YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift of Joseph Parker Esq. 1886 THB WORKS HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT THE WORKS HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT. VOLUME xn. HISTORY OF MEXICO. Vol. IV. 1804-1824. SAN FEANCISCO : A. L. BANCEOFT & COMPANT, PUBLISHEES. 1885. Entered according to Act of Congress in the Tear 1885, by HUBEET H. BANCEOFT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at ¦\N*ashington. All Riijhts Reserved. CGNTElNrTS OF THIS VOLUME. CHAPTER I. ETTEOPE IN THE EARLY PART OF THE NINETEENTH CENTCTEY. The Little Man from Corsica— He Makes All the World Tremble— Gen eral View of Politics and Society — Attitude of England, Prussia, and Austria — A Glance at Spain's History — Rulers for Three Centuries — Eetrogressions and Eeactions — Prime Ministers — Peace and War — England aud France ¦will not let Spaniards be Free — Position of the United States — Chronic Braggadocio — There are Soldiers and Heroes iu Mexico as Well 1 CHAPTER n. ADMINISTEATION OF VICEROY ITUERIGARAT. 1803-1808. Causes of the Eevolution of Independence — Arrival of the Viceroy— His Antecedents and Comportment — The "V iceregal Family — Sordidness ot Iturrigaray — His Visit to the Mines — Public Improvements — In troduction of Vaccination — Sequestration of Property— Effect on the Land Owners — Humboldt's Visit — International Complications — Demands for Treasure — DiiEculties ¦with the United States — War with England — Military Preparations — European Affairs — Abdica tion of Cdrlos IV. — Iturrigaray's Indifference — Effects in Mexico of Events in Spain — Power of the Inquisition — Attitude of the Press — Sparks of Eevolution 12 CHAPTER III. iturrigaray's deposal. 1808. The Ayuntamiento Claims Sovereignty of the People — A National Con gress Proposed — Opposition of the Audiencia — Glad Tidings from the Peninsula — Four Memorable Juntas — Eival Spanish Juntas — Angry Debates — Conspiracy to Depose the Viceroy — Yermo Takes the Lead— Iturrigaray's Apathy — A Midnight Coup d'Etat— The Vice- vi COXTi:XTS. pAoa roy in Dnranco — Garibay Appointed his Successor — ^Fatc of Iturri garay's Supportc-i-s — lie is Sent to Spain — His E.ich S-n-tetmeats — Indictment for Treason — Acquittal — Eesidencia — Heavy Fines — Change of Opinions— The Sentence Annulled— Iturrigaray's Inten tions Analyzed — Bibliography , 40 CHAPTER IV. ¦VICEROYS GARIBAY AXD LIZANA. 1808-1810. Garibay's Character — A Badge of Loyalty — Eeorganization of the Army — Bonapartist Intrigues — Lampoons and Seditious Sheets — Effect of Eeverses in Spain — Establishment of a Junta Consultiva — Preten sions to the Throne of Mexico — Archbishop Lizana Appointed Vice roy — Eemittances to Spain — Lizana's Character — The Junta de Segu- ridad — Eevolution at Valladolid — Spanish American Eepresentation in the Cortes — Lizana Eemoved from OflSce — Weak Administration of the Audiencia — French Emissaries — Arrival of Viceroy Venegas — His Antecedents, Character, and Personal Appearance — Titles and Honors from Spain 67 CHAPTER V. OrEN'ING OF THE WAE OF INDEPENDENCE. 1810. Development of Queretaro — Affairs in Guanajuato — Tlie Town of Do lores — Its Cura, Jligucl Hidalgo j' Costilla — Secret Meetings of Eev olutionists — Ignacio Allende — Plotting at San Miguel — General Plan of Uprising — Hidalgo's Biogi'aphy — Arrests — The Corregidor Im prisoned — His Acquittal — His Biography — El Grito de Dolores — Hidalgo Marches to San Miguel — A Tumultuous AiTay — The Sacred Banner — Success of the Insurgents at San Miguel — Pillaging — Hi dalgo Proclaimed Captain-general — He Enters Cfelaya — He .-ip- points a New Ayuntamiento ',io CHAPTER NI. THE ALh6xDIOA OF GrAXAJTATO T.\KEN BY STORM. 1810. Local History of G.anajuato — Alarm in the City — Defensive Measures of Intendeiite Eiaiio — The Alhundiga de Granadit;is — An Interesting Manuscript — liiafio Eitires to tho Alhdiuliga — Hidalgo Summons Eiafio to Surrender — The Attack — .V Murderous Contest — Eiaiio's Deatli — His Biography — Confusion in thc AUioudiga — The Barri cades Won by the Insurgents — They Gain Entrance — Beiziibal's Fall — His Biography — Number of tlic killed — Acts of lloroism — I'ilUigo and 1 'evastation 130 CONTENTS. vii CHAPTER VII. hidalgo's maech toward THE CAPITAL. 1810. PAGE Military Preparation of Venegas — Action of the Church and Inquisi tion — Hidalgo's Eeply — He Abolishes Slavery — His Administrative Measures at Guanajuato — A Eefractory Ayuntamiento — Hidalgo Establishes a Jlint — Marches against Valladolid — Additional Eeen- forcements — Hidalgo's Treasury — The Insurgents Move toward Mexico — Trujillo Despatched to Oppose their Advance — Trcjillo's Character — Iturbide's Biography — Trujillo's Movements — The Battle of Las Cruces — The Eoyalists Force their Way Out — Their Defeat Eegarded as a Triumph — Alarm in the Capital — Another Sacred Banner — Hidalgo Perplexed 158 CHAPTER VIIL PROGRESS OF THE BEVOLUTION. 1810. Calleja's Preparations — His Biography — Engagement at Queretaro — Ca lleja Joins Forces with Flon — Chavez Eepulsed at Queretaro — Calle ja's Movements — The Dispersion of the Insurgents at Aculco — Calleja Eeturns to QueriStaro — Character of Torres — Defensive Measures of Abaroa in Jalisco — Insurgent Operations in Jalisco — Engagement at La Barca — The Eoyalists Defeated at Zacoalco — Guadalajara Surren ders to Torres — Mercado Gains Possession of San Bias — Eevolution in Zacatecas — Flight of the Europeans — An Unfortunate Intendente — Iriarte enters Zacatecas — The Commission of Doctor Cos — A Daring Scheme — San Luis Potosi Won by an Insurgent Friar — A Treacherous Visitor — San Luis Sacked 192 CHAPTER IX. the ROYALISTS RECAPTURE GUANAJUATO. 1810. Allende Eeturns to Guanajuato — Preparations for Defence — The First Attack — Calleja's Plan — He Takes AUende's Batteries — Calleja, the Avenger — His Proclamation — An Execution Scene in the Alhdndiga ¦ — A General Pardon Extended — The Government Eeoganized — Calleja Marches for Guadalajara — Hidalgo at Valladolid — And at the Cerro del Molcajete — Hidalgo's Reception at Guadalajara — Establishes a Government — Eayon's Biography — Letona's Mission and Death — The ' Dispertador Americano ' and Printing-press^Prep- arations for War 216 viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. SPREAD OF THE REVOLUTION' A.ND BATTLE OF CALDERON. 1810-1811. FAGB Hermosillo's Operations in Sinaloa — Successes at Eosario — His Defeat at San Ignacio — Spread of the Eevolution in Nuevo Santander — Coa huila and Nuevo Leon Revolt — Villagran's Doings— Biography of Cruz — Plan of Calleja— Tumult in Valladolid— Cruz Enters Vallado lid — He Eeorganizes the Government — Engagement at Urepetiro — Allende Joins Hidalgo at Guadalajara — A Council of War — Hidalgo Takes up a Position at the Bridge of Calderon— Plan of Battle-field — Calleja's Dispositions — Flon's Impetuosity — The Eevolutionists Nearly Triupiphant — Their Final Defeat — Death of Flon — His Char acter 237 CHAPTER XI. hidalgo's capture and death. 1811. Cruz Joins Calleja at Guadalajara — Humility of the Audiencia, Church, and University — Calleja Establishes a Junta de Seguridad — Cruz Re gains San Bias — Death of Mercado — Hidalgo Compelled to Surren der his Command — The Insurgent Leaders Retire tc Saltillo — They Decide to Go to the United States — Operations in San Luis Potosi — Death of Herrera — Counter-revolution in Texas — Capture and Exe cution of Ignacio Aldama — Elizondo's Treacherous Plot — Capture of Hidalgo and Revolutionary Chiefs — Iriarte's Death — The Captives are Sent to Chihuahua — Their Trial — Abasolo's Deposition — Execu tions — Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction — Hidalgo's Execution — His Char acter 259 CHAPTER xn. MORELOS AND KAYON. 1811. State of the Revolution after Hidalgo's Capture — Biography of Jlorelos — His Character — His Meeting with Hidalgo and Commission — Morelos in Michoacan — The Royalist Pi'iris Defeated — Morelos ^Marches to Chilpancingo — The Family of the Bravos — Capture of Tixtla — Defeat of the Royalist Fucntes — A Conspiracy Suppressed — Rayon Retreats from Saltillo — He Defeats Ochoa — A Terrible March — The Platfonn of the Insurgent Leader — Rayon Evacuates Zacatecas — Trujillo's Doings in Valladolid — Eetreat ot tho Insur gents 290 CONTEXTS. ix CHAPTER XIII. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JUNTA DE ZITAcUAEO. 1811. PAGE Calleja s New System of Military Organization— Suppression of the In surrection in Nuevo Santander- Pacification of San Luis Potosi — Defeat of Insurgents in Guanajuato — Porlier's Operations in Nueva Galicia — Torre's Activity and Severity— His Defeat at Zitdcuaro, and Death — Eayou Fortifies Zitdcuaro — Empdran Eeturns to Spain^ Conspiracy to Seize the Viceroy — Proclamation of Calleja — Events iu Michoacan — Condition of Guanajuato — Spread of the Eevolution. 317 CHAPTER XIV. SIEGE OF CUAUTLA. 1811-1812. Doctor Cos Joins Eayon— The Eevolutionary Press — Perplexity of Vene gas — Bishop Campillo's Failure as a Mediator — Second Campaign of Morelos — Calleja Takes Zitdcuaro — Destruction of the City — Eeverses of Porlier — Arrival of Spanish Troops — Triumphal Entry of Calleja iuto Mexico — Jealousy of Venegas — Calleja Marches against Cuautla — Description of the City — Llano at Iziicar — Calleja Eepulsed — Cuautla Invested — Sufferings of the Besieged — Moreloa Evacuates the City — Calleja Retums to the Capital '.... 343 CHAPTER XV. ¦WAR MEASUEES AND MOVEMENTS. 1812. Financial Distress and Arbitrary Measures — Insurgents Sack Huamautla and Capture Trains — The Suprema Junta's Movements and Acts — Doctor Cos' Plans of Peace and War — Viceregal Course^Inde- pendent Press — Bad Guerrillas — Eosains and his Troubles — Cam paigns in Puebla, Michoacan, and Bajio de Guanajuato — Operations of Garcia Conde, Negrete, and Iturbide against Albino Garcia — Cap ture and End of This Leader — Torres' Execution— 111 Success of Liceaga aud Cos in Guanajuato — Eaids in San Luis Potosi 376 CHAPTER XVI. PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 1812. Capture of Tehuacan — ^Massacre of Prisoners — Curates of Maltrata and Zongolica Join the Revolution — Orizaba Captured and Retaken— Eevolutionary Plans at Vera Cruz and Perote — Communication Ee- opened by Eoyalists — Insurgent Operations — Capture of Pachuca with Immense Booty — Cruel Shooting of Prisoners — Towns Eecap- X CONTEXTS. PA3& tured by Royalists — Arrest of Leonardo Bravo and Companions — Their Execution— Noble Deed of Xicolds Bravo— Venegas Offers Pardon to Penitent Rebels, and a, Reward for Jlorelos' Capture — Venegas and (Jalleja at Enmity — Rayon's Unsuccessful Attack on Toluca — Defeat at Tenango — Dispersion of the Supreme Junta 397 CHAPTER xvn. EAYON president; MORELOS IN THB SOUTH. 181 '2. President Rayon at Tlalpujahua — His Relations with the Villagranes — Royalist Successes on the Nortli of Jlexico — Affairs in Slichoacan — Father Salto and his Execution — Venegas' Sanguinary Decree — In surgent Priests Deprived of their Immunity — Episcopal Indifference — Excitement in Jlexico — Second Anniversary of Independence Cele brated — Ptamon Rayon's Profitable Movements — Attack ag.iinst Ix- miquilpan a Failure — Rayon's Arrangements with Royalist Traders — Proposed Negotiations for Peace — Assault of Yanhuitlan — Siege of Huahuapan — Trujano's Brilliant Defence — Morelos Comes to the Rescue and Wins a Victory — Gates of Oajaca Opened to Him 420. CHAPTER xvin. AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN SPAIN. 1811-181-2. Government of Spain — The Cdrtes and National Sovereignty — Cliaractcr of the Members — The Diputacion Americana and its Policy — Its De mands and Character of Concessions — Deputy Perez from Puebla — Deputy Cisneros Asks for Jlexican Autonomy and Eventual Inde pendence — Arizpe — Mier — Forced Lo.nn — Representation of the Con- sulado of Mexico — British Offers of Mediation — Xational Constitu tion as Adopted — Its Publication in Mexico — The Press — Election of Ayuntamientos — Animosity of the Natives toward the Spaniards — Constitution Practically Suspended 441 CHAPTER XIX. SUCCESS OF MOKELOS. 1812-1813. Morelos' Third Campaign— Chilapa RetnUcn — Reoccupation of the Coim try to Acapulco — ilatamoros at Work in Izi'ic.ir — Nicolas Bravo's Victories — Viceregal Tribulations — Publicjition of I>ecrees of tho Spanish Cortes — Death of Tnijano— Morelos" Visit to Oziinib.a He Attacks a Eoy.alist Convoy — Takes Orizaba — Defeat on the HciL;hts of Aculoingo — C.nptures Oajaca — Enormous Booty — iLstablishment of Governinent— Victor and JNIigucl Biavo's CanipaiL;u to Jauiiltepec Morelos' Plans — Venegas Superseded — Review of his Rule 4CS CONTENTS. xi CHAPTER XX. VICEROY CALLEJA AND HIS PLANS. 1813. PAGE CaUeja's Character and Appearance — How the Appointment was Eeceived — Condition of Affairs — Fresh Taxes and Loans — Eeforms — Insur gent Heroine — Constitution of 1812 Enforced — Inquisition Disap pears — Increase of Crime — Protests and Counter-appeals — Extent of Insurrection — Calleja's Campaign Plan — Eoyalist Positions — Verdus- co's Fiasco — Eayon's Tour of Inspection — Quarrel between the Lead ers — Iturbide's Victory at Salvatierra 495 CHAPTER XXI. OPERATIONS AGAINST RAYON, VlLLAGRAN, AND OSORNO. 1813. Siege of Cerro del Gallo — The Poisoned Well — Insurgent Forces and their Tactics — Movements in Guanajuato — Sway of the Villagranes — Their Sudden Fall — Huasteca Campaign — Osorno and his Terri tory — Terreiio's Military Promenade — Osorno Irrepressible — Admin istration of Cruz in New Galicia — Frontier Operations — Chapala Lake and its Eovers — Division of Provincias Internas — Lara's Exploits iu Texas — ^A Flicker in the Orient 513 CHAPTER XXII. CONGRESS OF CHILPANCINGO. 1813. Morelos' March to Acapulco — He Besieges and Captures It — Eoyalist Eeaction — Piaxtla — Guerrillas and their Doings— Bravo's Opera tions — His Repulse at Alvarado — Siege of Coscomatepec — Orizaba Surprised — Second Royalist Defeat at San Agustin del Palmar — Its Consequences — Discord in the Suprema Junta — Congress of Chil pancingo — Eayon's Action — Morelos the Generalissimo and Siervo de la Nacion — Declaration of National Independence — Constitution — Jesuits 545 CHAPTER XXIII. FALL OF MORELOS. 1813-1814. Morelos Marches against Valladolid — Calleja's Counter-movement — Ee- pulse at the Gate of Zapote — Brilliant Charge by Iturbide — Defeat and Death of Matamoros — The Congress Asserts Itself — Armijo Overruns Teepan Province — Galeana Falls — Maleadministration iu Oajaca — Alvarez's Triumphant Entry — The Enchanted Mountain— xii CONTEXTS. PAGE Speculations with Convoys— Quarrel and Jlisconduct of Rayon and Rosains— Expedition against Zacatlan and Flight of Eayou— Man- hunting in the Central Provinces ^^" CHAPTER XXIV. C0NI3TITCTI0NAL CHANGES. 1814. Changed Aspect of tho Eevolution— Depression on Both Sides— Pro posed Eestriction of Passports and Export of Treasure— Causes of the Exodus of the Spaniards— Fresh Taxes— Restoration of Fer nando VIL— Constitution of 1812 is Annulled and Autocracy Rees tablished — Feeling in New Spain — Insurgent Constitution — Its Pro visions and Analysis — How it was Received — Election of Officers under the New Constitution — Liceaga President — Commemorative Medal— Constitution Ordered Read by the Curas — Relations with the United States 592 CHAPTER XXV. DEATH OF MORELOS. 1815. The Revolutionists on Cdporo Hill — Positions of the Insurgent Forces — Determination of Calleja — Siege of Cuporo — Repulse of Iturbide — Attempted Surprise of Jilotepec — Eamon Eayou is .Shorn of his Triumph — Claveriuo's Movement Southward — Iturbide Chases the Congress — Insubordination of Doctor Cos — He is Arrested and Con demned to Death, but is Discharged — Death of Doctor Cos — His Character — The Eevolutionary Government Migrates — It is Over taken at Tezmalaca — Capture of Morelos — His Trial — Degradation and Penance — The Last Auto-de-f6 — Execution of the Great Leader — Eeflections on his Character — Two Mexican Writers on This Period 60S CHAPTER XXVI. LAST CAMPAIGNS UXDEE CALLEJA. 1815-1816. Effect of Morelos' Fall — Respective Strength of Insurgents and Royalists — Intrigues and Overthrow of Rosaius — He Joins the Euemy — Teran Rises in Fame and Influence — Arrival of the Cougress at Tehuacan — It is Forcibly Dissolved — Tho Goazaooaleo Expedition — Fii-st Naval Victory for tho Mexican Flag — Tho Mounted Raiders of Apam Plains — Osorno's Last Campaign — Tho Convoy Service iu Vera Cruz — Miyarcs' Measures for its Protection — Operations under A'ictoria and his Associates — Bravo and Guerrero ou the South Coast C26 CONTENTS. xiu CHAPTER XXVII. ¦VICEROY APODACA AND HIS VIGOROUS MEASURES. 1816-1817. PAGE Causes Which Sustained the Eevolution — Eeview of Calleja's Eule — Character of the New Viceroy Apodaca— Measures to Gain Adhe sion — Combined Movement against Tehuacan — Its Siege and Surren der — Deplorable Weakness of Teran — Vera Cruz is Swept by the Eoyalists — Their Snecesses in Mizteca — The Council of Jaujilla — Strife in JlichoacaU' — Tarnished Eeputation of Ramon Rayon — The Five Years' Siege of Mescala is Ended — Treachery of Vargas- Movements in the North — The Declining Insurrection Centres in Guanajuato — Apodaca's Success 645 CHAPTER XXVni. mina's expedition. 1817. A Famous Navarrese Guerrilla — Preparing for the Enterprise — The Land ing at Soto la Marina — Alarm of the Royalists — The Victory at Peotillos — Penetrating the Interior — Traits of Mina — Overthrow of Ordoiiez and Castailon — Liberation of Prisoners — Jealousy of Torres — Character of Mexican Guerrillas — Fall of Soto la Marina — Siege of Fort Sombrero — Ravages of Thirst and Sword — The Bulwark of Independence — Jlina's Field Operations — Repulse at Guanajuato — Capture and Execution of Mina — Eefipctions on his Undertaking — Siege and Fall of Los Eemedios — Bibliography 059 CHAPTER XXIX. PLAN OF IGUALA. 1817-1821. Capture of Insurgent Chiefs — Fort of Jaujilla — Dispersion of the Junta — Pardon Accepted by Numerous Leaders — A Flickering Light — Affairs in Spain — The Spanish Constitution Proclaimed in Mexico — Election of Deputies — Thoughts of Independence — Iturbide Re appears — Diversity of Political Opinions — Plots to Overthrow the Constitution — Iturbide in Command — Well-disguised Designs — Overtures to Guerrero — Independence Proclaimed — The Plan of Iguala — Measures of the Viceroy 688 CHAPTER XXX. TRIUMPH OF THE REVOLUTION. 1821. Discouraging Prospects — Independence Proclaimed at Guanajuato — Valladolid Capitulates — The Provincias Internas Revolutionized — Iturbide at Queretaro — Apodaca's Dcjiosal — His Conduct Discussed xiv CONTENTS. PAGE —His Successor— Bravo Joins the Eevolutionists— Operations in Puebla and Vera Cruz— Santa Anna Eepulsed at Vera Cruz— Vic toria's Eeappearance— Iturbide Enters Puebla— Arrival of O'Donojii —His Antecedents— Treaty of C6rdoba— Novella Hesitates to Recog- ^ nize O'Donojii— Iturbide Enters the Capital— End of the Revolutiou. 712 CHAPTER XXXI. THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUXTA. lS21-lS-:2. Installation of the Junta— Appointment of a Regency— Its Cabinet— O'Donojii's Death— Iturbide's llewards- Army Promotions- Sur render of Perote, Acapulco, and Vera Cruz— Murder of Colonel Concha— Flight of Europeans— The Press— Political Factions- Measures for Convoking Congress— Iturbide's Interference— Con spiracy— Its Failure— Condition of the Country— The Revenue— The Mining Industry— A Forced Loan and Arbitrary Measures— Reor ganization of the Anny— Union of Central America with the Em pire — Measures for its Representation — Eeflections on the Adminis tration of the Junta ' ¦J^* CHAPTER XXXn. THE FIRST COXORESS AXD FIEST EMPEROR. 1822. The Installation— Taking the Oath under Pressure — The Firet Misunder standing-Political Parties— Pleasures for Relief of the Treasury- Disagreements ou the Army Question — A Counter-revolution — Gen eral Ddvila's Action — Iturbide and Congress at Open War — Pro^rress of Republicanism — Iturbide I'loclaimed Emperor by a Popular Emeute — A Stormy Congressional Session — Agustin I. Recognized — Joy in the Provinces — The Imperial Family and Household — Diffi culties of the Treasury — The Council of State — The Coronation 757 CHAPTER XXXm. DETHRONEMENT AND DEATH OF ITURBIDE. 1S2-2-1S24. Inauguration of the Order of Guadalupe — Padre Mier — Short-lived Har mony — Arrest of Deputies — Iturbide Attempts to Reorganize Con gress — His Preposterous Claims — Ho Dissolves the Assembly — A Junta Instituyento Established — Appropriation of .Spaniards' Money — Aff'airs at Vera Cruz — Santa Anna in Di...gi-ace — Iturbide Visits Jalapa — Santa Anna Revolts — Republicanism Proclaimed — Progress of the Insurrection — Reverses — Influence of tho Masonic Ordcr — Change ot Tactics — Plan of Casa Mata — Iturbiilo's Conciliatory Ac tion — Cougress Ri installed — Tho Emperor Abdicates — His Depart ure from Mexico — His Returu aud IKath 779 HISTORY OF MEXICO. CHAPTER I. EUROPE IN THE EARLY PART OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. The Little Man from Corsica — He Makes All the World Tremble — General View of Politics axd Society — Attitude of England, Prussia, and Austria — A Glaxce at Spain's History — Rulers for Three C'exiuries — Retrogressions and Reactions — Prime Mixis- TERS — Pe.\ce axd War — England axd Fuance will not Let Span iards BE Free — Position of the L'xited States — Chronic Brag gadocio — There are Soldiers and Heroes in Mexico as Well. At the opening of the nineteenth century Europe was in a state of unusual commotion. There had come from Corsica to Paris a bow-legged, olive- cheeked little man who had set the rulers of the earth and their wise men by the ears. They were exceed- inoflv fritrhtened, and knew not what to do. For this personage had set at work several hundred thousands of their subjects killing each other; to wliat purpose, it puzzled them to say, unless it was to show how to make dupes and donkeys of them all — only donkeys are too sensible beasts to cut and mangle and raurder each other in such a wholesale maimer at the instiga tion of any one. Louis XVI. was guillotined in ] 793. His prede cessor, after a life of debauchery with his Pompadours and Dubarrys, and under the intellectual libertinism of Voltaire and Rousseau, had died leaving a debt of four thousand millions of livres. After that was the tiers etat, followed by the storming of the Bastile Vol. IV. 1 2 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTUEY. midst mobs and bl< )ody revolution. Paper money was made. Hereditary titles were discontinued. Church property was seized. Christianity was abolished — though reestablished before 1801— and rea.son was enthroned. The constitution was changed, and a siiecies of bastard rcpuljlicanism propagated. As the head of Louis Capet rolled upon the scaffold, insulted royalty rose throughout Europe. But France was still raad, and it was not until Robespierre was brought beneath the guillotine that the reign of terror was ended. And thus was opened the way for Xapoleon Bonaparte. Taking the popular side in the revolution, and with the aid of his matchless military genius, Xapoleon was general of the army at the age of twenty-five. In 1796 he drove back the Austrians and conquered Italy. Venice fell the following year, and the cisal pine republic was formed out of the ^Milanese and Mantuan states. Egypt was atterapteil in 1798, but Nelson was in the ]\letliterranean and prevented the loss of India to Great Britain. The following year the First Consul's proposals of peace to England were decidedly rejected by George III. Austria's turn came again in 1800, and in 1801 the northern king doms were united in a league against England. In 1802 Fiance regained her islands in the West Indies lost by Louis XV. to the Enghsh. The CuJe Xct- poUon was formed. Notwithstanding the peace of Aniieiis, in ] 803, Great Britain was pi ickeil into fresh outbreaks. ]\Iade emperor of France and king of Italy in 1804, Napoleon, who was so sadly disturbing the time-honored balances of power, now found united against him, England, Russia, Austria, and Sweden. The game of 1805 was played off Trafalgar and at Austerlitz, and at its close all Europe lay at the feet of the little man from Corsica. Prussia claimed his attention in 180G, Russia in 1S07, Spain in 1S08, and uViistria in 1809-10. Here marks the higliest point attained. In 1812 came the Russian campaign; in FEANCE AXD ENGLAND. 3 1813 the French armies were driven from Spain; and in 1814 Napoleon was at Elba. Another flash of glory; then in 1815 Waterloo and St Helena, and in 1821— death. INIeanwhile England, having lost the fairest portion of her American provinces, and being deeply in debt from her many European complications and much fighting, was reduced to an unhappy condition. The toilers had great burdens to bear, which were placed upon them mercilessly by all the rest, manufacturers, land owners, and rulers. Everytliing was excessively taxed, while wages were reduced, sometimes one half. The slave-trade obtained. Forty thousand negroes were annually taken on board by English ships for tlieir West India colonies, half of them perishing by the passage. In a word, manners were coarse and usages cruel. Prussia was badly broken by the war, losing large parts of her domains. There was some disaffection among the German people, but it was checked without difficulty by the strong arm of roy alty. Francis and Prince Metternich ruled Austria with an ii'on despotism, preventing freedom of thought or speech, and holding over the press strict censor ship. With the centuries Spain has continued to decline, until it is many tinies thought that the bottom lias been reached, but only after a little rise to find a lower depth. Yet, during a portion of the three im becile reigns of the seventeenth century— Felipe III., 1598-1G21; Felipe IV, 1G21-16G5; and Carlos IL, 1GG5-1700 — we find continued for a time the brilliant age of literature and art, dating from the rule of their predecessor. There are Luis de Leon, Castilian Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and Quevedo; Calderon de la Barca, and other writers; and Ribera, Velazquez, and jNIurillo, painters. Meanwhile the army becomes greatly demoralized; the country is left almost de fenceless; the naval strength is reduced to nothing; 4 EUROPE AT THE OPEXIXG OF THE CEXTURY. the mercliant marine is next to nothing, the art of ship-building being lost, Italy, France, und England doing Spain's carrying; while pirates and filibusters ravasfe colonial waters, and industries and trade fall O f into the hands of foreigners. The eighteenth centur}^ opens with a thirteen years' war for the succession, when the house of Bourbon crowds out the house of Hapsburg. Of the Bourbon princes before Joseph Bonaparte, are Felipe V., 1700- 1746; Fernando VL, 1746-1759; Carlos IIL, 1759- 1788; Carlos IV, 1788-1808; and Fernando VIL, the same year. Following Bonaparte, 1808-1814, is Fernando VII. till 1833, Isabel IL till 1868, a brief period of republicanism, 1868-9, Amadeoof the house of Savoy, 1871-3, then more republican dictatorships, and finally the house of Bourbon again restored in the person of Alfonso XII. Out of the necessary discipline incident to the war of the succession grows some improvement. Agri culture and industry are revived. Legislation is in some degree purified. The wings of the holy see are clipped, and the church stripped of part of its prop erty and influence. Fernando VL, being small in body, v.eak in mind, full of fear and hj^Dochondria, and withal of a kind and benevolent disposition, the country re- cupeiates somewhat under his rule. Retrenchments are made. Thc inquisition is emptied. Sorae defences are restored, industry and commerce are cultivated, and other reforms instituted. Carlos III. is an al)ler man and makes more mis chief Church and inquisition are still further checked and the Jesuits are expelled. ^Vmong the reformers of the period are Count Arandn, an Aragon grande of Flench proclivities and friend k\'( Voltaire; Count Camporaant's, a man of culture and literary activity, a ]Kitriot and friend of progress; and Count Florida- blama, who iu 1777 succeeds Campomanes as prime minister. Tlio last named is less bigotetl than his age, though opposed to French radicalism; while re- DECADENCE OF SPAIN. 