Gains the
esteem of the inhabitants of Baltimore, ibid. Sails from
Port au Prince ; the yellow fever destroys a large portion
of the expedition, 103. Arrives at San Luis, and meets
Commodore Aury, ibid. Organizes his troops, 106.
Fails in opening a communication with the Patriot General
Victoria; ill consequence of this failure, 109. Sails to
New Orleans, to concert relative to a projected attack on
Pensacola, 120. Danger of assassination from one of his
associates named Correa, 121. Dissensions among Com
modore Aury's troops ; which end in a portion of them,
under Colonel Perry, joining Mina, 133. Returns from
New Orleans toGalveston, ibid. The expedition sails, 135.
Arrives at Soto la Marina, on the river Santander, 138.
Publishes an address to his army, 139. Takes possession
of Soto la Marina, which is evacuated- by the Spanish
commander La Garza, 143. Establishes a printing press,
and issues wise and temperate proclamations to the
inhabitants, 143. Fortifies Soto la Marina; in which
place he leaves his stores, and prepares to march with his
chief force into the interior, 151. Is deserted by the
American Colonel Perry and some valuable men, 160.
Leaves a small garrison under Major Sarda, and com
mences his march, 161. Dangers and hardships upon this
rapid and secret march, 164. Captures a large quantity
of horses near Horcasitas, 165. Gallant defeat of a
Spanish division at El Valle de Maiz, 167. Arminan pur
sues Mina from Altamira, 171. Great fatigue supported by
Mina and his troops, 172. Preparations for the battle of
Peotillos — great skill and valour displayed by Mina and
his troops — total defeat of 1700 Spaniards under Arminan,
by Mina's cavalry, 172 in number — enthusiasm of the
troops for their leader, Mina, 176. Advance, after this

370 INDEX.
¦ battle, upon Hidconda, 187. To Espiritu Santo, the in
habitants of which are surprised at the good conduct of
Mina's troops, 191. Proceed by a forced march to
.Pinos, 192. Which is taken in a very gallant manner
.by storm, 194. Punishes with death all attempts at de
spoiling churches, 195. Evacuates Pinos, 196. Pursues
his march through a dreary country, encountering great
hardships, but at length joins another division of the
Patriots under Don Christoval Naba, . 198. Arrives at
Sombrero with a mere handful of men, after a harassing
march of thirty days, over two hundred and twenty leagues
, of country, occupied in every direction by strong divisions
of Royalist troops, 203. On entering Sombrero, lays his
services at the feet of the Patriot government, and writes
to the commanding-general Padre Torres, 208. Low
, state of the Patriots, upon his arrival at Sombrero, 248.
His chagrin at discovering the depraved character of
those with whom he was destined to co-operate, 249.
Marches to San Juan de los Llanos, and attacks Castanon,
an officer of great skill and enterprise in the service of the
Royalists, 252. A desperate battle, in which- Castanon is
killed, and his army totally defeated, 258. Enthusiasm of
the people in favour of Mina after this exploit, 260. Suc
cessful enterprise against the Jaral, 262. Immense trea
sure falls into his hands, 270. Returns to Sombrero, and
there meets Torres, who pretends to have come to con
gratulate him, 272. His patriotic address to the Repub
lican chiefs, 278. Humanity to his prisoners contrasted
with that of the Royalists, 283. Prisoners taken in the
battle of Llanos join his standard, 284. Anticipated
march to the capital of Mexico, 286. Waits the attack
of Linan at Sombrero, in full reliance of the promised
support from Padre Torres, II. 5. Attacks the Villa of
Leon, which fails from the strength of its garrison, 7. Is
besieged in Fort Sombrero, ibid. His sympathy for the gar
rison, which suffers severely for want of water, 14. Quits
the fort, in order to procure supplies from Torres, 19.
Finding that Torres would make no effort, directs Colonel

