BlilC&f li PL toiihb s^a^es* THE EBITOB.S OF "M VERDAD," A JOURNAL SUPPORTED BY THE PATRIOTS OF CUBA, FOB THE DISSEMINATION OF REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES AND INTELLIGENCE, a saaina %w Awa' A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON "ter of production will make slave labor unproii a'de. To balance this wide do main of free soil, there is but a compa ratively small band of Slates along the extreme South, and to which the islanJ of Cuba can make no frightful addition. The emigration from Europe in a sin gle year, amounts to as much as the whole total of her slave inhabitants, and after that last fragment of thraldom is brought within the pale of light and freedom, there can be no farther addi tions. .The eighteen millions of whites will enlarge t/ieir ranks by emigration as well as births, and make sironger every year the disproportion of numbers, but the blacks and servitude can draw no recruits from abro.id. While State after State supplants and drives out un profitable slave labor by the low wages of sound, mature, and intelligent white industry, hereditary servitude must con tract its limits, until it is compressed in^ to those regions of hot unhealthy marsh in which they thrive, and but the cons titution ofthe white man is unequal to the change of redeeming from jungle and morass, and there slavery will, end its mission and expire. The non-slaveholding States would show a most ungenerous sectional spirit if they object to the addition of Cuba to the political weight ofthe South, for her vote will not give the South an even, much less a controlling voice. Besides the majority in the House of Represen tatives, and an equal voto of 20 to 30 in the Senate, — the fifteen Free Soil States are confident of taking before 1860 five States more from the opposite scale, and thus changing the present imperfect equilibrium, to an advantage on their -side of twenty States to ten. Add to this, the certainty that six new Slates California, Oregon, Minesota, New Mex ico and Nebra'sca, will complete their nonage during this period, and must beyond peradventure take their places in the national councils among the non -slaveholders, while but two slive States Tvest of Texas, and possibly Cuba, are all that can be hoped for by the dimi nishing slave minority. Twenty-six free soil to thirteen slave States is the number and proportion that by every antecedent we may expect to sit in the thirty-fifth Congress. If, as is possible, *he number of States exceeds that cal culation, still the ratio of one free to two slave States will not vary much, and with this assurance before us. it is non sense, if it is not a falsehood to reject Cuba under the plea of giving " too, much power to the South." For the individual States, for the Na tion, and for the ultimate good of the. races, it seems wisest and kindest to in vite Cuba into the Conipact of Union, and subject tho crude a,nd undeveloped negro family to the crucible of gradual emancipation. The interests of the hu man family demand that it should not he made the nucleus of a negro — empire watching a European nod to foray our coast villages, while our domestic and foreign policy equally cautions us to win as p omptly as we may the key of the Gulf, and hold with firm sovereign ty the gates of the. Pacific. The Southern States, Cuba, AND "THE JOURNAL OF COMMERCE. Although reasons bringing, home full . conviction ought to satisfy all, yet, in order to forestall every motive fur cuvila- tion and malicious interpretations of what we have asserted, on account of the cir cumstance of our being Americans, born in Cuba, we prefer in the subject matter under cliscussiojj, adducing arguments and opinions used by others, confining oursel ves to some slight observations, that may necessarily be thrown in fur a, better un derstanding of the same by the reader, and therefore continue fallowing the thread of the article of the correspondent of the Journal af Commerce, " Mr A. S." With this view we will here below in sert one of the lew articles which throw most light on the question 'of the annex ation of Cuba to these United States, its political and mercantile importance, and the consequences, to arise in that twofold aspect of the question for the whole of this American Union, and to tho States of the South ami South west in par.ioular. And iu introducing that interesting com position, we beg to be permitted °to ask its enlightened author, to favor the public with a continuation of his exact and judi cious observations, as he in that article otters to do. Iii order not to fatigue the reader, we will hastily glide over some peculiarities in the article.of " Mr. A. S." as. not era- THE CUBAN QUESTION. ecnting much of interest, such as ventur ing upon the belief, " that the papers of the South do not occupy themselves with the question of annexation," while almost in the same breath, he admits having neg lected reading newspapers for the lust 3 months ; [It is some three months since I left my home in Texas, during which time I have seen the Southern newspapers only occasionally. They arc, I believe, silent on the annexation of Cuba] ; and further, when he attempts determining and fash ioning public opinion iu the States of the South, from some conversations he had on the subject wilh some gentlemen com ing from ihosc states in the Aster-house here ; [But so far, as I have conversed with Southern gentlemen — Astor house — I find them very generally opposed to the measure.] The mere mention of this will suffice, and we turn our attention to the jpoints of higher importance. "What Cuba being slave-holding," says 3Ir. A. S, " would add to the political strength of the South, is less tiian the ,dust of the balance." To show that to bo an error, it will be sufficient lor us to throw ourselves on views and opinions, which have been pro nounced by s.atesmeu of nil parties from Juhn Q. Adams down to our own time, in ¦official documents as well as in speeches delivered in Congress, or propagated by the public press; but here also comes opportunely, as if called for, the opinion ofthe editors of the Times of London, propounded in that publie print on an occasion, when speaking ofthe importance of the Island of Cubain the words follow ing: ¦• Commanding [Cuba] the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico, and possessing one of the noblest harbors in the world, Cuba •crowns by her political importance, the commercial advantages of a rich soil, a varied and teeming productiveness, and a climate which enjoys the genial warmth, but escapes the fiercer heats of the tropics. The occupation of such an island must ,givc strength and wealth to any nation.". . The possession of it by Great Britain would crush slavery and the Slave-trade immediately in the Western se) Although the List Omoial census, made at the end of the i oar 1847, does not tf\ e to t. e Island of (Julia more than f-9S.7-J- -.nhaliitaius, those who know welt the conr-try. ai/d are acquainted with the motives and the mean p/dicy with whioh in Cuba even the ties established facts aie dishgured. make its actual popu ation amiunt to 1 .^0/1,000 mdi\. duals classified in tliis way: whites, 5UJ,0U0; freo colored people 150.000 ; slave s, 560. oo. T// prove the incorrectness and unfaithfulness of tbe census of 1847, it will be suliiciciit t-/ compare il with lha . of \H\, made by order of the Government, aod ty its very a"ems ; in which interval of live years there have i:ot been iii°Cuba either wars or epidemics to diminisu the popula inn; but on the contrary, ihe lattir. besides i.s nati/rai increase, ha, received a reinforcement of 5o,ooo African slaves, who, in spite of England, to the p oht and honor of the Spanish authorities, have in the same period reached and lauued on tho e shores. Crnsus of 1841. — Whites, 418,231 ; freo colored people 15;.H38 1 slaves, 43li,4!lo. Total, l..//7,lii). ' ,,9e0Su',°S 'SI?— Whites, 4J5.77": free colored people, 1:VJ,:3S; slayes, 3.'3,7o9. Total, S',o,7'.2. Increase in five years: whites, 7.47i; free colored people, G..I80. Diminution iu the sane five years: ofs.aves 112 7J0 Tot.il diminution of the population. H/S,,C7J. And what has become of these 1 12,73u slaves deficient in tin census of 1S17, and of the other 5u,ooo who reached Cuba in the same year, when the whitepopula-ioiiis ui>- pnseil to have increased by 7.47D ind-voiuals, and that of the free colored leople by li.:«5»— Is iliis in. ended to con vey the idea that those wretches perished in the torments and gibbets used by O'Donnoil, in the year 1811! li-.-cri body knows that that Chief scarcely sacroced Son,, sl.iv, , and freemen on pretence of saving the Island, lnu only fin the purpose of being honored and i, .wired ly his Gowr:,- The^JMrt of the census of IS<7 is o make p?ople helievo that the .lm-trarlc has ceasou in the Island of Cul/a, uhen tl, ^i? G'-"™'"™' P™tec-s it on the one hand, and the mother of Isabel II fosters it on tho other, iuvutiai an immense capital iu the same. ' a trade amounting to $13,000,000 a year anil upwards, which employs immense ca pital nnd many tliousninl American men and vessels. Uer ports nre the natural resort of the intercourse and trade of the North and South ; of our relations spring ing from the coasts ofthe Pacific, and from Asia; and of our numerous merchant ves sels or men of war, which plough thcGulf of Mexico. But what is all this, when we cruisider'tbat should Cuba enter in.othe Confederacy, if her tetters were for ever broken and the obstacles removed which now cramp the industry and commerce of that territory, thousands of American and European emigrants with their capital and their industry, would yearly flock to Cuba, and making her vast nnd fer tile lands immediately productive, they would raise the trade, tie wants, and the importance of that country in every res- peit, to a degree difficult to be n-ctrtniu- ed. but capable of astonishing every think ing mind ? Cuba being annexed to the Union, her ports bring opened to all the World, nnd those privileges nnd fiscal laws abolished which compel the Cubans to procure as sortments from Europe, at extraordinary prices, of the- same nrt'cle which could be obtained cheaper and of better quality in our ports : the North would send to'her its manufactures, wood nnd grain; the West its cattle; and the South should, above nil, find a. very large field for its speculations, and the only sure means of checking the pretensions mid aggressions ofthe North, of which the former complains. The worn out lands of North nnd South Carolina, nnd of Virginia, which produce with difficulty, by dint of labour, (4 ) Hove are tho amount of the Cuban taxes, as in ano.her writing of tois kind some months ago : GENERAL TAXES. Proceeds of the Manne Iucome in ls4!i, according to the - M.ihmza Goner,." of the Comm rie of the I I.i"il of Cuba, in 1847. - - - sj Ditto of l./iod Income, according to the same " lialan/a," ----__ 4 Littery rents, according to the General Account form nl f r the Budget of IXJIi. Post-office reu s, according - 0 a communion' ion pre.-en ed ro toe Admiuis ration of Uavaua in 181 1, ----__ Tltl.e rents. Eventual rents, _ Stamp pa, >cr. according to the data produced by -Mr. Q.eipo, in lis •'Jrifirnw Fise.il." Costs in onus, wi bout including tho prcccdinK nein.and accrli s 0 a calcnla.ion made in ».,' ol™rv«dorde Ultraniar"(anewsp.oior) of the 28th of August, 18-11, - _ _ n published 232,937 0 907,812 0 /Cl.OJO 0 957,34! 0 4lii,00 0 250,000 O Sum PARTIAL TAXES. Municipal tor ... Tuxes f./r ¦ he •• junta de Fomento. bundi-y taxes and duties, as pussi $lo,.-,C.r>,lJ0 0 9'9.12! 0 380,6110 0 :s, 209,651) 0 SUWMOl 0 THE CUBAN QUESTION. 19 would become free from the burthen of their slives, the latter being placed on the fertile plains and productive fields of Culm, and their masters would bo satisfied ou recivering their past importance and wealth, liven the agriculturists of Loui siana would be the first to bce-nnc sensible of, and improve their advantages It is well known here with what diffi culty sugar plantations are supported, nnd to lniv many disas eis their owners nre expuse I at every moment. The cane is planted either every year or avery two years ; it grows only tu the heigh t of 4 or 5 feet; it d ies not contain a great quantity of saccharine substance (5), and it is ne cessary to lay it iu and woik it in the spneo of five or six week's, to avoid iuun dations and snows, which would deprive the owner of his crop if he were surprised by them. But in Cub i the canes last for twenty- five years and upwards, without any ne cessity of being re-planted again, nnd grow to the prodigious height of 9 to 12 and 15 feet or more. Their juice is so sweet thnt it becomes chrystalized in the rays of the sun (0 ; crops are certain on account of the stability and mildness of the seasons; aud the crop is made, ac cording to the wish of the owner, iu the spa -e nf four or six months. Difference so g -e.tt iu tho qualities of the land an I in those of the climate, in the production and cultivation of the cane. give to Cuba tin immense superiority over the state of Louis ana, with respect to the elaboration 'and price of sugar; but this circumstance, instead of being an obstacle to the annexation, should be au additional motive urging to it. AU forced in lustry, ns that of sugar in Louisiana, is, in fact, au evil to the very same community wh ch maintains it, be cause it is usu illy fostered by restrictions and charges always burthensome to the people. Tie incorporation of Cuba would free the Americans in general from the heavy impost of about 40 per cent with which the sugar of Cuba, is burthened when it enters the Uivted States, and, ad vantageously for In th parlies, would leave to eticli soil the industry more fit for it, anil open a new field to speculation and tra>lo. By virtue of this change, sn much de sired by all iu'clligeut men, the immense capital, the exquisite improvements, the ^-i) Both things ar3 natural; as, for the f,-ar of winter. «nnes must he-cut before they r.a"e grown up or come to m.v- tariy.— CES. of" Li Veritd."-} (d) The caur* of this is. that, ea-ies are cut when they are qm.e ripe. As there is no fear of win er frosts in Cuba, they only cut the onantjfcy of ca .es tf-at can be ground on the nuns day.— £EE. of "La Verdad:'} ingenious machinery, the bold spirit of enterprise, and much slave labor, which arc at present employed on the two shores of the Mississippi in the production of some 150,000 to 200,000 hogsheads of sugar a year, would then pass over into Cuba and there at least triple their productive ness; lciving the beautiful nud fertile shores of that great river to other more appropriate and, at the same time, to their inhabitants, more useful modes of culti vation. This change would be effected gradually, peacefully, without extortions being practised against any one ; nnd, by the time of its complete establishment, will have raised the commerce and poli tical importance ofthe South and West to that greatness which lies in store for them in the lap of futurity ; it will have saved from certain ruin 1,200.000 inhabitants, civ lized and industrious beings, and by indissoluble bonds h*ve united two neigh bouring territories which not so very long ago acknowledged the same system of laws, and in which one and the same language was spoken. When, from the exnminntion ofmaterinl inteiests that demand annexation, we turn to look upon those which present them selves to our consideration on the score of policy and morality, we find that tliere is nothing which does not nrgue in favor of the immediate realization of that idea ; and even the abolitionists themselves, who have 1 ccn most decided in their op position to the project of annexation, ought to favor it, if there is any truth in their assertion that they nre so active merely from a desire (laudable in every way) of alleviating and improving the condition ofthe negro race. The history of slavery teaches us that its effectual abolition has two very marked periods, which we must obseive: the pe riod of the suppression of the importation nf negroes; and, afterwards, the real nnd effective emancipation ofthe slaves. If we w sh Cuba to submit to the former, and thus qualify herself to enter upon the lat ter, it is necessary to take her away from Spain; for as long ns she is subjected to that government, the importation of ne groes will be favored and even stimulated, as the only means of keeping the native inhabitants at bay and of preserving the possession of that valuable colony ^7;. (77 During that part of the present year which is now passed, ti,IKI0 Africans have been dragged to the shores of Cuba, were sold puhliclv in open markers, and netted to Sen irde A'coy the snug little sum of $.'(10,0110; which are harCd by Ills Excellency with the mi- is ers of Q--een Isabel and wbic'i eua les him 10 sustain himself in favor ii Spain. and hold the absolute eomuimd of the island. For each norm imported into Cuba, Ills Excellency-receives the sum of job 20 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON If unfortunately, what we however will 1 be very slow in presuming, the American j people should refuse aiding the people of Cuba, then Cuba will iu a short time pre sent the same picture with Jamaica, and the United States will not only have lost a precious opportunity of assuring them selves of that important military position, and of enlarging its present relations with that island, which already are so productive to the Union; but thenceforth they will have to do there no longer with ricketty weak old Spain, but with power ful and adroit England, which for a long time has been spying a proper opportunity of appropriating the island of Cuba, with hardly any other view but of keeping at bay the United States, making herself the mistress of the Gulf of Mexico, and con sequently the arbitress over a large part of the American commerce, and of all, the individual States lying West of Florida on the sea shore! as well as the whole valley of the mighty Mississippi, of which Cuba iu a military view, must be considered as an essential advanced outpost. (8) Let no one say, that this will never hap pen, a3 the United States have declared as a part of their public policy, that they will prevent Cuba from falling into the hands of any other power but Spain. As soon as England shall judge that the long ex pected day at last has arrived of seizing upon Cuba, she will do it in a moment, and not give time to either Americans nor any other nation to meet her on the field of competition ; and having possessed her self of the richest of the Antilles, it is an illusion to believe, that any other nation could dislodge ber, and drive her out of those sea-ports. The whole indented coast of Cuba would immediately be trans formed into one uninterrupted battery all round, which would at all times menace and endanger the commerce and shipping, nay, even the very coasts ofthe American Union. To wage war from Europe tra versing the Atlantic, is not the same thing with carrying it on from Cuba, and the pride and maritime insolence of Great Bri tain, so many times humiliated in these iscas, would again tower high, and be -as insulting as in former times. [8] Quite tho same are the intentions of England, and vrcth tho same object, rcspeoting Nicaragua and Yucatan ; and though her policy is slow, it is firm and constant, and •xperance has proved that she seldom misses the mark,— £££. of "La Verdad.