5 straining the influence of the church, he protects it. He is a man of talents and culture, less statesraan than manager, and believing in autocracy and unques tioning obedience. But whatever the principles held in theory, put into' practice through the agency of ignorant, indolent, and corrupt oflScials, they fall far short of their purpose. There is hostility with Eng land in 1779-83. In 1781-2 Spain i^uts clown au insurrection of the inca, Tupac Amaru, in Peru, and the thousand years' war with the Mahometans is ter minated by the peace of Algiers in 1786. With the accession of Cdrlos IV. ends the epoch of reform. Dismal indeed are the next thirty years, dur ing vvrhich occur the grand humiliation at the hand of Bonaparte, and the loss of nearly all the trans atlantic colonies. The king is a handsome, ignorant, good-natured imbecile; and his wife, Maria Luisa, an ambitious and passionate profligate, is the true ruler of Spain. Floridablanca and Aranda are alternately removed and recalled, finally to make way for Manuel Godoy, a j^oung oflficer, and the queen's favorite, im pudent, incompetent, ambitious, and thoroughly im moral, sycophant or conspirator according to the tide, but always villain. If politics, war, or intrigue become tiresome, he seeks relief in dissipation. Under these baneful influences Spain sinks lower than ever. While the rulers are revelling in luxury and licentiousness, the poor throughout the land are crying for bread. Finances are wrecked, the army is rendered weak and worthless, and education and industry are again prostrated. Galicia and other prov inces revolt, and presently the French are upon them, and Spain is little better than vassal. The peace of Basel, 1795-6 — as is called the friv olous farce which pretended to free the country of the French, while in reality placing the peninsula still more in their power, besides in its results completing the ruin of the navy, and preparing the way for the general revolt of the colonies — gives Godoy the name 6 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTUEY. of Prince of Peace, with rich domains and othcr sub stantial gifts. Spain still has many ships and regiments, but no sailors or soldiers. Off" Portugal, in 1797, the Span iards are defeated by the English, who sweep the ]\Iediterranean and Caribbean seas, and sow discord among the colonies. During the past three years there has been 2,445,000,000 reals income, and 3,714,- 000,000 outgo. There is in circulation 1,980,000,000 paper money current in 1799 at forty per cent dis count. Religion is everywhere present as the hand maid of vice. A peace is .signed in 1801 between France and Spain, with Godoy as the creature of N'apoleon. In thick succession other wars are fol lowed by other ignominious treaties. In 1808 the French are in Spain; Carlos abdicates; Godoy flees before the fuiy of the populace; and Fernando VIL, idle, incompetent, and faithless, a coward aud a liypcj- crite, base, tricky, and a debauchee — these are some of the many epithets history applies to this monarch - — is named successor. After a royal puppet-play, with Murat as manager- general, during which Carlos is for a raoment recalled, while Fernando abdicates, the English, thirty thou sand strong, are in the peninsula. At Aranjuez the supreme junta sits under the presidency of Florida blanca. Then comes Napoleon to Spain; and for a time Joseph Bonaparte holds the reins of government. In 1810 — Caracas, in Venezuela, breaking into revolt, and Buenos Aires shortly after — the cortes assem ble at Cddiz. A constitution is drawn up in 1812, which, under the impulse of the universal progress of liberty, abolishes seignorial rights, torture, the inqui sition, and most of the convents. It is almost repub lican in its tenor, too liberal for the place and the time, and so does not hold; and Spain still labors under the crushing weight of absolute monarchy. Fernando, reinstated in 181;^ swears to the consti tution of 1812, intending never to keep it. There AMEEICA DIVORCED. 7 never was a Bourbon who was not a despot. Four epochs mark his reign : the transient tastes of power before and after Bonaparte; then to the Andalusian revolution of 1820, during which period the Jesuits are recalled, the party of the liberal constitution pro scribed, certain notable Spaniards condemned to the galleys, and the power of the freemasons put forth in opposition to crown and clergj^; the third from 1820 — when the Spaniards rebel, and Fernando is forced by popular clamor to convoke the cortes, call from the galleys to the principal portfolios Herreros, Perez de Castro, and the two Argiielles — to the fall of Cddiz and the constitutional government in 1823, a congress of European powers at Verona having reestablished the authority of the king, the national militia being meanwhile organized, the press declared free, and the inquisition abolished; and lastly, the decade preced ing the king's death, during which despotism is re vived, and money matters demoralized, expenses amounting to 700,000,000 reals per annum to be met by a revenue of 400,000,000. But by this time Araerica and Europe are prett}^ well separated politically, never again, thank God, to be united. What with conventionality, bigotry, des potism, and general decay in many quarters, the New World can do better alone, and after its own way. Upon the death of Fernando VII. in 1833, his daughter Isabel II. being but three years of age, the child's mother, Cristina, is named regent; but the late king's brother, Don Cdrlos, opposes with deso lating war. With British aid, however, the queen triumphs in 1840. Still Spain is torn by detestable strife. Millions of miserable wretches must starve and bleed over the issue to determine which shall rule of two of the vilest specimens of the dominating class ignorance, superstition, deceit, and incestuous, idiot-breeding marriages can produce. Now and then the people make a noble stand for their deliverance, when as often France or England would come with 8 EUEOPE AT THE OPEXIXG OF THE CEXTURY. armies and drive them into base obedience. There is revolution in 1854, after which a national junta is established. Isabel is deposed in 1868, and Amadeo, second son of Victor Emanuel of Italy, is elected king. After vainly striving to reconcile contending factions, in 1872 comes the Carlist war, and the fol lowing year Amadeo abdicates, when a republic is proclaimed. The failure of its forces against the Carlists, however, brings round monarchy again in the person of Alfonso, Isabel's son, in 1875. Altogether this Fernando presents one of the most contemptible characters of history. "The conspirator of the escurial," he has been called, "the rebel of Aranjuez; the robber of his father's crown; the worm squirming at the feet of his enemy at Bayonne; the captive of Valengay, begging bits of colored ribbon from Napoleon while his people were pouring out their blood and gold to give him back his crown; the jailer of the illustrious statesman to whom he owed the restoration of that crown; the perjured villain who spontaneously engaged to be true to the constitution of 1812, and then conspired to overthrow it the day after he had sworn ; the promoter of anarchy during the three years of constitutional government; the in voker of the Holy Alliance and the intervention of France; the author of innumerable proscriptions; the coarse voluptuary; Ferdinand leaves no memoiy but that of a man worthy of our profoundest scorn." Thus we have seen how at the beginning of the present century all Europe was at war. The most intelligent, civilized, and christian nations of the earth were hotly engaged in such senseless quarrels as would make a savage smile ; and for lack of any other raethod of settlement, like savages they were falling on each other to kill, burn, or otherwise damage and destroy as best they wei-e able. France in particular was pouring out her best blood and treasure at the caprice of a despot whose paramount aspiration was THE BLESSINGS OF WAR. 9 self-aggrandizement, and whose exploits were destined to plunge her in deep abasement. Even the pope himself about that time had been upon the war-})ath, sending out his armies with fire and sword where words failed, and all greatly to his discomfiture and humili ation. To the principle of evil in human affairs mankind owes much. To war, a great evil, a beastly arbitrament, but the only ultimate appeal yet found by man with all his wisdom, America owes much. To the silly .strifes of European powers America owes more than to any butchering done by her own hands. It was due to this preoccupation, and to the weakness thence aris ing, rather than to any extraordinary display of wis dom, patriotism, or power on the part of the colonists, English or Spanish, that their independence Avas achieved. There are foolish wars, and there are neces.sary wars: foolish sometimes on both sides, always foolish on one side. Hundreds of wars there have been, and will be, which leave the combatants, after tearing each other like wolves for a time, exactly as at the outset. Resorting to war for freedora or the integrity of the nation is not the same as war for the arrangement of differences which after any amount of fighting can only be settled upon some basis of equity which has to be determined upon other principles than those of arms. It is better to fight than to be a slave. It is not well to fight simply for power or aggrandizement, since the issue is based on injustice, and is sure to be tran sient. It is not worth while to fight purely for the mastery, as it is foreordained that no man shall be master on this planet. The United States had finished the war which gave them their freedom; and were now busy trying to raise money, frame a constitution, and organize a gov ernment, while turning an honest penny by furnishing supplies to the combatants who were still destroying 10 EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE CENTURY. themselves in Europe. When England and France each [)ronounced the ports of the other closed against commerce, and the former persisted in claiming a right to search American vessels for deserters, the United States forbid the shipment of American products to Europe, and declared war against England. After indulging in some foolish fighting, uncalled for and resulting in no adequate benefit, though attended with much misery and loss of life, commissioners met at Ghent and adjusted their differences, which might just as well have been done before the war as after. It has been the fashion, in various quarters, be cause the northern confederation of states has pros pered more and reached a higher plane of distinc tion and power than the united provinces of ]\Iexico, unduly to extoU the founders of the former, and ridicule the pretensions to patriotism, intelligence, and skill on the part of those who fought for the deliv erance of the latter. It is pleasing to tell stories to children, and talk among ourselves of the superior courage and self-denying heroism of those who fought on our side in the dark daj's of Amei'ican revolution, above those who fought against us; but it is a form of egotism in which I cannot indulge, unless the assertions conform to the facts of history, which in this instance they do not. Fortunately for the repu tation of our earl}^ heroes, their associates and subor dinates, our history is written by men of our own nation, primarily to feed our vanity- ; to accomplish which purpose that which is damaging to our side — in so far as is politic and practicable — is toned down or omitted, while that which is damaging on the other side is emphasized and exaggerated, and vice versa. If we would know the truth, wo should sometimes look fairly into the character and deeds of some who were not citizens or soldiers of the United States. Those who fought for our independence; those who suffered unrewanled and died unknown, as well as those whoes naraes are remembered and honored, and MODERATION IN SELF-PRAISE. 11 who live to-da}' in our hearts, deserve all praise. But that as a class they were superior to their opponents; that they were so greatly superior to those who fought for the same object in Mexico, as we have been taught to l)elieve, is not true. Lecky, with many others, holds that the}^ have been "very unduly extolled," and that "the general aspect of the American people dur ing the contest was far from heroic or sublime;" vi-hile Washington himself writes in 1778 that "idle ness, dissipation, and extravagance seem to have laid fast hold of most of them; that speculation, pecula tion, and an insatiable thirst for riches seem to have got the better of every other consideration, and al most every order of men." Let us then learn to omit some portion of our self- adulation in speaking of ourselves, some portion of our spread-eagle and Fourth-of-July buncombe and bom bast in speaking of our country, to practise a little less hypocrisy and humbug in our politics, to say nothing of bribery and other corruption which is quite rank enough in our republic to-day. Europe was bad enough, as we have seen, without any accentuation; monarchies were bad enough, the chief recommendation of the rulers being that they made no pretensions to honesty or piety, or rather made their piety to suit their honesty. And now with this showing of the influence from which the people of the New World determined to free them selves, I will proceed to show how it was done. CHAPTER IL ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITUEEIGAEAY. 1803-1808. Causes of the Revolution op Independence — Arrival of the Viceroy — His Antecedents and Comportment — The Viceregal Family — Sor didness OF Iturrigaray — His Visit to the Mines — Public Impbove- MEXTS — IXTRODUCTION OF VACCIN.A.TION — SEQUESTRATION OF PROPERTY — Effect on the Land Owners — Humboldt's Visit — In terxational Complications — Demands for Treasure — Difficulties with the United States — War with England- Military Preparations^ European Affairs — ABDiciTiox of Carlos IV. — Iturrigaray's In difference — Effects in Mexico of Events in Spain — Power of the Inquisition — ArriiuDE of the Press — Sparks of Revolution. When the subjects of Spain in America awoke to a realization of their position, they found present no lack of reason for revolt. Almost every form of op pression that ever a people had been called to undergo at the hand of despotism they had suffered. The worst that had come to England's colonies we find among the mildest of Mexico's wrongs — so mild, indeed, that they were scarcely felt amidst the others weightier. Hitherto, they had expected, as a matter of course, that the king of Spain would make such laws for his provinces as suited him. He was to his people al mighty power, diftering in degree rather than in es sence from the power of the almighty, and they had learned to obey the one as the other. And if at the first there had been no more than the English colonies had to complain of — such as the interposition of au thority between the people and laws of their making, dissolving or forbidding representative bodies, restrict- (12) POSITION OF THE CREOLES. 13 ing migration and population, regulating the admin- i.itration of justice, creating and sustaining unnecessaiy oflficers, keeping among them standing armies, iraposing taxes, interference in commerce, and other like little things — there might have been to this day no separa tion from the mother country, except, indeed, it had been the falling-in-pieces from natural decay. I say such was the feeling before revolution was thought of; after the people began to consider, then certain of these minor wrongs seemed exceedingly exasperating. But behind all these, if not indeed one with them, were more serious evils. Looking well into the causes of Spanish American revolt, we find there the full catalogue of wrongs and injustice common to political subordinations of this nature, and in addition some of the blackest crimes within the power of tyranny to encompass. What were such matters as duties per cent, free coming and going, sumptuary regulations, or even local laws and legislation beside intellectual slavery, the enforcement of superstition, the subordi nation of soul, the degradation of both the mental and spiritual in man! In regard to material impositions, probably one of the most outrageous as well as most absurd within the range of European colonization was that which de naturalized the son of the Spaniard born in America. What ridiculous nonsense for reasonable beings to act upon, not to say believe in, that the blood of him of pure Spanish parentage who first saw the light under the clear skies of the New World should thereby be politically and socially debased ! Such was the royal edict, and to the end that all in Mexico raight the more and forever be bound body and soul to Spain. Thus while pretending to parental care, the Spanish monarchs would reduce the colonists to the position of serfs. In New Spain the first Creoles^ were identified ' The dictionary definition of Creole is a native of Spanish America, born of European parents, or descended from European ancestors, as distinguished 14 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITUiiRIGARAY. with the European Spaniards, and for several suc ceeding generations the ties of parentage prevailed over tlie distinctions of nationality. It has been claimed that even when these bonds of consanguinity were loosened by the ever increasing numbers of the Creole population and the divergence of interests, union between the two classes was still raaintained as a securitv against insurrection of the native races. Indeed, Humboldt assigns this as a reason for the passive tolerance which the Spanish Americans ex hibited during a long period of oppression. But this was not all the reason ; it was not in fact the chief or true reason. It had become so ingrained in their nature, the doctrine of loyalty, obedience to rulers, the divinity of kings, that to repudiate in any wise this idea was to defy the power ofthe almighty, and bring deserved death and the pains of hell. It was sin against God to disobey the king; and this rather tlian fear of uprisings held ^Mexico so long in servility. While such a state of things lasted, the Spaniards in Spain could deprive the Spaniards in America — or rather their descendants — rif their legit imate political status, and aggrieve their rights with impunity; but none the less in due time did European pride and disdain provoke irritation and bitter jeal ous}-. A mutual antipathy was thus gradually de veloped — an antipathy which was fostered bv the ac tion of the home government; for though by theory and law the privileges of all subjects of the crowii were equal, in practice it was far otherwise. Three i)roniinent causes of disrupture were ever actively at work engendering hatred and thirst for independence. They were, in the inverse order of ef fect, social jealousies, exclusion from pieferments, and the odious sjstem of commercial monopoly enjoyed from a resident inhabitant born in Europe, as well as from the offsprincj ot mi.xeil lilii(),l, aa of mulatto, born of a negro mother, or of iiK-^tizo, born of an Indian mother. To this definition as regards eieole I adhere; but in re gard to the word 'mestizo,' I apply it generally to any iutcrmi.xture of nativo Americau and European blood. SPANIARDS ALONE SHALL RULE. 15 by the Spaniards. With regard to the first, it is un necessary to enlarge upon what has been said in the previous volume;^ but the question of political, mili tary, and ecclesiastical preferments requires considera tion, inasmuch as the exclusion of Creoles from them is as strenuously denied by the advocates of the Span ish faction as it is emphatically asserted by those of the Creole class. Although the Spanish American was eligible to all offices, from the lowest to the vice regal dignity, the higher were almost exclusively filled by men from Spain;" and in spite of the asseverations to the contrary,* it cannot be denied that proraotion to important positions was practically closed to Amer ican Spaniards. No stronger evidence can be found than in the opposition to American representation in the Spanish government, and the public expressions of scorn and odium heaped upon the race in the Cadiz periodicals of that time. The Spanish rulers were determined that New Spain should be ruled exclusively by Spaniards, howsoever the published policy of the na^tion might be affected thereby; and their opportunities of obtaining political ^ Hist. Mex., vol. iii. 742-4, this series. See also Cancclada, Tel. Amer., 146-.'55. ^Walton, the author of Present iStateofthe Spanish Colonies, London, 1810, secretary to the expedition which captured the city of Santo Domingo from the French, and resident British agent there, in his Expos6 on the Di.ssensions of Spanish America, London, 1814, states, on page 47, 'that on examining au thentic records, it results: that from the period of the first settlement up to the year 1810, out of 160 viceroys and 588 captain-generals, governors, and presidents who have governed in Spanish America, in all 7o4, only 1 8 have been Creoles, and these few merely in consequence of their having been edu cated in Spain.' Only three viceroys of Mexico down to 1813 were Creoles. Alaman, Mej., i. 12. ¦•Torrente, Hist. Rev. Hisjaano-Amer., i. 72-4, quotes observations made by ' un Americano del sur, ' who stoutly maintains the generosity ' de una nacion que fiaba a americanos los Vireinatos, Capitanias geueiales, Presiden- cias, Magistraturas, Arzobispados i Opispados;' and gives a list of Europe.in and American officials for the year 1811, in which he shows that 338 ^^ ere of the latter class and only 76 of the former. He moreover enumerates the political, military, and ecclesiastical positions held by the Creoles duiiug the same year. But I must remark that the appointments confened upon Creoles at the commencement of the nineteenth century afford no criterion of the pro portion which prevailed during the two preceding centuries. Spain felt her self compelled to open the doora of promotion in the hope of allaying the gathering storm. Cancelada, 2\l. Amer., 265-13, argues that the Creoles were more favored than the Spaniards in the matter of appointments. 16 ADJUNISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY. prefeiinents being so rauch greater than those of the Creoles, they succeeded in securing for themselves all the higher oflfices. It is true that the Americans occu pied raost of the sulialtern grades, but this only tended to bring them into more jealous competition with the Europeans by inspiring them to seek the more impor tant. Although in the ecclesiastical preferments they were more favored tlian in political and military mat ters, during the last century of the colonial period they were gradually excluded from the high dignities of the church; and in 1808 all the bishoprics in New Spain, with one exception, and most of the lich bene fices, were held by the European clergy. In the clois ters also of the regular orders there was the same want of fairness which even the alternative system failed to correct. Thus it was that as generation after gen eration passed away, not only in social communications but in public careers and professions, envy and jeal ousy became more marked, and finally developed into a deadly hatred between the two classes. But after all, and toward the end, thousfh not the most iniquitous, it was the comraercial monopolies which caused the most wide-spread discontent. The entire control of trade by Spanish merchants, and the exorbitant prices charged by them for everv com modity, the grinding restrictions upon such indus tries as interfered with the commerce of the mother country, and the limited amount of productions re ceived by her, were more sweeping in effect, since all classes suflered, and the poor people the more severely. A bond of union to a greater or less extent was thus initiated between the Creoles, mestizos, and native Indians, all of whom at an early date exhibited incli nations to acquire independence. The Englishman, Thoraas Gage, who was in ]Mexico in 1G25, correctly estimated the prevailing sentiment, and in his obser vations about the disturbances during the administra tion of (ielves thus prophetically expresses himself: "Tho chief actors were found to be the Criolians or TAXATION, COMMERCE, AND INDUSTRIES. 17 Natives of the Country, who do hate the Spanish Government, and all such as come from Spain; and reason they have for it, for by them they are much oppressed, as I have before observed, and are and will be always watching any opportunity to free them selves from the Spanish yoak."^ But apart from these main causes of discontent, other aggravations, permanent or periodical, excited a spirit of antagonism. Excessive taxation galled and irritated; the venality of ofiicials and the cor ruptness of the judicial courts caused indignation; while the expulsion in 1767 of the Jesuits, who had ingratiated themselves in the hearts of the lower or ders, insulted the people in their dearest affections. From that time conspiracy arose and became wide spread; and the attempt at Apatzingan, prematurely undertaken, and abortive though it proved, opened the eyes of the Spanish rulers to the fact that ideas of independence were abroad in New Spain. The measures adopted to suppress such wickedness only added fuel to the fire. Disdaining the further sup port of the church, the government determined to rely on military force, and organizing the army on a much larger scale, humiliated in a variety of ways the clergy, who thus alienated became a powerful element in working out the independence. While the industries of the country were cramped, the masses were unaware of the extraordinary resources of New Spain; but when certain restrictions were removed by the home government, and the war with England at the close of the eighteenth century almost annihilated trade with the peninsula, great impulse was given to the development of internal resources and commerce with foreign nations. While belief in the necessity of dependence on Spain was thus being weakened, Humboldt opened their eyes to their re- ^ New Surve;/, 145. He, moreover, states that the Indians and mulattos 'brooked not the severe and rigorous justice and judgment of the Viceroy, no, nor any Government that was appointed over them from Spain.' Id., 142. Hist. Mex.. Vol. IV. 2 18 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY. sources, and set them further thinking of divorce ment. Again, the crcMiles were more intelligent, better informed, and far more numerous than the blue- blooded Spaniards; in view of which we can only wonder that the peoi^le of ]Mexico remained in such humiliating suljjection so long. The Spaniards in America and their children were even Ijetter educated than the Spaniards in Spain, and the higher their station and the more inflated their pride, the more their minds were filled with prejudice and ignorance. The establishment ofthe university at Mexico afforded facilities to the Creoles superior to any enjoyed by their fathers, who for the most part, exclusive of those holding high positions, were of inferior birth and breeding, and without title to tire superiority claimed. Students and graduates in Mexico by no means con fined themselves to tho narrow curriculum prescribed by the university, and the prohibited works of French philosophers, of political and moral writers, and espe cially of Rousseau, found their way of late into the country. Proletarian principles, and the detestation of op[)ression which they breathed, were aljsorbed v.'ith avidity, and stimulated the longing for free dom. The very danger incurred by the study of these books, and the secrecy with which of necessit}- they were perused, only served to intensity insurrec tionary ideas and provoke conspiracy.® The liberal principles thus acquired by the educated class were gradually infused into the ignorant. Nevertheless, it seems a little strange to us, to whom the doctrine of right of revolution has become so clear, and so cherished as tho highest prerogative of liberty, that it should have raade its wav so slowlv araong an educated and intellitrent peoiile. But the cause is o " It was the special province of the inquisition to guard against the im portation of books. As late ;is 1S(17, a Mexiean named Jose^ Roxas was de- nounred by his own mother for having a volume of llousscau in his pci; session, and i\a3 conliuod for several years iu the diui-eou-^ of the holy office. He finally mado his escape, but died iu ISll .at New (_)ile:uis. Ward's J/c-r., i. 110. EELIGIOUS AXD POLITICAL LIBERTY. 19 explained Vvhen we remeraber the powerful hoM re ligion yet had upon these people. The first step toward freedom is to emancipate the mind from sorae of its superstitions. There can be no political liberty without some degree of religious liberty. It was primarily for religious liberty that the puritans had come from England to America; and the first step thus taken toward political liberty, they were prepared to throw off the yoke for slighter cause than were the people of ISIexico, wdro were satisfied with their relig ion, and had no desire to change it. Thus while their religion, still the strongest sentiment possessing them, constrained them to loyalty, thej^ were ready to en dure much by way of dut}^, and to escape damnation — so much that it was rather Spain's weakness than Mexico's strength that secured independence, as we shall in due time see. But gradually reason, long dormant if not dethroned, began to show signs of vitality, first in other quarters, and finally in ]\Iexico. It was a period of political turnings and overturnings in Europe and America, and it were a pity if Mexico, ground into the very dust by the iron heel of despotism, should not find some relief. The downfall of monarchy in France, and the in dependence of the British colonies in North America, had established precedents of the successful uprising of peoples against the oppression of rulers. More espe cially was the acquisition of freedom by the United States regarded as a solution of the diflSculty in re gard to the right of revolution, as Spain in 1783 had soinewdiat imprudently recognized tlie independence of the English colonies, thereby tacitly excusing re volt in her own.^ ' The reader is already aware that the conde de Aranda at this time pro posed to Cdrlos HI. the independence of the Spanish colonies iu Amer ica. See Hist. Mex., iii. 388-90. Dr Luis Quixano, a prominent leader of the revolutiou in Quito, made prisoner when Toribio Montes entered that city, deemed it advisable to retract his views on the right of a colony to as sert its indepeudence. He based his reconstructed argument on tlie principle that what is useful and convenient is not necessarily lawful and just. His ex- 20 AOMIXISTR.