ISDEX. 3T?
Young to draw off the garrison, 20. Seeks Torres at Los
Remedios, but gains no assistance from him, 38. Is deeply
affected at the fate of Sombrero, and at the evasive con-
dyct of Tories, ibid. Defeats a body of cavalry at Silao,
ibid. Assists in strengthening the defence of Los Reme
dios, 45. Leaves there all his officers to assist Linan—
the magnanimity of his conduct in so doing, 47. Marches
with 900 cavalry, or Mexican cossacks, to Tlachiquera, to
meet Ortiz, 55. Is joined by the Captain-general Lice
aga, 56. Interesting interview between Mina and the few
brave men who escaped from Sombrero, 57. Takes Bis-
cocho, orders, thirty-one of the garrison to he shot— the
only instance of severity he had recourse to, and which
was deemed necessary, to deter the Royalists from their con
tinued acts of cruelty, 63. Attacks San Lwis de la Paz,
ibid. Which, after many difficulties, surrenders, 66.
Abandons his design against San Miguel el Grande, 67.
Fixes his head-quarters at Santiago, 70. Attempt against
La Sanja, which fails, 72. Proceeds to La Hoya, declines
a combat with Orrantia, and returns to Santiago, 73. Con
centrates his forces, marches to the plains of Silao, and
harasses the enemy in the Baxio by his rapid and unex
pected movements, 73. Resolves upon the attack of
the city of Guanaxuato, 75. But is thwarted by Padre
Torres, 76. Successful Guerilla warfare, 82. Waits the
attack of Orrantia at La Caxa, 84. Severe measures to
check desertion among the troops, and other steps to en
force discipline, 85. Disaster at La Caxa, 88. Proceeds
to Xauxilla to concert measures with the Patriot govern^
ment, 89. They in vain endeavour to dissuade him from
any attempt against Guanaxuato, 92. Advances against
Guanaxuato, 95. Attacks that place, 108. Confusion
among his troops, compels him to retreat, 109. His deep
mortification, 110. Dismisses his troops, and proceeds
to El Venadito, the abode of his friend Don Mariano
Herrara, 111. His concealment betrayed by a priest, 115.
Surprised in the night by a party of Orrantia's cavalry,
and taken prisoner, 116. Brutal conduct of Orrantia on

378 INDEX.
his being brought before him, 118. Magnanimity of Mina,
ibid. Indignities heaped upon him, 122. Conveyed to
Linan's head quarters at Los Remedios, 123. Order
, arrives for his excution, 124. Last scene of his life, 124.
His death, 125. His character, ibid. Reflections on the
causes of his failure, 126. His enterprise, legal at the
time he undertook it, 128. Project for his rescue, discoun
tenanced by Padre Torres, 132. The survivors of Mina's
division still in Mexico are, Colonels Bradburn, Arago,
and Erdozain, Captain Mandretta, Mr. G. Honderst,
two soldiers, and two coloured boys, 205.
Mina, Espoz, chosen chief of the Guerillas, after the capture
of his nephew Xavier, I. 83. Pursues the same course of
. dauntless valour to the end of the war, and chases the last
Frenchman out of Spain, ibid. King Ferdinand, upon his
return, deprives him of his command, 86. Raises the
standard of the Cortes, in conjunction with his nephew
Xavier, ibid.
Mier, Dr. despatched by Mina to open a communication
with General Victoria, previous to the sailing of the expe
dition from Baltimore, I. 108. Unfortunately fails in this
mission, 109. His singular character, 110. Is loaded
with irons, sent to the city of Mexico, and confined in i the
dungeons of the InquisitioD, 309.
Mines, the finest in America, are in the vicinity of Gua
naxuato, II. 98. The advantage of those of Mexico over
those of Peru, 99. How they may be still further im
proved, 101.
Miners of Guanaxuato, their personal strength and improved
situation, II. 101.
Miranda, his expedition against Caracas, which fails, 1. 126.
Fate of the Americans attached to his service, ibid. Base
ness of Mohteverde, in breaking the capitulation Miranda
had formed with him, 322.
Mita, the barbarous law of, relating to the miner, II. 99.
Money, practice of burying it during the Revolution of Mex
ico, I. 266. Immense wealth still so interred, ibid,