} The late occurrences in the Island of Cuba and the course public opinion and popular sympathy have taken, have raised the question of its freedom to such a characteristic importance that it cer tainly has become entitled almost to be the exclusive topic of general discus sion. The people, the press, politic and diplomatic circles not alone in this country and in the other countries of America, but even in Europe, have de monstrated that importance in their discussions of it, aud with no slight exhibition of interest ; and certainly not as a political problem that might present itself, but as a ready question, which will deinand its solution at an early day. And\what is more ; its solu tion is already determined by men that do reflect with impartiality and with out prejudice, and it only wants the sanction of the faits accomplis. We have the best reasons for believing, that this question will be one of the highest importance and interest in the congress of this Union, which is shortly to as semble, not alone on account of its in trinsic gravity and the urgency of its nature, but on account of its closely in terwoven relations with the political and material interests of this great Confederation. In these eircumstanees we consider it of the utmost utility to collect every thing that tends to illustrate this ques tion under its principal aspects, and par ticularly in its complication with the. interest of the Southern States, through which it necessarily presents itself as a stumbling block in the unobstructed, march ofthe Union. And as a convenient means of attain* ing the object we indicate, we havo re solved upon compiling and dijesting in- to_ a more condensed shape some ofthe original articles which we from time to time have been publishing on this sub ject in the columns of La Verdad, not excluding matter that has appeared over the signatures of correspondents, who have favored us with their observa tions. _ All that we are going to insert in this compilation will turn on the question to which we refer, consider ing the same under various aspects and elucidating it as succinctly as the na ture of the matter we treat on, in such a class of writings will admit, and wa THE CUBA.N QUESTION. 21 will draw the consequences which na turally and necessarily are involved in it in respect to the United States, as well in particular for the whole Ameri can continent, in whatever sense we may be justified in looking upon it. In whatever ^>oint of light we consi der the general bearings of the politi cal position of the island of Cuba, we cannot harbor any doubt as to the mag nitude of its importance, whether we direct our attention to the dangers and precipices which her actual condition thrusts into the path of this Gountry as well a? of other countries of the New World, or to the immeasurable benefits that would be conferred on all, by any favorable turn in the domestic affairs of the last of Spanish colonies in this he misphere. We beg leave here to repeat, what on many previous occasions we have stated on this subject. The political emancipation of Cuba from Spain, and consequently her annexation to the Uuited States, is the surest means of a conciliation of its various antagonistic interests and parties. By it the even balance of federal representation will be restored, and the South will not be over whelmed by the preponderance of the North; the owners of slaves in the Southern States will have a complete guarantee for the security of their pro perty, and the enjoyment of their privi leges as they actually exist, until the same can be brought to a determination by a convenient and gradual aboli tion of slavery ; the enemies of sla very and abolitionists will see the ports of Cuba, of Porto Rico, and by a ne cessary consequence also those of Bra- sil, closed at once and for ever against that infamous trade in human flesh which now-a-days has its chief sup port and pubhc maintenance in the colonial government of those islands; and finally, beyond these advantages, which will be enjoyed in common with the abolitionists, new and vast fields of teeming Inxuriancy and virgin soil will foe thrown open to the epterprise of hundreds of thousands of strong arms of freemen, with a safe prospect of realising large fortunes. And moreover no small share of these immeasurable benefits will be appropri- t ated by the great West, whether Cuba become independent or annexed ; for by this means the VVest will be secured of the free and unimpeded navigation of the Gulf of Mexico, into which its immense productions will have to be distributed ; the key to which, now in the hands of imbecile Spain, might one day pass into the keeping of hands more dangerous in many respects, than- the great mass of the people seems gene rally to have a conception. The articles of which this compila tion is going to consist, will exhibit at the same time the despotic system against which Cuba is struggling, in a clear and precise manner; the cruelty with which her inhabitants are oppress ed ; the scandalous extortions and offi cial robberies which the government and its helps daily commit with perfect impunity ; the inquisitorial censorship of the press ; the iniquitous scheme of inundating the island with an over whelming force of barbarous Africans, destitute of every moral principle, and enemies one race to the other, not alone for the purpose of dividing and domin eering over us without any risk, but also for the purpose of enriching the agents and satellites of the metropolitan government, and of giving aliment to the insatiable avarice of Donna Chris tina de Bourbon de Munoz, duchess of Rianzares, and august mother of her catholic majesty, Donna Isabella. The compilation shall also exhibit for the last time, how literally true it is that Cuba is delivered by the home govern ment to the secular arm of its Bashaws and Emirs without any further condi tion and proviso, than that the annual rent of $20,000,000 be punctually paid into the home treasury, whatever be the means resorted to for their collec tion, and which even may be increased by extraordinary subsidies, as is the case just now, in order to cover then debts which the metropolitan imbecile cabinet continually contracts for pur poses of dilapidation and luxury. We will also speak, superficially as it may be, of the immorality with which international treaties are broken, by which Cuba [always the victim,] is ex posed to the suicidal consequences of the atrocious policy of government ; nor will we forget drawing a picture to life of its senseless and scandalous abuse-. 22 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON of pnwer. its imbecile stubbornness, its paid c outrages aud extortions, and po litical in ardor*. &c, which are the no- cissary coiseiu-nco of her Cnp'anis General bung invested with illimiti'd powers, or to exp.-ess it m ire concisely, of their being tho nbsilute, irre^p m-ii- ble masters of thuso unfortunate is land*. An 1 if the hop is of soma persons, be they camlid o.1 p.jrverse fro.n self- interest., ha I yet the slightest appear and of a sol d foiinda ion. what ,c mltl that prove but the strength of their re- sig ia:io;i ! But what c.i i \v.: hope from Spain ? Let u* ho.tr Li Croivmoi New Yor'c. the recognised organ of the en- lo lial government uf ('ubi. and stis- ta:. n 3 1 by fee ling on tho m uiey that properly belong* to the tre isitry of thai isl tn 1, and in matters of Spani-h co lonial policy, the nunith-pince of the powers in the metropolis. That paper in No. 10 of the 28th of Novenibjr. in serts an article nf its correspondent re siding at the mstrop ditan co.irt. which advances among oilier things the fol lowing : '• The political innovaMons that some persons desire for them, [the Spanish- American colonies,] far from b -ine; of any u'ility to the colonies, wnuLI serve only to excite a war fatal to the colon ies and the metropolis ; far from a poli tical struggle of a short or long peiiol, there wonld arise a fi'rco co itest of ex termination between races." In these few linos, whoever be then- author, an authentic expression is in volved of the true intentions, and the fixed will of th;; cabinet of Madrid. From it we may clearly and without fear of counter-proof deduce tho follow ing necessary conclusions : 1. That the government of Spa'n will never make tbe slig itest most tri vial concessions of itsdesp itism, in favor of political rights of our island. 2. That in adducing as the only motive for the same, th'! differenc; which exists there of races, it is evi dent, that it will pirsovere with inflexi ble deternvina'ion in its policy of main taining and fomenting this unhappy division, as the best foundation and jus- tifioa'ion of its tyianny. 3. That consequently [setting aside all other considerations,] it will do its utmo*t for the purpose of importing into Cub.i a* m tny African slaves as pmsible, the very a itipndo-* to an imtni- gration of a white pup llation. an 1 m i.in- tain a traffic that is sure to enrich those in power in the shortest period. Thus we have then got an authentic confirm itio 1 of our own convictions, which ffj have repeatedly set forth in diffrrent numbers nf La Verdai. And with this political programe before us, wo as'c now : What are the Cubans to do, oppressed as they arc in a brutal de po ic manner by the government of tho metropolis, when tho latter denies them every pos sibility of political innovations ? What sh ill the enemies of that infa- mou* tra le in human flesh do. when every thing ns-mres ti* that Spain, if for nothing else but the preservation of its hoi 1 on the island, has resolved on not alone maintaining the number of the wretched victims of its policy and avarice at every cost, but to increase the f-ame 1 What ought to be done by the men who direct the affairs and destinies of this continent, and particularly of this glorious republic, -when — instead ofthe perils which threaten their best in terests, physical a? well as moral, on the part of the islands of Cuba and Porto-Rico as slave-holding colonies de creasing, — tho iloir is closed against every liberal refonn which wonhl im pede the propagation of the evils that under the present, system sprout luxu riantly on nil sides, and threaten to spreal their contaminating in3oonce o- ver the co itin'-nt, as has been the case many times before '! We are on the eve of the opening of the winter session of Congress ; a gre it number of that legislative body, who will there assemble are illustrious and profound statesmen, and suffice it for us to indicate to them the importance and urgency of a question, that will no doubt receive the definite and b 'tiefi- cent solution which we hope for, — a complete triumph of the holy cause of liberty in all America. THE CUBAN QUESTION 23 Ehe Southern States, Cuba, AND " THE JOURNAL OF COMMERCE.'' In continuation of my remarks on the communication of the '• Journal of Com merce," published the 12th September last past, I will pass over or touch lightly nil those points-in whVch principles of political truth are not involved, as for in stance, the degrees of Cuban loyalty, to which the writer seriously pretends to call the attention of readers, and l'or my part I will be satisfied with pointing out- how great were those of the people of South America, when tested by the Revolution. in which, all united like brothers, they rose to shako off the yoke of their metro polis, and at the same time the troops. ab.-ui loning the side of despotism, flocked to the banners of liberty. It will not he amiss also transiently t.n note the last facts which took place at Puerto-Principe. Trinidad, Cienfuegns, Matanzas, and other points in Cuba, in which tho troops were implicated with the people; certain and indisputable ficts, in vain, attempted to be distortc 1 by the government, and its agents and creatures in Cuba and the United States, because tho veil falls in presence of reality. Another point is the abstract question, 'for so the journal is pleased to classify it,) whether ' the people of Cuba are oppressed, or whether they wish for an independent republican, or monarchical government .' or whether, to secure their property, the Cubans solicit the protection of a f.-i-eign power?" The author'of the commun c ition says, in order to get out of the difficulty without disgrace. " I wave all this;" and I very gladly follow the same system, leaving to the American school boys the examination and decision of the question ; because it appears absurd for reasonable men to waste their time on the topic which appears au abstract ques tion only to Mr. " A. S." I will confine myself for a little while to the but, with which he proceeds. "But," says he, "Id.ire deny even the probability, that the principal men in the Island, the rich, men of influential family, approve or support movements like that which has been suppressed in this c.tv by the interference of the Government." Nothing manifests better the hypocrisy of the Journal than the preceding asseve ration, whereby it pretends to believe what it certainly knows to be totally fal-e. There is nothing so ungenerous neither, ."is to pruvukea.ii I insult, when the offender is sure that the adversaries, whose hands aud feet arc bound, are thereby de prived of the opportunity of making a full answer. The Journal knows very well, that since the first conspiracy sprang up in Cuba, ' every day new victims are sacrificed on the altar of despotism; it knows also very well, that many have lost their lives for their country, cither on the scaffold, or by poison, or by rig uous imprisonment, and by ill treatment, or by the moral suffering of a virtuous and delicate soul unable to stand calumny, and the torment of seeing one's children threatened with ruin and misery. The Journal well knows that many have been fined, perecutetl, condemned to banishment, or to au infamous transporta tion, oi- to death ; we repeat, the Journal knows these things very well, for all or the greatest part of the names of these victims have been published by the Cuban press, and by the press of the United States. And will the conscientious author of the communication, or the editors of the Journal dare to deny, that the gi eater part of these sufferers belong to the best, rich, influential, enlightened class, and that in their number are to be found even men celebrated for their knowledge and virtues .' Let the Journal answer ; but let it answer fairly, let it answer conscien tiously, laying aside the cloak of justice, which it assumes, however ill-suited to it. And let it not plead iu its justification, ignorance of the facts, because they are public; bcciuse many are as old 'as the preceding generation, and because such an ignorance cl ics not entitle it to assert what it does not know, ami to deny even the probability in matters of great importance, injuring thereby the vitab interests of a. people. ' These men" proceeds the Jour nal, speaking of the rich, the iitibluitie.ii. &c, " have much to lose, and nothing tc. gain. The excellent patriots, as well ni. the dofeti Icrs of the oppressed, might ln- possive, we hope, since the rich become) powerful there, the man related to fami lies of rank indirect/ u influential! lit has no offices as the nubility ; but tin ai cutest part of tl em a-e tame, easih contented and docile, lit appears to mi I am hearing a certain creature, whim yon have mentioned, and against whom j. 'have been much cautioned,) they are much satisfied with their titles, and with the nil- port.-iiicu wliichMhey procure, differently from the new Colonel from the West." Behold the pure essence nf selfishness. mixed with the, most refined malice of liy- pucrisy ! Whatprincii les, what logic. an*. what objects ! Theu ¦' because tin- nel becomes powerful, because the man of rani, becomes indirect/ ij influential, and because 24 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON the titled men are contented with the im portance which their titles procure, the excellent patriot must be passive, and give up to slavery, to deceitful oppression, to physical and moral distress, the other 99 portions of his countrymen. Such a doctrine and such sentiments disseminated in Russia by the Journal, would raise it to the greatest credit with the Autocrat Nicholas. But that periodical is not yet satisfied with this, and goes further in its ardor against the Cubans who strive to shake off the opprobrious yoke of their servi tude; and this ardor joined to its zeal for the liberal institutions of Spain which prevail in Cuba, carry him away so, that it doubts of the right of the people to rebel against the tyrant, because, says the Journal in thefullnessof itswisdom, " the Government has not broken its compact." So that according to this new doctrine, the slave is not entitled to procure his emancipation, while the master does not increase or multiply his rigours. What principles, what philosophy, and what logic, we repeat! " Education is the basis of liberty, "says the author ofthe communication, "A. S.", and he says an eternal truth ; although that does not enable the people to become free, and educate themselves. But it lays down the principle as absolute, in order to draw therefrom, by its ingenuity, the false inference that " the people must be educated before they obtain liberty." According to this principle oppressed Na tions would never, or very late, emancipate themselves ; because it is clear that the oppressors will exert themselves to keep from the people this element of liberty, indispensable, according to the supposi tion of the- Journal. Let the author of the communication have the goodness to say to us, — when he thinks we may ob tain liberty in Cuba, if we continue to live under the discipline of tyranical Spain, when we are so little advanced now, after three centuries and a half tuition, that he does not find us fit for liberty ? It is not out of the purpose here to men tion the very wise direction of a father who prohibited hfs son " from entering into the water before he knew how to swim." And with respect to what relates to other various points of the article of " A. S." as for instance the backward con dition of the American people who became free from the yoke of Spain, and other general observations, I beg leave to intro duce an extract from the Rock Riner Jeffersonnian of the 31st October ultimo, which is very apropos, and suitable to the occasion, it is the following : — ROCK RINER JEFFERSONTAN, OCTOBER 3I»t 1849. THE PRINCIPLES AND ACTS. . . . The recent attempt of Cuba to take her place as an independent State, has brought forth from the " Constitu- tionel" of Paris,the assertion that " we are bound by the treaty entered into in 1826,. between Frtinee, England, and the United States, to guarantee to Spain the posses sion of that Island, and to secure to the nations signing, the perpetual neutrality of that important colony." Here we see plainly the alliance formed with monar chical powers, for the suppression of libe ral institutions, by the Whig Cabinets of Adams and Clay — the essence ofthe great fundamental doctrines of the Whig plat form "Nor was this all. In the year 1825, was held at Panama, the great American Con gress, and in which Mr. Adams was so much interested for our government, or more properly speaking, the Whig views to be represented. In the Congress, the invasion of Cuba and Porto-Rico was re - solved upon, by the combined forces" of Mexico and Columbia, and was given up on account of the opposition made to it by the United States Government, through their Minister at Columbia, and the notes of Mr. Clay to the representatives of the United States at European Courts. . . Mr. Adams himself says in his message, " the condition ofthe Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico is of deeper import, and more immediate bearing upon the present inter ests and future prospects of our Union The correspondence herewith transmitted, will show how earnestly it has engaged the attention of this government. The invasion of both those Islands by the Uni ted forces of Mexioo and Columbia, is avowedly among the objects matured' by the beligerent states at Panama. The convulsions to which, from the peculiar compositions of their population, they would be liable in tbe event of such an in vasion, and the danger therefrom result ing of their falling ultimately into the hands of some European power other than Spain, will not admit of our looking at the consequences to which the Congress of Panama, may lead, with indifference. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this topic, or to say more than all our efforts in re ference to this interest will be to preserve the existing state of things." This diplomacy is worthy of Richelieu or Mettemich in their palmiest days, and never should have been written in the English language, that idiom of freemen. How different from the bold nervous style of his successor. " Come what may, the explanation which France demands can THE CUBAN QUESTION. 25 never be accorded ; and no armament, however powerful and imposing, at a dis tance or on our coast, will, I trust, deter us from discharging the high duties which we owe td our constituents, our national character, and to the world." But Jackson never had been nursed at kingly courts, nor learned the duplicity of epistolary statesmanship in Gallic tonguefromCzars and Emperors — itsouncls too much like the shrill report of the backwoodinan's rifle, in contrast to the rouud train fired from the polished muskets of the Gend'arins.. Since that period more than 5,00,000 Africans have been brought from the coast to those Islands alone ; and the curse of slavery, the groans of the middle passage, and the horrors of a deadly traffic to so many beings — the sacrifice of human life and property in guarding that charnel- house of foreigners the African coast, are all to be attributed to that paragon of Whigs, the hypocritical sympathiser of theJlmistad captives, John Quincy Adams, and the broken-bank roulette politician Henry Clay. These are expressions which an ex amination of the subject will more than warrant, both by the instructions to the American Minister of Columbia, and the tripple alliance to keep human beings un der the despotical, soul-destroying govern ment of Spain. Look at the case of Com. Porter, court-martialed and driven from the navy for rescuing his lieutenant from i, the hoard of a piratical set, and gallantly carrying their fortress, because by the treaty stipulations the consent of France and England should have been had. Compared to such men the treason of Burr is a redeeming virtue, and the designs of Arnold but a return to loyalty. These are the names under whom they would manshal their hosts in this day of liberal feeling, and dare tell to the constituents of this Union, that they are opposed to\ slavery." From what precedes, two truths, among many others, evidently appear, which are supported by authentic facts. The first is, that the administration of John Quincy Adams in 1820, followed a policy contrary to the spirit of the institutions of the Re public, and contrary also to the liberal sentiments which animated the founders of the Union, and which were, always oherished by the American people. That the manner in which that .administration acted was arbitrary and unjust before any Republican and human tribunal, because no treaty was existing, nor could with propriety exist, entitling them to oppose Columbia and Mexico, the independency and sovereignty of which States or na tions were acknowledged by the confed eracy, and by several European powers, aud which beiug at open war with Spain, were only providing for their natural de fence when attempting to carry their arms to Cuba, a Spanish possession, and conse quently the arsenal of their enemy, situa ted almost on their own coasts — and pre sident Adams acted still more unreasona bly when he threatened with a declaration of war those infaut and weak Republics, shoots of the great tree planted by Wash ington, if they did not give up the under taking to redeem from slavery Cuba and Portorico, their sisters ; a noble and great undertaking, which if crowned with suc cess, would have occasioned not only the complete emancipation of all the Ameri can populations afflicted with the Spanish oppression, but the exemption of these which were already emancipated from the continual vigilance of Cuba, to be consid ered as their step-father. Cuba, as a Spanish colony, may be compared to a vulture lying in wait, furnished with all the means of worrying and disgracing all these young nations. The Spanish emis saries harboured in Cuba have animated the metropolitan party in the ancient colonies ; hence "the seeds of discord have beeu cast and scattered among those people; fire-brands kindled in Cuba have been used to occasion conflagrations in those countries ; from Cuba, in fine, the gold and silver were drawn to foment civil war, and to cause floods of blood to be shed during a generation, by arraying brothers against brothers in mortal strife. Facts, indisputable facts, are the proof of all this. From Cuba, expeditious were made by the Spanish government; spies and emissaries, happily some times caught and punished, have been sent ; from Cuba plans of invasion formed in Madrid were attempted to be executed ; from the very treasury of Cuba large sums of money were extracted by order of the intriguing; covetous, and [according to public report,] very extensive dealer in human flesh, Christina De Bourbon, with the intent of reconquering old possessions. All these evils, and many more which it is impossible to enumerate, should not have been sustained, had not the Spanish dominion over Cuba and Portorico exis ted ; for had Spain been deprived of that support, — Spain, so deficient in resources, and above all in marine strength, that- the Columbian and Argentine cruisers used- to capture Spanish ships, sometimes under the Morro, sometimes before Cadiz itself, — Spain, I say, would have renounced all hope of recovering its power in America, 26 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON and would have entered into fair treaties with the people who had become indepen dent; by which all the latter, as well as Cuba and Portorico, free from fear from abroad, would have devoted themselves to their domestic concerns, and rapidly ad vanced to consolidation and prosperity, and should now be powerful and enlight ened, and what is also desirable, exempt from the insults of unfair American peri odical writers. The second truth, no less palpable than the former, although detached from the extract inserted above, is that Cuba and Porto Rico being independent or incorporated with Columbia, or annex ed to the United States, or wrested by some foreign nation, [an event so difficult and remote, that we admit it only as a sup position to be discussed,] whatever the destiny of these islands might be, if they were detached from Spain, the negro trade would immediately cease in them ; which event should have taken place twenty two years ago and upwards, and more than 500,000 unfortunate negroes who since that time have been imported into both colonies, would not have been snatched from their country and condemned to a perpetual and hard slavery. But what is the case now ? Altogether different : for the negro trade with its pernicious and lamentable consequences is increasing there, because, as we have repeated sever al times, and proved to demonstration by arguments and positive facts, the Spanish Government is interested therein; because, as it is notorious to all by public re port and belief, in England, Cuba and Spain, among the concerned in the infa mous negro trade are reckoned some of the chief persons of the sacred royal family of Bourbon, and because that trade is legali zed by the Government of Cuba, on the only condition that the owners of the ves sels importing the cargoes shall assert that the slaves proceed from Brasil. Now let us recapitulate what we have stated above. The injustice committed by the Administration of 1826, against all the countries emancipated from Spain in America, and against Cuba and Porto Rico, appears to me not only palpable, but also the inexhaustible source ofthe eyils which I have mentioned; and these must continue unless the only remedy be adopted where by they may be cured. And let not, in vindication of an act so cruel, the subter fuge be resorted to, that it was authoriz ed by the "right of one's own preserva tion," a right operaing more in favor of Mexico and Columbia than ofthe Uni ted States, unless the right of the strong est be preferred. Some admit, I know, that one's own preservation authorizes an individual to push intothe water his com panion, if the board oft which they seek for safety cannot save them both from shipwreck; but was, perchance, the Ameri can Union in such a situation as to be in duced to sacrifice, as it did sacrifice, the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, and the Republics of the South, and more than 1,000,000 Africans, and the principles of liberty, justice, humanity, by opening a source also of interminable calamities? And what policy is observed by tbe pre sent administration, now-a-days, when a- gitated before the Tribunal of the people of the great Washington ? Let us be silent, and listen to the voice ofthe defenders of humanity in the sa cred enclosure of the temple of liberty, erected by the elevated minds of the im mortal Washington, Jefferson, and other fathers of the Union. Marcelo Etna. Cuba AND "THE JOURNAL OF COMMERCE." The engagement which the Journal of Commerce has oficiously taken upon itself; the false and pernicious doctrines it pro claims in order to uphold its engagement ; tbe audacity with which it presents inexact data and distorts the truth of facts in or der to secure the objects it aims at ; and, lastly, the hypocrisy of the character in which this paper, that calls itself Ameri can, presents itself in tbe palestra of a free press iu this country and in our age — are all things too striking and impres sive to be allowed to go abroad without note — are facts too glaring to be con cealed from the correct appreciation of a discerning and enlightened public. To call licentious those who aspire to political freedom, and qualify as disorga nization the enterprise of those who rise up for tbe conquest of their rights ; to disfigure with colours of disorder, anarchy and ruin the imposing picture of a liberal and just revolution — are the arms of ser vile egotism against the progress of en lightenment and the spirit of republi canism. Invoking respect for the law; recom mending a course of moderation and peace; sanctifying the blessings of order and re signation—is the mask anil armor with which the enemy of humanity shields him self — the grovelling vice of egotism, which is more contemptible than any other pas sion that lurks in the heart of man. THE CUBAN QUESTION. 27 , And these are exactly tbe armor, the shield and the mask which this model- paper, apostle and preacher of Christian charities, this Journal of Commerce has assumed in a struggle which it defends tooth and nail, against the true interests of the republic, of the American conti nent, and of oppressed humanity. What is it to that journal, though the industrial classes of Cuba knead their bread with their tears ? What imports it to that journal that the people of these United States pay double the price for many articles of first necessity, as sugar, tobacco, and others ? What does it care though every soul breathing in Cuba is, on an average, weighed down by the enor mous contribution of nearly forty dollars annually ? Does it take any interest in the fact that the farmers of these United States do not sell at better prices and cannot multiply manifold the amount of their exports in flour and grain, on ac count of the exorbitant duties levied on their productions in the Island of Cuba ? Is it aggrieved by the fact that the people of Cuba have to pay double the price that they ought to pay for every article im ported there from thcsO United States, and that the industrial classes of this country are thus deprived of a good market for the fruit of their toil, and to augment their exportation ? Why should that journal complain because the merchant marine of the United States now-a-days employed in the Havanna trade, small as it is, has every year to contribute to the govern ment of Spain the enormous sum of nearly $400,000 in tonnage, and that the number of vessels and men who at present find employment in that occupation does not double, as it certainly would do were the enormous charges and scandalous restric tions to disappear, with which that go vernment grinds to the dust the commerce ofthe United States with Cuba? And lastly, in order to compress , the whole, and not to tire our patience by heaping questions,— what interest does that journal take in the fact that a million of our fellow-men incessan tly and without respite are trodden down with every sort of vexation, and that the torrent which threatens to overwhelm thousands of indi viduals and families in one common lot of misery and despair, is daily, is hourly swelling and augmenting ? None — none whatever. All this is nothing, is a mere bagatelle to that egotist journal. Ac cording to the views of men of this class, the slightest possible 'risk_, the smallest probability threatening to interfere with any one of their present enjoyments — tbe highest interests of humanity, all, all mustbe sacrificed "As a colony of Spain," they say, " she answers all our purposes in respect to trade, without the trouble of ' defending her; and it is for our interest that she should remain as she is." How far away from every great and generous sentiment, how ignorant of the true inte rests of his own country which he feigns to defend, must that man be, who can give expression to such thoughts, to such views ! And these are the truly noble sentiments, these are the exact and just views which the benighted Journal of Commerce has been propounding to its readers in one of its editorials, when it began to lend itself against any move ment in the Island of Cuba ! It is a mat ter of extreme regret to bo obliged to hold up to merited contempt such failings as these; but it is necessarily done, for the just cause of a whole people cannot be permitted to become the football of every addle-brain or malicious hypocrite who may take a notion to kick it about in his displeasure. What, then, does the Journal of Com merce leave to be done by Don Angel Cal- Uei-on de la Bnrca, and by La. Crdnica, the worthy organ of the government, and the Minister of Her Catholic Majesty of all the Spains and Indies ? The cause of Cuba is a matter that lies near to our heart, and one in which many thousands of oppressed families take tho most lively interest ; it involves conside rations of the highest moment, and well deserves the defence all its true friends are able to sustain ; and I know I do not stand alone, when I consider it my duty to enter the lists with any one who attacks it, whether, from ignorance, or from ma levolence, or any other selfish motive. It is this, also, which impels me to-day to occupy myself exclusively with the Jour nal of Commerce, whose tortuous conduct and systematic attacks on the cause of tbe Island, I have been watching closely, with keen apprehension, fqr many months past. The articles which we find recently in serted in that paper as communications, are full of errors, and on a par with the gross insincerity of the writer, notwith standing his show of purity of mind, and the ex-cathedra tone to which he endea vours to rise. Let us to-day establish one example alone : we allude to the Inten- 1 dent of Havanna. What man, pretending to any acquaintance at all with the cur rent affairs ofthe Island, which the writer of said communication to the Journal ar rogates so much of to himself, can or ought to be so ignorant of the true cause which bas for so many years maintained Senor Pinillos in that post, and which the 28 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON Journal, at least, ought to have better known, if it is not altogether dead to any unquestionable proofs advanced in Lu Verdad. It is well known, and published in the streets as an authentic fact, that Seiior Pinillos is retained in his office " because he understands better and more thoroughly than any other person how to milk that cow of Cuba," — reason enough for the merchants of England, in their ne gotiations for the loan they made to Spain, to stipulate that Senor Pinillos should nut be removed from his charge as Intendente. Why does the writer of these communi cations, when he labors so hard in proving to us that the government of Spain em ploys indiscriminately natives of America and of Europe, not also cite the example of Don Angol Calderon de la Barca, who was born in America; and Gjeneral Que- sada, born in Havanna, whom the penin sular Spaniards dragged through tho streets of Madrid on account of his abject servility ? Have we not also here exam ples of serviceable democrats, without whom the whigs cannot do, who are not turned out of office ? Tho allusion made to the Committee of Improvements [Junta de Fomenlo\ is ab surd; and the Journal or its correspon dent knows very little of the affairs of Cuba, or care very little for obtaining correct information, when they affirm that that corporation favors and advances emigration of white persons. There is not one native of Cuba who does not know that some members of that Junta are in terested and hold large shares in the expeditions which are every year dis patched to Africa in search of slaves, and that the others are either cowed down by the preponderant influence of these same individuals, the owners preparing these expeditions, or at least are compelled to a collusion in the same. And it is also within the l&nowledge of every Cuban, that said Junta, by all means in its power, and through its transcendent influence, has rendered nugatory the immigration of white persons ; while at the same time it strives to keep up appearances, as if it sought to advance and protect the same. Nor is there one Cuban who does not know that the source of all the pecuniary wealth of that corporation actually is the people of Cuba, and that this wealth is by bargain and sale secretly farmed out ac cording to the capricious pleasure and interested views of the Captain General, and those of the members of that same Junta, without any other consideration whatever. Mahcelo, Etna. Cuba, AND THE "JOURNAL OF COMMERCE." Fulfilling my promise of answering the observations, which in some numbers of the " Journal of Commerce " have been published in respect to the statistics of things in the island of Cuba, I begin by setting forth anew that part of the commu nication to which I intend confining myself in the course of this article, and which appeared in the "Journal" ofthe 12th instant, adding to the same in continua tion the census ofthe year 1774 up to 1841, which I copy from a pamphlet published by Don Jose Antonio Saco, in the year 1845, by the title of " The suppression, of the trade in African slaves in the Island of Cuba." — The part of the communication I refer to, reads as follows : [For the Journal of Commerce.] CUBA. " The last census taken was in 1840.