^TION OF VICEROY ITURRIGAR.A.Y. While the proclivities of the people were thus be coming daily more dangerous, their anger was still fur ther aroused by one of those acts of tyranny which S] ain periodically committed in order to raise raoney in the colonies to meet horae expenses. I refer to the se questration of the funds of the benevolent institu tions, a measure which seriously affected the welfare of alraost every land owner in the country. As the particulars of this proceeding will be given later, it is only neces.sary to state here that nurabers of families were ruined or irapoverished by its operation. Thus Spain kept on using the goad. It is, however, a ques tion how long the Creoles would have suffered had not political affairs in Spain, as we have seen, afforded an exceptional opportunity for throwing off the yoke. For nearly two centuries the watchfulness of the gov ernment had prevented serious outbreak; even during the war of succession the tranquillity of New Spain was undisturbed. The majesty of the king was so deeply impressed upon the masses that it is probable, had it not been for the occupation of Spain by Na poleon, a few salutary reforms would have secured the loyalty of Mexico. But when two Spanish mon archs in succession, Cdrlos IV. and Fernando VIL, were compelled to lay aside their crowns, the one in obedience to the will of a mob and the other at the dictation of a foreign parvenu, the glory of the Span- isli throne had departed, and the awe with which the greatest earthly potentate had been venerated by his transatlantic subjects was seriously lessened. Nevertheless, when in 1808 the Spaniards rose against the French invaders, the demonstrations of feeling throughout New Spain showed patriotism on the part of the Creoles, though perhaps as much by eecdingly defective logic went no further, however, than to show that an op- ]M'essed colony has no more riglit to free itself from the mother country thau liiis a slave to aeijuire freedoni without the consent of his owner! 'Auiique 4 un escLu o lo sea litil gozar de su libertad, el no se la puede toniar por si misiiio contra la vohmtad de su anio.' Ileniaiidez ij Ddi'cUos, Col. Doc. Indtp., v. 03-4. MISRULE IN NEW SPAIN. 21 reason of hatred for the French as of any liiuxerino- affection for the Spaniards; and this, notwithstand ing that the American deputies to tho Spanish cortes, in their address on the 1st of August, 1811, represented that the Spaniards of America were so closely connected with the peninsula by the ties of interest and relationship, that leading men among them proclaimed the doctrine that the colonies ought to follow the fate of Spain, even if she succumbed to the power of Napoleon.^ Some go so far as to at tribute outright the outbreak of the revolution to the fear of subjection to the French.^ Be this as it may, the repeated defeats of the Spanish arms during the following year, the incompetency of the junta central in the peninsula, and still raore its popular origin, destroyed any favorable impression which might have been created in the discontented ranks, and afforded an example to them of delegates, elected by the people, investing themselves with the supreme government. Thus revolutionary impressions became yet more strongly confirmed ; for the Creoles could not recognize the right of a mob-appointed government claiming obedience from the subjects of a mighty mon- archv. And during this period, so critical to the existence of Spain's future hold upon the colonies, there was no viceroy in Mexico capable of appreciating the true condition of affairs; none who had the ability either to avert revolution or best serve Spain in accepting the situation. The incompetency and vacillation of the next three viceroys hastened the culmination of events, and during the years 1809 and 1810, the con spiracy to throw off the yoke of Spain spread fast and far throughout the land. It was on the 15th of Sep- * Such a course would certainly relieve them from the persecution of Spain, though neither covert irony nor hiberuicism were intended. ' Muchos de los mismos gefes y otros EuropiJos proferian A, las claras, que la America debia seguir la suerte de la Peninsula, y obedecer & Bouaparte, si ella le obedecia. ' IHpntac. Amer. Represent, V de Agosto de 1811, 6. "Id., 8; Guerra, Hist. Eev. N. Esp., i. 138. 22 ADMIXISTRATIOX OF VICEROY ITURRiaARAY. tember of the year last named tliat the strife Ijogan, and which was raarked ly reprisiils as vindictive an 1 Ci Jd-blooded as the annals of any christian nation can recor;!, as we shall see.^" With these preliminary re marks on the political attitudes of the two classes, and on the origin of their divergence, I now proceed t.> narrate the historical events which preceded the final rupture. The fifty-sixth viceroy of ]\Iexico, Jose de Iturri garay, arrived with his fainily at Guadalupe, and took charge of the government on the 4th of January, 1803. He held the rank of lieutenant-general in the royal array, as had nearly all those who filled this oflice during the rule of the house of Bourbon in Spain. A veteran soldier and sexagenarian, he still retained a youthful energv and vigor.^^ Iturrigaray was a native of Cadiz, descending from a genteel but not illustrious family. With an honor able record in the Spanish militia, he had served with sorae distinction as a colonel of carabineers in the cam paign of Roussillon, at the beginning of the French rev;.'Iution in 1792. His reputation, however, as a military commander was not of the best;'"- and his elevation to the viceregal oflfice was due to the favor of Godoy, the Prince of Peace, who still maintained influence over the weak and incompetent king, His reception at Guadalupe and in the capital was, '"The same causes were at work in all tlic Sp-anish colonies in America; and it is ^i'.¦ni!ic:ult to note the unanimity of the feeling entert;iineisjio,iieiuiii ^ I'n/ni.S i. 120; J!i'^lttiii,iiile, Cmid. Hitt., i. 10-11; Riil-.it, Alls. M,x.. 3-11-.".; Umelu Mc.r.. xi. 'J-J'J -.¦!. '^ 'No t'lieroii estos nieritns los i|iie locle\aron al xiri-inato, sino ol favor dell. Jhiuuel (iodoy.' ^[laman. Jiis/. Mtj., i. 46. 'Favoreeido del principe de la I'a,..' /j'/ liidieador, iii. 21 j. 13 THE VICEREGAL FAMILY. 23 unlike that of ]\Iar(juina, most fiattering and obse quious. The festivities, begun in the former place, were continued in the latter v.ith the customary pro cessions and bull-fights. This unchecked privilege of the populace, in such agreeable contrast with the un- \\elcoine prohibitions of the former viccory, combined with the gracious deportment of Iturrigaray and the affable demeanor of his stately spouse, gained him at once the favor of the people. Erelong, however, it was discovered that his condescension was but a cloak to less worthy traits of character.'* Branciforte's cor ruption was barefaced; dissimulation under a fasci nating exterior was the prominent feature in Iturri garay's character.'^ The family of the viceroy consisted of his wife, Doha Ines de Jduregui y Aristegui, who although no longer young possessed many attractions, a grown up son, several younger children, and a numerous train of relatives, all bent on amassing fortunes. This was also the dominating passion of Iturrigaray, w hose first act on taking charge of the government was to defraud the crown. Following the exaraple of Branciforte, he had obtained a royal decree before his departure frora the peninsula, perraitting him to in troduce free of duty into New Spain unfinished fam ily apparel.'^ Under this pretence he landed a cargo of merchandise at Vera Cruz, which he sold in that port, netting an enormous profit." Moreover, he at once began a system of sale of oflfices and employments on his own account, and by an abominable venality established for his benefit an impo.st on quicksilver, I* The character of Iturrigaray was ' estremadamente popular.' Zavala, Rev. Mex., 30. The populace was 'complacida con el trato afable y popular de la Vireina, senora de regular figura, y de un comportamiento airoso y galan. ' Caro, Tres Sinlos, iii. 200. '5 'Su car4cter estremadamente popular disimulaba sus sordidas ganancias. ' Zavala, Rev. Mex., 30; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. t7. " According to Real Orden, Sept. 12, 1802. "The sale amounted to 119,125 pesos, as attested by Pel, Real Acuerclo, Nov. 9, 1808, in Arch. Gen'l Mex. This fraud was the first of many serious charges proven against him in his resideucia, of which an account will be given later. 24 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY. by which he unjustly secured to himself large sums from the sales of that metal.'* Other frauds were perpetrated in contracts for paper used in the government cigar manufactories, the contractors charging fictitious prices and paying a bonus to Dona Ines.''' The administration of Iturri garay was modelled after that of his protector, Godo}-, and it was believed that the king's favorite shared in tlie profits. Sumptuous entertainments, presided over by Dona Ines, were given at the palace, with the twofold ob ject of pleasure and profit. Thither assembled grave oidores, hypocritical inquisitors, venerable prelates, and members of the most distinguished families, who, to ^^¦in the good favor of their viceregal hostess, vied with one another in their efforts to please, and in the costliness of their gifts.^" Marquina never gained the affection of the people, because of his restrictions on all kinds of excesses. Iturrigaray would try the opposite course, and make the capital the centre of pleasure and dissipation. To the discredit caused by the venality of the father were added the profligacy and vulgar passion for play of his son Josd, who was a constant visitor to the '" He received generally a gold ounce per quintal of quicksilver delivered. Represent. Min. Gtian., in Cancelcula, Cnmhieta Iturr., 92-5. Alaman states that the traffic in offices was managed through oue of the viee-queeu's maids, an elderly person, named Joaquina .\ranguren, wife of (;al)riel Palacios. Jlif-I. Mej., i. 47. Some few miners, with whom a secret compact was inide, were greatly favored, while the niajority suffered for want of mercury, result ing iu immense profits to the viceroy. These frauds are given in detoil with attestation, in Jlepreseiddcion, Dip. Min. Guan., Oct. 31, ISOS. Coniparealso Cancelada, Conducta, Iturrigaraij, 02-5; Ataman, His'. Mj., i. app. 43-4. " 'Se justifica el robo que liizo al rei argaudole un peso mas en cada resma, con las cuentas mismas de los que lo veudieron, que cxisten eu autos de iiifideueia.' Cnicelada, Cimtliieta, 11. This author also eliarges Iturrigaray M ith shipping surreptitiously many millions of treasure out of "the country, iu iMi^dish and neutral ships. This was the popular belief, but no proofs were brought forward. Id., 11-12. From the two contracts of 1806 aud 1807 the viceroy's wife received 6,6.33 ounces of gold. Alaman, Hist, ilej., i. 47. Con sult also Hernandez;/ Dii eiiliis, Col. Doc. Indcp., i. 043-4. ^"'Hacia descender la enrte hasta sobre el tea tro, 6 subia cl teatro d la eorte ]ior la aficion que tenia A esta elasc do diversiones. La conducta dc la de M.uhid bajo Maria Luisa, era el cjemplo quo se seguia.' Zarata, Rev. Mex., 30; El liidieador, iii. 210-17. GUANAJUATO MINES. 25 cock-pit.-' Such conduct on the part of the viceroy and his fomily, though fascinating at first, could not fail to produce the same eflect as the over-scrupulous proceeding of his predecessor; the halo of royalty which had protected viceregal authority for centuries was dimmed, and the respect formerly offered to Casa- fuerte, Revilla Gigedo, and others was now with- held.^^ All the same the viceroy managed to accumulate a large fortune, consisting of coin, jewels, and plate,^' which was a great comfort, and this notwithstanding his extravagance and the enormous expenses of his court, which far exceeded his salary of sixty thou sand pesos.'^* The desire to visit the rich mines of Guanajuato ¦w-as obviously natural; he wished to see whence carae the wealth he coveted.^' Without precedent in this respect, and without royal permission, Iturrigaray set out on this journey by way of Queretaro, Celaya, Salamanca, and Irapuato. The inhabitants of these regions, who had never beheld a viceroy, were over awed by the magnificence of his appearance, and thousands assembled to pay their respects. His arrival at the city of Guanajuato was celebrated by a triumphal procession and festivities. Among the presents graciously accepted by him was one of a thousand ounces of gold, upon the occasion of his inspection of the Rayas and Valenciana mines. Mining operators soon discovered how to gain the ^' ' La inclinacion de aquel al juego de gallos, concurriendo A la plaza piiblica en que se lidian.' Ataman, Hist. Mej., i. 48. '^ The avarice of this vicergal family was one of the chief causes of their downfall. Disposiciones Varias, i. 120; Bustamante, Med'idas, jNIS., 57; Id., Cnccl. Hist., i. 10-11; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 46-9; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii. 296-350. ''^ And 400,000 pesos invested in the funds of the mining institute, the safest place of investment at the time. Further on, after the removal of the viceroy, an account of the treasures found in the palace will be given. ^'According to the subsequent declaration under oath of his mayordomo, Antonio Paul. Alaman, Uist. Mej., i. 48. '^'•' ' En la larga seiie de los vireyes que tuvo Nueva Espaiia, ^ste fucS el linico que conocio una parte del interior del reino.' Negrete, Mex. en Sigio XIX., i. 49. 23 AD.MIXISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIOAR.VY. favor of this great raan.-' In return for homage re ceived, Iturrigaray magnificently granted the town of Celaya the privilege to celebrate occasional bull fights to defray the expenses of a bridge over the Laja.-'^ In the matter of material improvements, we find little during this administration not started under former viceroys. There was the completion of two roads to Vera Cruz; one of them, passing througli Orizaba and Cordova, begun by Branciforte, vras in charge of the consulado. Credit, however, ni'ast bo given Iturrigaray for his exertions to secure the cap ital against inundation. To inspire zeal, he deigned occasionally to labor on the works with his own hands, and by his care the city was saved from inundation in 1806. Yet this praiseworthy caprice eventually gained for him the enraity ofthe fiscal de lo civil, Zagarzurieta, as well as of Aguirre and the other oidores. Funds being required to carry on the works, Iturrigaray in creased the impost on cattle, and to this Zagarz'arieta raised objections, to which the viceroy would not listen ; because, he said, Zagarzurieta was connected with the family of the greatest cattle-dealer in the country, and therefore was not disinterested.^ Existing literary and benevolent institutions were favored to some extent, not, however, in a manner suflficiently effective to reflect unusual credit on the viceroy. Mining, internal commerce, and agriculture ^^ 'A poco tiempo se advirtib que no le era desagradable recibir doues y regales, y sucesivamente eautiJades de diuero y alhajas por las provisiones que se llamaban de graeia.' Ca-icelada, Cunliv'.'a, Ilurri' R' Ord" ...de 20 de En" de 1809, pero yn'no reuiedii3 los estragos iuc.d- cuhibles y desastrosos i|ue aquellos malvados y sus sequaces hieieron. cou esta infanie trdpala, sin el mas miniuio provecho del erario.' See also Hum- bold/, E.i.tni Pol, ii. 476-7. '- Toreno, Hi.-.t. Hev. Esp., tom i. lib. ii. 12. "The sum iimdiiccil by the sequestrations, according to Cancelada, Til Mex., 29, was SI0„^,(lil,.-,;i7. .\lamau, /list. .1/,/., i. 140, and Bustamante. in ram, Tres Siglos, iii. 2.-)0, -ive SI 0.656,000. Snc. Mex. Geog. L'otoi;;,' ii. 3d-6, gives productos .S10,507,957, aud reditos .S524,904 pesos. Of the com- MORE JIONEY REQUIRED. 31 The merciless rigor with which the viceroy executed cverj' oppressive decree, and the irritating fact that he and a host of officials profited by the ruin of others, gained him the odium of the sufferers. Any discus sions of a scientific or practical nature on the part of her subjects was at this juncture bad for Spain. Per mission had been granted Humboldt by the court to visit the New World, with the privilege of access to official archives. The result of his sojourn in Mexico was his faraous treatise on New Spain,** containing abstracts of his political and economical observations. Some new ideas crept in upon the people concerning possibilities. With freedom, what might they not achieve! Such was the prevailing feeling which, min gled with the odium against the home government, increased by late acts of oppression, prepared Creoles and natives alike for revolution.*^ When Cdrlos IV. ratified the humiliating treaty of 1796, which made him a subject rather than an ally of France, he considered neither the money he would have to pay, nor what would be the attitude of Eng land. To annoy Napoleon, Great Britain offered the means of prolonging the war which broke out in 1803, while Spain, asserting her obligations to pay France former subsidies, maintained that she would be sub ject to far greater expense in case of further hostili ties. This led to rupture with England ; for though that power at first manifested no desire to declare open war with Spain, in 1805 neutrality was broken missions known to have been paid to officials, who at the same time drew large salaries, the diputado princiiial Arrangoiz received S124,000; Iturri garay, S72,000; the archbishop Lizana, who, according to Bustamante, was not a favorite with the Mexicans since his arrival in December 1803, 822,00.1; ministers of the treasury, §50,000; the secretary, §40,000; and so on to the amount of half a million. Cancelada hurls invectives against all connected with this wholesale robbery. *^ Essai Politique sur le Royaume cle la Nouvelle Espagne, Paris, ISll. For biographical notice, see Hist. Mex., iii. 513, this series. '¦' 'Este proyeeto in6, siu duda, la primora Jornada de los desastres de la America — la insurreccion fai la segunda.' Marginal note on royal cedula, in Cedulario, MS., i. 179-97. 32 ADMINISTRATION OF VICEROY ITUEEIGAEAY. by the seizure by Nelson of four treasure-laden ships bound from America to Cadiz.** And now commerce again wanes, being carried on in neutral vessels only, while free intercourse with Spain is greatly interrupted. Moreover, besides be ing pressed by Napoleon for prompt compliance with the treaty of 1796, Spain is beset with calamities. Famine and pestilence are decimating her population; earthquakes destroy several towns in Andalusia; debts are enormous, and the exchequer empty; and lastly, England has lately seized her treasure-ship.s, and will probably capture others. More and more urgent, therefore, are the appeals to the viceroy for Mexican silver and gold. Iturrigaray seems in every respect equal to the emergency. The colonists are made to bleed. Frora corporations, from the clergy, and from private indi viduals, thirteen millions of dollars are secured at this juncture, and shipped in four frigates, some five millions more being retained for later transportation. To make up this amount, he has not only seized any deposits, however sacred, he could lay his hands on, and forced money from the poor, but he has resorted to a swindling system of lotteries.*' It is true that in the matter of forced loans promises to pay are made, and a small annual interest promised.*' The French just now are as much feared in New Spain as the English. French ships anchored at Vera Cruz are jealously watched by the viceroy, who refuses to furnish supplies to French troops stationed at Santo Domingo. Diflficulties, moreover, threaten with the United " The vessels were seized in reprisal for the assistance alleged by England to have been rendered by Spain to France during the war;"more subsidies having been paid the latter than those stipulated for iu the treaty of 1796. Bu.Htainaiite, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 209. "See Gea. de Mex., from i,s04 to ISIO, passim. "The viceroy was admonished, however, to come to some understanding ¦^vlth the archbishop and bishop, so as not to impede tho process by preju dicial disputes with the clergy. This accounts for the §22,000 commissions to Lizana. Sec Cancelada, Tel Mex., 29. THEEATENING DANGERS. 33 States. In 1801 Philip Nolan makes an incursion into Mexican territory as far as Nuevo Santander, under the pretext of purchasing horses, and erects some small forts. He is, however, attackecl on the 21st of March by a force sent against him by the vicero^^, and slain, his followers being dispersed or made pris oners. A few years later Burr attempts the invasion of Texas. During this period the first cloud arises between the United States and Mexico on the ques tion of limits. IMonroe's efforts at Madrid to arrange an amicable settlement are fruitless, and the Amer ican government orders troops to her southern fron tier.*^ Having thus the United States to watch, the long coast lines to guard airainst the English, and the ever- present pirates to beat off, Iturrigaray is like a hyena at bay. It is no easy matter amidst the dissatisfaction attending the royal robberies to enlist the colonists to fight. Of what avail is this pouring-out of their treas ure if the old mother cannot protect them from her enemies? It is in 1805 when the news of this rupture of Spain with England reaches Mexico, and spreads consterna tion among the people. Besides orders to prepare for *^ Alamnn, Hist. Mej., i. 14.5-6. In 1805 James Monroe, U. S. minister at London, and Mr Pinckney, minister at Madrid, failed to agree with the Prince of Peace as to the limits of Louisiana, Texas, and Florida; the relations be tween the two countries assumed a delicate nature, and Monroe asked for his passport and returned to London. Consult .4 mer. Stale Pa/i., xii. 1-327; ii. 596-695, 793-804. On the feeling at this time in New Spain against tho United States, I quote from the irascible Bustamante, who, in connection with the viceroy's military preparations, thus gives vent to his ire: 'Esta nacion, si puede ehirsele tal nombre k un enjambre espesisimo deaventureros, emigra- dos de la Eiiropa por la miseria 6 por sus crimenes, presenta la anomalia mas cxtrafia y ridicula en la historia.' 'She proclaimed,' the author continues, ' the freedom of nations; developed the theories of Rousseau's social contract, which was followed by France and cost torrents of blood,' winding up with a pious exhortation against American slave-holders. See Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. '217-18. Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 525-6, limits himself to stamping the claims of the U. S. against 'Saw Spain as 'el colnio de la injusticia y de exhorbitantes pretensiones, hijas de la ambicion . . .inicua. . .absurda.' Of what the Spanish population in Mexico consisted at the time, a contemporary of Bustamante gives us an idea in El Indicador, iii. 210-17: ' Unos honibres semi-salvages, como los espaiioles avecindados en el pais, que nacidos los mas en su pdtria, eu una condicion muy obscura, apenas habiau podido medio civilizarse en Nueva Espana ' Hist. Mex., Vol. IV. 3 34 ADMIXISTRATION OF VICEROY ITURRIGARAY. defence, the \-iceroy is told to furnish Habana, Puerto Rico, and other exposed points with the necessary supphes. He is moreover authorized to increase the permanent forces by enlisting natives for service on the frontier, the veteran troops not being sufiicient for that purpose. Two Spanish regiments stationed in Cuba are also ordered to Mexico. But the viceroy is more clever than his master. Notwithstanding the many diflficulties in the organi zation of troops, he soon has nearly 18,000 men at his command.^' Recruiting ofiices are established throughout the country ; deserters are pardoned ; the old militia, scattered or disbanded, are reunited and increased in number. The defences of San Juan de Ulua, where Lieutenant-colonel Juan Maria Soto is in command, are improved. To discipline the troops a camp is established at Jalapa. Command of the army is given to Garcia Ddvila, governor of Vera Cruz, efficient and experienced. Indeed, he is the only oflficer of rank in New Spain competent to fill the place. There are two other generals, Pedro Ruiz Ddvalos and Pedro Garibay, but both octogenarians and subject to consequent infirmities. The troops are exercised and drilled under the eve of the viceroy. There are reviews and manoeuvres which awaken a military spirit in the Mexicans, who have never before witnessed spectacles of the kind.^ In 1806 intelhgence of two events is received which spreads alarm throughout the country — the destruction of the combined Spanish and French '» Bustamante says 1 8,000 well disciplined troops. Medidas para la Pacif. , MS., 58. Queipo, in Pap. Var., 164, no. i., states that there were stationed in the canton of Jalapa, serving under the viceroy's orders, 11,000 men, and that there were 6,000 more elsewhere ready to raarch when called upon. Alaman gives the uumber aa ' cosa de catorce mil hombres' in the vear 1803. Hist. Mtj., i. 146. 6'J/,u-. Mem. Guerra, 10. On October 14, 1805, the spectacle of troops being lan(leil and engaging in sham-fight with the enemy was \vitnessed by the inhabitants of Vera Cruz, the viceroy displaying great enthusiasm, taking part in the exhibition. 'No pudo cl ingenio militar de Su Escia olvidar su aficion, y mont.ando d caballo mandci por esquadronea varioa movimientoa de exercicio A los lanceros.' Diario de Mex., i. 92. PRINCE OF PEACE. 35 fleets at Trafalgar by Lord Nelson on the 21st of October, 1805," and the attack on Buenos Aires by the English. It is thought that an attempt will presently be made on New Spain. Iturrigaray's friends begin to fall off. Several oflficers of high rank and merit withdraw from the encampment at Jalapa, among others Count Alcaraz, of the Spanish dragoons, Manuel Garcia Alonso, Manuel Garcia Queritana, and Lejarza, all commanders of high stand ing. He who becomes the most determined enemy, however, is the ex-corregidor of Querdtaro, Miguel Dominguez.^' o Meanwhile the star of Godoy, the scourge of Spain, is still in the ascendant. He puts on the titles of royalty, and holds communion with Napoleon, if indeed he does not conspire to sell Spain. At one time, all the strongholds of the peninsula being occu pied by French, Godoy advises the king to take his family to Mexico. The court is at Aranjuez, and the intended ffight becoming known, the populace rise and cry vengeance on Godoy. The tumult is only allayed by the abdication of Cdrlos in favor of the prince of Asturias, who assuraes the crown as Fernando VII. on the 19th of March, 1808. Godoy escapes popular fury by secreting himself," but his house and those of his satellites are stripped, and everything in them is ^' A subscription for the relief of the •widows and orphans of those who fell in the engagement was raised in Mexico. The amount contributed up to Sept. 30, 1807, was 31,235 pesos. Gaz. Mex., xiii. xiv. xv., passim, aud xvi. 641. ^ Dominguez was afterward reinstalled in his office by order of the king, dated September 11, 1807. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 2'23. When Iturrigaray's residencia was taken he was condemned to indemnify Domin guez for loss of salary, and pay hira dafios y perjuicios. This was not done till 18^24, when on Iturrigaray's death his heirs, after contesting the case in the courts, were compelled to pay 12,000 pesos to Dominguez. Alaman, Uist. Mej., i. 265-7. ^* ' Fu6 conf undido por la debil voz de un anciano Ministro. 1 ^ed aqui el tra;/- dor; el pueblo pide su cabeza: dijo Caballero 4 Carlos IV. sefialando & Godoy; y este cobarde como si oyera el cstampido de un trueno, calla, terae, huye, y terablando se oculta del Cielo y de la tierra. Asi permanece dos dias ator- mentado de la sed, del harabre, por las impreeaciones de los honibres, y los remordimientos de su conseiencia. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., v. 841. 33 ADMIXISTR.ITION OF VICEROY ITURRIG.\EAY. delivered to the authorities. The fallen Prince of Peace is afterward placed under arrest by Fernando and his ill-gotten property confiscated. The downfall of Godoy was hailed in New Spain with universal satisfaction. Spaniards and Creoles were equally demonstrative in their loyalty to the king, confident that any change in the government which excluded the influence of Godoy must be for the better. On the arrival of the news of the abdi cation of Carlos and the decrees of Fernando,^' Iturri garay was attending the cock-fights at San Agustin cle las Cuevas, now Tlalpan, where the festivities of pentecost were being celebrated. He commanded the decrees to be read, and then went on with the games. Doha Ines was disgusted over the abdica tion, and the regidor Azcdrate displayed his contempt by flinging aside the journal containing the news." The festivities at Tlalpan continued for three days, and not until they were concluded did the viceroy give orders for a public demonstration in honor of Fernando VII. This manifest indifference, which did not fail to create much bad feeling, was in truth owing to the fall of Godoy, his protector, and some began to suspect treasonable designs. On the 23d of June the departure of the royal faraily to Bayonne and the abdication of Fernando were known in ]\Iexico.'^' Then my lord Iturriga ray wore a pleasant countenance, and he was over- ^* The abdication of Carlos IV. and accession of Fernando VH. were pub lished ou tho Oth of June, 1808, by :m extra issue of the G,iz. de .1/p.r., q. v. ""Cancelada, %vlio was present during the occurrences at .Sail Agustin de las Cuevas, says, in Iturrigaraij, Conducta, 14: 'La vireina, oida la abdicii- cion y suerte del ex-piineipe dc la Paz, dixo: Xos han puesto La eeniza cn la frcntc; y el regidor Azclrate al Uegar cou la leetui-a A, los decretos del Sefior Don Fernando VII. tir6 la gazeta eon desprecio cn ademan de quererla pisar.' X"egrete maintains that thcie is no proof of these assertions, although both lUistainante and ,\lamau accept them as true. They em.inated, he says, from the st.atements of Caiieelada, a bitter enemy of the viceroy, and should not bo received as historic.ab .1/e.v. .S^/;;/o .V/A'. , i. 7S. ^' Tho iiitcUiu'eiiee was brought by the ship Coi-.a, whieh anchored in the harbor of Vera Cm.', on ihe 21st of June. (.'