INDEX. 379
Montezuma, imprisonment and death of, I. 3.
Monteverde, the Spanish general, breaks the capitulation he
had granted to Miranda, I. 321. Horrid cruelties he in
flicts upon the Mexicans, 322.
Moors, conduct of Spain towards the, a proof of her innate
cruelty and oppression, II. 215. 100,000 of these Un
offending- victims murdered at sea, 217. Subsequent in
stances of unparalleled barbarity, 218.
Mora, Dr. advocate for the Author in his suit against the
Spanish government, II. 343.
Moreno, Don Pedro, commandant of Sombrero, invites Mina
to that fortress, I. 202. Has a command under Mina, in
the action of Llanos, 254. His meanness and avarice,
286. Additional instances of it at Sombrero, II. 23.
Visits Mina at the Venadito, 114. Killed at the Vena
dito, 120.
Morelos, Don Jose Maria, succeeds Hidalgo in the military
command of the Patriots, I. 47. With a small force he cap
tures Oaxaca and its immense wealth, 48. Reduces Aca
pulco, after a siege of fifteen months, ibid. Had then the
means of emancipating his country, but he neglected them,
through an error in judgment, 50. Forms the first civil
government for the Patriots, and places Don Jose Maria
Liceaga at its head, 51. Neglects the discipline of his
army, 65. His plans discussed by the Mexican Congress,
and rendered ineffectual by delays and animosities, 66.
Attempts to retake Valladolid, but is compelled to retreat
on account of the severity of the climate, ibid. After many
disasters, resolves to transfer his head-quarters to Tehua-
can, taking with him the members of Congress, 68. Sepa
rates from the main body of his army with a small division
of cavalry, is overtaken by the Royalists, and defeated at
Tepecuacuilco, taken prisoner, conveyed to Mexico, and
delivered over to the Inquisition, who, declaring him to be
a heretic, transfer him to a military tribunal, which con
demns him to.be shot, at San Christoval, 69. He died in
the most heroic manner: the documents published stating
his recantation, are forgeries by the "Royalists, 70. His

381) INDEX.
character, ibid. His death raises the courage of the
Royalists, and greatly depresses that of the Patriots, 71.
Morillo, Spanish general, when he captures Carthagena,
seizes the British and other merchants, and threatens
them with death, which the interference of the British
admiral prevents, I. xvi. Boasts of destroying every one,
in New Granada, who could read or write, II. 224. His
perfidious proclamations, 226.
Mutis, a learned and benevolent man, put to death by order
of Morillo, II. 225.
Naba, Don Christoval, a Patriot chief, joined by Mina, 1. 197.
Whimsical description of his grotesque appearance, 198.
Negrete, Brigadier, is ordered to advance against the Patriot
leader Guerrero, II. 193.
Nicaragua, lake of, the important place where the two
oceans could be united with the greatest facility, II. 276.
Beauty of the adjacent country, which is quite level, 278,
Noboa, Colonel, second in command at Los Remedios, his
character, 11.133. The creature of Torres, and the enemy
of Mina, 1 34. Is killed at the evacuation of Los Reme
dios, 166.
North- West passage, trivial importance of, compared with the
junction of the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, II. 264.
Oaxaca, city of, and its immense wealth, falls into the hands
of the Patriot General Morelos, I. 48. Beauty of the
city described, H. 151.
i  -, intendancy of, its facilities for the operations of
an invading army, II. 151. Description of, as affording
means of effecting the project of a union of the two
oceans, 292.
Obesa, Spanish General Don, his treatment of the Author,
I. xxxi.
O'Donnel, General, governor of Cadiz, his treatment of the
Author, I. xxxv.
Onis, Don Luis de, Spanish Minister to the United States,
becomes acquainted with Mina's views against Mexico, and
endeavours to circumvent them, J. 96. His mysterious
conduct with regard to Correa, who was employed to as-

INDEX.