— The whole population was therein stated to be about 1,024,000, (*) and nearly divid ed between the whites and colored. But this was notoriously incorrect. For in stance, the city of " Principe," formerly the judicial capital ofthe Island, was put down at less than 30,000, whilst ihe previ ous census of 1827, madeiit 49,000. The writer appealed to a very well informed citizen of the place at the time, and was assured that the population bad slightly increased. This fact is given to justify the assertion that the census of 1840 was mise rably defective, as well as to justify his then estimate upon data since mislaid, that the total number of white inhabitants was 600,000 ; free blacks, 100,000; and slaves, 450,000. The increase has since been more among the whites than among the blacks ; for whatever truth may attach to the re ports ofthe renewal ofthe slave trade un der the present Captain General, .it is cer tain that it was done upon a limited scale in 1840-45, and that the encouragement and aid offered by the government ani the " Junta de Fomento," [a sort of Board of Improvement and Public Works] tothe immigrant whites from Spain, the Cana ries, and other islands, have added quite a respectable number to its labouring (*) Wliat the vrriter of the communication say- himself in one of tlic subsequent passages induces us to infer that there must lie some ii -,x:t«-tne&3 in the printing, aud thai it oujrht to read 1 ,2-i J,0'J0. II n t u-hetLer we read" that nnmlcr or as it is primed l.UJI.O'lu Oiere is always a gross mistake chargeable either to the "Jonri.al" or its correspondent ; because neither the one nor the other cyphering is correct. Not to be too hard on the " Journal " ive will refer to the more favprable number l,24U,tM), as that appears to have been the true intention of the author, and not tiie other. THE CUBAN QUESTION. 29 white population. It may not be out of the way to estimate the present popula tion of the Island at 1,800,000; of these nearly, if not. quite 800,00.0 reside in Ha vana, which is only 60,000 beyond the es timate of 1840 ; aud the vast increase of the suburbs of that city [the part within the walls has long since been covered with buildings,] within the last ten years will fully justify this estimate." CENSUS OF CUBA. Ol -red Total of Grand Tears. White. Slaves. free. Colored. Total. 1T74. 98.410 44,333 30,8-17 75,1*1 3 7,6-/0 1792. 1:13,5.53 84,i!.0 51.1r2 IftWTi 272,301 1817. 2.1U.M0 105.14.5 IU.i-oS 313203 553.IM 1827. 311.151 2So.!H2 lO'i.-W-l 39yl36 704.4S9 1841. 418 2!ll -rS'i.lMi 1.5.'.S.;8 S^.'Sriri 1.1)07,621 1846. 42J.7I-7 323,073 1j9,22G triflOS KiSJW Senor Sacn is generally considered one ofthe most respectable authorities in mat ters concerning Cuba ; but neither in the foregoing extract nor in any other of his writiugs, nor in those of other writers of no less weight than his, is there a census to be found that represents the total popu lation to be 1,240,000, according to the reading of the "Journal;" nor is there one, who allows Cuba a population of 600,- 000 white inhabitants, and 600,000 colored persons, as the same periodical wants to make us believe ; aud finally, there is cer tainly no census published iu 1840 in exis tence. I iucline to the belief that the error committed by the writer ofthe communi cation, in supposing that the white popu lation of Cuba amounts to the number of 600,000, was caused by the estimate you, Messrs Editors, some time ago set forth, ofthe number of free inhabitants, whom you showed to be ground to the dust by an annual contribution amounting to thirty dollars per head. I do not want to wrangle with the vene rable correspondent for his having erro neously cited a census of 1840, which does not exist, instead of the census of 1841, which is its true date; but when I have to read that there really exists any statis tical publication of Cuba, in which tb'e po pulation is set down at either 1,240,000 or ,1,024.000, I can pronounce on the sjme nothing else than that the assertion is an act of heedlessness or of sheer ignorance. Concerning the ineorrectness in said cen sus as the correspondent alleges, I do not vouch for the exactitude of that document ; but as the census published in 1840 is ob noxious, I am inclined to believe, that the sapient correspondent has shot a hole into the moon. Such must of necessity he the short-comings of a man, who cither docs not understand the business which he un dertakes, or is blinded by passions. ' In respect to the importation of Afri cans, which he presumes as having be«n very trifling in the je.-irs from 1840 to 1845, tbe business then being practised as smuggling, (*") we cannot ourselves pro duce the exact number of them imported, nor will we insist in asserting or proving that the smuggling in of them was carried ou, on a largo scale ; the confession made by the correspondent sufficing us and an swering all our present purposes. Never theless, in order to enable the public to judge these matters correctly in general, and to foot up an estimate approximating as much as possible to truth, we will ob serve that the proportion ofthe male slave population in the year 1827, was to tbe fe male sex as 207,954 to 113,320. This is the proportion between the two sexes of the slave population in the island of Cuba, ever known as nearly approaching to par; for before the year 1820, in which the slave trade with Africa was declared illegal, there very rarely arrived in a cargo of 500 Africans more than from 40 to 50 females ; and we are borne out by the facts, thnt be fore that date there were 50 male slaves fe* every female, and that before the Eng lish cruisers began pursuing with care and assiduity the whole maritime slave traf fic, the convenience of importing a greater number of African females was never thought of in Cuba. Givingfullweightto thiSyenormous disproportion between the two sexes of tho slave population, and con sidering the many other draw-backs and inconveniences which the condition of sla very throws into the way of a thriving domestic slave procreation, and thatin or der to sustain tlid same equality of num ber for tbe slave population, [not to speak- of an increase of it], if it is not admitted that they must have been smuggled in from Africa, whence then in all conscience did all the negroes come, who have progres sively swelled the number of slaves as it is observed in Cuba ? In a pamphlet, which you, gentlemen, published " on Jlnntxa- tiuri," you very reasonably calculated, that in order to maintain any certain number of slaves stationary, so that the same do not decrease, it is necessary at the lowest estimation, to import at least five per cent annually of that number to make up the losses by deaths continually occurring. Applying this mode of calculation to the n umber of nearly 800 ,000 slaves, which existed in Cuba in the year 1827, and not ing that we now count as many as 450,000, [**) Notv-a-days it is a latvfrl traffic: at least, it is nermitied, os loms as an expediiion can be made to appear as mining from Brazil. That is the way they have legaliz ed it : the trade is public, and some cargoes have been sola before tho eyes of all the tvorld. 30 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON it is clear that in the course of loss thnn one generation, no less tlntn 300,000 other Africans must have been imported, mere ly to replace the annual deficiency as it accrued. This of course lies beyond the ken of that venerable correspondent, and ofthe most Christian Journal, in the gene rous observations they indulge in, when expatiating on the excruciating sufferings with which a whole minion of our fellow- men are trodden down without remorse and without respite. In answer to what the same correspon dent attributes to thebeneficientinfluence of the mis called Junta de Fomeuto, [Board for Public Improvement], in the matter of the colonization of a white popu lation in Cuba, let us compare what were the propositions made by Senor Goicuria; which were those of Senor Zulueta; and which ultimately were more preferred and acted upon by that celebrated corpo ration Of the propositions of Senor Goicuria, the report speaks sufficiently at large, which was drawn up by the Commission appointed by the corporation of Havanna for the purpose of having them examined and reported on ; and it appears to be very much to the point (for the greater satis faction of your readers as well as for that of the Journal and its correspondents,) here to transcribe a few of the paragraphs of that report. We select the following : " In effect, what is it, what Goicuria proposes? He asks permission to bring over to the island German and Scotch Ca tholics, and with them to found a colony community, assigning them waste lands, and establishing them according to cer tain conditions previously accepted by them. In this tliere is nothing that is not lawful, not useful; a distribution of lands is certainly permitted, according to the different kinds of contracts which are re cognised by our laws. The introduction of foreign Catholics, proceeding from friendly nations is nlso permitted by the Royal Statute of 1817, an eternal monu ment of the enlightened policy of, Ferdi nand VII, aud there is not a single objec tion to be raised to the conditions Seiior Goicuria proposes to make with the immi grants, as long as the same may be freely acceded to by them. The project surely deserves the approbation of the govern ment, and also the gratitude of his fellow- citizens." _ " Senor Goicuria pretends to no exclu sive privilege,, which could in any way be obnoxious to the country; he proposes no grievous conditions to be acceded to by any one, and in these circumstances there ex ist, not only no .inexpediency against the admission of his enterprise, but he ought by all means to be encouraged and assist ed in its execution. The only thing he asks is, that the Royal Junta de Fvminto, grant him a bonus of 125 dollars for each white European colonist, lie conceding them a postponement of payment as soon as in any year the number of colonists ex ceeds 500." " From what we indicated above, it will be readily perceived that we never have been iu favor of investing thd public funds in the transportation of any species of co lonists whatever ; but as this opinion is by no means generally admitted ; and as we have before us the example of different contracts that have been concluded for the effecting an immigration of colonists, we cannot suppress our opinion, that of all contracts of that description which ever came to our knowledge, none unites so many advantages as that now presented by Seiior Goicuria." 1 " And if your Excellency compare this with the contract recently permitted for the importation nf Asiatics in this island, you will at a glance observe, that there is an enormous disproportion between a Ger man or Biscaynn or Scotch colonist on the one hand, and an Asiatic on the other. The former are men of excellent make, strong, robust, civilized, accustomed to work, brought up to good morals and to religion; while, on the other hand, the latter is a creature of a different class, weak, inefficient, without education, and wanting in all training to useful labor. " We cannot understand bow these ine qualities can have been overlooked ; as, in our actual state, aud for the objects the government and our pre-eminent men propose to themselves, ten European co lonists introduced into the island of Cuba are worth more, and more to be appre ciated, than a hundred Asiatics. " Moreover, there is also a great dis proportion in the bonus; the Royal Junta pays one hundred and seventy dollars for an Asiatic who, probably, is worth no thing ; and Goicuria asks only one hun dred and twenty-five dollars for a Euro- "pean, robust and accustomed to work. We have noted with surprise, that in the report of the Commission of the Royal Junta, the solicitude of Seiioij Goicuria is made tbe object of attack, and the alle gation is maintained that the project of importing Asiatics was preferable; — we say with surprise, because we cannot con ceive what motives could have influenced such a determination. " We repeat, that if we do admit tbe view that colonists ought to be introduced, there is none of the projects heretofore THE CUBAN QUESTION 31 broached, so economic and promising so many advantages as that of SeTior Goicu ria; that his plan comprises a trial to combine a farming population, and the di vision of labor for the elaboration of su gar, as is practised iu Andalucia, and, we might add, iu France and in the Philip pine Islands: and if it were for nothing else than for lending protection to those trial projects, it would not be inopportune to invest in it some sums of money, which tiie country is sure to receive back after producing a large and pr ifitable return. " The opiniou ofthe subscribers, there fore, reduces itself to this ; that Your Ex cellency be pleased to inform Her Majesty that the project of Seiior Goicuria is uso- ful and advantageous to the Royal service and is for the public good of the country in its actual state ; aud that there are few if any objects in which some of the sums of money which her Royal munificence grants for the advance of public improve ments in the island could be so usefully invested, as in the protection of this pro jected plan of establishing European colo nies among us, in order to establish farm ing commuuities in which a trial may be made to divide labor, and to employ white persons iu the elaboration of sugar. " With these modifications, we believe your Excellency would bestow a blessing on the country by not only voting in favor of the project, but also by recommending it efficiently to the kind consideration of His Excellency the President Governor and Captain-General, and to the Royal muni ficence of our most excellent Queen ; and if this Report meets the approbation of Your Excellency, that you will sign the same; and by a certified copy, nud the transmission of our minutes, you will an swer to the official communication of His Excellency the President superior Civil 'Governor, of the 3d day of last July. But Your Excellency will resolve on the best course to pursue. — Havanna," &c. This opinion, then, was given on the project of Senor Goicuria, by a commission chosen by the Municipal Corporation of Havanna, and composed of individuals of exalted illustration and rectitude. But of what avail was this report? None at all : an empty formula was gone through, nothing more. The irrefragable reasons submitted by the commission, the manifest advantages the plan of Goicuria presented, were all overlooked; and the Royal Junta determined upon concluding the treaty with Seiior Zuluota, in order to over whelm us with barbarous Malays, instead of giving us the assistance of civilized Europeans. However, we very well perceive what their true motives have been in conceding the preference to the plan of colonising with Asiatics ; but in order to explain this, it will be convenient to resolve a question, which is : What is the Real Junta de Fomento (Royal Board of Public Improvements) .' Iu the first place, the Real Junta de Fomento is formed of individuals selected by the government and subject to its omnipotent influence, which is equally acknowledged by every member of every other Board' or Corporation throughout Cuba, which are all bound by it. They are all men who get their appointments to seats in these mock Boards, for the sole purpose of sanctioning by their votes whatever the supreme power may please to dictate On the other hand, if any freedom of opinion and of disposing of affairs is con ceded to the members of the Board of Publie Improvement, they certainly do not employ the same in benefitting the community at large, — who does not elect them, Can exact uo accountability from them, reposes no confidence whatever in them, and who stand to the Royal Board in no other relation of interest than the passive one of filling their individual pockets with the enormous contributions which are continually levied to supply funds for that Board. Let any one take the trouble of comparing the nominations of the members of the Royal Board, with the lists of tbose interested in tbe slave- expeditions to Africa, or in public con tracts and private enterprises, and he will discover in them their identical names. Iu short, to compress the whole into a nut-shell, when the Board of Public Im provement does not find itself compelled to proceed according to the express will ofthe government, — they are, as a general thing, sure to do so for the individual benefit of its several members. If there is any one who doubt3 these rea lities, let us ask him — Why is it that colo nising barbarous Asiatics and Yucatan In dians is preferred to the plan of a coloni sation by civilised Europeans ? The former is preferred— firstly, because it is the inte rest of the government to maintain, nay, even to increase the confusion of races in Cuba, and the diversity of existing politi cal and social interests; acting upon the Macliiavellic principle, which inculcates the doctrine, "Divide el impera," [Divide and be master.] Secondly, because it is also the individual interest of many of the members of the board, [all the while mak ing a show of good faith and protection,] to render nugatory every plan for establish ing colonies of white people, in order that 32 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON no other remedy may remain but to pro ceed in the traffic with the African slave, in which they are individually interested as ship-owners, stock-owners, or as agents of n certain august lady empresnria or slave-dealer. Aud we would further ask them — Why do they divert from their just destination, [we mean real improvements of the country,] those funds which arc wrung from the hard-earning aud industry ofthe people of Cub.