.is. de Mex., ISG--^, 4-24; Cancelada, Coiidnela, 1 5-1 H. Negi-ete commits au error iu stating that this was theoccasion v/hen Iturrigar.-iy i-i'eei ved tho news of Fernando's accession to the throne while diverting himscif in the cockpit. Mex. Sigh XIX.. i. Ud. EUROPEAN POLITICS. 37 heard to say that the king would never return to the throne.^^ These tidings of the dethronement of the royal famil}^ and the assumption of the crown by Joseph Bona[iarte, anived in the midst of preparations for the solemn festivities to be held on the occasion of swearing allegiance to the young monarch. The im pression which these events created in Mexico was at first painful. Creoles as well as Spaniards hated the French. Napoleon was their arch-enemy. They swore they would never be ruled by hira, or any of his creatures. On the 14th of July, the viceroy re ceived copies of the Madrid official gazettes confirming the news, and on the foUowinsr dav he convoked a council of the real acuerdo, at which it was resolved neither to obey the decrees of Murat, then command ing at jSIadrid, nor those of any government other than that of the legitimate sovereign.^" The official portions of the Madrid gazettes were, moreover, or dered to be published.®" But the first surprise over, very different and ve hement feelings began to spring up among the people. Their ideas were confounded at the possibility of being without a king. Those wdio had hitherto regarded a monarch as an infallible personage remembered the fate of Louis XVL, and beheld with consternation the sudden removal of their own kings, ftxther and son. That a mob of his own subjects should effect the down- ^^ ' Los oidores creyeron ver en esta vez en el semblante del virey pintado la alegria, y que se complacia en decir que el Rey no volveria al trono. ' Cavo, Tres Sig'oi, iii. 227. This conduct and the occurrence at Tlalpan were sub sequently brought forward in the accusations of treason against the viceroy. Compare Cancelada, Conducta Iturr., 15-16. "'The revisorOidor Aguirre added the words: 'Que S. E. y el real Acuerdo estaban penetrados de unos mismos nobles y leales sentimientos. ' These Itur rigaray tore off, objecting to their publication. Cancelada, Conducta Iturr. , 18-19; Verdad Sabida, 19. This action of the viceroy was considered by his enemies as a mark of disloyalty. The Verdad Sabida oi Cancclada is severelj' criticised and the statements it contains denied by Lizarzain his Discurso vin- dicando Iturrigaray. For his reply ou the above question, see p. 16. Much sympathy for Fernando was shown by the citizens of Jlexico. Guerra, Rev. M. Esp., i. 3-18. ^"They appeared on the 16th of July in the Gaz. de Mex., 1808, xv. 465- 75. 38 ADJIINI3TRATI0N OF VICEROY ITURRIGAR.VY. fall of Carlos IV. was not likel}"^ to maintain that faith in the high majesty of the Spanish sovereigns which for ages it had been irapious to hold in doubt. Re spect for monarchy was weakened, and the more re flective and enlightened recognized with satisfaction that these convulsions would augment the possibilities of independence for New Spain. The holy inquisition still maintained its power, and indeed we find it at this period more zealous than ever in attempting to stifle the progress of the age. Libertinism and im piety, as it was called,*^ were so gi'eat, that there were over a thousand cases pending before that tribunal.'^^ One of the victims of an auto de fe at this time was the presbyter Juan Antonio Olavarrieta, curate of Axuchitlan. In his possession was found a work writ ten by himself, entitled Man and Bea.A. On the fron tispiece was a representation of a tyrant king. The author had come well recommended from Spain to the chiefinquisitor, Bernardo dePrado 3' Obejero, and great was the scandal. The auto was celebrated with more than ordinary solemnity in the presence of the secular and ecclesiastical authorities, the nobility, and principal persons of the city. Olavarrieta was sentenced and shipped to Spain, but managed to escape during the voyage. Soon after this the same cereraonies were re peated on the person of Jose Rojas, professor of math ematics in the college at Guanajuato. A man of ex traordinary talents and great learning,'^ he possessed but little knowledge ofthe world. Carrying on a corre spondence on philosophical and theological topics with a woman at Guanajuato, he was denounced by her and imprisoned. After sentence by the holy office, Rojas escaped to New Orleans. There he published in flammatory proclamations against the Spanish gov- '^^ Iturrigaray, in Carta a Caballero; Cavo, Tres Si.jlos, iii. 20S. '^ Bustamante rein.arks that a great number of tho'~e cases must have been of a political nature, 'pues este tribunal era el brazo derooho del despotismo.' ™ ' Y de una memoria tan feliz, que apreiidio liter.almeute las principales actuaciones do su causa, con solo haberlos oido leer.' Id., 207- S. POSITION OF THE PRESS. 39 ernment, which being clandestinely introduced into ^Mexico caused no little annoyance to the political authorities and the inquisition. This institution con sisted at the time of thirty-one oflficers, exclusive of a multitude of secret agents and spies, and their labors were so arduous and important that the inquisitors pe titioned for an increase of salary on that ground. Such was the powerful array of zealots, ever on the alert to persecute those whose religious and political views dared to pass the bounds prescribed by church and state. The deplorable condition of the press was another proof of ¦the incessant endeavors on the part of the authorities to keep the people in intellectual bondage. It was not well for subjects of Spain to know too much of what was going on in the world. Four dail}' papers appeared in Vera Cruz between 1804 and 1807; three of them were soon discontinued, and the other was prohibited from publishing any political news from foreign countries, that being a privilege granted only to the Gazeta de, Mexico.^*' In 1805 the Mexican writer Cdrlos Maria Bustamante, and the alcalde del cri'men Jacobo de Villa Urrutia, established the Diario de Mexico with but little better success. Being sup pressed at one time, this periodical was allowed to ap pear again only on condition that it should be subject to the personal revision of the viceroy. "?'Escepto eu cases muy estraordinarios, para no perjudicar A la Giceta de MCxieo, que era la que tenia el privilegio de publicarlas. ' Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., pt V. 344. The editor of this gazette was Juan Lopez Cauce- lada, author of several philippics against Iturrigaray, and whom Bustamante calls an 'espauol irrequieto, atrevido y charlatan, que habia insultado al Vuey . ' Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 215. CHAPTER III. ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. 1808. The Ayuntamiento Claims Sovereignty op the People — A Xational CoN'GRBSs Proposed — Opposition op the Audiencia — Glad Tidings PROM the Peninsula — Four Memorable Juntas — Rival Sp.inish Juntas — Angry Debates — Conspiracy to Depose the Viceroy — Yermo Takes the Lead — Iturrigaray's Apathy — A Midnight Coup d'Ei'at — The Viceroy in Durance — G-iribay Appointed his Succes sor — Fate of Ituhkigaray's Supporters — He is Sent to Spain — His Rich Swi-et-mi-.a-is — Indictment tor Treason — AcQurrrAL— Re sidencia — Heavy Fines — Change of Opinion.s — The Sentence An nulled — Iturrigaray's Intentions An.alyzed — Bibliogr-4PHY. Thus stand matters in Mexico in 1808. The times are out of joint. Tradition is failing. Old maxims no longer hold good. The minds of men are dimmed by the dust arising from the clash and clatter of events. Born in ignorance; cradled amidst the occult forces of nature ; looking along the centuries for that power and protection from the creature found only in the creator — it has taken all these thousands of years for man to find out his mistake, to find out that all men come into the world on terms of equality, that no man or class of men are born almighty, either by virtue of blood, inheritance, occupation, or wealth, and that all have equal rights. At length the time has come. All the world is astir, and Mexico must bo moving. Three centuries back there had been a grand awakening, one t)f those spasms of progress in which intellect is'^ wont to disin- thrall itself; now there is at hand another. Half the (40) ATTITUDE OF AFFAIRS. 41 world are in arms. The few are fighting to be mas ter; the many are struggling to be free. The result is predetermined. In Mexico opinion is becoming somewhat clarified; ideas are coalescing and action concentrating, particu larly in the capital. And yet all is dim and indistinct enough. The leaven of liberty is working; but be ware the fangs of superstition, beware the sword of Spain, beware the dungeons of the inquisition and tortures beyond the grave ! And where shall be found a leader? Here is opportunity; where is the man? Perhaps through Iturrigaray's brain run ambitious dreams. As likely there as anywhere. He is none too good to play the part of traitor to his king ; though if successful revolution makes of him a thing for popu lar worship, he is indeed in a dilemma, for nature has not endowed him with one spark of nobility or patri otism. Most justly upon the head of this vile repre sentative of a vile monarchy has fallen the curse ofthe colonists. He and his associates, like their master, have made themselves rich over the ruin of the most industrious and worthy of Spain's subjects. Yet he may be deemed useful. A bad man is sometimes better for the furtherance even of a good cause than a good man. But Iturrigaray is a coward and a hj'pocrite — -a man not the best either for traitor or patriot. He has no thought of self-sacrifice; on the contrary, should he perch.ance make Mexico free, he must be well paid for it. Mexico may be freed from France, from Spain perchance; but not from him, not frora Spain's officials. If he can save Mexico to Spain, of course Fernando, or whoever may be at Madrid to draw and spend the revenues, will remem ber it. So day after day this dog waits to see wdiich way the French cat will jump. When the intelligence reaches j\Iexico that the Spanish crown has slipped from the fingers of Span ish kings, it seems to the people as if the earth was loosened from its orbit. Groups of anxious men. 42 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. greatly concerned about their fate, gather in the streets and discuss the situation. Public meetings — a rare occurrence in that quarter — begin frequently to be held, at which much is said and nothing done. Placards are posted by the several factions of city government, cautiously hinting their own views, or feeling for the views of others. There is manifest every^'phase of feeling from loyalty, wholly or partially, to independence, wholly or partially. Pasquinades are sent to high officials, and some even propose a crown for Iturrigaray.^ On the 19th of July, at the suggestion of the regi dor Azcdrate, the municipal authorities presented to tlie viceroy a memorial,^ claiming that as the throne of Spain was not occupied by the lawful sovereign, the government devolved upon the people, and that the city of Mexico, as the metropolis and representa tive of all New Spain, would sustain the rights of the deposed house. The address concluded with the request that the viceroy would assume provisionally the government of the kingdom, and that he would surrender it neither to any foreign power, nor to Spain herself while under foreign rule; and that he would not receive any other viceroy or accept a new appointment from the usurping power.* lOn the Oth of August the consulado of Mexico addressed a petition to Iturrigaray requesting him to adopt measures for the suppression ot these seditious demonstrations. Hernandez ;/ Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 511. ¦-* -Bajo de mazas y eu coches.' Bustamante, Suplemento, in Coro, Tres Siglos, iii. 223. ' ' ]?idiendo3e al Exmo. Seiior Virrey que interin llega el momento felis de que saiga de Francia S. M. y Altesas, 6 cl Reyno elije persona de la Real familia para que lo mande y govierne como su Rey y Seuor natural, permanesca do Virrey Gobemador y Capitan General de esta Nueva Espana, entendien- doso con la calidad de provicional, sin poderlo entregar A Potencua alguna extrangera, ni A la misma Espana aun quando paraello se le presentcn ordenes 6 del Seiior Carlos quarto 6 del Principe de Asturias bajo la denomi nacion de Fernando Septimo antes de salir de Espatla, . . .que no entregue tampoco el Virreynato y Govierno del Reyno A ningun Virrey que liayan uombrado el mismo Seuor C;irlo3 quarto o Principe do Asturias:. . .Que aun quaudo S. E. misiiio scii continuado eu el Virreynato por Real orden de S. M. 6 de Prin cipe do Asturias. . .no la obcdesea ni cumpla, sino que continue encargado liiovicionalniente en el mando dol Reyno.' Hernaudez y Ddrnlos, Col. Doc. i. 477-8. Such were tho expressions contained in tho address of the ayunta- EVOLUTION OP OPINION. 43 Iturrigaray received the address graciously, afl5rm- ing that he would shed the last drop of his blood in the protection of the country, and that he was ready to take the oath of loyalty.* A crowd had gathered, for all was done openly, and when the viceroy dis missed the regidores the people shouted, and among them largess was liberally flung by supporters of the project. The audiencia did not like it, and their wrath waxed hot when, during the day, Iturrigaray laid the address before the real acuerdo and asked their vote upon the matter.^ The ayuntamiento was presump tuous; further, the members were mostly Creoles. So the audiencia rejected the proposition, as contrary to law and the public weal,® thereby bringing chagrin upon Iturrigaray, who of course regarded with favor a change which would have secured him in power, whatever turn affairs might take.' As nearly as we can interpret ideas so vague as were these in the minds of those wdio held them, the several shades of opinion, of inclination, hope, fantasy, were somewhat as follows : The viceroy niiento to the viceroy, the whole of which interesting document is supplied by Ddvalos, who expresses his thanks to Jos6 Maria Andrade for his kindness iu furnishing him with a copy of it. * ' Termin6 pues esta esoena, en la que todo estaba convenido, de anteraa,no entre el virey y Azcdrate.' Alaman, Uist. Mej., i. 170. ^Copy of note to the real acuerdo wUl be found in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 486. "In the reply of the real acuerdo, these words are used: 'Aquel nombra- miento provisional y juramento, debilitarian mas bien que afirmarian aquellos sagrados inalterables vfnculos y constituirian un gobierno precario expuesto A variaciones, y tal vez A caprichos ahora 6 en lo venidero, y por tanto seria adenias de ilegal, impolitico este paso.' The viceroy is advised to assure the ayuntamiento 'que cuando convenga y nos hallemos en circunstancias que lo exijan, no se desentenderd, V. E. ni este Real Acuerdo de convofar 6 al cuerpo entero 6 A sus representantes. ' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc, i. 487. ' On the occasion of the ayuntamiento having sent two commissioners to the viceroy a few days afterward, one, the marquSs tie Uluapa, as affirmed by the alcalde Fagoaga, reported to the corporation that he had protested to the viceroy 'que el ayuntamiento no descansaria hasta colocarlo sobre cl trono.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 173. A short time later, in the disposal of civil and military positions Iturrigaray's assumption of prerogatives never before exer eised by any viceroy caused growling. ' Tales disposiciones se citaban como ejemplarea del poder soberano que cmpezaba A ejercer el virey y como esca- lones para el trono ^ que intentaba subir.' Id., 233-4. Jos6 Luis Alconedo, a silversmith, was charged with making a crown for Iturrigaray's coronation. Il, 295. Guerra disbelieves in Iturrigaray's aspirations to a throne. Hist, Rev. N. Esp., i. 70. 44 ITUREIGAEAY'S DEPOSAL. thought that almost any change would be beneficial to him so long as he remained at the head of affairs. If the people desired him to hold the country for Spain — well; Spain would hardly object to that. If France was to rule, then he could be for France — par ticularly if Godoy was on good terms with Napoleon. And even if New Spain broke into full rebellion, de clared absolute independence, and he could be their king or president — why, that would be well too; and if afterward France or Spain should prove too much for Mexico, then he had only done his best fur France or Spain. The audiencia, the church, the inquisition, all sus pected the viceroy, and regarded with contempt the ayuntamiento. If there was to be a change, each of these powers desired to be at the head; they were each determined at the least not to lose what influ ence they had, and to gain as much more as possible. In regard to the people, the railitary, officers of the government, ecclesiastics, and the rest, there was held every phase of ideas. The sympathies of some were with Fernando; many prided themselves in their loyalty to Spain; all hated France; the bolder drearaed of actual independence. The Creoles and the viceroy acted together in favor of a national con gress, but for widely diflferent ends: the former being for the liberty of the nation, the latter for personal aggrandizement. One looked to the representative body as the first movement toward securing that quality of self-government so latel}' secured "by the United States; the other regarded it only as an agent to do him service — perhaps to place upon his head a crown, either in his own name or in the narae of Spain. Out of these several phases of opinion arose several factions. But the two great final divisions, of course, were the royalists, -who would haxe America always ruled by Europe, and the independents, who would have Araerica always free. In the raain, the Span iards in America belonged to the former faction, aud HATEED OP THE FEENCH. 45 the Creoles to the latter. Yet, when it came to im portant ecclesiastical, political, or commercial bodies, whose pecuniary or other interests were paramount to those of birth and blood, this distinction did not hold good. Thus it was that at each step in march ing events, new issues divided anew people and opin ion; and so matters progressed until principles and positions could be more defined. The feeling between the audiencia and the a3amta- miento increasing, Iturrigaray threatened to resign; but he was easily dissuaded by his friends. Peace was not restored, however, and finally the alcalde de corte. Villa Urrutia, suggested that the infante Don Pedro be invited to assurae the government as regent. This proposal did not, however, meet with approval, whereupon he proposed to call a representative junta of the kingdom, the supreme authority remaining with the viceroy when necessary. The audiencia re jected this proposition also. But Urrutia's scheme v.^as submitted to the authorities of several places, and was not unfavorably received. Even the ayunta miento of Vera Cruz, whose members and policy were almost wholly European, saw no objection to it; while the authorities of Jalapa and Queretaro expressed their willingness to send deputies at once to the pro posed congress. INIeanwhile a vessel had arrived at Vera Cruz, with information that Spain had risen against Napoleon. The news reached the capital onthe night of thc 28th of July, and at daylight guns were fired, bells were rung, and all was jo}-. The enthusiasm was universal, for Napoleon was much hated, as I have said.** Alle- «To illustrate the detestation in whieh Napoleon was held, it will be suffi cient to quote from the dedication in a published exhortation of the cura of Pur^pero in Michoacan to his flock on the 15th of August of this same year. 'A Napoleon Bouaparte exCcracion delos pueblos espauoles,'and after inform ing the 'infame corzo ' that this small and remote parish had proclaimed for Fernando VII. , ho concludes: ' Desiste pues, desiste, oh monstruo de ambicion, de tus delirios, porque la Am(5rica espaiiola estii bien penetrada de tu cariictor impio, feroz y sanguinario: y te aborrece como a furia desatada del abisnio, que solo espira a dcstriur la religion verdadera, la moral sana, y la f elicidad tem- 40 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. giance to Fernando VII. was proclaimed, and volun teer corps v.'ere ready to aid him in escaping from the meshes in which he was entangled,^ while Godoy and Napoleon were burnt in efifigy.'" Thus it would seem that the first cry for indepen dence is smothered by hatred of an invader and loyal sympathy for a fallen monarch. But we may see now how a bad man may help a good cause. Iturrigaray hates Fernando, though he pretends to servehim. If he does not secretly favor the French, he is easily reconciled to their success so long as his patron Go doy is permitted to worship before Napoleon. Nev ertheless, the viceroy puts on a smiling face, and is wheeled in a chariot of state through the city, accom panied by over two thousand horsemen, who publicly offer their services in defence of the Spanish sover eign. The viceroy is gracious, and praises their horsemanship and their steeds; nevertheless, he does not fail to reiterate soon after that Spain could not resist the arms of France. Such speech and conduct on the part of the chief ruler is the surest road to revolution, and the viceroy is well aware of it." The question now arose wdiether to recognize the junta governing at Seville in the name of Fernando. The viceroy convoked a general council, composed of the audiencia, the ayuntamiento, the different tribu nals, the archbishop, and the most prominent members ofthe community. On the 9th of August the junta poral do los pueblos. Tu mas mortal enemigo. Filopatro Angelopolitano.' Diario de Mex., xii. 219. 9/d., ix. 105-8, 34.S-4; Orizava, Libra Cur., MS., 2-3; Pap. Var.. xxxvi., no. Ixviii., ii. 21-2. The slndico procurador propo.=cd that §12,000,000 be em ployed in effecting the escape of Fernando from France; six million to he paid to the commander of the fortress in which he was confined if he would conduct him to Vienna and thence to England; anel six million to that nation for his safe conveyance to Vera Cruz. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc., i. 489- 00. El real cuerpo de mineria, or mining corporation, offered to provide at its own expense 100 pieces of lield artillery and equip and maintaiu eight companies to work them. Id., i. 50.5-6. '" 'En 1° de Agosto del afio de 1808 quemaron en cstatuas al traidor de Godoi, y al intruso Emperador de los franceses Bonapai'te.' Orizaba, Libra Cur., MS., 1. ^^ Bustamante, Suplemento Hist. Mex., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 230; Ala man, Hist. Mex., i. 181. LOYALTY TO SPAIN. 47 met. The discussions were warm, the viceroy beino- somewhat ill-tempered. Verdad, the syndic of the ayuntamiento, proposed the establishment of a provi sional government, still maintaining the previous the ory that in the absence of a legitimate monarch the sovereignty reverted to the people. These views were strenuously opposed by the audiencia, which repre sented the Spanish faction, and regarded Verdad's ex pressions as seditious.'^ Allegiance to Fernando was agreed upon, and he was proclaimed king of Spain and the Indies; an oath was taken to obey no orders proceeding from the emperor of the French or his rep resentatives; and the viceroy was recognized as the king's lieutenant in New Spain, the audiencia and other royal tribunals retaining their authority. These decisions were drawn up in the form of an act, which was signed by those present.^* A disturbance occurred at Vera Cruz, occasioned by the arrival of a French vessel bearing despatches from Joseph Bonaparte. The ship was fired upon from Ulua, and was not allowed to enter port until she had lowered her colors and hoisted a white ffag. When the documents were read they were found to contain orders of Joseph, confirming in their several positions the Mexican authorities in that port, and extending to them various favors. The despatches ^^ Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 34—7. " See copy of the act in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc. Indep., i. 513-16. There are eighty-two signatures, comprising those of the viceroy, archbishop, oidores, and principal authorities. It was declared null by the audiencia of Guadalajara, Id., i. 534; while PJaOo, the intendente of Guanajuato, consid ered that certain expressions might be improperly interpreted, ' pueden mo- tivar alguna siniestra inteligencia que eonviene evitar.' Id., i. 529. On the Ilth of August Iturrigaray proclaimed the result. The document was se verely criticised by Fray Melohor de Talamantes, of whose political tenden cies mention will be made later. Talamantes charges the viceroy with having his own interest more at heart than those of the kingdom. ' Qu^ debe espe- rarse de vos,' he asks, 'que habeis velado hasta ahora sobre vuestras propios intereses y no sobre los del reino y en su organizacion; que no habeis tenido otra ley que vuestros caprichos, que solo habeis consultado d vuestras diver siones y paseos mirando eon indif erencia la administracion publica. ' [d. , i. 516-7, where see copy of the proclamation with Talamantes' annotations. On the 13th of August allegiance to Fernando was expressed by a celebration in his honor, solemnized by religious ceremonies, and enlivened by processions and illuminations. Id., i. 518-19; Gaz. de Mej., 1808, xv. 5GS-70. 48 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. were burned in the plaza. A rumor having spread that two commissioners by this vessel were secreted in the house of Ciriaco Ceballos, the comandante of the port, a mob broke into and plundered it. The host was taken to the house to allay the tumult, but the crowd was only dispersed by a heavy fall of rain." Iturrigaray heard of it on the 13th of August, the day on which the oath of allegiance to Fernando was taken, and it ought to have Ijeen a warning.*^ On the SOth two commissioners from the junta of Seville arrived at ]\Iexico deraanding recognition of its sovereignty over New Spain.'" They were Juan Gabriel Jabat, a naval coraraander, and bitter enemy of Iturrigaray,^'' and Colonel Tomds de Jauregui, a brother of the viceroy's wife. They were instructed to arrest the viceroy in case he refused compliance. A junta was convened on the following day, at which Iturrigaray expressed his dissatisfaction at the tone and want of courtesy of the despatch.^^ The debate which ensued was warm and lengthy, and tended in no Avay to procure harmony. Oidor Aguirre pro- '' ' Lo que realraente resfri6 d los amontinados, y los disolvi6, ini un fner- ti'simo aguacero, que hubo en aqucUa hora.' Laeunza, Di-icur.^os Hi. Miguel de Azanza, formerly viceroy, and at this time minister of war of Joseph Bonaparte, had arrived on thc French vessel. 1" 'Ihree days before, Iturrigaray had deemed it advisable to issue a proc lamation exhorting the people to maintain alle;:iauee to Feruaudo and unite in lesistiiig X'.-ipolcon. Diario, Jlex., ix. 2:;',)-lJ. '' 'Porque este le habia hecho salir mal de su grado dos aiios antes para Espana, porque queria pcrcibir los sueldos siu trabaj.ir.' Cae,^, 'Tecs Siglos, iii. '2'.^'^. ''Villa Urrutia thus expresses himself: 'Cclcbvosc la junta, se vieron los papeles de aquclla'— tho junta of Si\ille— 'rcdueidos d una proclama, y d dos ordenes eu tono sober:ino, confirmiimlo la una d todos en sus respectivos cmpleos, y m.mdando por la otra qe se embiasen los caudalcs qe ubiese.' Hernandez y Ddrahis, < 'vl. Doe., i. 5;i,"i-G. JUNTAS CONVENED. 49 posed that in all matters belonging to the war and treasury departments, the sovereignty of the Seville junta should be acknowledged, but not in those of patronage and justice. These views were opposed by the Marquds de Rayas and Villa Urrutia, on the ground that the sovereignty was indivisible. Although the plurality of votes was in favor of Aguirre's motion, the result was ineffective, owing to further complica tions caused by the arrival that same night of de spatches from deputies of the junta of Oviedo, which, like that of Seville, claimed royal authority, as holders of the crown for the lawful king of Spain.'" On Sep tember the 1st the viceroy summoned another coun cil, at which he stated that Spain was in a state of anarchy, since all juntas wished to be supreme. The complication caused by the claim of two separate Spanish juntas to the supreme power led to a sus pension of action, and a resolution to wait for further news was passed. But the indiscreet language of the viceroy was construed into a hint that he intended to depose Aguirre and Bataller and other oidores,^" and it was suspected that he was fully aware of nightly meetings which were now being held by the faction opposed to him, and at which were discussed plans of overthrowing him. Again and for the last time Iturrigaray convened a junta on the 9th of September. The main point dis cussed was the convocation of a general congress and the establishment of a provisional government. Great confusion marked the proceedings. Villa Urrutia was the main promoter of the idea, and to him were "7(Z., i. 536; Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 102-104. Called by Villa Urrutia 'la junta de Asturias.' Pap. Var., clvii., no. xxxiv. 