381

sassinateMina, 124. His exaggerated statement of the as
sistance afforded to the Patriots from the United States,
II. 130. Political purposes of, ibid. His narrow policy
refuted, 323.
Orrantia, Don Francisco de, a Royalist officer, is directed to
prevent the junction of Mina with other bodies of the
Patriots, I. 200. His failure, 201. Declines an action,
from fear of Mina's skill, 202. His sanguinary enormi
ties, ibid. Offers battle to Mina near La Hoya, which
Mina declines in consequence of the great disparity of
his force, II. 70. Surprises Mina at the Venadito, 117.
Ortega, Spanish General, his action with Teran at Playa
Vicente, and treatment of the Author, whom he there takes
prisoner, I. xxiii.
Ortiz, Don Encarnacion, commander of the Patriot cavalry
in the vicinity of Sombrero, I. 209 Description of their
grotesque appearance, and valorous exploits, 255. Pri
vately upholds Torres against the orders of the Patriot
government, II. 186.
Osourno, a Patriot chief, spreads terror throughout the pro
vince of Mexico, I. 48. His force in cavalry, 234, Indulges
in every species of luxury and plunder ; his force de
stroyed or dispersed, and he and his principal officers
accept the royal pardon, ibid.
Pagola, Don Jose, President of the Patriot Government, is
taken prisoner and shot, II. 200.
Patriot cause extended through the provinces of Mexico,
I. 49. Form a code of .civil government, swear to sup
port their new constitution, and issue their first manifesto,
addressed to their European brethren — an important docu
ment, 52. Cause of the Patriots, must prevail at no dis
tant period, 94. Patriot cause falls into the hands of
illiterate, licentious, and cruel men, 236. Become a mere
Guerilla warfare, little better in reality than that of ban
ditti when Mina arrives at Sombrero, 247. Causes why
the Patriots were able to procure supplies from the royal
towns, 288. Its ill effects to the former, 289. Defec
tive organization of the Patriot troops described, II. 49.

382 INDEX.
Compelled to act upon the defensive, 200. Forces consist
of 6400 men in July, 1819, 202.
Panama, Isthmus of, project of connecting the two seas by,
II. 268. Reasons for not preferring that spot, 273.
Pampeluna, the bold attempt against, by Mina, I. 87.
Penjama described, Padre Torres retires there after the fall
of Los Remedios, II. 173.
Peotillos, fifteen leagues from the city of Potosi, brilliant
victory at, by Mina over Arminan, I. 176.
Petion, General, affords assistance to Mina's' expedition on
its touching at Port au Prince, I. 101.
Perry, Colonel, one of Mina's officers, gains a slight advantage
over the Spanish General La Garza, I. 147. Separates
from Mina, and sets out upon his return to the United
States with fifty-one of his division, 158. Encounters
various detachments of the enemy, by whom every man is
annihilated, and Perry destroys himself, 159. His cha
racter, 160.
Phillips and Corser, Messrs. become security for the Author's
due fulfilment of his contract with the Spanish Govern-'
ment, II. 335.
Pinos, a town in the intendancy of Zacatecas, taken by
storm, I'. 194. Great treasures found there, 195.
Pitt, the British Minister, the uniting the Pacific and Atlantic
Oceans a favourite project with him, as well as other
plans for the emancipation of Spanish America, II. 270.
Platina said to be found in the province of Oaxaca, where
metals of all kinds abound, II. 298.
Poor of the city of Mexico, about one-third of the popu
lation, I. 264.
Porter, Lieutenant, of the American brig Boxer, visits the Au
thor at San Juan de Ulua, and in vain endeavours to pro
cure his release from prison, I. .xxx.
Population o'f New Spain estimated at between six and seven
millions, II. 103. Its immense probable increase, 315.
 of the United States, II. 316.
Pradt, his calculation of the increase of population, II. 316.
Rayon, a Patriot chief in the province of Valladolid, I. 214.