-i, and employ no in considerable portion of them in favoring an enterprise foreign to its object, as th.it is ofalineof ocean-steamers from Cadiz to the island of Cuba ? They do so, most cer tainly, because among tbe members ofthe royal board, or their out-side friends and hangers-on, there are always such as have a goodly sum at stake in that enterprise, cither for themselves, or for a certain well- known crowned lady speculator. And finally, I would ask every one who like the Journal endeavors to puff the be neficent efficiency of that corporation : What application is made by the board of the sum of $380,600 in anyway, of any use to the people at large, who every year have to pay the same into the money-chest ofthe board? Whore are those public buildings and establishments, those wonderful im provements, which are dwelt upon with so piuch authority, and have no other exis- tance but on the tongues of a pack of gub ernatorial officials, h.ingers-on, and office- seekers ? Is it because the board grants ' some small amount to some company for the construction of a railroad: Becuiscit advances for a certain time the use of a small portion of that money, the people vitally interested in such an undertaking has had to contribute for the ^purpose of forming the capital of that board? Because it employs some Africans detained in the house of detention of runaway slares, [de posito deCimarrones,] in repairing badly, [if they even do that much,] some short extent of a public road, or some staggering bridge, or some causeway, as soon as there is either a member in that board or in its affiliations, who has a personal interest in aueh a work, and therefore obtains it? — Grand works indeed! But who pays for them ? Do not the owners of those runa ways pay for them, as in order to get them back from the house of detention of such runaways, the master has not only to pay for the recapture of his slave, but also for his maintenance during his detention? — But why tire out the patience of my indul gent readers and my own, bv the repetition of such interminable comments on this same subject? It would be conceding to the views of our opponents a weight and an importance which they have not, and cannot have in the eyes of,any ono who is only slightly initiated nud acquniuted with the real essence and spirit of tbat board, and the sources from which it derives its income. All of which, ought in justice, to be published by the impartial correspon dent of the Journal or its editors, in order to render their work complete. * * * Marcelo Etna. Spain and Cuba, — England and Canada. The contrast which Spain compared with England exhibits in respect to their colonics becomes every day more glaring, more shocking. It seems the former has proposed to herself a course altogether diametrically opposed to that which the latter discreetly, and with great circum spection has carved out to herself to pur sue. Spain, without any other counsel than the suggestions of her indomitable haughtiness, only shortens the term of her dominion over her youthful possessions ; England prepares retreating with her sov ereignty, losing nothing of her dignity and securing advantages to herself in the very act of separation. Both will very shortly come to. the determination of tho hold they mean to keep on their colonies, and the results will then tell, whether we are right or wrong in this matter. Mean while we will throw a hasty glance over the new points of contrast, that arbes be tween the colonial policy of one and the other mother-country, and which present themselves to our views in the recent oc currences of which our Inland of Cuba and Canada have of late been the respec tive theatres. In the English colony tliere is freedom of thought, freedom of speech, and free- domvof the press, popular assemblies and private re-unions meet and openly discuss tho question, whether it is expedient to declare for independence or for annexa tion, or whether it is preferable that the country should remain in the connexion in which it is at present. The whole press is engaged in the discussion of the question without any restrictions of any kind, and new periodicals are established for the propagation of the most liberal opinions, aud to proclaim with a stento rian voice, either independence or annex ation as they prefer ; and then no scissors is to be feared of a censor clipping any written thought, still less the bowstring of a viceroy threatening to stifle the voice iu the throat of a discoursing patriot. Only a few days ago one of the assem- THE CUBAN QUESTION. 53 Mies was publicly held and convoked, and celebrated with the cognisance and full previous knowledge of the metropoli tan authorities, in which Were publicly and formally proposed and accepted, among others, the following resolutions : — '¦Resolved — That our present state of colonial dependence cannot bo pro longed, but at the price of the sacrifice of our most precious interests, and that this meeting, considering the social. commercial and political difficulties in which Canada is involved, and alive to the weight of the evils which oppress our social existence, believes that the practicable measure capable of im proving our condition for ever, consists in the p.-aceable separation from Great Britain with her consent, and in the annexation of Canada to the United States of America. Resolved — That we promise and bind ourselves, (forgetting past differences,) most cordially to co-operate through the means that may be most expedient to the securing of the objects of our association; and that we- invite the whole people of Canada in general to form similar associations with the same ' spirit of fraternity. Resolved — That this meeting do now adjourn- to assemble again on the same day of next week, in the same place, and at the same hour, for the purpose of electing the officers of this associa tion." At the popular meeting in which these resolutions were adopted, were assembled' about 500 individuals, al though the day and the hour 'were rather inconvenient for the industrial - and mercantile classes; and moreover, a circumstance proving our argument — among those asssmbled were various members of parliament, two council lors 'to the Queen, and many respectable lawyers. The meeting was convoked, did assemble, and terminated without the slightest interference or opposition on the part of the government ; as has been the case in many others for similar purposes, and of a like cha racter. But on the- other hand : what is done in our unhappy country, of Cuba ? There, not only every thought and ex pression that have the appearance of a tincture of liberalism, are condenined; but the assembly of more than threo persons in public places, without the previous licence of the publie authori ties first obtained, is by law utterly in terdicted. , There the existence of an association for any, the most circumscribed purpose, and in any limited number of members whatever, is considered a sufficient cause for the promotion of a criminal proceeding, consequent prosecutions, arrests and condemnations. Not very long ago secret inquisitions were set a foot at Matanzas, into the objects of a purely literary and domestic associa tion ; and quite recently, in these latter days, a gymnasium was broken up in the same city by order of government, and the remains of its apparatus wero sent to serve as fuel in the public prison . There free speech is excluded from all meetings of authorised societies, literary, economical or mercantile; even from the public tribunals, public administration, tho pulpit, nay, even from the miserable platform of public execution, if in an atom it deviates from the approved style of degeitful and vile adulation, which the govern ment exacts. It is no longer than two months ago^ that the feeble-braitied.but insolent governor of Matanzas, (Fal- guera,) publicly slapped the face of a young man respectably connected, who dared to defend his rights in tbe public tribunal before this iniquitous judge, whose mind was preoccupied in favor of the adverse party. < There, if a man were to dare as cend a public platform for the pur pose of saying that there is a God and an eternal judgment, he would descend from that tribune with a soldier on each side to lead him to a prison cell in the castle, which he would never leave, ex cept for the purpose of mounting the steps of the scaffold. There the press does not alone si^h under the gag of an irresponsible ceii-^ sorship, but the ministerial servants charged with this service, praptice at the same time the infamous trade of informers, if , in. their judgment any writing presented to them falls into tho category of subversion of the order' of things ; and a poor fellow indeed ia thea 34 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON the author ! Seiior Olaneta has set us more than one of these examples. - There, by a special law of quite re cent promulgation, the press is prohibi ted from inserting in its columns a sin gle paragraph savoring of an argument of a public measure, while they are limited to copying the deformed news whicb are published in the official papers ; and, editors are compelled to comment on them in the sense, and to the satisfaction of the | government. The writer of these lines has been pub lisher and colaborator of several peri odicals in Cuba; and he has frequently seen the sketches of laudatory, fulsome articles written in the very habitation of the Governor, and from there sent to the press to be inserted as editorials. There the government, not satisfied with putting an effective gag into the mouth of every citizen and insinuat ing its infamous spies into the privacy of the domestic hearth, prohibits under heavy penalties the circulation of every periodical in which the true interests of the people of Cuba are discussed. It is not so very long since the case of the steward ofthe American bark Childe Harold occurred, who was charged with the crime of having there impor ted our own journal. The government goes farther, it circumscribes the word ofthe minister of God in a Catholic temple. It is only three years ago, that it ordered all the copies of a certain sermon which was pronounced in the Church of Matanzas by an enlightened and respectable clergyman, to be col lected and buried. There, finally, every noble and spirited sentiment is, in the eyes of the govern ment, an acquisition deserving of punish ment ; enlightenment a mark of suspi cion : patriotism a crime ; aspirations to liberty, treason against the state ; and political pro-pa gandism a crime to be expiated only either on the scaffold or .by the martyrdom of exile. Virtues •are considered by those precious gover nors as the worst of vices ; and the most abject adulation, and most ini quitous and cowardly denunciation, the ,best accreditive for honorable distinc tion. How many crosses and ribbons now sparkle on many breasts, be stowed as the price of the possessors in tegrity, in this infamous' trade ! But what other effect can all those evils (which in the present sketch wef have rather indicated than enlarged on,) produce on any. people but constrain them to conspire against their iniqui tous oppressors ; even though that peo ple should possess the gentleness of a lamb, and all the patience' of a Job 1 Thus it is that from the year 1823 up to this date conspiracies have fol lowed in rapid succession, as the link of a cable-chain follows its fastening link ; and of course the number of their vic tims has continualy been on the increase. The cause of our liberty is already bap tized with blood and tears ; the prison, the scaffold and foreign lands have al ready been tbe accompanying scenery in our political drama ; and imsome of them even poison has been resorted to, and other means no less infamous. We could here append a long list of patriots, who, for their love of Cuba, have suffered tortures unto death ; but in attemping to do so we would be sure to tear up the yet festering wounds of their grieving families, and would even compromise the security of many other persons in Cuba, as the govern ment there is always on the look out, and on the slightest suspicion is ready to launch out its hounds to hunt up its game, which rarely escapes its clut ches. Nevertheless as we have already said, we repeat here again that the na mes of hundreds of such unfortunate persons have been published by the press in Cuba as well as in this country, and we invite the most liberal and most equitable Journal of Commerce to point out among them one single name belong ing to that contemptible class, to which (as the " Journal," in its publications, with so much Christian charity asserts,) all Cubans belong, who work so hard for the purpose of shaking off the odious yoke, that oppresses them. ' The Expedition against Cuba. The pretended expedition against the Island of Cuba has attracted public- attention in an extraordinary degree, The press has entered upon the dis cussion of the enterprise and repre sented the affairs of Cuba according THE CUBAN QUESTION. 35 to the interests some people have in them, but, in general, in a manner which, discloses a great lack of acquain tance with the true condition of that unhappy Island, — with the systematic despotism that evershadows all bran ches of the government, — with the galling contributions which oppress its inhabitants, — with the ignominious slavery they suffer, and the tendency of the evil continually to augment, and the improbability of obtaining any relief at the hands of the government, — and with the obstacles that government throws in the way of colonisation by white people ; while, on the other hand, it favors the importation of Afri«an» sa vages, to be our executioners : all of which has driven the inhabitants of the Island of Cuba, who see that the ruin of their country is inevitable, to make strenuous efforts for applying a remedy, to secure a mode of salvation ; so that ever since the year 1823 they have been in continued violent commotion. These are the reasons why we have resolved to-day to discuss those matters in the columns of '¦ La Verdad" and tc present to our readers a picture (in mi niature, to be sure, but a true picture) of the actual internal state of Cuba, in 'or der to enable them to decide — not whe ther the Creoles of Cuba are the most corrupt race of this world, as the " Led ger of Philadelphia" ungenerously and gratuitously stigmatises them — but whe ther it is just to call them a nation of imbeciles because they do not rise on' their own responsibility and cause them selves to be butchered in vain, instead of seeking for help and guarantees of ultimate success, when they feel them selves trodden down by a foreign army and threatened by government with arming and hunting against them the negro slaves; and that, even, when they themselves are destitute of every thing in the shape of arms. In respect to the proclamation and measures of the government ofthe Uni ted States relative to this pretended ex pedition, , we repeat, that if it has well-founded reasons for such, it has fulfilled its duty in devising measures to uphbld existing treaties- of -the go vernment, and prevent its neutrality be ing infringed ; but we repeat at the same timn 'r'l-.a'!. in tlii'a and this alone its ob- ' ligations are to be confined, when look ing up to the more sacred oses existing between nations and governments ; and it has not alone to circumscribe its ac tions to the more strict construction of its obligations, but it has to go further; it must divest of all harshness of disposi tion and rule, whatever may conflict with any consideration of public opinion and with the principles professed by the American people. In the same position, we have said, and, if anything, more manifestly so, stand all statesmen,, all men of science, and the whole American press. Is there, indeed, a single citizen of the Union who would not blush for shame, if he were1 to do an act tending to render despotism in any part of the world more secure '? And more : can there be found one of them who would not feel disgraced if he were to commit an act running counter to republican ideas 1 ' Impossible : no true follower of Washington can place himself in such a humiliating position. x ¦ But we wish not to be considered as asking anything but what isjust. -If there are any ofthe opinion th'at the in corporation of Cuba with the United States is prejudicial to the latter, he is in honor bound to say so, and to speak out with "that, frankness which charac terizes a free people. If there are, such as think in good faith, that in the Cu bans there is no disposition inclining in favor of Independence; if there are such as are persuaded that there are not sufficient elements in them, and that Spain is too powerful ; if, finally, there are any who feel convinced that it .would not be the utmost impropriety to deny to the Cubans the justice they possess in endeavouring to accomplish their freedom ; — we will approve of their candid professions, and with the same frankness discuss and refute such posi tions. But we ask from the government, as well as from the press, that a misap plied zeal, disaffection, personal inter ests, or ignorance of the true state of the matters in question, shall not impel them to any aets that would prejudice the sacred cause of the freedom of na tions. Let the government tell us that international law does not permit of such or such an act between this and that nation. Let the press, the organ Sfl A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON of partizans and of public opinion, say that the annexation of Cuba is expe dient or inexpedient for the American Union ; that government in this or that case must follow such or such a course in consonance with the constitution and laws of the country ; — but can it be that among men of the press there should be any pretending that the courageous ef forts of the Cubans are criminal ; that the sympathies which some show in fa vor of freedom for Cuba, should be stig matized as piracy by the same men who, in the same breath, inscribe tho same sympathies upon their banners in fa vor of the self same people, one day for that of France, another for Italy or for Hungary, another for Greece; in short, for any nation that ever struck for li berty ! Can the enterprise to liberate a country in America be set down as fol ly, decried as Quixotic, and ranged among things impracticable, when we have before our eyes the very example of the United States, of Columbia, -of Mexico^ of Central America, Buenos Ayres, Chili and Peru ! Is it just to treat the Cubans as a knot of imbeciles, when in the alternative between oppres sion ever after, and making fruitless sacrifices by rising destitute of arms, on the one hand; and seeking for the sinews of war and for assistance to make the insurrection on the other, with every probailitiy of final and , com-' piete strccess — they elect the latter course ? Can we believe Spain, whose credit stands lower in the scale than that of tho most insignificant of the young South American republics, pow erful enough to avoid the loss of the colony of Cuba, after we have witnesed the enfranchisement from her grasp of all her vast possessions in this Mew AVorld ?