7. ^ Cancelada, Verdad Sabida, 36-7. The fiscal Borbon, in a long address, raade use of expressions highly flattering to Iturrigaray, whom he called the vicegerent of the king. 'Bien, bien,' replied the viceroy, 'pues si yo lo soy, cada uno de V. SS. guarde su puesto, y no extraue si cou alguno, 6 algunos tomo providencias. ' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 235; Rev. Verdadero Orig., ii. 38. Guerra ascribes still stronger language to Iturrigaray. 'Cada uno guarde su puesto, que yo liar6 que todas lo guarden, y si se viere que hago alguna demostracion con algunos Seiiores, no serd extrano porque habra fundaraento para ello.' Rev. de N, Esp., i. 93. Hist. Mex., Vol. IV. i 50 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. opposed the three fiscales, Francisco Xavier Borbon, Ambrosio Zagarzurieta, and Francisco Robledo, all of whose opinions and votes were read before the junta. The eldest inquisitor denounced the pro posed convention as seditious. ^^ The older Miguel Bataller looked to Villa Urrutia to reply to the objections, upon which the oidor Aguirre proposed that those favoring the junta should confine them selves to the discussion of five points, namely: the authority to convoke it; the necessity of so doing; the benefit to be derived; the persons who should compose the congress; and whether their votes should be decisive. The city procurator-general, Agustin Rivero, then boldly stated that although the syndic could only represent the plebeian element, he him self, frora the nature of his appointment, could be the representative of the other classes. This caused additional commotion. The archbishop at once ex pressed his utter disapproval of such a claim, while others also vociferously denounced it. And he said further: "If such dissension is occasioned by the simple suggestion, to what extent will matters go if it be realized?" He then declared himself opposed to a convocation, although he had previously been in clined to favor it. While discussion was at its height, a voice was heard: "If the municipalities are not convoked they will assemble of their own accord." By some this bold speech was attributed to Rivero.-^ Meanwhile the viceroy maintained an affable de meanor toward all. He even condescended to ex plain that he had been informed that some of his expressions at the last junta had caused offence, had been regarded as a threat against certain members; and thereupon he declared that his language was only '" 'Sostendr^.' he said, 'que t.ales juntas son por su naturaleza sediciosai, h k lo in^nos peligrosas y del todo inutiles." Rev. Verdadero Origen, no. ii. 38. ¦'' ' Pero como el sefior fiscal de lo civil, Zag.arzurieta, redarguyera al in- stante aquoUa proposiciou sediciosa. . .y signiera el eonfuso murmuUo, quedo siu apurarse.' Jb.; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc, i. 032. USTDISCRETION OF THE VICEROY. 51 directed against the authors of certain pasquinades of a seditious character. During this session the rumored intention of the viceroy to resign was brought forward. The regidor Antonio Mendez Prieto^' arose; and having stated that such a report had reached the ayuntamiento, requested Iturrigaray, if he had such intention, to reconsider the matter and remain at the head of affairs, since grievous evils would be certain to follow at such a critical time, if the country were left with out a chief so capable of defending it. The viceroy said he wished to resign; he was getting old and diffi culties were thickening — all the same he had no in tention of laying aside sweet authority. Then Ver dad spoke in support of the representations of Prieto, and after a few words from Rivero and Uluapa, a pro found silence reigned while they were waiting to hear from the opposition. Not a word came from them, however, and Iturrigaray finally ordered the business of the junta to proceed.""^* The debate continued, but with no other result than to increase feeling between the two factions. Had the viceroy at this crisis exhibited a prudent re straint the storm might have passed ; but he persisted in a congreso consultivo, and had indeed already on the 1st of the month issued circulars to the ayunta mientos of the principal cities, instructing them to send deputies to the capital. His assumption of pre rogatives, moreover, his failure to seek the approval of the acuerdo, and his order for troops to move from Jalapa and Nueva Galicia to the capital, confirmed =^ Called by Zamacois, Hist. Mej., vi. 48, Antonio Mendez Cano. ^'The viceroy was at this tirae 66 years of age. The silence of the other members of the junta was held as indicating their wish that he should resign. That he never had any intention of doing so raay be drawn from the fact that a few days later, assuming a prerogative never claimed by preceding viceroys, he appointed Garcia Ddvila mariscal de campo, and Jos6 Maria Laso to be superintendent of the real aduma, besides granting a subsidy of 400,000 pesos frora the royal treasury to the consulado of Vera Cruz for the continu ation of the road to that port. This administrative act was done independ ently of the approval of the junta superior as required by law. Rev. Verda dero Origen, no. ii. 39. 52 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. opinion that his intention was ultimately to govern without dependence on the crown. The party op posed to him, therefore, determined to hasten their plans. There was organized against him what the viceroy would probably call a conspiracy.^ Those composing it were mostly European Spaniards, and were supported by the commercial class. Believing that the convocation of a national congress, deter mined upon by the viceroy, would bring to a conclu sion Spanish rule in IMexico, they resolved to stifle all tendency to what they might call disloya,lty to Spain, by the seizure of the viceroy and his principal supporters. Gabriel de Yermo, a native of Vizcaya, and warmly attached to the party of the oidores, was selected as their leader. Nor was the choice ill made. Courageous, energetic, possessed of ability and cau tion, Yermo was in every respect the man to take the lead. Moreover, he had at his command wealth, and the affection of liberated slaves and other de pendents on his large estates.^'' Though he con sidered that the condition of affairs required a des perate remedy, he did not immediately accept the invitation of the conspirators to put himself at their head. Having, however, consulted with his confessor, he at last expressed his willingness to act as their leader, and as no time was to be lost, he acted prompt ly. '^^ At a close meeting it was determined that the 25 Negrete, Mex. Sir/lo XIX. , i. 108. ¦¦'"Gabriel Joaquin de Yermo was born in the neighborhood of Bilbao on the 10th of September, 1757. Ho man-ied his cousin Maria Josefa Yermo m Mexico, who had inherited from her father valuable sugar-cane haciendas in the valley of Cuernavaca. On the birth of his son Jos6 Maria in 1793, he liber. ated his negro and mul.atto slaves to the number of more than 400, and ag.iin ill 1797, when he purchased the estate of Jalmolouga, ho enfranchised 200 more who belonged to it. The freedmen ever afterward exhibited undeviating fidelity and affection for him aud the cause of the kiug of Spain. Hissuccessas an agriculturist was well known in New Spain. Speaking in defence of his ac tion in this conspiracy, ho thus alludes to this occupation: 'He sido y soy puramente un agricultor industrioso, cuya riqueza tal cual cs, dimana cxclu- sivamente de los frutos do mis h.acicndas, mejoradas cn mi poder extraordi- nari.imcntc, como sabotoda la Nueva Espaiia.' Pap. Var., xxxvi., uo. Ixviii., ii. 5t-9; Caneelndu, in ld.,ccxv., no. iii., xliv.-l. : Alaman, Hist. Mij.,i.'2"S. He died iu Mexico on the 7th of September, 1813, being nearly 50 years of age. Id., i. 503. '" Iturrigaray's defenders assort that Yermo's decision was influenced by YERMO AS LEADER. 53 person of the viceroy should be seized, and the govern ment of the country held for Spain. Yermo told his associates that if he took the lead the affair must be conducted without display of any rancorous feelings, that bloodshed must be avoided, and the proposed coup d'etat accomplished in a single night. Assembling in the city a force composed of faithful laborers on his estate,-^ he next proceeded to gain over the officers of the palace guard. This force was com posed of a company drawn from the infantry regiment organized and paid by the merchants of the capital,^' who moreover had the appointment of the officers. These, being selected from the commercial class, were with few exceptions devoted to the European faction, and it would not be difficult to win over the officers ofa single company. The troops of the viceroy were al ready drawing near to the city, and the active conspira tors, who numbered three hundred, appointed the night of the 14th of Septeraber. The viceroy had been several times warned of the plot, and had it not been for his egotism, apathy, and obstinacy, he might have prevented it.^^ resentment against the viceroy for interfering with his interests as a contrac tor for meat for the city, and because the viceroy was active in prompting the sequestration of the estates of the benevolent institutions to which his own property was mortgaged in the sum of 400,003 pesos. Yermo, moreover, had taken an active I'lart in a suit brought by the producers of aguardiente to pro tect themselves against a liea\-y and irregularly imposed tax upon that liquor. By the extreme and free opinions which he expressed on the subject, he in curred the anger of the viceroy, who ordered his imprisonment, frora which he was only saved by the influence of one of his countrymen, who was afrieml of Iturrigaray. Alaman defends Yermo against the charge that personal mo tives influenced him in the action he took against the vioeroy. Id., i. 2'!0-i;!. Negrete takes a different view. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 118-19; Rtv. N. Esp., Ver dadero Origen, no. ii. 53-6. 2' Bustamante, in making mention of this fact, apologizes to Yermo's family for doing so. ' Protesto . . . no es mi dnimo ofeniler cn nada a la virtua^a familia de aquel ciudadano, justamente apreciada hoy eu Mexico.' Gavo, Tecs Siglos, iii. 236. '^^ Called el regimiento del comercio. Each day a company of this regi ment formed the guard of the viceregal palace. 2"' Condueiase en todo como un liombre narcotizado. ' Bustamante, Cuadro Hist., i., carta 1% 5. A raonth before Bustaraante had informed Iturrigaray that a conspiracy was on foot to seize his person and depose him, but the viceroy paid no heed to hira. A woman, also, presented a paper to him one day as he was leaving the palace and implored hira to read it, as it revealed a plot to make him captive. Others warned him to no purpose. Cavo, Trea 54 ITUREIGAEAY'S DEPOSAL. Plans for the 14th were frustrated by the fears of Juan Gallo, captain of the guard, who, while sympa thizing with the movement, refused to join in such arbitrary measures, though he promised not to betray them. They therefore tried Santiago Garcia, who would be in command on the following day. He also at first refused to admit them into the palace, but was finally won over by the arguments of his lieutenant, Luis Grauados, the captain of the artillery, wdio ac cepted a bribe of eight thousand pesos.^' Thus all was made ready. The oidores *^ were ad vised of the meditated attack, and the conspirators, who had assumed the name of Volunteers of Fernan do VIL, and were afterward distinguished by the appellation of Chaquetas,^^ cautiously assembled in the portal de las Flores at 12 o'clock on the night of the 15th.^* Yermo placed himself at the head, and they proceeded silently to the palace gates. The guard had been locked up in their quarters, and the senti nels at the entrance stood mute and motionless.^ Connected on the north side with the palace stood the court prison, and the sentinel on guard there, not Siglos, iii. 236-7. Iturrigaray states in his defence that at the commence ment of the conspiracy a youth unknown to him infonned bim that the oidores were formiug a design to seize him. Alaman, Hi^t. Mf., i. 244-5. ''^ This, according to the statement of Iturrigaray. Alaman discredits the assertion. Grauados was afterward banished by Garibaj' to Acapulco, where he died shortly after. Id., i. 240. Bustamante accepts Iturrigaray's state ment. ' Captain D. Luis Ch-auados estaba vendido d la faccion, y en la tarde habia mandado al mismo Palacio ochenta artilleros ]iara quo hieiesen cartuchos y tuviesen la artilleria d punto.' Sup. Cai;.\ Tres Siglos, ¦ iii. 236. ^•^ With regard to previous and final communications with the oidores, con sult Yermo, iu Amigo del Pnehlo, ii., no. vii, 211-'24. '^ Eeferring to the jackets worn as part of their uniform. "The portal de las Flores was opposite the palace; but the conspirators were screened by the pariau which intervened. Bustamante states that niauy of them went to the archbisliop 'd recibir su bendicion, les dcse6 buen suceso, y exhort6 como si fuesen d guerra de moros.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 237. Alaman denies this. Negrete considers that the conspirators actually did re ceive the archbishop's benediction. Mex. ,^!glo XIX., i. 117. '^The mayor de plaza, Corouel Juan do Noriega, Avas afterward charged ¦with having beeu bribed, and having coiiperated'with the conspirators by giving orders that tho troops should uot leave their qu.arters on that night. Noriega defended himself by depositions taken from a nuniber of the princi pal actors. In 1821 his family caused this vindication of his character to be piintod aud published, a copy of which is to be fouud iu Pap. Var., clvii., uo. xxxiii. Consult 'i'crmo, iu Amigo del Pueblo, ii. 218-19. CHAEACTER OF ITURRIGARAY. 55 being in the secret, challenged them as they ap proached. Receiving no reply, he fired on them, and was preparing to reload when he was shot down.'"' Recovering from this mishap, they entered the palace without further opposition; and notwithstanding the two shots which had been fired without, they fbund Iturrigaray asleep in his chamber. Aroused, the viceroy found himself a prisoner, and having given up the keys of his cabinets, he was conducted with his two eldest sons in a carriage to the inquisition, and lodged in the house of the inquisitor Prado. His wife and two children of tender age were at the same time conveyed to the nunnery of San Bernardo.^' Thus fell this vacillating viceroy, whose medioc rity of character, courage, and ability rendered him signally unfit to govern during this most critical pe riod. Intriguing but feeble in design, ambitious but timid, he could neither skilfully plan nor boldly execute, while his temporizing policy encouraged his enemies and disappointed his friends. Had he at the first adopted with decision the views of either faction, and supported them by positive measures, he would doubtle.'-.s have retained control of affairs. Although the arbitrariness of his final acts, and his intention to concentrate forces in the capital, seem to indicate that at last he had determined to support the Creole joarty with a view to independence, his want of caution in allowing his action to outstrip his power to maintain it by the presence of troops which he could rely upon was his ruin, and he was seized in the viceregal palace '^ Bustamante makes the strange assertion that this sentinel, whose name was Miguel Garrido, after having tired, attacked them with his bayonet, and that they fled ' como tiniidas palomas;' but that they afterward attacked him from behind as he was retui-ning, and wounded and disarmed him. But Busta mante is here strongly partisan, and not to be trusted. ^' A few days later iturrigaray was removed to the convent of the Bethle- hemites. His fall, without the effusion of blood, was considered by many as miraculous, 'iluchos — acaso los mas de estos habitantes — atribuyen tan feliz suceso d la milagrosisima Madre de Dios Guadalupana, cuya Novena en su Santuario, acaba de verificarse, y en la que las almas devotas derramaron muchas Idgrimas pidi^udole el remedio de los males que nos amenazaban.' Gaz. Mex., xv. 688-9. 56 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. when his regiments were alraost at its gates, by a band of civilians led by a wealthy farmer.*^ No sooner had the successful chaquetas lodged their prisoner within the walls of the inquisition, than they summoned the archbishop, oidores, and other author ities to council, and demanded the deposal of the viceroy. By six o'clock in the morning of thc 16th their decision had been given. Iturrigaray had been deposed, and the mariscal de campo, Pedro Garibay, appointed as his successor ad interim. At seven o'clock a proclamation to that effect was posted on all the corners ofthe capital by order of the archbishop as president of the council.^" Then followed arrests of the ex-viceroy's principal partisans, and other individ uals suspected of revolutionary tendencies. Verdad, '° For a concise outline of Iturrigaray's administration, and the course of action which led to his downfall, see Hernandez y Ddva'os, Col. Doc. Indep., i. 043-52. The document here used was published Nov. 9, 1808, and com mented upou by the oidor Aguirre. Cancelada, the editor of the G-iz. Mex., XV. 687, thus holds up to praise the action of the merchants and their de pendents: 'La Nueva Espaiia sabrd con el tiempo lo mucho que debe d todo el Coraercio de Mexico por esta accioii, la cual se executo sin efusion de san- gre:. . .Asi se sabe portar la Juventad (sic) espafiola reunida para extenninar los malvados y proteger los hombres de bien. ' Cancelada published this extra number of his gazette without having submitted it to the revision of the oidor deoano as required by law. Garibay reprimanded him, aud ordered him to call in all the copies issued. Guerra, Hi.^t. Rev. V. Esp., i. 222-6. Consult Yermo's account of the viceroy's deposition addressed by him to the Spanish junta. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, i. 655-60. '"A copy of the jiroclamation is found in Gaz. Mex., xv. 679-80. It in forms the inhabitants of Jlexico that ' El Pueblo se ha apoderado de la Persona del Exmo Seuor Virrey: ha pedido imperiosamente su sepai-aciou por razones de utilidad y convenieucia general: han convoeado en la noche precedente A este dia al Real Acuerdo, Illmo Seiior Arzobispo, y otras autoridades: se ha cedido d la urgencia, y dando por separado del mando d dicho Virrey, ha re- caido conforme d la Real Orden do 30 de Ootubre de 1806, en el Mariscal de C iiiipo Don Pedro Garibay, interin se precede d la abertura de los pliegos de Providoncia. ' At eleven o'clock Garibay, according to this government or gan, was recognized by all the government authorities. Id. The oidores ia their report to the junta de Sevilla, dated the 24th of September, represented that on the 17th preceding the people demanded that tho pliego de provi doncia should not bc opened, but that tiaiibay should continue at the head of the government. Iu accordance with this wish, the opening of the pliego was deferred. In Cavn, 'J'res Siglos, Hi. 239-42, is a copy of this report, Lizarza gives a very difierent reason, lie states that it was presumed that tho successor to Iturrigaray appointed in the pliego ^^-a3 the MarquiSs do Somc- ruclos, the governor of Habana; but that the audiencia were anxious to have at their head CJaribay, an octogenarian, to direct iu such a, crisis, aud who would offer no opposition to their views aud measures. Discurso, 6-7. THE NEW GOVERNMENT. 67 Azcdrate, and Rafael Ortega were imprisoned in the archiepiscopal jail, and shortly afterward Francisco Cisneros,*" the abbot of Guadalupe, the canon Jos^ Mariano Beristain, Jose Antonio Cristo, and Fray Melchor Talamantes of the order of la Merced." The new government at once proceeded to take pre cautions to secure itself in its position. Despatches were sent to all the principal cities with news of the occurrences in the capital. Instructions were given to the colonels of the regiments from Jalapa and Nueva Galicia to fall back. Garcia Davila was removed from his command as mariscal de campo,*^ and the conde de Alcaraz appointed in his place. *" Called by Alaman, Jos6 Cisceros. Hist. Mej., i. 250. *' Talamantes was a native of Peni, and a strong advocate for independence, as is proved by papers in his own handwriting which were seized at the time of his capture, and among which was found the sketch of a plan of indepen dence. It begins: 'El congreso nacional Americano debe ejercer todos los derechos de la soberania;' and then the duties and power of the congress are laid down in 13 items, which include extensive reforms in political, civil, and ecclesiastical administrations, the regulation of comraerce, and the promotion of agricultural, raining, and raanufacturing industries, 'quitdndoles las tra- bas. ' The last item in this interesting document is to the effect that an am bassador should be sent to the U. S. 'd tratar de alianza y pedir auxilios.' In another paper he uses these words : ' Aproximaudose ya el tiempo de la in- dependencia de este reino, debe procurarse que el congreso que se forrae lleva eu si raismo, sin que pueda percibirse de los inadvertidos la semilla de esta independencia: pero de una independencia s61ida, durable, y que pueda sos- tenerse sin dificultad y sin efusion de sangre.' Cancelada, Comlucta Iturriga ray, 119-22. Alaman compared the above quoted docuinents with the origi nals of Talamantes, which exist in the general archives. The friar was also the author of a work entitled Representacion de las Colonias, which he dedi cated to the ayuntamiento of Mexico under the nom de plume of Irza, \erda- dero patriota. In this, the most important of his productions, he establishes twelve cases in which a colony can with justice free itself from the moUier country. Uist. Mej.,i. app. 36. Talamantes was conveyed on the Oth of Apiil to the fortress of San Juan de Uliia, where he was confined in irons. He died shortly afterward of yellow fever, his jailers not having the compassion even to reraove his fetters during his sickness. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 234. Za macois does not believe such unnecessary incleraency credible. U'lst. Mij., vi. 03; Guerra states that 'le aiiadieron otro par de grrillos.' Rev. N. Esp. , i. 2SiJ. Bustamante asserts: 'No se le quitaron los grilles. . .hasta el momento de cn- terrarlo. ' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 238. Verdad died in prison on the 4th of October, 19 days after his capture, not without suspicions of having been poisoned, while Azcdrate was seized with an attack of epilepsy, induced, it was also believed, by poison. He however recovered, and having v indicated himself, was afterward set at liberty by Viceroy Venegas. Cisneros, Beristain, and Cristo were liberated soon after their incarceration. Ib.; ZamcKois, Uist. Mej., vi. 02-3; Rosa, Discurso en la Alameda, 11. •2 Ddvila, having obtained his appointment from Iturriganay, had offered to resign if the authorities deemed it advisable under the new order of things. Gaz. Mex., xv. 700. 58 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. The draQfoon regiment of j\Iexico was ordered in all haste to the capital, and measures were taken to pre serve public order and tranquillity. Nor were these precautions unnecessary. Confusion and tumult pre vailed in the city. Armed bodies of Creoles and natives thronged the streets with threatening demon strations, while fears were entertained that an attempt at rescue would be made by a division of the Jalapa I'cgiraent, whose captain, Joaquin Arias, and his brother officers declared that they would liberate Iturrigaray or perish in the attempt. They were finally, however, dissuaded from their purpose. For greater security Iturrigaray was removed to the fort ress of San Juan de Ulua.^* being conducted thither on the 21st by a guard of sixty soldiers of the volun teers of Fernando VII. and fifty dragoons. A few days later he was joined by his wife and family, and on the 6th of December embarked with them on board the San Justo for Cddiz. On his arrival at that port he was confined in the castle of San Sebas tian, whence he was removed to that of Santa Cata- lina. There, impeached for treason, and accused of extortion and maleadministration, he awaited his trial. Meanwhile, all the hoarded wealth in his palace be sides other property was sequestrated," and the oidor *^ At attempt at rescue was made, of which Vicente -¦icuna was the insti gator. Acufia was sent prisoner to Spain, where he was acquitted. Return ing to Mexico three years later, he was arrested .at Perote, and shot under sentence of the council of war stationed there. Bustamante, Sup., 'I'res Siglos, iii. 243-4. " His accumulations were immense. In three apartments of the palace were found, besides a great quantity of diamonds, suuff-boxes, ornamental bouquets, breakfast services, knives, forks, aud spoons, all ot solid gold, a gold writing-desk, gold cigar-cases, and costly ornaments, trinkets, and bric-a-brac almost without number. The silver ware was hardly less valuable; no fewer than 50 dozen sets of plates, knives, forks, and spoons were fouud, with corresponding dinner-services and table ornaments. Behind his cabmet a box was discovered, labeled 'Dulce de Queretaro.' The sweetmeats it con tained w ere 7,383 gold ounces. In .another chest w;is a massive circular ingot of gohl and a great variety of rare trinkets of the same metal, ' que no serd muy comun hallarlas en los palacios do los mouarcas. ' In thc corners of these apartments were found more than .30,000 duros in bags. Moreover, among tho spoil were four interest-paying bonds of 100,000 duros each. (The duro was tlie same coin as the peso fuertc.) ]'eracnizano, i. 76-7. The editor of this periodical states that the document from which tho above particulars are taken is a copy of the original manuscript. The same is to be found TEIAL or ITURRIGARAY. 59 Bataller was commissioned to draw up indictments. The first process despatched to Spain, being hastily prepared, was not couched in legal terras,*^ and the proceedings instituted were delayed until an instru ment in proper form, supported by the necessary docu ments, was obtained from New Spain, and it was not until August 1809 that the trial proceeded.*" The ac cusations were then divided into two classes, forming two distinct suits, the prosecution for treason and the residencia. of the accused. On the 9th of November following, Iturrigaray submitted his defence to the council of the Indies, in which he claimed acquittal of the charge of treason, on the ground that he had cleared himself of the accusations before the Spanish junta central. With regard to his residencia, he main tained that it ought not to be taken while he was in captivity, with his salary suspended, his property se questered, and his honor aspersed. He then petitioned that he might be permitted to reside in the neighbor hood of Cddiz, that the arrears of his salary should be paid, or the income of his sequestrated capital be al lowed him, and that the documents necessary for the proof of his innocence be obtained. Before any decision was arrived at, Iturrigaray ad dressed a similar petition to the regency created by the c6rtes January 29, 1810, and installed on the island of Leon, requesting, moreover, permission to reside with his family in Habana. This met with a more speedy result, and his trial for treason was sus pended and leave was granted him to reside in any province of Spain which he might select, or in the almost verbatim in Cancelada, Conducta Iturrigaray, 88-91, and in Alaman Hist. Mej., i. app. 41-3, copied from Cancelada. Before the wife of Iturri garay left Mexico she petitioned that the jewelry of which she had been de prived, and the bonds of her children, might be retumed to her, and also that her husband's plate and ornaments be restored to him. The audiencia ac ceded to her request as regarded the jewelry and plate, but refused to surren der the bonds. /cZ., i. 260-1. *» Pedimento del fiscal del consejo de Indias en la causa de Iturrigaray, in Hernandez y Ddvalos, CoL Doc, i. 693^. ^^Id., i. 093-6. 60 ITUREIGAEAY'S DEPOSAL. Balearic Islands.*'' Two days later, on February 12th, a royal order was issued still more favorable to the unfortunate man, now broken in health. By it the sequestration of his property was removed, with the exception of forty thousand pesos to be left on deposit as a bond for his residencia. To this clemency the coun cil of the Indies was strongly opposed, as being incon sistent with the gravity of the case, and the fiscal, sup ported by all the members ofthe council, requested the regency to revoke the orders.*^ No notice was taken of this address, and Iturrigaray was released, when he retired to Algeciras. On the 28th of October, 1810, however, the second regency haviug been elected, orders were issued therefrom that he should again be placed under arrest, his property sequestrated, and his case proceeded with in the most expeditious manner. It was, however, too late for this action to have any effect. Iturrigaray's property had already been re turned to him, and apprehensive of the result if he should again be arrested and put on trial, he crossed over to Africa, leaving it to his wife and friends to fight the case. These so successfully conducted mat ters that after much debating he was allowed, l.iy or der of the cdrtes, on the 2Gth of November, the benefit of the general pardon, whicli in the mean time had been extended to the revolutionists in New Spain, and the impeachment for treason was removed. In the matter of his residencia, Iturrigaray did not so fortunately escape. Ramon Oses, ak-alde' de corte in the Mexican capital, was appointed his judge, and as he was a man of high integrity, and had not been a member of the audiencia when Iturrigarav was de posed, Alaman is doubtless correct in concluding that thc investigation was conducted with fairness.