INDEX. 383
Resists the royalist force for eighteen months, but is at
leugth compelled to capitulate in the fort of Copera, 235.
Raspadura, in the province of Choco, canal of, cut by a
monk, but the using it interdicted by order of the Spanish
government, II. 266.
Revollo, a Spanish officer, recommends a Serjeant for pro
motion for having killed his nephew, II. 220.
Revolution must have succeeded, had a leader of, talent
and consequence, like Mina, risen up in its earlier stages,
II. 2. Reached its lowest ebb in July, 1819, 201.
Ribera, Don Juan, patriarch of Antioch, his memorial to
the king relative to the Moors, a most blasphemous pro
duction, II. 216.
Robinson, Doctor John Hamilton, in the service of the
Mexican Patriots, is very obnoxious to the Spanish
Government, I. xx.
Roscio, Dr. secretary of state under Miranda, cruel treat
ment he experiences from the Royalist General Monte-
verde, I. 322.
Route to the Pacific Ocean, various plans of; importance to
the whole civilized world, II. 264.
Royalists, the, despoil churches on various occasions, 1. 196.
Desertions and murmurings among their troops, 250.
Their dangerous situation at present, II. 207.
Rubio, Colonel, leaves the Spanish cause, and joins
Mina, I. 144.
Ruuth, Colonel Count, embarks on Mina's expedition, I. 99.
Resigns his command, 143.
San Juan de Ulua, description of the horrible prison there,
and of the Author's suflerings during his confinement
therein, I. xxix.
San Juan, river of, its proximity to the Pacific Ocean, II. 267.
San Luis, Mina's expedition arrives at, I, 103.
San Luis de la Paz surrenders to Mina, after a severe con
test, II. 66.
San Miguel el Grande, Mina advances against, but abandons
the design, II. 67.
Sarda, Major Don Jose, left by Mina in the command of

384 INDEX.
Soto la Marina, 1. 161. His gallant resistance of the
forces of Arredondo, 296. Defeats three assaults of the
enemy, 302.
Sailing of an expedition from Cadiz to South America is
looked upon as quite a funeral ceremony, II. 137.
Santiago, Valle de, described, II. 69. Fortified by the
Spaniards, 176.
Scott, American General, allows the Author to peruse
Mina's correspondence with various distinguished indi
viduals in Europe, I.xiv. Is introduced to Mina by an
English nobleman, I. 89.
Smith, Colonel, of New York, his dignified answer to a
letter from the Marquis de Casa Yrujo, relative to the
terms of his intercession for the lives of certain prisoners
taken by the Spaniards, upon the failure of Miranda's
expedition, I. 127.
Sombrero, Fort, near Guanaxuato, Mina's arrival at, I. 203.
Its situation and defences, 210. Linan, with 3500 men,
commences the siege of, July 30th, II. '7. Force of the
besieged 650 men, very inadequately provided with am
munition and provision, 9. Enemy is defeated in their
first assault, 11. Communication with the water is cut
off, 12. Sufferings of the garrison in consequence, 13.
Absolute despair from hunger and thirst, 21. Desertions
of the troops, ibid. The enemy repulsed in an assault, 26.
Again repulsed, 27- Death of the gallant Colonel
Young, ibid. Ammunition and provision being entirely
exhausted, it" was determined to evacuate the fort, 29.
Distressing scene, from abandoning the wounded, 30.
Horrible misfortunes attending the evacuation, 31 . The
few who escape are pursued by the enemy, who give no
quarter, 32. Dreadful cruelties of Linan, upon entering
the place, 34. Only thirty-one of the garrison rejoin
Mina, 41.
Soto la Marina, on the river Santander, Mina's expedition
arrives at, 1. 138. Is fortified, 151* Compelled to capitu
late after a gallant defence, 294. Articles of capitula
tion, 304. Violated by the Spaniards, 307. Horrible bar-