• In truth, such views surprise us; because if they do not prove the utmost of malevolence, they, certainly prove the weakness ofthe human heart, the power of passion laboring under one influence or another of interest, or u palpable aberration of the human un derstanding. Fortunately only one American peri odical, [the "-Ledger of Philadelphia"] Jias added to the weakness an unmeri ted insult to a whole people. We ex cuse ourselves from . answering its diatribe's, as our silence will be more eloquent for it than words. '¦Liberty to Spain, and chains for the colonies," has always been, and still continues to be the sworn motto of all cabinets of every color, of every epoch and every circumstance, at the court of Spain. And therefore many candid in habitants of Cuba, when lamenting the progress of liberalism which has been effected in the Metropolis, but has re sulted only in an increase of Our op pression, recollect with regret the time of Calomarde, in which, while boyond the seas there reigned the most illinii- ted .absolutism, we in Cuba wore less heavy chains than those which we now are dragging, while they in Spain have now secured to themselves the bless ings of a constitution, and of a repre sentative government. But let us proceed to proofs. Among thousands which 'we could adduce in support of our positions, let us mark, first, that which the iniquitous cabinet of Madrid bas just perpetrated on us in the new revision on the laws of custom- duties, which, while it relieves the pro ducts of foreign countries > on their im portation into ,the Peninsula, adds to the charges which already oppress its colonies in America. For the conven ience and instruction of such of our readers as have not yet had the good luck of becoming acquainted with this stupendous act of Spanish legislation, we take the trouble of copying it here in its principal points, word for word. REFORMATION OF THE TARIFFS. A project of Law. "Article 1st. — The government will reform the actual tariffs on importations in the kingdom, of dry goods, fruits and merchandises from foreign countries and from our possessions in ultramar, according to the adjoining basis : -:<- ***** "The duties established at present upon colonial articles, the product of foreign countries, shall be suitably raised. : " Those established upon the articles belonging to tbe Spanish colonies, shall be raised as follows : THE CUBAN QUESTION. 37 Sugar from Cuba and Puerto-Rico'; . . Si, 00 per qq. Do. from Asia, . . 0,25 do. Coffee from Cuba and Puerto-Rico, . 2.50 do. Do. from Asia, . 0,70 do. Besides ^hese overcharges, the prohi bition of the introduction of tobacco. which is perhaps at present the richest pvoluct of Cuba, is continued in the Peninsula ; and finally it is provided, "that the colonial 'articles after paying duties of importation with respect to the tariff, remain subject to the pay ment of the same duties of exportation, consumption, and other charges, which under any denomination are collected for the same from the inhabitants of the kingdom." Absurd as this new provision is, in addition to so many others which from time to time have been concooted for the purpose of draining the vitality of the islaid of Cuba, in spite of all re monstrances, it will nevertheless not prevent that blessed island from advan cing with slow paces ; but let such ob structions be removed, and a just and enlightened government be established there, and we shall witness what rapid strides she will make in improvements in all directions. " The custom-house duty on a, barrel of flour imported into* Cuba, (says the Sunday Dispatch), which is double the original cost of the flour, is alone a sufficient cause to authorise the Cubans to rise in arms." — A-jnst sentiment, and worthy of every freeman ! But we can let the "Dispatch" know that this cause, grave as it is, does not stand alone, nor is it by any means the most grievous and best authenticated : for there are many others of yet greater aggravation, and more palpable. This is-so true, that neither the representa tives of Spain resident in this country. nor those friendly in the. colonial gov ernment, nor the, Spanish periodicals printed in this country (among which there is one, we have been informed, actually in the pay of the Spanish gov ernment,) dare dieny these causes ; but they at most oppose to all reasoning, the "progress of the wealth of Cuba .'" — as if. for example, a child possessed of a good constitution, should cease develop ing or growing, because it may be sub jected to fatigue, get whipped eVery day, and even have its nourishment curtailed. The child will go on devel oping and growing, in spite of all such drawbacks, by tho favor of its bap'py endowments : but, under such regimen and hostile influences, will never attain those qualifications which nature origi nally designed it. Those interested against the political emancipation of Cuba, can adduce no other argument of any weight ; not any one act of true justice duo to the colony and realized in favor of the is land of Cuba. In what proportions can it be expec ted, that the inarch of progress should be among a people hardly counting GOO. 000 free inhabitants, who are obli ged to support all tbe year through an army of 15.0,00 soldiers, and another of double that number of officials, among which (civil and military) we can safe ly venture upon the assertion, that there are not to be found three-score of those numbers to be natives of Cuba; by contributions, direct as well as in direct, which amount, in proportion, to the grievous sum of more than thirty dollars a-head every year ? What would become of the State of Virginia, with a population equal to that of Cuba, if she were obliged to support the enor mous burdens of the Latter country ? Little less than a fourth-part more of .that which is wrung from the number of 000,000 free inhabitants, suffices to sustain all the expenses of the govern ment of these United States, in which are counted more than 20 millions of inhabitants, and which, with little more than half the number of soldiers t,hat we support in Cuba, have more than enough for the protection and garrison of their boundaries and forts. If this is not so, if any one can allege that we exaggerate, if the slightest doubt arises in respect to the truth of what we have written on the present social and political condition of the is land of Cuba, let him show himself and disprove our assertions, for assuredly there are now-a-days persons enough interested in that being done, even in the United States. Can any one deny that, besides flour, i there are many other articled of first 38 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON necessity for the sustenance of the in dustrial and poorer classes, which are charged with a duty varying from 50 to 2U0 p. g of the first price of the ar ticles, such as rice, salt fish, Indian ineal, live pigs for slaughter, &e. &c. 1 And let the tariff laws of the island of Cuba not be thrust before our fuce, as in a previous number we endeavored ¦elaborately and clearly to disi'nvolve its specious fallacies, through the means of which, by valuing all merchandise in Cuba at double and triple its original cost, for the purpose of levying the duties, it results that salt fish, for in stance, on which we find a charge nf 33 p. g only in the tariff, when imported in foreign vessels, pays 66 p. g ; and the same thing happens with the articles above enumerated, and numerous others of first necessity. Can it be denied that the greatest part of all goods that inay be imported into Cuba, stand, more or less, in the same predicament 1 Can it be denied that when, in the year 1844, a, terrible hurricane tore up our fruit-trees, destroyed our planta tions, laid waste our fields and de molished our houses and even our fo rests, and for the first time caused a famine and general misery to be felt in Cuba, our kind mother-country, far from conceding to her afflicted colony. the slightest alleviation by reducing the enormous duties on articles of first ne cessity, haughtily annulled the benevo lent dispositions of the Intendente Pi nillos, which tended, for a limited time at least, to lessen the exactions enforced on such articles when imported into the island of Cuba; and that she did it to the ignominy of the authority consti tuted by herself, to the prejudice of commerce, and to the scandal of huma nity '! Disprove whoever may, whether we do not speak the truth in asserting that the different kinds of fruit in our coun ty i by the various exactions they are made to undergo on exportation,, have to pay from 6 to 7 per cent of their value. Let it be further denied : — That our farmers have to pay 2^ per «ent on sugar, and 10 per cent on their other harvests, when gathered; the same sis all engaged in raising live stock, for all the cattle ; exclusive of the charges arising from an exportation, as before indicated. That the poor man must pay a tax of 1 . 25c. upon every fanega of salt (about a hundred weight), which causes the price of that article, to be .raised to an immoderate sum. That he pays 6 to 6}£ p. g of the va-, lue of any slave, or any property in town or country, that he may sell ; be sides all other charges of Notaries, of registration, of stamped paper, &o. &e. That there is stamped paper, the use of which is enforced by the government, and sold by it at the pt-iee of eight dol lars every fheet; and tKat it is neces sary 'm solemn oath 'to prove one's po verty, in order to be admitted to the use of cheaper paper, a sheet of which costs-six cents. That he may not have in his house any company or amusement ot any sort, if he does nwt solicit, obtain and pay for a license ($2.50), or be must submit to be mulcted for an infraction of the re gulations. That every inhabitant is compelled to ask for a license and pay fbr the same, even when he wants to go but a single mile from the place of his residence. That no citizen, however peaceful and respectable he may be, is allowed to walk through the city after ten o'clock iu the evening,, unless he carry with him a lantern aud successively takes the leave of all the watchmen on his way ; the infraction of which law is punished with immediate arrest and a fine of eight dollars. That he is not permitted to lodge any person in his house for a single night, either native or foreigner, be the same his friend or a member of his family, without giving information ofthe same, also' under the penalty of a like punish ment. That he cannot remove his residence from one house into another, without giving notice previously to the authori ties of his intention, under the penalty of a heavy fine. That some months ago an order was received. by the Captain General of the islaiftl, prohibiting parents from sending their children to the United States for purposes of education; and that such parents are now driven to the expedient THE CUBAN QUESTION. 39> of proving ill health or feigning it in their children, in order to obtain passports for them. That in the whole' island of Cuba a most brutal spirit of despotism is strik ingly prevalent in all officials of the government, from the Captain General down to the most abject of his hirelings, without even excepting municipal and other local authorities. But let us now cast our eyes in a dif ferent directiun : Can any one deny the existence of the diabolical scheme concocted in the 'chambers of Alcoy, for perpetuating the importation of African slaves into Cuba, the primordial cause of her pre sent hazardous position ; -and that in proportion as her thousands of slaves are augmented, the number of enemies to her tranquillity and public peace are multiplied! i , . Can anybody deny that in that scheme enter not merely some members of the Royal Family of Spain, but all its de pendants, favorites and satellites, in cluding the Captains General of Cuba and their understrappers ; and that that scheme and concerted contrivance pass es, with the privilege of feasting on the vitals of the island, from one Pasha to the other 1 Will any one deny that the method and science of enriching themselves has been brought to such a system of perfection by those worthies and their hirelings, that now-a-days they gain as much in one year as others formerly gained in five. That the gratification of half an ounce in gold, which formerly was reeeived by the Captains General for every sack of 'charcoal, '(the nickname given by those engaged in this infamous traffic to the African slaves brought over,) has 'risen ih our days to the large sum of three doubloons in gold ! That, beginning with the year 1826 "up to this day, more than a million of these Africans have been imported as slaves into Cuba, as we fully proved in our paper, and in our former pamphlet '¦entitled : The advantages of the annexa tion of Cuba to the United States." That the Colonial Government & Co., not being able to elude the vigilance of the cruisers of the nations engaged in the suppression of this traffic, in order to continue the same have had to ap peal to a forced" interpretation of exist ing treaties, pretending to show that such slaves are imported into Cuba from Brasil ? Who will deny that persons have lately been in these United States, in this very city of New York, who, pro ceeding from Havana, have started for Africa by the way of Rio Janeiro, for the purpose of forming part of one or two expeditions that are to be made from thence to the coast of Africa, in quest of negroes ? That these diabolical machinations are carried on by some members of the Royal Family in concert with the Colonial Government ; and that the Ca binet not only has full knowledge ofthe same, but, does authorise and protect them, or at least pretends not to be aware of them '- That within these last months various cargoes of African slaves, amounting in number to more than 3000, were im ported into the island of Cuba, and there sold almost publicly ; and that in gra tifications set down for the Captain Ge neral at present, Senor Aleoy has re ceived the snug sum of 12,000 dou bloons in gold, about 200,000 dollars, rather more than less. That the Consul General of England has withdrawn from Havana, taking with him, as a living proof of the in fraction of existing treaties between his nation and the Spanish, two young ne groes recently imported, and purchased by him in the barracones, as the slave- market is there called- 1 And besides all this, who can deny the cruelty and galling despotism with which the sons of Cuba are persecuted, imprisoned, buried in dungeons, banish ed, sentenced to fortresses, and condemn ed to death, for calumnies, for imaginary crimes of disloyalty, on no better foun dation than flimsy suspicion, or false de nunciations by infamous spies : and all this at a moment when the Spanish press as -well as the Spanish authorities, as sure us that there exists no more loyal, happy and p-aceful people, than that of the island of Cuba ? Happy people, in truth ! Can the imprisonment of the youths- Molas and Cuevas be denied, who, when on their departure from New York for 40 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON Nuevitas, were by some miscreant in formed against with the government^ Cuba- that they were,b3arer3 of letters from the Editor of the " Verdad," which never has been proved, for the simple reason that it was untrue. Those un fortunate youths had however to suffer a long and tedious' imprisonment in loathsome dungeons ; they wore for a longtime cut off from all communication from without, anl treated with the most barbarous cruelties. Will any one deny the banishment of four young gentlsjnen of Matanzas, who, two months ago, were arrested, impri soned in the tVlorro castle, anl after wards embarked for Spain, only 'because they did not assist at a ball in honor of the Queen '! Is there any person who would dare to doubt the scan lalous example pre sented by Senor La Gandara, the Go vernor of Puerto Principe, in perpetrat ing the most revolting insult on the character of Mrs. Sedano, one of the most respectable ladies of that city, as well by her rank, ac [uainted as she is with the most distinguished families there, as by her own virtuous endow ments? Governor La Gandara did not mini anything of all that, when he or dered the wife of a colonist to hi locked in the Refuge, as if she were a convict ! ^Disprove whoever may, the fact that the jail-keeper Garcia, (alias) Rey, through the bailiffs of the Captain Ge neral of Cuba was kidnapped in the midst of a nation so jealous of its natio nal honor, and ofthe inviolability of its territory. Can the efforts with which the Spa nish despotism of Cuba is striving to make the victim G.ircia (or Rey) subserve its iniquitous purposes be denied 1 its ob jects are sufficiently proved by the text of its letters negatory, which have been dispatched to its different consuls in this country 'l Can his Honor Judge Defour be con tradicted, Who in his charge on this jnatter observed among other truths: " This case of bankruptcy is drum- jned up for the purpose of covering po litical chicanery. It is evident that there is a secret police in this country. instituted by the Spanish Government, to crush the influential families of Cuba who are endeavoring to achieve their independence." That in the year 1815. different Regi- dores and other members of the corpo ration of Matanzas, were severely chas tised for having presumed to present a respectful rem -n^trance to the Royal Pretorial Aulencia at Havana, com plaining of the scandalous villanies and insolent excesses committed by the sol diery against some peaceable citizens, who. during a horrible fire which occur red in that city on one ofthe latter days ofthe month of June, had come to prof fer their services ? Can it be disproved that many persons were sentenced to the fortresses, others sent into'perpetual banishments for the sole crime of reading the " Verdad," nnd others even condemned to death, bocnuse they were charged of assisting in its publication, among whom there is one who has assisted and will continue to assist in it as long as the protection of the American nation is not rendered nugatory ? 'That in Matanzas, Cardenas, Guines, Madruga, and other places, the most revolting scenes of torture, gallows, but cheries, and infernal, machinations were enacted in the year' 1845, under pre tence of suppressing a conspiracy among the negroes ; the interm'nalde and scan dalous details of which we are preclud ed from giving to-day, although we are authentically and completely informed of a great number of them. Can it finally be drawn in doubt, that the presumptuous conduct of the Colo nial government, being as suspicious as it is clownish in its intrigues, and as ty- ranioal as it is cowardly, has already precipitated into an 'untimely grave many a father of a family, whose bear ing was always unsullied, and who have since been lamented, and will continue to be lamented by all who knew them, nnd who, though too late, have even been absolved of all crime by their as sassins themselves. ' Among them there were many who, in their dungeons, from a want of patience, or by the medium of some narcotic, have passed into eter nity. Among them there have been such, also, who not being able to bear up against the terrible information that - a price was set upon their head as upon that of some criminal, of their houses THE CUBAN QUESTION. 41 laving been violated, their families in- 'smlted, their property sequestered -have lost their reason, and have expired in a frightful delirium, pursued by tho shades of their torturers, and repeating their heart-rending- cries : " I am innocent !" —How long, oh God of mercy ! dost thou stay thy avenging arm to chastise such accumulated criminality ! lt is impossible within the limits of one brief article, to draw a complete picture of ihe awful and horrible politi cal condition of Cuba. We therefore drop our pen tired of sketching such an accumulation of sufferings and of dis grace of our people ; leaving to the people ofthe United States — to the peo ple that descended from Washington — to consider the sufferings of the inhabi tants of Cuba, in order to decide whe ther we are right 'or wrong in rising against the tyranny that crushes us : and wo feel in hope assured of the ap proving sympathy and support of every liberal minded man. TO " THE JOURNAL OF COMMERCE." We are still waiting for tbe answer of the Journal of Commerce, relative to the (explanation which we asked of it when it affirmed , that the American Consul in Havana had given to this Government certain intelligence concerning the opinion of the Cuban people with regard to a po litical change; and now it reg.-iles us, in its number ofthe 19th of October instant, with a facetious letter from a, correspon dent in Havana, who with the greatest gravity assures it, that "there has been no prohibition of American newspapers here, — La Vej-dad, and one or two such, ¦excepted." So impudent a statement requires a very indulgent and clastic conscience in its author. Not oven La Cronica itself, although a salaried organ, as it is affirmed, -of the Government of Cuba, and its de fender on all occasions, has dared to deny the fact that the Captain General of Cuba ' prohibited the introduction of the papers of thiscountry in that island ; a measure dictated to Seiior Roncali by the very simple circumstance that every truly American Republican, Yankee paper, is a. shell directed against the Citadel of the colonial Government of Cuba La Cronica did not deny the prohibition, because that would have been extremely ridiculous, and the greatest proof of the deficiency of reasons for it; but in the necessity of performing its troublesome and difficult task, it dill not find any better pretence than to defend the conduct of the Spanish Government on the ground that, in such n case, absolute Governments have [usurp] a right to adopt similar measures, whether they be prohibitions of papers, violations of publie correspondence, forcible inva sions of the domestic fireside, personal searches, examinations, &e., provided these measures may give them the clue, which despots lose in this country when ever they blunder. Notwithstanding this, the Journal of Commerce, in the effusion of its ardent zeal to support these despots, outstrips La Cronica itself, and assures us that " only La Verdad, and one or two such papers, have been prohibited." Un doubtedly the meritorious Journal, con federated with the metropolitan despotism in Cuba, and with the retrograde party everywhere, has been welcome to the Co lony, lt will certainly be reeeived there with the honors which it deserves, by tho Government and its i satellites, to whoso wishes it obsequiously panders ; — honors, indeed, of which nobody will be jealous; glories, to which it is entitled, without being envied at all by free American seuls ! With respect to the veracity ofthe in telligence conveyed by its worthy corres pondent, it may derive more correct in formation from the press of this country, and particularly from tliatof New (Means. We daily examine with the greatest di ligence the American papers of all parties, and we solemnly declare that, except the Spanish papers said to be salaried by the Government of Cuba — namely ,La Cronica of New York, and the Telegraph of New Orleans, — -we have not lately met with a sirigle paper affirmin-g that there is any exaggeration in the account of the deeds of that Government, or in the picture of tbe oppression which it exerts over the Cuban people; although, long since, this has systematically been asserted by the very liberal, very christian, and very philanthropic Journal of Commerce. It has been a trifling matter for tbe con scientious Editors of the Journal, to in sult a defenctless party striving to re deem their oppressed countrymen from slavery ; it has been a trifling matter for thtse Editors to represent to the public this party as destitute of virtues, of physi cal and moral capacity ) it has been n tri fling matter to honor the Cuban patriots ready to brave all dangers to obtain this political redemption, with the strange ap- 42 A SERIES OP ARTICLES ON pellations of buccaneers and pirates ; — even more was wanting to defend the Go vernment of Cuba, — it was. necessary to insult the whole Cuban people* by denying their capacity to govern themselves under Republican' regulations. . Well then, if this was the only means of defending tyranny in Cuba, the Journal of Commerce djd not hesitate to buckle on that shield with the same gravity with which a Celtic plebeyan put on his neck the iron collar, to show his servile con dition. When shall the Cuban people acquire the capacity required by the Journal, un der the miserable Government that for three centuries and a-half has been di recting the destinies of the unfortunate colony ? Let the Journal hear it from us — That will take place when, in granting an Amnesty, no odious, mean and dastardly alterations are made in order to deny this benefit to the colonists, as have been made in that which we insert in continuation of this article. (Seedocument A.) — Thatwill be when the Island of Cuba is not governed by a military Chief, armed with all the various powers granted to him by the Royal Order herein also inserted. (See document B.)— That will be when the unhappy Cuban people are considered en titled to be represented in the congress of its /metropolis.— That will be when the Cuban colonist is at least entitled to say " this is mine ; this is my opinion ; this is my will." . And when can this take place unless we appeal to force, and, instead of complaints and humble remonstrances, we make use of the sword and of bullets ? And how shall we be able to arm our selves, if that is almost impossible at home, and the confederates Of our tyrants perse cute us without relenting abroad ? Let the Journal, impressed with the characteristic dignity of the American press, and as a worthy member of it, an swer us. Let it answer us without distorting facts, and in the spirit of that good faith which it owes to itself. But whether it answers or not, or whatever its answer may be, we declare to the world that notwithstand ing every misrepresentation of that jour nal relative to the opinion of the Cuban people, there are in Cuba true and ardent patriots, — and that they and we, in spite of foreign or domestic hostility, will exert our utmost efforts in order to obtain our redemption, or perish gloriously in the honorable attempt. (A.) " Roy^l Decree. — In consideration 0/ what has been represented to me by my Council of Ministers, I decree aa follows: Article 1 — An Amnesty, full, general, and without exception, is granted with respect to all political acts anterior to the publication of this Royal decree. Art 2. — In order to enjoy this benefit, those who wish to avail themselves of it must appear before the competent autho rities within the precise space of one month, to commence from the date of this decree. In the ultramarine provinces, and in foreign countries, the time of appearing shall commence from the publication made by the Spanish authorities, and Legations or Consulates. Art. 3. — Those who may not have taken the oath of allegiance to my Royal person and to the Constitution of the State, shall take it at the time of appearing- before the authorities or Representatives of Spain in foreign countries. Those also shall take it who may have done ostensible acts con trary to the oath , which they had pre viously taken. Art. 4. — This Amnesty does not embrace common crimes, nor prejudice the rights of third persons. Art. 5. — The respective authorities or representatives shall dictate the oppor tune dispositions with respect to the part which beltings to them, for the fulfilment and execution of this decree. Given at Aranjuez, on the 8th of June, in the year of our Lord 1849. It is signed and sealed by the Royal hand.^The Pre sident of the Council of Ministers; — the Duke of "Valencia." Senor Cortina (a senator), asked of the Governmant some explanation about cer tain points of the Decree,- which offered doubts to his mind ; and the Duke of Va lencia, President ofthe Council, answered him thus : — " If there is some doubt, and this arises in the mind of a person so en lightened as Senor Cortina, it is a suffi cient motive for the Government to give explanations about tbe Decree of Amnesty, although in other respects its meaning is clear, precise and explicit ; for beginning with the expressions of the preamble, one sees that the Decree is the law, and the Decree says that the Amnesty is general, absolute, full, and without exception. Is there anything more plain and.decisive ? And notwithstanding that, doubts arose in the mind of Senor Cortina, and perhaps of some other persons. But the Govern ment has declared that all Spaniards are included in the Amnesty ; and raising his voice, he added : All Spaniards, without exception. (General applause.) From this THE CUBAN QUESTION 43 very day all may, leave the land of their exile, and are perfectly free. (Renewed applause.) The intent of the Government would be falsified, if the Decree did not include all in the Amnesty, absolutely all Spaniards. All are equally comprised in the Decree. (Genei-al applause.) Let the Judges, Tribunals, and competent autho rities, understand it so. The Amnesty has been , granted to all Spaniards — all are worthy of the love of their Queen. (Pro longed applause on the benches and in the tribunes.)" — Gaceta de Madrid. After reading the Decree, and the an swer of the Duke of Valencia to Senor Cortina, what subject of Isabel the Second would fear lest he might not be included in the Amnesty ? Nevertheless, the colonists are not in cluded therein ; because the object of all their conspiracies is to separate the co lonies from the metropolis, and those who commit that sin are not comprised in the aforementioned Amnesty, as appears from the article which was added thereto when the Decree was published in the ultra marine possessions, which is as follows : " This Amnesty does not reach those ¦crimes committed with the purpose of se parating the ultramarine provinces from their Metropolis; and any one committed directly and positively with this object, shall be tried and sentenced by the tri bunals, and through the extraordinary faculties that the Laws of Indies bestow on Governors, Viceroys and Captains Ge neral." (B.) " Ministry of War.: — The King our Lord, in whose Royal mind the greatest confidence has been produced by the ap proved fidelity of Your Excellency, your indefatigable zeal for his Royal service, the judicious and proper measures which, since he honored you with the command Of the island, you have taken to preserve his possession, to maintain in tranquillity its faithful inhabitants, to contain within just bounds those who attempt to deviate from the path of honor, and punish those who, forgetful of their duty, dare to com mit excesses in violation of our wise laws ; and His Majesty being well persuaded that at no time and under no circumstan ces will the principles of rectitude and love to his Royal person which character ize Your Excellency be enfeebled; and His Majesty desiring to obviate the incon veniences which might result, in extraor dinary cases, from a division of command, and from the complications of power and attributions of the respective employees; for the important end of preserving in this precious island his legitimate Sove reign authority and the public tranquillity through proper means, has resolved, in accordance with the opinion of his Council of Ministers, to give to Your Excellency the fullest authority, bestowing upon you all the powers which by the Royal Ordi nances are granted to the Governors of besieged cities. In consequence thereof, His Majesty gives to Your Excellency the most ample and unbounded power, not only to separate from the island persons employed, whatever be their occupation, rank, class or condition, whose perma nency therein Your Excellency may deem injurious, or whose conduct, public or private,, may alarm you ; replacing them with servants faithful to His Majesty, and deserving of all the confidence of Your Excellency ; and also to suspend the exe cution of any order whatsoever, or general provision made concerning any branch of the administration, as Your Excellency may think most suitable to the Royal service: these measures being considered provisional, and" Your Excellency to ac count to His Majesty for his sovereign approbation. " His Majesty, in bestowing upon Your Excellency this signal testimonial of his Royal esteem, and of the high confidence which he places in your known loyalty, hopes that, corresponding to it in a worthy manner, Your Excellency will use assi duous prudence and circumspection, and at the same time an indefatigable activity and unchanging firmness in the exertion of your authority ; and trusts that Your Excellency being constituted, by this same proof of the Royal goodness, in a state of greater responsibility, will redouble your vigilance in taking care that the laws be observed, justice administered, the faith ful subjects of His Majesty protected and rewarded, and that, without any regard or dissimulation, the deviations of those be punished, who, forgetful of their obli gation and duty to the best and most be neficent Sovereign, transgress the laws,' indulging in wrong machinations, and set ting at defiance all the provisions emanat ing from the laws. " All which I communicate to Your Excellency for your intelligence, satis faction, and strictest observance. — May God protect you for many years. — Madrid, May 28th, 1825.— Aimerich." And when, in January 1836, the depu ties of Cuba addressed to the Government their respectful remonstrances, asking for the modification of this measure, very far from complying with their demand, the 44 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON Government extended the unbounded powers ofthe Colonial Dictator. [*] A QUESTION ON THE SUBJECT OF THE SPANISH AMNESTY. A royal decree of lief majesty the Queen of Spain, was published ab Afadr.d, on the Stu of June, 1849, gr.mtm? the m.sfc ample amnesty, general, and without exceptions, fur nH p ili.ie.il offences cuiuia.Eteil prjvijus to the publication of said decreo. ' Many Spanish as well as foreign newspapers hastened to insert it in their columns, in order to exalt and to eulogise such proof of the r.-yal munificence of Queen Isabel. But alas! twenty-four hums after the publication of said decree, another one was dictated, declaring td.at baid ain-" nes y would not reac i those who committed Uie crime of attempting to separate the ultramarine provinces from their metropolis. It is 1 1 be presumed, that this second act of her majesty, has either been si.enced or rem lined unu' ticed by the press ia general, as well as by the official organs of the' govern ment in Spain and abroad, from the f^et, that it has only co.ne to li^ht several months afterwards, giving them mar gin tn belijve, that it was intended to remain a secret, but to the Spanish authorities. Aud of what political crimes could the natives of Cuba be accused of; other than to attempt to give freedom to their country ? I Ib is ma.erib.1 to infer, that the restrictions to the royal decree (although gran ed to all Spanish subjects, as it was solemnly declared by the Dulce of Valencia m the Cortes,) had no other object than to deprive of its Icneiits the na tives of the Island of Cuba, the only ones who have ru-sod tliB-r cry for liberty. Andif su, will t' e Spanish government or its representa tive, D. An^el Calderon de la lUrei, or any of the papers devO'Cd to the inter ;st nf old Spain, or our contempm-ary the Journal of Commercs, who constitutes himself Che or.^an of the Captain General of the Island of Cuba, will ,any of the n answer this oar only question,: — Was there not an infamousTaud treacherous plot in con- ooctin^ the second decree, in order to ensnare many natives w'iose blind confidence would have conducted! them to the scaffold ? Let them answer and give proof to the contrary, or their silence will disclose to the world, that what we now infer is but a sad reality. The Amnesty of the Spanish Government in its Colonies. We are constrained to consider political sins committed in America against the Spanish government, as crimes of the blackest character; as no one ever heard of a pardon having been granted in a sin gle instance. Be that as it mny, it is sure that the Spanish government, ly its recent decree of a general am nesty, has for a thousandth time proved to the world one truth, which has already passed into a proverb, namely : that Spain in matters of government is incorrigible, and that her long and disastrous expe rience in America has actually taught her nothing at all. It is a matter of course, that the news papers of Madrid did their best in laud- C* ].Iu 183fi, the three deputies sent hy Cuba to the Cor'es or bpain, -were not admitted, anl a seiit in the Congress of Hie Metropolis was refused them. ing to the skies the wisdom and genero sity of the government; enlarging on the ' pathetic scenes of which the same was the cause in the assembled congress ; set ting forth in roseate colors the eloquent discourses with which it bad been greeted by some of the progressista-members ; and yielding all that was said and disen- volved in explication of some questions put, and dissatisfaction shown by a cer tain member of the ipposition; extolling the excellent results which so opportune, general and conciliating a measure was likely to secure ; and finally getting into extacies in displaying the superlative magnanimity of the Royal heart of her majesty queen Dona Isabella II. ; all which were causes for us here in America of unwonted uncertainty and doubt. With these facts, and with the assurance publicly proclaimed, thnt the amnesty of the eighth of June was to be the most com prehensive and unconditional of aU that had heretofore made their appearance, who would not have reasonably expected that its comprehensiveness and complete ness were such as not to fall short of the shores of the Island of Cuba, where that very moment two causes of political com plicity, after much apparent eclat,' had met with a premature end ? Certainly every one. What mother, what brother, what friend, what Cuban, when hearing it whispered, that the object was a recon ciliation or re-Union of all Spaniards, would not have given himself up to the gentle hope that all persecutions were now to end in Cuba, and that all exiles were to be recalled and pardoned ? — every one surely. But to what egregious decep tion did they/ lend themselves as willing instruments, who permitted access into their bosoms to such ideas, to such hopes ! The government of Spain, after having promulgated in the preamble of the de cree, and in plenary session of the cortes, that the amnesty was to be comprehensive and complete, admitting of not the least exception of any kind, and that the inten tions of the government were noble and generous in putting that decree into the hands of the Captain General of Cuba for its due execution, adds to the same: " In this amnesty, however, are not compre hended any crimes which had for their aim the separation from the mother-country of any of its dependencies beyond sea, and every and all direct and positive trans gressions tending to such an end, remain suliject to the prosecution and sentence by the tribunals and extraordinary commis sions, which the laws of the Indies concede to governors, viceroys, and Cap tains General." THE CUBAN QUESTION. 