INDEX. 885
barities inflicted on this brave little band of Patriots, 311.
Who are confined in the dungeons of San Juan de Ulua,
near Vera Cruz, 312. From thence sent to Old Spain,
afterwards to Africa and other settlements, where they
are treated as the vilest malefactors, 318.
Spain, her slender pretensions to the dominion of the New
World, I. 90. Government of her colonies is the worst
recorded in the page of history, 92. Various views
of the practicability of expelling her from the throne of
Mexico, II. 136. Its sovereignty is suspended by a
fragile thread, 211. Cruelty always a prominent trait in
her character, 213. Her conduct towards her colonies
merits general reprobation, 245. General reflections on
the probable issue of the contest, 248. Her supremacy
no longer felt, 324.
Spaniards, dastardly conduct of their seamen in their at
tack of the Patriot vessels left at Soto la Marina, I. 155.
Their boasted valour upon their return to Vera Cruz, ibid.
Barbarous treatment of their prisoners, 312. Their jea
lousy of foreigners, II. 144. Opinion of a certain officer
on the probable destiny of Mexico, 148. Barbarity at
the capture of Los Remedios exceeds that at Som
brero, 166. Their vindictive and jealous character, 250,
Spanish government, bad faith towards the Author of this
work, I. xxxvi. Breach of faith to their prisoners, 319.
 military prowess, decrease of, exemplified in Mexico,
as well as in their battles with Napoleon in the Penin
sula, I. 183.
soldiers, their repugnance to embark for America,

and their fidelity when arrived there very doubtful, II. 137.
Number of troops in the viceroyalty of Mexico does not
exceed 4800, 138. Are divided among the different pro
vinces in small detachments, consequences of, 146.
 government would be overturned by the landing of

2000 troops, 150.
Steam navigation might be successfully employed on the
Pacific Ocean, II. 306. Various calculations of distances
to be traversed by, 308.
VOL. n. 2 c

386 INDEX.
Teran, Don Manuel Mier y, a Patriot chief, commences
operations in the province of Puebla, I. 48. Com
mander-in-chief at Tehuacan, 72. The Congress intend
ing to deprive him of his command, he seizes their per
sons and dissolves their sittings, ibid. Afterwards sets
them at liberty, 73. This act was a fatal event for the
Patriots, as the military commanders not being under
any control from that time, assumed the character of in
dependent chiefs, ibid. . His force, 214. Jealousy of
the other chiefs prevents their cordial co-operation, 215.
His advice to form a united attack on the capital of
Mexico, ibid. His exalted character and extraordinary
talents, 216. Opposed in .his plan to seize upon some
port to the north of Vera Cruz, with a view of opening a
communication with the United States, 218. Marches
from Tehuacan upon a bold but hazardous attempt against
the ports Of Guasacualco and Tehuantepec, ibid. Suc
cesses during the first five days of his march, 221. His
progress stopped at Tustepec by violent rain, which
inundates the^vhole country, ibid. Advances to Amistan,
after displaying the most extraordinary abilities in making
roads through the swamps, constructing floating bridges,
&c. 223. Makes a bold attempt upon Play a Vicente,
but is defeated, 225. Attacked by the Royalist General
Topete with an overwhelming force, but defeats his ad
versary, from the most consummate skill and bravery, 230.
Succeeds in regaining his position at Tehuacan, the inun
dation having frustrated his grand design against Gua
sacualco, ibid. The viceroy Apodoca sends an army
against him, to whom he is compelled to surrender, 231.
Is said by the Royalists to have been slain, but that fp.ct
is uncertain, 233. His project upon Vera Cruz frus
trated by the jealousy of Victoria and Osourno, 292.
Tehuacan, city of, occupied by the gallant Patriot General
Teran, I. 216.
Tehuantepec, project of uniting the two oceans at the
Isthmus of, II. 286.
Tithes, in Mexico, their immense amount, I. 190.