4S What does this, exception, this untoward proviso, this palpable, flat contradiction mean ? It means nothing less than that atyrantwho has lost all shame nnd fear, knows of no inconvenience which he is not ready to overleap, of no crime from which he starts back, of no, mean ness to which he does not willingly stoop to attain his ends. It means nothing less, than that to cruelty they have been will ing to add wantonness. For it is clear tliatin Cuba no other political crimes have been committed, or could ever have been committed, than those designated in the above-mentioned exception, as there are no political parties arraigned against each other, and it is for her not of the impor tance of a straw who reigns in Spain, Peter or John, Isabella II. of Bourbon, or Ooleta I. of Angola. Then, to what pur pose order the publication .and executiou of a decree of amnesty in Cuba, of which noCabancan avail himself? In order, per haps, to persuade the world that the, gov ernment feels sure ofthe Cubans, when among Spaniards it has made it an aim to conciliate, to re-unite? No, so stupid, so stolid an artifice will impose on no one; and by the light of heaven, if that lias been the object of government, it has been most egregiously mistaken. ' .The government of Spain, which ever has enjoyed a hap^y facility cf stumbling into mistakes, h»s with the recent decree of amnesty, committed ,a deliberate sui cide in America. For Cuba are consid ered good all restrictions, all extortions, every waste and spoil, and upon it are loaded all charges and contributions; but when the hour of well tempered justice, of clemency, appears — tliere is no justice, no clemency for Cuba. Haughty govern ment of Spain, write this day with a stone of fire on the tablet of thy conscience, this very day thou hast renounced thy dominion in America! For what more does a people await, whose' faces are ground into the dust by all manner of oppression, in order to rise as one man, and to shake off a galling, a maddening yoke ? Haughty government of Spain, we repeat it once more, thou thyself hast with this public and authentic act justified in the eyes of the world the insurrectien ofthe natives of Cuba, if thou hast not before sufficiently justified the same by the countless acts of tyranny with which thou never didst cease treading them in tbe dust, and if their self-preservation, threatened by thy cruelty and insatiable greediness, did not stimulate them power fully to work out the destruction of thy ¦decrepit domination in America ! In order to make this signalized affront stalk forth into tbe open light of day in all its defurraity and injustice, it is necessary that the whole world know,. that at least one-third of all the troops which garrison Cuba is made up of politi cal exiles from Spain, condemned to serve in the line; that die amnesty 'will, include them. ; that they will no linger suffer themselves to be kept ns exiles, but that. they will be seen returning home to the domestic hearths of their moi hers, their sisters, and their friends ;— -but the patriots of Cuba reniain without a gleam of hope of ever returning to the embrace of their families and friends on the soil of their nativity ! Let imbody tell us that such' will not be [the case, because the Captain General, making use of his extraordinary powers, in the circumstance of an insur rection of the Cubans being1 apprehended, will of his own authority suspend the effects of the amnesty in respect to these three or four thousand political exiles, condemned to service in thedine; for we can readily appreciate the kind of confi dence men can inspire, who are denied an act of grace, or that justice which is due them, and who are on hope, deferred re tained in service, that is to say, in capti vity, just because a civil war is apprehen ded. The actual Captain General has up to this date, made himself guilty of many a silly proceeding, as for instance, the abduction of Garcia from New Orlfeans ; but we really do not suppose him capable of making himself guilty of such a one. The actual Captain Geueral of Cuba has felt sufficient valor, or, better said, impu dence in himself, to tell the people of these United States, he had pardoned poor Garcia for famous revelations the latter disclosed to him in respect to plans which were on the tapis against Cuba; but we do not believe him to be possessed of 'suffi cient brass, nor that he is so blinded in his stupid career, as to endeavor to persuade those three or four thousand soldiers, exiled for their political opinions, that the amnesty does not reach them, and that it is necessary to have patience,. and contipue their service. These very men, nerved by the justice of their claim and the consciousness of their numbers, 'will either return home in peace with their chiefs, or will throw themselves into the ranks ofthe patriots in the hour of their common redemption. "Woe to him who denies them their rights ! In fine, if for any thing we have a rea son to be thankful to tyrants, we are grateful towards the government of Spain for the new insult it has heaped upon Cuba by the publication of its compre hensive and complete amnesty ; for by it 46 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON it has let the world know, in a manner that does not admit of a reasonable doubt, the injustice with which it treats us ; and particularly because Spain herself justi fies our insurrection iu the eyes of the world, and of this magnanimous Confeder ation, precisely in the moments that we are receiving, on the part of the American people, the most explicit proofs of the sym pathy our holy cause inspires. ANSWER OF THE SPANISH CONSUL IN NEW YORK, TO THE EXHORTA TION OF THE CAPTAIN GENERAL OF THE ISLAND OF CUBA. We have received from Havana a copy of the answer which the Spanish Consul of this eity gave to tbe exhorta tion of the Captain General ofthe island of Cuba, Don Frederick Roncali, claim ing the person of Don Cirilo Villaverde, who had just escaped from the jail of Havana, where be was shut up for six months on account of p'olitical matters. We are very well convinced that the ¦document which we now publish, be sides its appearing rather late, is depriv ed of those requisites which give authen ticity to documents of this sort; but ne vertheless, it is not less entitled to our credence, and we are not afraid that the -only person who can divest it of credit, will publicly do so, so great is the opi nion which we entertain of the veracity of th,e person who remits to us the copy from'Havana. ' We clearly perceive therefrom, that -a similar exhortation must have been .sent to Don Carlos de Espaiia, Consul of New Orleans; and from the history of the abduction of Garcia, it clearly fol lows, that the employee of her Catholic Majesty at that place, thought and act1 ed very differently from this. Such a difference speaks highly in favor of the morality and honor of Mr. Stoughton. The laws relative to refugees, are the same in all the States ofthe Confedera cy : the Consul of New Orleans was not ignorant of the fact : so that, although there is no comparison between Mr. Garcia and Mr. Villaverde, we do not doubt that if, as the latter succeeded in reaching New York, he had arrived at New Orleans, the same snares would have been laid against him, which have been laid to seize on, and send Garcia to Havana. There is no room to 'doubt it. Here is the document : " The undersigned Consul of Her C. " M. at New York, in compliance with " the requirements ofthe annexed exbor- " tation, notifies ; that, from instituted "enquiries it results, that Don Cirilo " "Villaverde, one of the named accused "persons, appeared in Savannah, and it "is believed he arrived there from the " Havana ; that from Savannah he came " to New York on the steamer " Chero- " kee," ten days ago, and is at present "in the same city; that by the laws of " these Slates the entrance of passen- " gers in these territories is altogether ''free, and without necesity of any do cument; that by virtue of the same " laws, there is no power nor means of " exacting a passport, and that even the " Consul of Her C. M. has no right to "claim it, and that therefore it is im- " possible to effect what is recommended " by the aforesaid exhortation on the sub- uject; that it has not been possible to " ascertain with exactness in what mari- " ner said Villaverde arrived at Savan-, "nah. nor acquire other information " about the escape and accomplices of " this person; that as to the others men- "tioned in the said exhortation, to wit : "Don Vincent Fernandez, and Don John "Garcia, it is not known yet that they " have appeared in New York ; all " which is made known as the result of " the inquiries made in compliance with "the aforesaid exhortation, which is re- " turned hereunto annexed. — New York " May 25, 1849. — Francis Stoughton, " Consul of Her C. Majesty." The last Conspiracy of Cuba. Just at the moment we were going to press with our present number, various newspapers came to our hands in which is inserted the Proclamation of the President of this Republic relative to an expedition to the Island of Cuba, which (as it is said) is intended. We keep back, for the present, other ma terials which we had prepared, and postpone the publication of our perio dical, not so much for the importance THE CUBAN QUESTION, 47 and novelty of the matter, as for the comments made concerning it by some papers, such as The Republic, and_T/ie Intelligenar, of Washington ; which i being, aa is generally supposed, organs ofthe Government, must be apprised of the political march of the various ad ministrations which have succeeded each other since the year 1827, — which should have been the first of the Inde pendence of Cuba ; and particularly of that which at present directs the affairs of this Republic. W^ do not know that'any invasion of the Island of Cuba by Americans, has been projected or intended; but we do know, as all the world knows, that whether a revolutionary movement be made from foreign shores, or in the in terior of the island, it cannot fail to be effected in Cuba. Things, as well in the physical as in the moral order, have- their limits fixed by nature. The Island of Cuba is not only a victim of tyranny and of the depredations and insults of Spain ; but. instead of being enabled to cherish a hope of relief in her unhappy situation, every day she sees the sum of her suf fering increased, every day she is most arbitrarily and insolently oppressed. cheated and humbled. What is ex pected from ns 1 Is it expected that we should be the Job of nations % We can not be that, because men are not sus ceptible of so much equanimity — after suffering with patience and resignation for two centuries and upwards. We have drank of the chalice of bitterness and ignominy to the very dregs, and have been thereby rendered lethargic by the metropolis. Can it be required now that we fold our arms and wait until the chalice is again filled, that it may again be drained by us^ Is.it re quired of us that we should be, among the people of the < nineteenth century, as the Helots whom the Spartans made drunk, in order to inspire their children with a horror of the vice '? — Oh ! but it is already too late ! The iron hand of despotism has not been able to annihi late in our hearts the sentiment of out dignity, the knowledge of our strength, the appreciation of our rights, or the anxiety for our liberty ; and we will he free, or cease to exist as a people, avan +>mnrt>h wp should be doomed to the life of a wandering race, without country and without a name ; for even at the present we have neither, but to be oppressed and affronted ! But let us confine our attention more particularly to- the matter relative to our article. The proclamation of General Taylor, as well as the comments which have been made upon the cause of it by some periodicals, are grounded on the obli gation to preserve the faith of tbe trea ties of peace and amity existing be tween Spain and the United, States, and '¦ which would be violated by the go vernment ofthe latter, if it should per mit that in its territory an expedition. should be raised and equipped to invade- in a warlike manner the Island of Cuba." Certain it is, that the obligations and treaties existing between governments are sacred; but it is' also certain that they have their limits. We are ready to acknowledge the justice and legality of all acts which 'may be necessary to maintain inviolate the faith of treaties ; but we protest against all and each of them which may exceed those limits in the least tittle ; and even more firmly do we protest against the denial of any act of grace that might be granted in favor of the liberty of Cuba. Governments, we repeat, ^ave sacred obligations between* them, in conse quence of special agreements, and for mutual benefit. But do no sacred obli gations also exist between the Govern ment and the people 1 Are there not greater and more stringent obligations on the part of free Governments, to wards civilized people l Are there no obligations, also, between people— chil dren ofthe same civilizatipn, neighbors- identified in interests— people who al most form but one, although fate has made the one free and happy, and the- other unhappy and enslaved ? A faithfulness ill understood, a zeal carried to, an extreme, in the fulfilment of those compacts between Governments,. deprived us once alrealy of liberty, in, 1827. " The acquisition of that liberty," say some, "might have been fatal to the very people who were desirous of it." We shall not stop to refute so weak and vague an objection ; but}, how many positive evils, how many real misfor tunes haves been the result of that con- 48 A SERIES OF ARTICLES ON THE CUBAN QUESTION. duct ! — More than a million of African savages imported into the Island of Cuba; insurrections of slaves' and tor tures, gibbets and slaughter, to punish and subdue them ; new fetters added to those, which oppressed Cuba; arbitrary and cruel imprisonments, atrocious and unrelenting persecutions, banishments. sentences of death, execulions— all, all that there is most contrary anl re pugnant to humanity ! And all this where, and why '! Where 1 At the very gates of the great American Confede racy, which stands at the head of the civilization of the New World. Why 1 We forbear to state tbe cause, although it burns our heart in secret. We cannot believe that the faith of treaties between Governments is to be carried to' the point of obstinately sa crificing a causo which is eternal and universal, to the interest of a period and of a fraction. Let us be clearer : — we cannot be persuaded that treaties made between the United Slates and Spain before its colonies were fit to be emancipated from metropolitan guar dianship, oblige the cabinet of Wash ington to act as zealous a part as tha' of the very cabinet of Madrid, in order to frustrate an expedition to Cuba, should such a project exist. Should the exertions of the first-named cabinet be so great, would there not be sufficient foundation for saying that the Govern ment of the Republic of the United States is, in America, what the Govern ment of the French Republic is in Eu rope — because tbe one destroys the li berty of Rome, and the other would de stroy the liberty of Cuba 1 We repeat that we are aware of the sacredness and lawfulness of the mutual obligations which Governments impose on eadh other by their treaties ; but we also repeat that these have their just limits, which ought not on any account be exceeded. And if. on the one hand. it is a.duty of President Taylor to main tain the honor of the American Govern ment by opposing the infraction of those compacts; it is also his duty, and a no less imperious one, to maintain that same national honor by complying with what the Republican cause, the cause of Justice and of Humanity, demands pf the cliildren of Washington, who are their natural and chosen defenders. What would the world say, if tbe flag of the stars and stripes should be un furled against every standard of liberty 1 Less oppressed than wc are, the Ame rican people rose against England, and on the fields of Bunker's Hill, Monmouth, Yorktown and others, gloriously gained their independence, Well, we ask, would not the1 Thirteen Colonies exist even to this day. instead of the Thirty States, if the British nation had been bricked by some slrong and friendly |iower, over-zealous in keeping compacts of amity and peace 1 Again and again we state, that the certainty of an expedition to Cuba we do not possess. But whether it be on foot or not ; whether it be realized or frustrated ; what cannot be doubted is, that the Cuban people wish and .are de termined to be free, — that if one attempt failed yesterday, another will be made to-morrow, — that if that of 1848 was frustrated, that of 1850 will be realized, — and another, and a thousand more will follow each other more ardently nnd in more quick succession, if we are unlucky, until we attain our object, which iis that of being free ! Ultimately we, as organ' of the peo ple truly Cuban, invoke all the people and Governments of free America ! — We present our cause before that Areopagus of the New World, and wait with confi dence for its judgment. We do not demand anything which is not just; but let our judges remem ber tbe days when they sallied forth to the fight to conquer their liberty, and let them reflect that we now find our selves placed in a similar situation. Printed at the Office of" La Vzudad," JVo. 102, JVassau Street. 7358