INDEX. 387
Tobacco, the cultivation of, restrained to the district of
Orizaba ; enormous duties on ; monopoly of, by the king
of Spain, L 15. The Author's contract with the Spa
nish government for, II. 334.
Topete, a Royalist general, defeated by Teran, I. 230.
Torres, Padre, a Patriot general, I. 209. Is appointed
commander-in-chief, 237. His cruel and rapacious cha
racter, ibid. Appoints no officers who will not be sub
servient to his tyrannic will, 239. His dreadful excesses
at Los Remedios, 241. Destroys several beautiful and
populous places, 243. Orders the inhabitants of Guani-
maro to be shot, 244. Envies the success of Mina,
thwarts his measures, and thereby prevents the emanci
pation of his country, 261. The duplicity of his visit to
Mina, 277. Secretly resolves to destroy him, ibid. Pro
mises Mina a reeriforcement of 6000 men, which he never
supplies, 279. Faijs to succour fort Sombrero either with
men or provisions, II. 16. His treachery towards Mina, 46.
Opposes Mina's plan of attacking Guanaxuato, 75. Ad
ditional proofs of his jealousy, 132. Escape, at the eva
cuation of Los Remedios, 166. Retires to Penjamo, 174.
His cowardice, ibid. Conduct to Don Lucas Flores, 178.
His infuriated career, 181. Dissensions between him and
his officers terminate in his dismissal by the govern
ment, 183. His subsequent bad conduct in action at
Frijoles, 184. Opposes the appointment of his successor,
but is at length subdued, 189. His present discarded
state, a j^st reward for his perfidy towards Mina, 192.
Truxillo, Spanish general, boasts of his barbarity, II. 220.
Tustepec, inundation at, impedes the progress of the gal
lant Patriot General Teran, I. 222.
United States, policy and interest of, forming a political
and commercial alliance with the Mexicans, II. 154.
Opinion of its inhabitants at the conduct of the Spa
niards, 235. Voyage from thence to China might be ac
complished in sixty-three days, 308. Maritime supe
riority of the New World must remain with, 317. Nature
points out the reciprocal advantages to be derived from

388 INDEX,
an amity with Mexico, 319, Probably destined to con
trol the island of Cuba, as well as all the Antilles, 328.
Valenciana, the silver mines of, described, II. 100.
Valladolid, precluded from receiving supplies-, being closely
blockaded by the Patriots, I. 290.
Ve'nedito, on the roads from Guanaxuato and Silao, the
abode of Don Mariano Herrera, Mina's visit to, after the
failure of his attack upon Guanaxuato, II. 111.
Venegas succeeds Iturrigaray as viceroy of Mexico, I. 20.
His measures to resist the Patriots under Hidalgo, 32.
Opposes Truxillo to Hidalgo at Las Cruces, where the
former is defeated, 33. Directs Calleja to attack the
Patriots, who are defeated in a bloody battle at Aculco, 36.
And at Marfil, 37. His decrees and proclamations out
rage humanity, II. 220.
Vera Cruz, Teran's project for taking the city of, I. 291.
Victoria, Don Guadalupe, a Patriot chief of great bravery
and activity, secures the strong holds of the province of
Vera Cruz, I. 48. Fortifies Boquilla de Piedras, 96.
His force and daring exploits, 233. From 10 to 15,000
men would have joined his standard, could he have sup
plied them with arms, 233.
Virgin of Guadalupe, apparition of, an extraordinary story,
indicating the superstition of the American Spaniards,
I. 110.
Walton, W. Esq. of London, his important information re
lative to the Pacific Ocean, I. xiv. His narrative of the
cruelties against the Spanish Americans proved to be
correct, II. 222. His observations on the union of the
two oceans entitled to great attention, 271.
Washington, British attack on that city reprobated, II. 245.
Xauxilla, the seat of the Patriot government, Mina pro
ceeds to, II. 89. Invested by Don Matias Aguirre, 170.
Its commander, Lopez de Lara, gives it up, 180.
Young, Colonel, a distinguished American officer, appoint
ed to a command by Mina, I. 106. His gallantry in the
battle of Llanos, 257. Foretells the insincerity of Padre
Torres towards Mina, 279. His gallant defence of fort

INDEX. 389
Sombrero, II. 22. Is killed in an assault of the ene
my, 27. His death a great loss to the Patriots ; his cha
racter, 28.
Yrujo, Marquis Caso, his endeavours to thwart the Author
in his transactions with the Spanish government, II, 336.
Zacatula, description of the noble river of, II. 208. And
of the strength of Guerrero's position there, ibid.
Zelaya, the inhabitants of that city throng round the
standard of revolt raised by Hidalgo, I. 23.

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