^ Yet ^ 'J'Copy of tho decree of the consejo de re^eueia, dated February 10, ISIO, 13 given in 7?r(i. }'erdadero drlgen, no. ii. 4"^-^. "The fiscal advanced numerous reasons in support of the objection raised, and enncludes: '\'ucstro liscal en su resjHiesta, que apoya cuteramente el consejo, dice cuanto se halia de lepugnaute en dei-eeho v politica d que se ll('\c a efocto lo inandado en las Rcalos ordenes do diez y doce del corriente.' Id., 49-50. THE FAMILY ESTATE. 61 the late viceroy was mulcted in the sum of $435,413, $119,125 of which he was condemned to pay as the value of the invoice of goods which he illegally introduced into New Spain on his arrival there in 1803. The other amount w^as for money fraudulently obtained from the distribution of quicksilver, and sales of oflfices and contracts, to each of which original sums was added a fine of equal amount.*^ To secure pay raent, Iturrigaray's interests in the mining tribunal of Mexico, amounting to $400,000, were attached.^" He appealed to the council of the Indies, but the sentence was confirmed by it in February 1819, and later by the supreme tribunal of justice.^^ Its execution, how ever, was interrupted by the declaration of inde pendence in 1821, and Iturrigaray having died a short time before, his widow®^ and family went to Mexico and petitioned that the sentence might not be carried out. The arguments now employed were exactly opposite to those advanced by Iturrigaray, who maintained that he had ever remained loyal to Fernando.®'' The family claimed that the deceased *'He received from his quicksilver frauds $36,816. In 1806 and 1807 his receipts from illegal contracts for the manufacture of cigarette paper amounted to 8106,128. The legal price of this paper as sold from the factory was S12 a ream. During the year mentioned it was raised to S13, one dollar being paid by the manufacturers to the viceroy for their monopoly. Id., 24-5; Alaxnan, Hist. Mej., i. app. 45-7. Zamacois, who copied extensively from Alaman, bas given in app. no. 7 of his Hist. Mej., vi., a verbatim duplicate of the latter's appendix, but has failed to detect certain errors of Alaman. Iturrigaray's wife was his principal agent iu these nefarious transactions, and into her hands most of the sums were paid. He feebly attempted to defend his conduct by the support of precedents supplied by the action of his pre decessors. *" Bustamante states that the total amount in which Iturrigaray was con deraned was 384,241 pesos. Cuadro, Hist., i. 9; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 205; Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 245. ^'For copy of sentence, see Ateneo, Mej., i. 234. ^^Bustaraante writing in 1821 says: 'Con la muerte de dicho Gefe, su f .amilia se ha acabado de arruinar, y d la sazon en que escribo, yace su esposa paralitica en una cama en Ja^n.' Cuadro, Hist., ed. 1823, i., carta 1", 16. Iturrigaray died in 1821, at the age of nearly 80 years. Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 134. '^ Alaman met and conversed -ndth Iturrigaray in Madrid in 1814. The ex-viceroy was then 72 years old, and on all occasions when Mexican events were the topic, he assured Alaman that he had never entertained the thought of effecting the independence of New Spain. Indeed, it was impossible to prove the charge of treason against him, as the only ground for supposing 02 ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. viceroy had really been the first promoter of inde- jiendence, and had fallen a victim to the cause 1 And further, the claim was respected. The Mexican con gress in 1824 stopped proceedings, and restored to" Iturrigaray's heirs the $400,000 invested in the min ing tribunal. Such was the result of one of the most important and memorable investigations made during the whole period of viceregal administration.^* The trial of Iturrigaray, while exposing his grasping avarice and nefarious transactions, throws little light upon his political pretensions. It is only by a consid eration of the discussions carried on by his supporters and opponents, by an impartial estimate of the effect of his administrative acts,®^ and by a close study of his character that we may reasonably expect any light on his secret intentions or expectations. Not only did his enemies directly accuse him of treasonable designs, but even insinuated that he was not unwilling at one time to recognize Murat, Napoleon's representa tive in Madrid.^^ But this is far fetched ; and in regard that he meditated the independence of New Spain was his intention of con voking a national congress. Hist. Mej., i. 270. ^' Alaman states that the heirs surreptitiously obtained from the audiencia archives the original process against the ex-viceroy. Proceedings were insti tuted against Guiol, who abstracted them. Alaman received his information from Senator Olaguibcl, who defended Guiol at his trial, and authorized Ala man to use his name in proof of the fact. Hist. Mej., i. 207. '* Nothing gained for him more hostile feeling than the strictness with which he conducted the consolidation of the funds of the Obras Pias: 'In- teresole en este maldito negociado en un tanto por ciento el Ministerio Espanol, y asi procur6 hacer efoctivas sus proviilencias con un rigor, que le atrajo el odio del Reyno.' Thus writes Bustamante, one of his priucipal defenders. Cuadro, Uist., ed. 1823, i., carta 1", 15. '"At the junta held on the 9th of xVugust, 1808, according to Jlartiuena, the viceroy used these words: 'Seuores, aun estamos eu tiempo de reoonoccr al duque de Berg, jque dicen V. SS.?' and when all exclaimed, 'Vo Senor! vo ."•'euor!' Iturrigaray, observing that tiie oidor decano Ciriaco Gonzalez Carvajal was conspicuously emphatic, asked him. ' Y qu6 dird V. S. si lo va autorizado con la firma del Seiior Porlier?' Rev. Verdadero Origen, ii. 3G. Bustamante's version is very dillercnt. Ho states that when tho question of submission to the orders of Murat was put, the oidores tumed pale, 'mas el virey con dnimo deuodado la deoidi6, dieieudo, que no lo obedeceria micntras mandase un ejercito.' He afterward east this timidity iu their teeth : ' Diciendoles d los mismos oidores . . . Que . . . solo despucs quo han visto mejorarse las cosas era cuando cstabau valientcs.' Sup. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TIMES. 03 to the independence of Mexico, whatever he thought of it, I am sure he did not look much beyond present issues. Independence as a principle was with him a small matter; independence as a raeans of profit de pended greatly upon relations between France and Spain. Hence his anxiety to provide against the con tingency of being thrown over by a new power on the convocation of a national congress; for he doubt less believed that Spain would be unable to cope suc cessfully with the arms of Napoleon. Under such circumstances, if New Spain declared herself inde pendent, there would be no special disloyalty on his part to the mother country. But Iturrigaray had not the sagacity to recognize that the creole faction which he favored was laying deeper plans, and would not be satisfied with only temporary freedom. He was not aware that beneath his feet was a political vortex, a fact which the Span ish element appreciated more clearly. His want of tact, moreover, and his intemperate language," had given great offence, and he was cordially hated by the oidores and their party. During the latter days of his administration every expression of his counte nance was watched by his opponents; every sjdlable that fell from his lips was caught up, and, if possible, interpreted as significant of his want of loyalty to Spain. That the European party were fully per suaded that he ¦was aiming at the independence of Mexico, there is no doubt, giving as proof his dis mantling the seaward battery of Uliia, and convey ing its guns into the interior, the changes made by "At the session held on the Oth of August, when the archbishop, perceiv ing that the discussions were becoming interminable, proposed that they should be confined to essential raatters, Iturrigaray rudely and angrily replied: 'Que alii cada uno tenia libertad de hablar lo que quisiese, y que si le parecia larga la junta, desde luego se podria marchar d su casa.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 196. On the same occasion Oidor Aguirre rose and said: 'Senor Exmo. La resolucion de defender estos dominios necesita alguna ex- plicacion.' The viceroy immediately answered: 'No hay necesidad de ex- plicacion: 6\ que no lo entienda que se vaya, abierta tiene la puerta.' Rev. Verdadero Origen, ii. 36. 64 ITUREIGAEAY'S DEPOSAL. hira in railitary chiefs, and his intended establishment of a national congress.^^ These arguments were combated by his supporters, v/ho noted the fact that Iturrigaray had taken the oath of allegiance to Fernando, and denied any inten tion to establish an independent government. The removal of the artillery from San Juan de Uliia was done, they asserted, for the purpose of avoiding the mortality which prevailed among the troops stationed at Vera Cruz'^^ by placing them in more healthy local ities. While they thus repudiated the accusations of treasonable designs, they nevertheless acknowledged many grave defects in his administration.^ ** How strongly opposed the European party was to such a congress may be seen from Bishop Queipo's views expressed on the 26th of September; ' Una junta nacional. . .es una verdadera rebeUon.' Col. Doc, 29; Pap. Var., 02, no. 19, 28-34. '"'Que eu Veracruz perecerlau, corao siempre, a millares.' Eev. de N. Esp., Censura Particular, 3. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 362, makes the strange statement that Iturrigaray entertained such an infatuated belief in his military skill that he dismantled the battery for the purpose of enticing the English to make au attack on Vera Cruz, being confident of \nctory. ' pero af ortunadamente para el virey, no sucedid asi, y d esto debid el que sn reputacion militar no quedase tan perdida como la de gobemante.' Laeunza, Doc. Hist. Museo Mex. , 534, raakes the sarae stateraent. ^ Bustamante, one of his stanchest defenders, remarks : ' Conozco los graves def ectos de su administracion ; uno de ellos es la venta escandalosa de los empleos que hizo.' Sup., Cavo, Tres Sii/los, iii. 245. The deposal of Itur rigaray was the subject of various works and the theme of innumerable dia tribes which rancorously discussed the cause of his fall, and its bearing on the future destiny of Mexico. These writings embrace productions of every di mension, from the size of a volume to small pamphlets or a couple of leaves in a periodical. They were issued during a period which extended from the time of Iturrigaray's trial before the council of the Indies till long after the declaration of independence. A large proportion ot the pamphlets and smaller essays are anonyraous. Their style, which is usually virulent, shows tlie bitterness with which the two chief factions regarded each other. By far the most important of these productions are published by Cancelada, Lizarza, Mier y Guerra, and Martiiiena. Juan Lopez Cancelada, the editor of the Cir.eta de Mexico, represented in Spain the interests of the commercial com munity of Mexico which endeavored to obtain a revocation of the decision which liberated Iturrigaray, released him from the accusation of treason, and restored his ill-gotten wealth. Cancelada proved himself an inveterate enemy of the fallen viceroy, and probably was influenced by personal feeling. In the G'iz. de Mex., xv. 522, of the 2d of August, 1808, the editor published a rumor that Fernando had been restored to the throne. This incensed Iturrigaray, V ho summoned Cancelada before him and banished him. By the intercession of the vice-queen, hovievcr, tho order w.as withdrawn, and Cancelada allowed to remain in Mexico, but was mado to retract his assertion. After the de posal of Iturrigaray, Cancclada assailed Villa Urrutia by petitioning the audi encia to pronounce him a traitor, .and punish him as such; but his language Was so malignant that ho was condemned iu a fine of 500 pesos for calumny, BIBLIOGEAPHICAL. 05 or to imprisonment for two months. He later addressed the archbishop, then viceroy, in such discourteous aud unmeasured terms that he was arresteil and tried before the junta de seguridad y buen 6rden. Numerous persons brought against him charges of insults and grievances, and his fractious and turbulent teudencie? being well known, the junta condemned him to banishment to Spain. Guerra, 111.^1 Rev. N. Esp., i. xix. -xxiv. There he occupied himself ill writing on the political affairs of New Spain, displaying therein a vicious enmity toward tho creole and revolutionary party. In ISU he published in Cddiz La Verdad Sabida y Buena Fe Guardada, in which he maintains that the revolution which broke out in Mexico iu 1810 originated in Iturrigaray and his treasonable designs. He asserts that a revolutionary tendency did not exist at the time when Humboldt was in New Spain, as affirmed 'ny 'el Espauol escritor cn Londres,' and said that Humboldt's travels in Mexico were too limited to admit of his understanding tlie spirit of the people. The Verdad Sabida gave great offence to the ayuntamiento of Jlexico, and the regidores petitioned the supreme council of the Spanish regency to ordcr his arrest on the charge of abominable libels principally directed agaiust that municipality. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, i. 725. In IMexico Cance lada for some years follo%ved the avocation of a pedler. He was of a quar relsome and rancorous disposition, and is described by the ayuntamiento of Mexico as 'hombre bien couocido en este reyno por su cavilosidad, estupidez y audaeia.' Id. Of low origin and uneducated, it is a matter of surprise that he obtained the position as editor of the Gazeta de Mexico, the official organ of the governraent, which was under his direction for some years. Fernando, on his retum to Spain, caused him to be placed in a convent, from which, however, he was liberated in 1820. He died a few years afterward. Besides the Verdad Sab'ida, he was the author of many other works, among which may be mentioned Ruina de la Nueva Es/yaiia si se declara cl enmereio libre con los extrangeros, Cddiz, 1811, 4to, pp. 84; Conducta, del Exceleiitisimo Senor Don Jos6 Iturrigaray, Cddiz, 1812, 4to, 2 1. pp. 135; and the TeUi/mfo Ame ricano, a periodical which he published in Spain, and which was opposed in the Censor by Alcocer of Tlascala. In reply to the Verdad Sabida, appeared in the same year the Discurso que Publica Don Facundo de Lizarza Vindicando. . .Iturrigaray. It handles Cancelada with great severity, and frequently gives him the lie direct. Lizarza, who was Iturrigaray's law yer, was not the author of the Discurso, but Jose Beye de Cisneros, the brother of the abbot of Guadalupe, who was imprisoned on the downfall of the -viceroy — and at that time Mexican deputy to the c6rtes at C.idiz. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 238. The work displays considerable acumen in the refutation of Cancelada, and supplies many facts favorable to Iturrigaray purposely ignored in the Verdad Sabida. Although Cisneros is not sparing in severe animadversions upon the dissertation, describing it as a texture of lies, falsifications, and fiction, he has the good taste to refrain from the gross vituperation so noticeable in the writings of that tirae. Cancelada in reply published his Conducta del Exmo. Seiior. . .Iturrigara;/, Cadiz, 1812, which is valuable as being composed raainly of transcripts of official documents bear ing upon Iturrigaray's fall and trial. Among these appear the report of his administration and conduct frora the time of his arrival to his deposal, drawn up by the real acuerdo of Mexico, November 9, 1808; official accounts of the four meraorable juntas convoked by him on the Oth and 31st of August, and the Ist and 9th of September, 1808; the royal orders issued by the regency of thc isla de Leon; and other official papers quoted in this chapter. With re gard to the report of the real acuerdo, to whieh Cancclada triumphantly ap peals us conclusive evidence of Iturrigaray's aspirations to the sovereignty of New Spain, I have only to remark that the members of that court were bit terly hostile to the viceroy, and that their representations cannot be acccjited as irapartiaL U'lilor'ia de la Revolucion de Nueva Espaiia, etc. , Escrihia la Dn Josi Guerra, Londres, 1813, 2 vols, Svo. This work was first undertaken by Jos6 Servando de Mier y Guerra, with the object of defending Iturrigaray against the defamatory attacks of Cancelada, but the author, being supplied Hist. Mex., Vol. IV. 5 GO ITURRIGARAY'S DEPOSAL. ¦p-ith a great quantity of material for the history of subsequent events, carried it forward and included the first years of the revolution in Mexico. Tiie iirst volume is almost entirely devoted to the vindication of Iturrigaray; in the second the progress of the revolution is narrated down to the year 18j2. Guerra in his preface supplies us with a biographical sketch of (Jjucelada's life down to the date of the publication of tlie H'lstorin, and exposes his career with most contemptuous irony. Ilis work is largely taken up with e.\tracts from oflicial documents, of which he possessed a great numher. For the insertion of so much of such material he excuses himself upon the plea that having been far from the scene of events, and haviug uudertaken to refute the false representations of one who professed to have been present at them, he was compelleil to support his arguments by documentary evi dence. Guerra, after the fall of the viceroy, narrowly escaped arrest, and fleeing from Jlexico took up his residence in London. There he l.ieeaine the most able defender of Iturrigaray, who, according to Alaman, II, .^l. M'j., i. 2(iS-!), supported him iu London until his tendencies inclined to the sup port of tho revolution. His work displays great talent and skill. While the style is elegaut, the author had at his command a sarcasm that couiil bite. Alaman speaks highly of this work, which, party spirit aside, will, he says, be ever appreciated for the amount of information v. hich it cntiins. Verdadero Origen . . . ile la Ueroliicion de Niuf.aEypuiia, etc., Mexico, 1S20. fol. pp. 17. (Followed by) Manijii sto a T,jdii< las Naeiones por el Sn p, rior Cohi- erno de Nnevn Esj^aaa. The author of this angry treatise was .Juan Martin de Juan Jlartiuena, who iu 1816 took up the gauntlet in defence of Iturri^'a- ray's deposers. JIartincna quotes extracts from Lizarza, Cisueros, Du^ta- inante, and other supporters of Iturrigaray, and condemns these writers with vehement asperity. 'How degrading it i<,'he exclaims, 'to find in thein tbe same language, the sarae ideas, object, and even vulgar outcry — voces niateriales — as in the rebel leaders with respect to Ituixigaray and the faithful patriots %vho put a stop to his crirainal proceedings, the only difference being that the former affect peace, harmony, and fidelity, which the latter do not, being ia a position to explain frankly their true scntimeutsl' The liistorian has, however, to thank Juan JIartiu de Juan JIartiueua for his tran^ciipt of tbe Miinijiesto, but particularly for the large number of interesting documents appended thereto. The jiublication of tlie Verdadero Origen, etc., immediate ly brought out a number of anonymous replies, from among whieh I w'i.i make mention of Ceii.iiiea Particular c Iinpareial del Cuaderno Titulmlo: Verdadero origen, etc.; Jleeees Reflexiones que piieden amidiise por via de impugnncion, cd, id.; and Con ^ij OS at Sr Autor, J'.d'dor y Ano'ador del Cuaderno e,i FoUo Titulado, id. With regard to the Manirie.^'to above mentioned, it was issued on the 10th of January, 1816, by the governmeut of New Si)ain, iu refutation of the ' falsehoods, calumnies, and errors which the rebels of Jlexico have given utterance to iu a paper entitled El Supremo C'uvireso Mexicano a toJas las Naciones, escrito en Puruaran d 23 de junio de ISij.' CHAPTER IV. VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. 1808-1810. Garibay's Chaeactek — A Badge of Loyalty — Reorcaxization of the Army — Bonapartist Intkigue.s — Lampoons and Sediiious Sheets — Effect of Reverses in Spain — Estaelishiment of a Junta Consul tiva — Pretensions to the Throne of Mexico — Akchbisiiop Lizana Appointed Viceroy — Remittances to Spain — Lizana'.s Character — The Junt.\ de Segurid.ad — Revolution at V-vlladolid — Spanish American Representation in the CArtes — Lizana Re:iioved frgji Office — Weak Administration of the Audiencia — French Emis saries — Arrival of Viceroy Venegas — His Antecedents, Charac ter, AND Personal Appearance — Titles and Honors from Spain. When the chaquetas conceived thc design of seizing and deposing the viceroy, they imagined that they would thus be cutting off the hydra's head, that by one bold stroke they would annihilate the monster of disloyalty. But they erred in their calculations. The Creole party, disappointed that their hope should fail in a season so fair for its accomplishment, were doubly embittered. They believed that as matters stood in the mother country, they, and not the Span iards, were the power in the land. Rivalry and hatred between the two factions increased, and henceforward the revolutionary spirit spread silently and far with rapidity.-' At a time so fraught with difficulties, arising from violent political change, no raore incompetent man 'In 1811 the Mexican deputies to the Spanish c6rtes represented that the iraprisonraent of Iturrigaray had jirovokcd the rivalry between the Spaniarils and Creoles, ' difundi^ndose sordamente por el Reyno, y creciendo de dia en dia.' D'lputac, Amer. Rep., 1° de Agosto de 1811, 3. 08 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. could have been placed at the head of affairs than Pedro Garibay, field marshal of the royal armies. Infirm of body^ and weak of will; of meagre resources, lacking ability, and wanting in authority even in his own household; a victim, moreover, to the anxiety attending poverty — he was undergoing the penalties wdiich those must pay who by reason of great strength arrive at the age of fourscore years.^ Nevertheless, he eagerly accepted the high position offered him. In the early part of his life he had served in the wars in Italy and Portugal, and in 17G4 went to Mexico with General Villalva. By slow promotion he at tained the grade of brigadier in 1789, and at a later date was allowed to retire on account of liis infirmities, with the rank of mariscal de campo de los reales ejercitos. His poverty was such that he was fre quently compelled to borrow small sums from his acquaintances.* He was honorable, and v/ell liked by high and low. Such as he was, however, his insuf ficiency was the reason of his election. The oidores, whom he regardetl as his protectors,^ were not desir ous that a strong man should be at the head of afiairs; and during Garibay's short administration, in all acts of government he was but the mouth-piece of the audi lencia." As soon as the coup d'etat in the case of Iturri garay was accomplished, the new government, with out formally recognizing either of the Spanish juntas, proceeded to rule in the name of Fernando VIL; and ^ ' Padecia una enf erinedad de estimago . . . teniendo que apoyarse en un criado cuando salia d la calle.' Rivera, G.,h. Mex., i. 545. 'Bustamante st.-itea that he was over 80. ('oco, I'res Si,/lns, 'iii. loO. Ala man says, 'era un anciano de mas de seteuta anos.' Uist. ilf., i. 279. But as he entered his military career iu 1712, the former's statement must be nearer the truth. He w as unable from his infirmities to sign documents, and was compelled to use a stamp. Di^pu.sie. Varias, i. f. l:U. '¦Alaman, Hi.^it. .Mej., i. 280. " ' Vi6 su exaltacion como un gran beneficio, y cn los oidores unos pro- teelvres, cuyo titulo no les iicgaba eu sus coutcstaciones secretas. ' Bustamante, ut eil. ' ' Era todo do ellos, y haeia preeisaniente lo que le maudaba A'^uirre, capa- taz de la Audiencia.' Ib. ' Pero este era cl hombre que convenia al Acuerdo y a sus iniras.' Mora, Mij. y sus Rev., iii. 347. DISBANDMENT OF THE CHAQUETAS. 69 an order was issued that the inhabitants of the capi tal, in token of their loyalty, should wear on their persons a badge bearing his name." The tribunal del consulado was instructed to communicate the same order to all corporations within the jurisdiction of that court.^ The first important step which the new government took in order to insure its stability was the reorganization of the army. Neither the vol unteers of Fernando VII. nor the forces at Jalapa were regarded as supports free from objection. The party from which the former were drawn seemed to expect their own political views adopted in the new order of affairs which they had created, and the oidores feared that the freedom of their own action would thereby be impeded. Accordingly the chaque tas were disbanded by Garibay, who would no longer detain such loyal and self-denying persons from their comraercial occupations. He thanked thera in the narae of Fernando for their patriotism, for the ever memorable services they had rendered, and informed them that he should not fail to place a memorial of their merits at th-,- feet of his majesty." In breaking up the encampment at Jalapa the oidores were in fluenced by still more forcible reasons. The regiments which composed the army stationed there were drawn from the different provinces, and the ranks filled by Mexicans, whose loyalty could not be safely relied upon if the flag of independence should be raised. Orders were therefore issued that each corps should return to its respective district; the reason assigned being that, in view of the alliance which had been formed between Spain and England,^" the concentra tion of so large a force for defence was no longer nec essary. It was further urged that the governraent, ' Gaz. deMex., xv. 687. Many persons had gold medals made, and wore them on their coat collars. Alaman possessed a collection of them, and states that they were of poor workraanship. Hist. Mej. , i. 282. ^Gaz. de Mex., xv. GOO. , '/(/., 804. The order was given on the 15th of October. Hernandez y Dd valos, Col Doc, i. 010-17. '"England had made peace with Spain in July 1808. 70 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. in its efforts to send pecuniary aid to the peninsula, could not afford the expense of maintaining a stand- inarticularly successful v.itli ^'iecl¦oy Iturrigaray, according to Queipo, who states that by Uattery and cajoling they so influenced him that 'lo hizo titubear en la fidelid.id de tal modo, que su conducta ambigua hizo creer d los sediciosos que estaba dc. cidido en su favor, y con esto arrojaron la mdseara y atacarou cara deseuhi- erta los derechos de la monarquia. ' Inf orme dirig. al rey. , in Zamacois, Hist. Mij., ix. 8G2. " 'I'ero no olvidando tampoco Napoleon el objeto interesante de las .-Viui^- ricas, en-\i6 comisionados d seducir y coinprar los virreycs, gobeinadoics y demas personas que por la fuerza d por su influ.xo pudiesen doininar cl pue blo.' (Ur.. de Mex., xv. 93.5. In .Vugust IsOS. among othcr seditious papers seized at Jera Cruz was a despatch from Champaui, the Freuch rainister of fciici'^n affairs, olGcially reconuuending a systera of opcratious to pro. mote rebellion. Arrillaga, Informe, inCedulario, iv. f. 50, no. 1. The same year General Octaviano d'.Mvimar. haviug been authori. :ed to expend lar^;e sums of money with this object, entered Jlexican territory from thc U. S. Ho ^^¦a3 arresied at Nacodoehes, in Texas, in Aii;;ust 18JS, aud proceedings were instituted against him as an agent of Napoleon. (Jaribay sent hiin prisoner to Spain in 1800, and after thc iudcpcndenco D'Alviniar attempted to icco\'cr damages for liis imprisonment and loss of personal cliects. Go:, de Ml i:, ut sup ; llivern. Gob. de Mex., i. 540; Bustamant,; iu Caeo, 'J're^ Si'.i'os, iii. 2./!M;1. D'.Uvimar, whilo being conducted to tho capital, passed through Dolores, and had several interviews -« ith Hidalgo, whom be earnestly en couraged, it is nsserleil, in rcvolutionaiy desii,ns. Diaz Calvido, Sermon, 1LI7-8. Hidalgo, however, at his trial asserted that his conversations with PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 71 Lampoons and scurrilous pasquinades were posted on the walls; insulting caricatures of the leading mera- beis of the governinent and loyalist party disfigured the public buildings; and seditious sheets in print were scattered on the floors of the cathedral and churches.^-' The image of his majesty, moreover, was grossly disfigured on the coinage,^^ and the suprerae junta of Spain ridiculed. And all these seeds of insurrection were so secretly and ward}' sown that no efforts of the government were effective in sup- I''-Vlvimar had no political significance. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 350-60. !Monsieur Desmolard was Joseph Bonaparte's agent at Baltimore, and the Freuch usurper issued instructions to him which disclosed the plan to excite revolt in Spanish America. The main jioints were to declare to the Creoles that his imperial majesty had solely in view to give liberty to Spanish Amer ica, the only return expected being tho friendship of the people and com merce with the country. To effect their independence, his majesty offered all ueces.s.ary troops and stores. The emissaries were further instructed to point out the advantages which would accrue by suspending the heavy re mittances to Spain, and by the acquirement of freedora frora coraraercial and agricultural restrictions. The good-will of the ecclesiastics especially was to be gained, with the object that at the confessional they should urge the necessity of independence. The injustice to which the Creoles were subject in the disposal of public appointraents was to be dwelt upon. At the same time the agents were to be careful not to declaim agaiust the inquisition or the church, and on the insunectional standards the motto 'Viva la llcligion catdlica, apostolica y romana! Perezca el mal gobierno!' was to be inscribed. Thc servants of governors and high officials were to be won over, and sub- agents were to keep the principal agents duly informed of the progress raade, nnd these iu turn were to communicate with Joseph Bonaparte's envoy in the U. S. A copy of these instructions was found in Caracas, in the office of the secretary to the suprema junta, and forwarded by the junta to the English admiral at the Barbadoes station. Rev. in Span. Amer., 80-7; ^Yal- ton's E.ipo.v',. app. 2-7; Ciilvo, Annales U'l^t., i. 4.3-5. The Spanish govern ment warned the colonial authorities of Bonaparte's machinations. A royal address, dated Jlay 10, 1809, exhorting the inhabitants of New Spain to main tain their loyalty, and be on guard against French intrigues, says ' para que hacieiidolo publico,' that is, the address, 'en esos Dominios se precavan sus naturales do las inipresiones siniestras que podrian causarles las maquinacioucs C- iutriguas que nuestros feroces enemigos emplean ahora con mas arte quo nuuca.' Disposie. ]'arias, i. f. 141. Graribay on April IS, 1809, published a proclaraation forbidding the landing of Frenchmen at the ports, whether the}- had passports or not. All French settleVs also were ordered to appear within eight days before the alcaldes, by whom they were examined. If sus picion attached to any of them, such were to be iraprisoned. Gaz. de Mex. , xvi. 337-40. '^On the Oth of October, 1808, Garibay published a decree with the object of suppressing these papers. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, i. 0')8-9. '^Garibay on the 19th of Jlay, 1809, issued a proclamation offering 2,000 pesos for the discovery of the mutilators of the coins. He says: 'Prctcndeu vengar el mal 6xito de sus maquinaciones en el real busto de las monedas, de las que han llegado A mis manos varias piezas seualadas de modes diferentea, todos enormemente ofensivos d la magestad, y en odio do la diuastia rey- nante.' Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 423. 72 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. pressing the hostile demonstrations. In vain the use and sale of hand printing-presses were prohibited," and in vain rewards were offered i'or the detection of the authors of these treasonable acts. In April 1809 news of reverses sustained by Span ish arms in the peninsula reached Mexico, and Gari bay issued a proclamation on the 20th,^^ exhorting the public to show their loyalty by contributions in aid of the raother country, by sentiments expressing a closer union in mind and heart,^" and above all, by refusing to be influenced by the secret operations of those Avho were endeavoring to seduce them from their al legiance. But this proclamation had no effect in arresting the steady advance of the revolutionary party. Its adherents were jubilant, and did not re frain from openly expressing their joy at the news. They greeted with delight the intelligence of disas ters suffered by the Spanish forces; and while they exaggerated their defeats, they underrated and derided the advantages which they gained. Day by day the government was losing its influ ence over the public mind, and becoming more and more an object of ridicule on the part of the disaf fected. In the hope of changing the current, Gari bay, or rather his advisers, established a junta con sultiva, composed of three oidores, before which all cases of treason were to be tried instead of in the criminal court. This tribunal was formed in June "On the 27 th of April, 1809, the viceroy published a proclamation order ing that all suoh presses should be delivered up to the judge of the tribunal de la Acordada within three days. Diario de Mex., x. ."i08. Yetou the 20th of May following he found it necessary to offer a reward of 2,000 pesos for the discovery of tho persons who had scattered trciasonable sheets in the churches during holy week. Gaz.de J/.'a;., ut cit. Tliese sheets were di rected against the Spanish junta central, and invited the people to assert their iudepeiidence. The junta central of Sp.ain was reeoi^nizcd by the viceroy by decree of March 16, 1809. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc,'i. 680-3. "GfK. de Mex., xvi. 365-8. " 'Olvidad desde ahora para siempre esos apodos de crioUos y gachupines, de que haccis una aplicaeiou odiosa e ideal, supuesto que todos los iniembros de una nacion no deben ser conocidos sino por el nondire mismo que Ueva la nacion de que son parte: ademas de que es tan ridiculo como absurdo hacer merito de una cosa que no esta en uuestra mano: es decir de uacer aqui i5 del lado de alia del mar.' Id., 308. AX AZTEC MONARCH. 73 1800, and some arrests were made, but instead of tending toward suppressing sedition, its creation was turned to advantage by the independents, and sup plied additional means of fomenting discontent. The innovation made by transferring the prerogatives of the sala del crimen to an extraordinary court arbi trarily established, and employing a great number of spies, was seized upon as an illustration of despotism on the part of the government. A rumor was spread that the prisons were crowded with innocent victims; households were filled with fear of arrests, and the public were taught to believe that the mere suspicion of free opinions being entertained by a man was sufiB cient to cause his being sent prisoner to Spain.-° Outward demonstrations were, it is true, for the time suppressed; but none the less did the cause of indepen dence gain ground under the more cautious and se cret operations of its promoters. Illustrative not alone of the anomalous position in which New Spain stood with regard to the mother country during this period, but also of the unsettled and somewhat incongruous ideas as to government and succession, was a claim in 1808 of an Indian to the throne of Mexico. This personage alleged that he was a descendant of the emperor Montezuma, and maintained that in view of the downfall of the Spanish monarchy he had a right to the crown of the Aztec royal line. Had the native population been as well prepared for revolt as they were two years later, such a claim might have caused much alarm, and probably bloodshed. As it was, ridicule was the '"'Alaman attempted to trace the grounds for these reports, but could only discover the names of the following persons arrested : The Franciscan padre Sugasti, the silversmith Jos(5 Luis Alconedo, charged with making a crown for Iturrigaray, the escribano Peimbert, Antonio Calleja, the cura Palacios, and the licentiates Vicente Acuiia aud Julian Castillejos, ' todos acusados y muchos convencidos de ser autores de papeles 6 maquinaciones sediciosas. ' Id. Compare Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 253. Negrete agrees with Busta mante's statement that the jails were filled with prisoners. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 181. 74 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. only weapon eraployed, and the pretender came to be regarded by many as a madman.'' On the 13th of March, 1809, the English brig Sajijiho arrived at Vera Cruz frora Rio Janeiro, Ijear- ing tlespatches from the infanta Dona IMarfa Carlota Joaquina, the si.stcr of Fernando. The letter was addressed to the viceroy, audiencias, governors, and municipalities of New Spain, and contained her wishes and expectations that her son, the infante Don Pedro, would be received and acknowledged as regent aud lieutenant of the king. Sucii pretensions caused the vicero}' and audiencia much inquietude, and they en deavored, though in vain, to keep the matter secret. In their reply to the infanta they confined themselves to expressions of courtesy, reporting that tranquillity reigned in the country.'^ Not long after, the viceroy received a letter fiom the junta central of Spain, in forraing him that it had become aware that Napoleon meditated sending Carlos IV. to reign in New Spain, with the object of creating a division in the Spanish monarchy ,^^ and instructions were given him to pro hibit the landing of Carlos, and arrest him if he per sisted. AVith the approval of the real acuerdo, the viceroy issued the corresponding orders to the authori ties at the ports. 2' 'Los Europeos hieieron la mas alta burla de esta solicitud y su apoyo.' His pretensions were finally crushed by a poetical burles-ine, one' of the lines of which r.an thus: 'Y treinta mil Indies guerreros vestiJos a su usanza — esto es cencueros,' etc. Cnneelada, \'erdad Sabida, xx. The whole story is denied in Lizarzn, Discurso Vind. Iturr., 16-17. *^ Bustamante furnishes a copy of a portion of the infanta's despatch, the tone of which is somewhat assuming. She th.anks the members of the au diencia and the archbishop for their zeal and wachfulness in haviug saved the country; urges the viceroy to be vigilant iu maintaining ordcr and the prosperity of thc eountry; and wishes to be supplied with an exact account of all notable events in thc capital and kingdom, 'y si posible es de toda csa America Septentrional.' Bustamante remarks: 'Su Alteza sin duda estaba rauy ociosa cuando cscribiu diclia carta, y al tenor de cUa otras inuchas ; pnilo hal>er ocupado el tiempo en hacer caLicta para sus hijos.' ( 'avo, TresSiglos, iii. 201 2. The letter is dated Rio de Janeiro, Jlay 11, 1809. ^^r.ustnmanto discredits any such idea on tho part of Napoleon. 'La Junta do Sevilla' — he means the junta central, which had withdrawn to Sevilla — 'tenia tan auclias tragadcras paiaonguUir lasmentiras m.as absuidas, como las tenia Garibay y su Consejo do flidores;' but was conlident that if tho attempt had been made Carlos would have triumphantly entered Mexico. i.'avo. Ties Siglos, iii. 202-3. WEAK RULERS. 75 During the first six months of Garibav's rule no formal recognition of the Spanish juntas had been made. The decrees of the junta de Sevilla had been published and acted upon, but no oath of allegiance to it as representative of the king was ever taken. After the defeat of the French at Baylen, by Cas- taiK)s, and their evacuation of Madrid, the juntas of the difterent provinces carae to an understanding, and the suprema junta central was installed at Aranjuez on the 25th of September 1808. In March 1809 its authority was recognized in Mexico, and the viceroy, audiencia, raunicipality, and tribunals took the oath of allegiance. The occasion was celebrated with sal voes of artillery and illuminations.^* The mental and physical incompetency of Garibay, who possessed neither bodily activity nor intellectual vigor, socii made it apparent to the Ycrrao party that the political situation was daily becoraing critical. Un der the misrule of the oidores they observed that revo lutionary principles were spreading instead of being suppressed, and there were those who foresaw the coraing struggle.-' Warnings were whispered to the oidores, but passed unheeded, and the party which had overthrown Iturrigaray represented the true state of affairs to the junta central, urging the appointraent of an able and energetic viceroy without delay. By such a measure only could the tranquillity of the coun try be maintained. '¦^'^ The Spanish junta accordingly "Gaz. deMex., xvi. 207, 205-70, 294-5; Disposie Var'ias, i. f. 135-6; Di ario Mex., ix. 632. Ou April 5th the bishop of Oajaca delivered an oration in support of this recognition. Id., x. 451-5. '^^ JIanuel Abad y Queipo in JIarch 1809 addressed the real acuerdo, urging the necessity of augmenting the military force in order to iusure internal tranquillity and protection against invasion. With regard to the danger threatened by tho prevailing discord, he remarks in a no!;o that at the time ^vhcn he wrote the representation 'no se podia entonces ponderareste peligro sin aumentarlo en realidad por cuya razon solamente lo indique, en couccpto de que esto era bastaute para unos majistrados sabios i ilustrados en el asun- to.' Ri-yre.ie lit . al Real Acuerdo, in Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. 119-26, and Col. Escritos Import., 124-31. ^"Bustamante assisted in drawing up the ' instruccion, claraando por el justo castigo de unos oidores revoltosos que nos ihan orillando d la revolu cion.' Cavo, 7'res Siglos, iii. 204. 76 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. appointed Francisco Javier de Lizana y Beaumont, archbishop of Mexico, to be viceroy in the place of Garibay, whose election had not been confirmed by the home government, and whose elevation could not be deemed legal. On the 19th of July Garibay sur rendered the place, having been nominally the head of the government for a period of ten months, but in reality the political tool of Oidor Aguirre, who, in some alarm at the change, requested leave to retire from office four days previous to Lizana's instaUation. Garibay returned to private life and poverty. From the latter, however, he was relieved by the generosity of Yermo, who made him a monthly allowance of five hundred pesos. He was afterward decorated with the grand cross of Cdrlos IIL, and granted a pension often thousand pesos a year." He died on the 17th of July, 1815, at the age of eighty-six. During his brief administration he exerted himself in raising remittances for Spain, and when news of the victory at Baylen arrived, he issued a proclama tion, on October 4, 1808, asking for war contributions. His call in the general enthusiasm was liberally re sponded to, and the subscriptions, headed by the arch bishop with 30,000 pesos, amounted to 710,346 pesos by the end of the year.^^ A few days after its publi cation the Spanish man-of-war San Justo arrived at the port of Vera Cruz in command of the marques del Real Tesoro, w ho had been commissioned by the junta of Seville to obtain all the funds that could be raised in New Spain and other American colonies. At this time there were fourteen and a half millions pesos in the treasury, nine millions of which, together with two millions more contributed by wealthy indi viduals, were at once transported to Vera Cruz for shipment to Spain."' 'J Alaman, Ilisi. M,j., i. 301; Gaz. deMex., 1810, i. 705. By tho end of Juno 1809 these donations reached the sum of 1,482,131 pesos. Id., xvi. 580. ™ Eight millions were put on board the San Ju.ito, and tho remaining three millions w ere shipped ou two English frigates which entered tho port at that FROM BAD TO WORSE. 77 The new viceroy was no better than the old one. Had Spain specially desired to throw away Mexico, the appointment of Archbi.shop Lizana was the very thing to do. Old, sickly, as feeble in mind as in body, he was fitter for a hospital than for the viceregal palace.^^ In one sense he was too good for the place. Spain wanted there a mean man, a hypocritical, lying trickster; one who could be false to all the world except Spain — ^particularly one who would be false to Mexico. Now Lizana was none of these. He was passably honest. He had a good heart, and a benign disposi tion; he lacked altogether the force of will to hold down insubordination, or regulate contending factions. Yet it was a lucky choice for the cause of indepen dence. The policy of such a ruler must necessarily be timid, and his purpose vacillating.^^ Episcopal pastorals were employed where viceregal orders should have been presented on the point ofthe sword. Frank and sincere, he had no insight into human character ,^^ and he allowed himself to be entirely swayed by the oidor Manuel de la Bodega and his cousin, the in quisitor Alfaro, to whose charge he committed the administration of his archiepiscopal governinent. Al faro, spurred by ambition but blinded by his vanity, soon fell into the toils of the racionales caballeros; and Lizana, under his guidance, adopted administrative measures which, while they excited the spirit of re time. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 286. Negrete raakes no raention of the ^2,000,- 000 contributed by private subscriptions. Mex. Siglo XIX., i. 156. '"His state of health frequently comiielled liira to transact the public business in bed. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 303. " As already related, the archbishop was at first favorably disposed to the convocation of a general congress; but alarraed at the angry disputes on the question, he suddenly changed his opinions, and took part with the deposers of Iturrigaray. He as quickly, however, repented of his action, ' confes6 A la Junta Central que habia sido enganado en la separacion de Iturrigaray, y que estaba arrepentido de haber cooperado d la ejecucion de tan horrenda raal- dad.' Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 265, also 244. Henceforth he favored the party which had advocated the convocation of a general congress. ''Bustamante describes him as 'candoroso como uno nino.'and Abad y Queipo says: 'Este virtuoso prelado era un hombre muy sencillo, que no cono- cia el corazon huraano, ni tenia luces en inaterias politicas ni de gobierno.' Informe dirig. al rey., in Zamacois, ix. 863, 78 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZ.VNA. bellion, conduced even more directly to the advance ment of the intriguers' designs. Thus led by the craft and machinations which Avere brought to bear upon his adviser, Alfaro, he entered upon a system of opposition to the Yermo party and the stanchest loyalists. Their dissatisfaction at his ofificial action was so marked that the intriguers had no difficulty in persuading the guilele.-^s archbishop that a plot was hatching among the gachupines to capture or assassinate him; wdiereupon he fortified the viceregal palace with artillery and increased the guard. He placed all that portion of the city under martial law. The patrol force was augraented, and detachments were stationed at all important points. Orders were issued that the patrols should arrest after eleven o'clock at night all persons on whom arms Vi^ere found; and should more than six men in one party be raet, they were all to be arrested.^^ 3dilitaiy offi cials of unquestionable loyalty to the mother country were removed. Aguirre and other prominent Span iards were threatened with banishment,"* and Lizana, abhorring the Yermo part}', and hoodwinked by the racionales caballeros, who about that time were loud in their protestations of loyalty, identified himself with the Creole faction, wdiich so eagerly had advocated the convocation of a national compress. He could not see o »' Ib. A copy of this brilliant (Srden de la plaza, dated Noveraber 3, 1809, is supplied by JIartiueua and Ilcrnandiz y Ddvalos, Col Doc, i. 715- 16. 1 copy the instructions given to the palace guard as indicating tlie extent to which tlie fe.ars of Lizana had been worked upou. 'La guardia del arzo- bispado y casa de Jloned.-i, no abrirau las puertas principales de la calle aun cuando oigan tiros de fusil 6 canon durante la noclie, ci nienos cpie no vaya mandarlo personalmcnte uno do los avudantes de S. E. I.' Rev., Vinhnlcro Origen, no. 1, 78-9. Consult Guerra, j'li^t. Hi v. X". Esp., i. 2.">4. Jlora, how. ever, states that a formal plot against his governmeut and person actually existed, the conspirators l)eing of tlie Yeinio faction, with Aguirre at their head. ,Ui J. y sus Rer., iii. 301-5. ".¦\gnii i-e was ordered to Puebla, and it was -rumored that he would be sent to Spaiu. The excitement was so great that Lizana recalled hiiu, and Aguirre returned to theeapital in triunqili, 'congriindiscreditodel arzobispo, quien con e-ta facilidad cn dictar prox idcncias contrarias, daba d couocerque 6 no meditaba debiilainento lo (juo haeia, o (|U0 despues de hecho uo tenia iirmozaparasostencrlo.' Alaman, Hi.^l. Mej.,i. 312; Bustamante, inC'aro, Tres Siglos, iii. 208-9. HATH A DOG JIONEY ? 79 that it was identical with the independents, and the partiality which he displayed, far from ajipeasing the spiiit of discontent, only served to fan the flaraes by undesigned encouragement. It was as cunning a by play as the age can boast, and most successful withal.^^ Aiid all the while the good old prelate was thus un wittingly playing into the hands of independence, he was in truth intensely loyal to Spain. Money he sent without stint, and money was always Spain's raost chronic desire. Besides obtaining large donations, he surrendered all the surplus funds of his ecclesiastical revenue, and even threw in his salary."'^ On the 26th of July an Englishman, Andrew Cochrane, arrived in Mexico, the bearer of an order from the junta central of Spain for thc sum of three million pesos, on behalf of the British government. The treasury was einpt}^, and again the colonists were asked to give, give I'*' The viceroy appealed for a loan ; the call was answered with astonishing promptness, and by the 7th of Augu.st $2,955,435 had been subscribed by the commercial class and other persons of wealth. The remainder was soon made up; and the commis sioner, after being royally entertained, returned to his vessel, bearing with him the three million pesos, and a high appreciation of the wealth of Mexico^^ and the '^ Lizana was by no means a supporter of independence, except by acci dent, and xvithout knowing it. 'Este prelado en ningun sentido podia Ua- raarse amigo de la independencia; pero testigo de los escesos eometidos en muchos meses por los Esjiafioles, aprensores de Iturrigaray, habia concebido por ellos una conocida aversion.' iloea, Mej. y sus Rev., iii. 303. '^ ' He cedido gustosamente para las urgencias de la corona el sobrante de rai renta episcopal; y cedo gustosisimo para el misrao efecto los sueldos del virreynato.' Gaz. de 3Iex., xvi. 700. " Cancelada, Tel Mex., 32. Consult also Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 019-20, 703; Diario de Mex., xi. 119-"20. ^^Gaz. de Mex., xvi. 701-4. Araong the subscribers of large sums to the loan, I notice the naraes of Antonio Bassoco, .§200,000, Domingo de Acha, S 1 50,000, and Prior Francisco Alonso Teran and his brother Antonio, s200,000. The total, as given by Cancelada, Tel. Me.e., 38, was .?3, 210,435. Cochrane was entertained with great hospitality. At Puebla ho was presented with two valuable paintings by JIurillo! Alaman, Uist. Mej., i. 304. This last author states that $400,000 of the above contribution were forcibly taken from the house of the duke of Terranova, marqui5s del V-alle, and a descend ant of Cortes. Id., 305-6. Bustamante, however, inf orms us that Lizana had received orders to confiscate the property of Terranova, who had attached himself to the party of Joseph Bonaparte. The sum which was seized, as 80 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. senseless stupidity of the people in thus spending their lives and substance to minister to the follies of Spain's licentious and imbecile rulers. In regard to his government, the viceroy fully be lieved that his conciliatory policy toward the discon tented would allay any spirit of revolt that might exist; nevertheless, he deemed it right to carry out the measure adopted by his predecessor for the main tenance of public tranquillity, and on the 21st of Septeraber, 1809, permanently established the court initiated by Garibay, under the name of junta con sultiva. This court, which Lizana named the junta de seguridad y buen 6rden, was composed at first of three members of the audiencia and a fiscal,^' and its jurisdiction extended to all cases of French tendencies and infidelity to the crown of Spain.*" Hitherto the independent party had formed no con certed plan of operation. The arguments, however, which had been employed by the partisans of Iturri garay, and their opponents, suggested ideas which led to the belief in the possibility of independence. The former, in defending Iturrigaray's character from the aspersion of disloyalty, urged that had he established an independent nation, it could not long have con tinued as such. Whether Spanish or French arms prevailed, an invincible force would quickly be sent against the revolted colony. Their opponents in reply imprudently endeavored to prove that Mexico could well sustain her independence. The force of their ar guments was such that the more eager of the re vol u- gi+en by this author, was 700,000 pesos. Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 205-6. On March 23, 1809, the Spanish government ordered the confiscation of the prop erty of French partisans. '7a::. Mex., xvi. 769-70; Dis/wsic Varia.'!, i. f. 140. The repayment of these loans was commenced in the foUow'ing September, a date earlier than th.at proraised by the viceroy as the time for their liquida tion. Caz. de Mex., xvi. 8^2(!-7. ^"Tho raembers appointed by the viceroy were the regent of the audiencia, Pedro iz:dez, Col. N. Leon, 155-8; Manifesto contra las Instruc. Emperculor; Calvillo, Dis-urso; and Diario Mex., xiii. 4.3-4. " For il, list of his names, titles, and decorations, see Cedulario, i. f. 92, and Dispos. Varias, ii. f. 3. In the latter document appears his rubrica. '¦^Guerra states that he lost the army of the centre at thc two battles of Tarancon and Ucles, 'que dio y perdi6 por su ineptitud, como cousta del Manifiesto del Duque del Infantado. ' Cuesta went so far as testate that V'ene- gas 'by gross ignorance, want of skill, envy, or malice, lost, perhaps forever, the only opportunity of saving Spain.' Uist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 296. 94 VICEROYS GARIBAY AND LIZANA. over the left shoulder, was of enormous size. His whiskers were of the same cut and shape as those of the myrmidons of the acordada, desperadoes, and bull fighters; and his irapetuous gait was similar to that of an ill-tempered corporal."" Venegas was, how ever, honest and disinterested, an indefatigable worker, and energetic and quick in the despatch of business. Distrustful when in security, he was calm and self- possessed in danger, but displayed a .sanguinary and cruel disposition.'* On the 18th of September the new viceroy con voked an assembly composed of the audiencia, all the principal civil and military authorities, the dignitaries of the churcli, prelates of the regular orders, the nobility, and prominent land owners and members of the commercial class. To this numerous attendance a proclamation addressed by the regency to the Ameri cans on the Sth of May was read. Iu it the condi tion of Spain was set forth, and an appeal made for still further contributions in order to continue the war. A list also of patriotic individuals on whom had been conferred titles of nobility and honors was also read. A plan for the collection of donations suggested ''His dress and personal appearance were the subject of numerous pas quinades which were jiosted on the corners of the priucFpal streets. One quoted by Bustamante was as follows: ' De patilla, betas y pantalou, liechura de Napoleon.' C'lvo, Tres Siglos, iii. 277. -Another whicli -svas posted ou the palace gate aggravated the viceroy to make reply. It ran thus: ' Tn cara no C8 do e.\celencia Ni tu trago (io virey, Dios Jionga tiento on fus manos No dostruyas nuestra ley.' Venegas caused the following lines to be posted in the same place: ' Mi c.ira no cs de excclcucia, Kl mi tra;::e do viroy. I'oni reprrx-ntoal rey, Y Dbtrii^o BU real potencia. K.st.i sonciUa advortencia o^. liii^o, por lo quo inux)rte: I.a ley iia do soi- ol norto Quo dirija mis acciones. [Cuidadn oon las traicioues tjuo 80 ban hecho on esta Oorto 1 ' Rivera, Gob. de Mex., i. .504. "Opinions with legard to the abilities of Venegas are diametrically oppo site according as they arc regarded 1 >y his friends or opponents. Abad y Queipo dcscrilies liim ;is a talented, learned, and upright raan, In/'orme, in Zimaro'is, Hi.ll. .1/'./., ix. 807-8; while Zavala states that he possessed neither political nor military talent. Rev. Mex., i. 4'.',. Consult Adalid, Causa, MS., i. 134-6. FURTHER DISCONTENT. 95 by the fiscals was then discussed and approved, many of those present subscribing at once, the archbishop heading the list with thirty thousand pesos. Among the recipients of honors were Garibay and the arch bishop, both of whom were decorated with the grand cross of Carlos IIL, wdiile Gabriel de Yermo, Diego de Agreda, Sebastian de las Heras Soto, and Jose Mariano Fagoaga were raised to the dignity of tftulos de Castilla.''^ Other honors were conferred upon a number of individuals corresponding to their positions and the services rendered by them, and it was observed that many of the recipients had been principal actors in the deposal of Iturrigaray. Both the demands for money and the awards of honor were offensive to the Spanish Americans. The appeal to them for more g(dd and silver in the same breath that bestowed titles and di.sti notions upon their opponents was an insult, and their indignation drove them in still greater numbers to the ranks of the revolutionists who were already in the field.'" For Hidalgo had given the signal for revolt; the grito de Dolore.'i was already echoing throughout the land, and thousands were rising in arms to do battle for liberty and the rights of man. " Gaz. de Mex., 1810, i. 764-5, 776-86; Diario de Mex., xiii. 347-8. The titulo de Castilla was a title of nobility intermediate between those of the grandees and hidalgos of Spain. Sedvci, Nuevo Dice , 1054. Yermo and Fagoaga declined the honor. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 343-4. '^The Jlexican deputation to Spain stated in August 1811 that 'las gra cias que llev6 el 'Virey Don Francisco Venegas para los autores c(jm[dices de la faccion' carried ahirra through the country. Diputac. Amer. Sep., 3. CHAPTER V. OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 1810. Development of QaEEETAEO — Affaies i>f Guaxajttato — The Town op DoLouEs — Its Cuka, JIiguel Hidalgo v Costilla — Seceet JIeetixgs of Revolutionists — Ignacio Allende — Ploi'tixg at San Migi'el— Geneeal Plan of Uprising — Hidalgo's BiOGP.AFHy — Akkests — The CoREEOiDOE Imprisoned — His Acquittal — His BioGRAPHr — El GKrro de Dolores — Hidalgo JLirches to San JIiguel— A TrMULTUors ¦ Aeeay — The Saceed Banner — Success of the Insurgents at Sax Miguel— Pillaging — Hidalgo Peocl.^imed Captain-general— He Enters Celaya — He Appoints a New Ayuntamiento. Froji the time wd"ien Viceroy Velasco made grants of town lots and agricultural lands to settlers in Quere taro,^ the progress of that place was rapid. Beauti fully situated in a sheltered valley, the fertilit}- of the soil and thc pureness of the air invited immigrants from the capital and other populous towns lying to the south. In ] 592 municipal books were opened, and henceforward its prosperity was such that in 1655 Felipe IV. elevated it to the rank of city, wdth the appellation of Santiago de Querc'taro, and the hon orable title of muy noble y real ciudad. A coat of arms was also granted, significant of thc miraculous manifestation wdtnesscd by the opposing armies in that strange battle which was fought in 1531.* The 'Consult Hisl. Mex., vol. ii. 544-5, this series. 'See /(/., 510-4. The arras consisted of a cross -with the sun for its pedestal and a bright star on cither side. The figure of Santiago on horse. back occupies the dexter base, and a palm tree and other plants the sinister base. Tlie whole is surmounted by thc royal arms of Castile and Leon. I give herewith a plan of the city from (Jiierel'iro, Orden. que para la lliri.iion. See also Zilaa 6 Hidalgo Glorias de Ifier., 'J-3, contaiuing plan of city, p. "243. HISTORY OF QUERETARO. 97 position of Queretaro on the borders of the uncon verted Chicbimecs attracted at an early date the at tention of the regular orders. The first monastic establishment was the Franciscan convent of Santa Cruz, the date of the founding of wdiich is, however, uncertain, although its origin was the humble her mitage w hich was constructed at the time wdien the miraculous stone cross was erected on the Sangremal. The first convent and its church were in time re- Warn ^^zf% ^^'3=s:jpil^p Plan of Queeetaeo, 1796. placed by larger buildings, and in 1666, when the new edifices were completed, the convent was made the casa de rccoieccion of the provincia under the name of San Buenaventura. In 1683 it was con verted into the apostolic college of propaganda fide, founded by Fray Antonio Linaz de Jesus Maria — the first establishment of the kind in the Indies.' ' Id. , 38-40. Linaz was bom at Arta, in the island of Majorca, in January 1635, becarae a friar in 1053, and presbitero iu 1059. His name, Jesus JIaria, was derived from the convent in which he was novitiate. In 1064 ho arrived Hist. Me£, Vol. IV. 7 98 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. By the enthusiastic members social reforms were introduced, which, however beneficial to the poorer classes, grievously interfered with public and private amusements. Balls, comedies, and public games were discontinued; certain feasts in which bulls, Moors, and christians were represented in procession, were also done away with. These festivities were so attrac tive to the lower orders that in order to participate in them with appropriate display they would sell their household chattels. Another abuse corrected was the promiscuous bathing of the sexes in the river, to the sound of music, and midst the noise of feasting on the banks. Henceforth the inhabitants of Queretaro were, doubtless, a devout and moral community, though much against their will.* After the surrender of their convent of Santa Cruz, the Franciscans erected what may be considered the third monastery of the order built in Queretaro, and which was the capitular convent of the province. Annexed to it is a sumptuous church, which was greatly embellished by Fray Jose de Soria, wdio died in Mexico in December 1734. Within the limits of its cemetery various other sacred edifices were erected, among which may be mentioned the church of the Venerable Orden Tercera de Penitencia, in which the noble and the wealthy performed their devotions and penitential vows. in Michoacan from Spain and was elected guardian of the convent of Valla dolid in 1071, and in 1074 was appointed eustodio to attend the general chapter held in Spaiu iu lOS-2. He returned in 11183 to found the colegio de propaganda fide. Linaz fasted much, aud at tiraes fell into ecstatic trances while at prayer. Miraculous virtues are attributed to him, which he con tinued to manifest after his death, which occurred at JIadrid on the 'JOih of June,^1693. Eipinosn, Cron. Apost., i. 93-'251, 3-20-1, 80-4. ¦•Espiuosa, after describing the reforms, speaks of a citizen, who having been absent for some time, on his returu as he approached the city inquired of one whom he met on the road what news there was iu Queriitaro. 'Seiior,' replied the man, 'Queretaro is no more Queretaro; some priests have come, and no longer aro there fandangos as befoi-e; sadness prevails, no harporgui- tar is heard; there is nothing tut praying and prcacliing, so that the place has lost its mirth.' /(/., 54-5. Consult also Arrieivila, Cron. Sera/.,S-9, 34-5, 174-8-2, '201-0. The miraculous cross Mas reraoved from its origuial site in 1701 and placeil in the crucero of the church of this convent. Esp- flo^n, CVo«. Apost., i. 10; Glorias dc Quer., 39. DESCRIPTION OF QUERETARO. 99 Numerous other convents added to the sanctity and embellishment of the city, but special notice must be taken of the convent and royal liospital of the Puri sima Concepcion. This hospital was founded by Diego de Tapia, son of Fernando de Tapia, the conqueror, about the year 1586. The same benefactor founded the Franciscan nunnery of Santa Clara, which was transferred to a new site in 1633, and thither were conveyed the sarae year to their final repose the bones of the founder. Other religious establishments were the monasteries of the Franciscan order of barefooted friars and the barefooted Carmelites; the Jesuit church and college of San Ignacio de Loyola founded in 1625; the Dominican convent of San Pedro y San Pablo; the royal college of Santa Rosa and its magnificent church; the Capuchin, Austin, and Carmelite nunneries, and other religious institutions. By royal cedula of October 10, 1671, permission was granted to the congregation of our lady of Guadalupe founded in 1669 to erect a church in San tiago de Queretaro; and in 1680, owing to the mu nificence of Juan Caballero y Osio,^ by whom the greater part of the expenses were defrayed, the build ing was so far advanced as to admit of its being dedi cated. The ceremony took place on the 12th of May, and was conducted with a solemnity and splendor never before witnessed in the city. Visitors from all parts of New Spain assembled on the occasion, and the festivities which followed were continued for eight days. The church is the most sumptuous in Quere taro." The success of the religious orders in the conver- ^ Osio had previously proved himself a munificent benefactor by his liberal donations to numerous religious institutions, in several instances defraying the entire cost of the erection of chapels and convents. He was a captain of in fantry, became alcalde mayor of Queretaro, and was finally ordained priest. He possessed a large fortune which he devoted to such purposes and charity. He died in Queretaro on the 1 1th of April, 1707, at the age of 73, ' y fu6 sepul- tado en la Santa Casa de Loreto, dcntro de una caxa de hierro, mandando poner por epitafio solo estas breves palabras. Hebc requies mea.' Sigioenza y Gdn- gara, Glorias de Quer., 19; Ii/lesias, Rei, 157-8. «/(?., 95-171; Medina, Chron., S. Diego Mex., 254; Diario, Mex., 117. & o 100 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. sion of the Chieliiraecs was signal, and the missions they founded in the Sieira Gorda had more efiect in reducing them to submission than the steel and gunpowder of the military. In time, however, thc missions became secularized, and in 1785 only two out f the twenty established remained under the con trol of the friars, namely San Miguel de las Palnias, administered by the Dominicans, and Concepcion Soriano, or Bucareli, by the barefooted friars of Sau Diego.^ Although the Indians of Sierra Gorda were occa- sionally troublesome during the eighteenth century, their insubordination did not interfere Avith the growth of the city or the development of industrial inteiests. In the architectural beauty of its churches, religious establishments, and public buildings, Queretaro is equal to any city in Mexico, except the capital. In 1796 it had 272 streets wdth twenty-one public foun tains and six plazas. Its length from east to we>t at this date was nearly two miles and three quarters, and its width from north to south over one mile and a quar ter.** The water supply of Queretaro, obtained at a dis tance of tw^o leagues, is conveyed into the city by its celebrated aqueduct, a structure of singular solidity and architectural beauty. The arches are supported on seventy-two pillars of hewn stone, eighteen varas apart, and twenty-seven varas high. The work was Ijegun in January 1726, and corapleted in October 1735, at an expense of $124,800, .s82,000 of which were donated by Juan Antonio Urrutia y Arana, marques del Vi- llar de la Aguila." But the pride of the place is La Canada, a beautiful glen penetrating for Uyo leagues the mountains wdiich surround the city, and affording views of such exquisite loveliness that no city in the ^Pinart, Col Doc ,Mex., JIS., 271-.3, 457-8. In 1740tho number of mis sions was 17, ten of Mliieh were founded tiy Praneiscaus and seven by Don i- nicans. Oeozco y Beem, I'aela Einog., -20(1-1; Arrieivila, Cron. Sirvj'., 1C9- 71; Siguenzay Congara, Caiia al Almir, MS., 10-11. ' (Jiierelit, 0, (hi/,'iianzii ijiii' para la Division. "Pol- an accnuut of tho fesiivitics held in celebration of tho completion of the aqueduct see Xav.iriite, Rc'ac Perigci., no. i. 6J-103. QUERETARO OFFICIALS. 101 world can surpass them, or offer suburban recreation grounds raore attractive.^" About five leagues to the south-east of the city are the hot mineral springs of San Bartolome, situated about a mile frora the pueblo of that name, the medicinal properties of which both as a beverage and for the bath have proved effi cacious in a variet}^ of cliseases.^^ Although Queretaro is signally exempt from epidemics and physical catas trophes,^^ it has occasionally been visited by disasters. The year 1786 was noticeable for the severity of a famine which caused much sufiering, and in 1806 great mortality of children occurred from an epidemic lung disease.'^ The agricultural and manufacturing industries in dicate great prosperity when compared with those of larger and more populous provinces. The cotton and woollen factories in 1793 worked up 200,000 pounds of the first-mentioned staple and 63,900 arrobas of v^ool, ec|uivalent to 1,597,500 pounds, affording em ployment to three thousand operatives. The tobacco foctory also employed three thousand workmen and women, producing annually cigars and cigarettes to the amount of $2^200,000.^' Such was the city of Santiago de Queretaro at the time when the spiiit of Mexican independence broke out. The reader will recollect that Miguel Domin- "Navarrete says: 'Esta Canada es para Querijtaro lo que Aranjuez para Madrid, Versallas para Paris, Frasc.ati para Roma, y la Favorita para Viena.' Relac. Peregrin., 6. '> A full account of these springs is given by Beaumont, TraL de la Agua Mineral. Mexico, 1772. ^'- ' Goza el grande, raro y apreciable privilegio de que jamas se ha experi- raentado en ella temblor alguno de tierra.' Zelaa i Hidalgo, Glorias de Quer., 10. "QueriStaro, Dos Pcdabras, 4-5; Diar. Mex., ii. 167. " Humboldt, E.isai Pol, 666-9; Raso in Soc Mex. Geog., iii. 198-9. In all the manufacturing industries 9,216 persons were employed, of whora '2,700 were women. In commercial and agricultural pursuits 2,234 persons were occupied. From this date to ISlOan increase in industries of one fifth is observable. Id., 200. In 1803 tho population of the city was 50,000 souls. Its ayuntamiento was composed of a corregidor, two ordinary alcaldes, twelve regidores, two hon orary regidores, a procurador, syndic, and escribano mayor y de cabildo. Glorias de Quer., 5-0. 102 OPENING OF TIIE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. guez had been reinstated in the office of corregidor of Queretaro, after having been deprived of it by Itur rigaray. From that time finward he was a secret sup porter of the independence party. After thc collapse of the Valladolid plot, meetings of the chief revolu tionists were held at Queretaro in houses ofthe pres byter Josd Maria Sanchez and the licentiate Parra. The corregidor attended the assemblies at the first- mentioned house, which passed under the name of a literary academy, while his wife Dona Maria Josefa Ortiz took still more earnest interest in the suc cess of the undertaking. In Parra's house secret meetings were held and plans of operations discussed. Here met the principal promoters of the revolution, the licentiates Laso and Altamirano, captains Allende and Aldama of the queen's regiment, Joaquin Arias, captain of the Zelaya regiment, Francisco Lanza- gorta, lieutenant of the dragoons of San Miguel, the two brothers Epdgmenio and Emeterio Gonzalez and others of less note. While these preliminary matters were in progress in Valladolid and Queretaro, the leaven of liberty was working in Guanajuato; and indeed to this province may be more specially given the proud distinction of cradle of Mexican independence. And forever famous above all must remain the town of Dolores, situated in the higher level of the sierra de Guanajuato, eleven leagues from the provincial capital. Its beginning dates from the sixteenth century, when viceroys Eii- riquez and Velasco exerted theraselves in uniting the Indians in municipal communities called conoreo-a- Clones, Dolores receiving the name of Congregacion de Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores, and being included in the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the curato of San Miguel el Grande. In 1717 it was elevated to the dignity of a pueblo, and somewhat later becaine au in(h'peiident curae^'. As usual in places of this kind, tho parish church MANUEL HIDALGO Y COSTILLA. 103 overshadowed the other buildinefs, beino- an extensive structure, and completed about the middle of the eighteenth century. The exterior presented quite an imposing appearance, the front having two towers and an ornamented entrance. At the close of the eig-ht- eenth century a church of the third order of San Fran cisco was erected which, though small, was of beauti ful design and construction. There were also several smaller churches or chapels. In 1826 the constituent congress of Guanajuato bestowed upon the town tho title of villa. It contained later about 9,000 inhabi tants, wdiile the number of those wdthin its civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction was between 35,000 and 40,- 000, scattered over a territory of sixty-eight square leagues. Agriculture constitutes the chief occupation of the people, a few only being engaged in retail traf fic, and in the manufacture of common woollen goods, of bricks, and in tanning. The district of Dolores is better adapted for the culture of the vine than any other part of Guanajuato. Though silver deposits ex ist in many places, the mining interest is not large. The cura of this parish was Miguel Hidalgo y Cos tilla, a name forever to be honored as one who gave his life to his country, who sacrificed himself for the right as against injustice and oppression. Past mid dle age, as he was now approaching fifty-eight, he had reached the period when most men are ready to lay aside some portion of life's burdens; yet he was about taking upon his shoulders the most vital issues of his country, and that before his country was ready fully to respond to his efforts. Rather above than below medium height, of some what stout proportions, large limbs and ruddy-brown coraplexion, he presented altogether a robust constitu tion. The head was large and well modelled, bald and shining on the top, with many brain-compeUing bumps ; hair, what there was of it, nearly wdiite; raassive features; forehead of course high, neck slightly twisted to the left, nose straight, lips thin, eyebrows promi- 104 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. nent, and as usual with the cloth, face clean-shaven. He wore at this time short black trousers and stock ings of the sarae color, leathern shoes with buckles, and a long gown with cape. His heart was kind and sympathetic; his manner soft and winning; his voice sonorous, vibrating, and most pleasing to the ear; and his deportment was natural and attractive. He had the true scholarly stoop; and in all his features, air, and attitude a profoundly meditative expression — a fitting incarnation of a great soul bathed in settled calm. Yet the clear, black, brilliant eyes betrayed the acti^dty ofthe raind, and through them shone the liofht from the burnins: fires within. o It does not appear that Hidalgo attended the early meetings of the revolutionists with regularity. In deed, f'rom his own statements I conclude that he \isited Querdtaro only on one occasion for that purpose, although he frequently held conversations elsewdrere with Ignacio Allende and others on the subject of independence.^^ Allende was certainly one of the moving spirits of the revolution; and although his fame as a patriot has been eclipsed by that of Hidalgo, it is only justice that his raerits and patriotism should be fully recog nized. He was born on the 21st of January, 1779," in San Miguel el Grande, his father being a Spanish merchant and estate owner, named Domingo Xarciso de Allende. When Don Domingo died, which was while Ignacio was of tender years, his affairs were greatly embarrassed, and had it not been for the high character of his executor, Domino-o de Berrio, the '^'¦'Hernandez y Ddvalos, Ool Doc, i. 9. At these conferences with Allen de, Hidalgo continually and prophetically expressed his opinion that 'the author.) of such enterprises never enjoyed the truits of thom.' Ib. Negrete, however, states that he went several times to Queretaro. ' Varies viajes aunque do una inanera occulta, hizo d Queretaro Hidalgo, con el objeto de fomentar la revolucion.' Uist. .\lil. Sig. XIX., i. 83. "^ C' ipies of his baptismal certiflcato can bo seen iaLiceaga, Adic. y Bectific, 210-11, aud iu Alaman, Hist. Mej., iii., app. 75-0. Liceaga, ut sup. lo, 17, however, aud Zamacois make tho mistako of assiguing 1769 as the year of his birth. IGNACIO ALLENDE. 105 house would have been bankrupt. The creditors, however, were tolerant, and in some years the debts w^ere paid, and the means of livelihood saved to the family.^'' Being passionateh^ fond of dangerous sports and martial exercises from early youth, Ignacio was con spicuous for his boldness and skill as a horseman, and frequently signalized himself in the bull-ring, from which he did not always escape unharmed, being crip pled in the left arm from injuries received there. His strength was so great that he could hold back a bull by the horns,^* and he was ever ready to employ it in defence of the weak. Before he had attained the age of seventeen he was appointed provisionally a lieutenant in the queen's dragoons, was confirmed in the appointment in the following year, and in 1807 promoted to the rank of captain. He was present with his company at the military encampment estab lished by Iturrigaray at Jalapa, and won for himself the marked approbation of the viceroy by his soldier ly bearing and ability.^" According to Mier y Guerra, his regard for the viceroy was such that he took an oath to avenge his deposal on the Europeans, and thenceforth began to form a definite plan of indepen dence. Allende was an extremely handsome raan, of engaging manners and captivating address. To resolution he united a perseverance wdiich never yielded to obstacles or opposition. His daring both in the field and in the expression of his opinions •¦ Ignacio had two brothers, Doraingo and Jose Marfa, the forraer dying before^he revolution, the latter taking no part in it. Id., 355. There were also three sisters, Josefa, JIariana, and Manuela. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijic, 15-16. '* ' Era un sugeto bien educado, insinuante y fino, de tal fuerza que deteuia un toro por las hastas.' Guerra, Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 290. See also Zereeero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 27. Pedro Josii Sotelo, an eye-witness, speaking of a bull fight in which Allende took part, says: 'En esta corrida toreii D. Ignacio Allende, y luch6 con un toro, con cuya accion dejo admirados A los especta- dores.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc, ii. 322. '» 'Habia merecido los elogios del vkey Iturrigaray, principalmente porque adiestrando este el ex6roito aoantonado en las mauiobras y ardides de guerra aquel le sorprehendi6 en una noche con toda su guardia.' Guerra, Ilxst. Rev. N. Esp., i. 290. 100 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. exposed him to unneces.sary dangers.^" At an early age he entered the marriage state, and betrothed in April 1802 Doha Maria de la Luz Agustina de las Fucntes.-' \Vlien the encampment at Jalapa was broken up, at the close of 1808, Allende with all the deterraina tion of his nature put his shoulder to the work. Hav ing returned with his command to San ]\Iiguel, he gradually associated himself with a number of con federates^^ who were leading inhabitants of the town. T(j avert suspicion and cloak their proceedings, balls were frequently given at the house of his brother Do mingo, in the festivities of wdiich they joined, different members occasionally retiring from the dancing-hall to a roora below to hold consultation. Ramificatious of the plan w-ere extended to the principal neighbor ing towns, where branch societies were established by Allende and Aldama, who were appointed commis sioners for that purpose.^^ The general plan of the uprising was the simul taneous seizure of the rich Spaniards and authorities in the important towns and then to raise the stand ard of independence. This was to be accomplished wdth as little violence as possible, and the captives were to be allowed the privilege of remaining with their families in the countrv,"* or returning to the peninsula, in which case their property was to be confis cated and appropriated for the public treasury. In case the government, after this coup de main, should be able to offer resistance, Allende acting as generalis- '" Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 9. '¦" A copy ot the marriage document is supplied by Liceaga, ut sup. 211- 12. '.\luijian,' y/irf. Mej., i. 350, 'aiiade cou su boiulad acostumbi-ada, quo era muy inclinado al juego, :i las mujercs y A toda clasc do disipaciones; pero no he encontrado hecho alguno quo justifique estas aseveraciones.' Gallo, Hombres I lust. Mex., iii. 'Xil. '^'f Liceaga on p. 18 gives a list of 22 of his principal a-isociates. ^" Liceaga argues forcibly that tho San JIiguel meetings were org.anize(l prior to those held in Queretaro, and that Allende Mas the first promoter cf the revolution. Adic y Rectijic, 21-7. '^' Mor.i makes uo mention of this intention ot mild treatment. Mej. J/ sw Per., iv. 13. MEETINGS OF REVOLUTIONISTS. 107 simo would organize the forces in different districts and maintain the struggle. The government proposed to be established was a senate of representatives ap pointed by the provinces, which should rule in the name of Fernando VIL, ignoring all submission to Spain. To accomplish their designs, Allende and Aldama visited Mexico, Puebla, and other important places in New Spain, while Hidalgo assisted in the cities of Valladolid and Guanajuato, his efforts being espe cially directed to gaining over the clergy. During 1810, Queretaro appears to have been the centre of action, and Allende and Aldama frequently at tended the meetings there. "^ More than half the year had gone and the plans of the revolutionists were almost ripe. There were as yet no signs of dis covery or treachery. Then the day was appointed on wdiich the cry of independence should be sounded. The great fair held at San Juan de los Lagos, com mencing on the 8th of December, offered a good op portunity. Amidst the gathering crowds their move ments would escape observation, and enable them to concentrate their forces without detection.-^ It was accordingly decided that Allende and Aldama should meet there by different routes on the 1st of that month, and prepare matters for the proclamation of independence on a concerted day of the fair. Events, however, occurred which frustrated this design. As the cura Hidalgo will presently become the principal leader and most prominent character in the "^'^ Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 348; Zamacois, Hist. Mej, vi. 160-1. Jlora, however, states that 'San JIiguel el Grande. . .se constituy6 el ceutro y fooo de la revolucion. ' Utsup., 15. '^^L'lceaga, ut sup., 19-20. Mora states, however, 'se fijd el dia 1 de octubrepara hacer el pronuuciamiento en Queretaro, Guanajuato, San JIiguel, y otros lugares.' Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 16. Again from an official docuraent in the national archives it is reported to the government that 'segun dijo Lanza- gorta A Gal van, el proyeeto debia tener efecto en todo Septiembre.' Zereeero, Disc. Civ., 21. Guerra gives November 1st as the date. Rev. N. Esp., i. 291. Hidalgo states that October 2d was the day finally appointed for the upris ing. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc. , i. 14. 108 0PE:CING of the war of INDEPENDENCE. early revolution, a better acquaintance will aid our puipose. His father, Crist6bal Hidalgo y Costilla, was a native of Tejupilco in the intendency of Mex ico, and established himself in Penjamo in the province of Guanajuato. There he betrothed and married Ana Maria Gallaga,''' and in May 1753, Miguel Hi dalgo y Costilla was born.^* Don Cri.st6bal presently removed to the hacienda of Corralejo with his wife and four children, of wdiom Miguel was the second. Their father afterward sent them to Valladolid to be educated, and there Miguel distinguished himself in philosophy and ecclesiastical studies at the college of San Nicolds, where his fellow-collegiates gave him the name of The Fox, an appellation intended as compli mentary by reason of his sagacity.^' So highly did the ecclesiastical chapter of Vallado lid estimate his theological acquireraents, and the ability he displayed in the public discussion of cer tain theraes, that it gave him .$4,000 to enable him to go to Mexico and obtain his degree of doctor of the ology. Hidalgo, however, spent the money — some say at play and in dissipation — before accomplishing his journey.^" Nevertheless, in 1778 and 1779 he went to the capital and was there ordained, receiving the degree of bachelor of theology. On his return to Valladolid he obtained successive appointments as cura to two of the richest benefices in the diocese,'^ '^1 Tradition affirms that Ana Maria was an orphan in the house of G.allaga, and that while waiting at table, on the occasion of Don Cristobal's tirst visit, her grace and beauty won his heart. Gallo, Hombres lllusl., iii. 240. ^^ A eo|iy of his baptismal registry will be found in Alaman, Hi.-72. ''"Alaiuiui, IIi.it. Mej., i. 3."il. Montaiia, Caracter Polit. y Marcial, iua metrical fable published shortly after the battle of .Vculco represents Hidalgo Uo a fox, and Allende as a serpent, leading their followers, 'una lucida tropa polia,' to destruction. The closing lines are: ' Lector, si tu no onticndog ].o ipii) ((iiKTO dciar hi lubulilta: No iiti|i(ata: entirulcr. lo l.i (r.ibilla iiui' ;i lus Uidiilgos siguo y los .MUmiJos.' '"Giterra, Hisl. Rer. N. Esp., i. 21)1. 'Los perdiii .al juego cn JIaravatio, al hacer cl vi.-ije A Jlejico para solicitarlo.' Alaman. ut sup., 3"i-2. °' 1 ha'o in ray possession an original autograph letter of Hidalgo written M-liilo ho waa tho cura of Colima. It is dated Colima, July 20, 1792, and signed LIFE AND CHARACTER OF HIDALGO. 109 and eventually on the death of his elder brother Joa quin succeeded him as cura of Dolores, a town at that time of 18,000 souls, yielding him a stipend of from $10,000 to $12,000.'- " Here he devoted himself to a variety of occupations, independent of his clerical du ties, and congenial with tastes acquired in his boyhood on his father's hacienda. He established a porcelain factory, improved the cultivation of the vine, planted mulberry trees, and grew silk-worms. But his mind was not satisfied wdth industrial pursuits and experi ments alone. The seclusion of his library often won him from more practical life, and there he studied the sciences and political economy,^^ perused French phil osophical works,'* and investigated the doctrines pro pounded in unorthodox books.'^ It was during these years of self-education that he acquired those en lightened views which enabled him to recognize the injustice wdiich marked both the ecclesiastical and temporal governments, and caused him to look with indignation upon the warped tenets and proceedings of the church, and with detestation upon the despot ism exercised by the state. Hidalgo was a brave and determined man; he was a pleasant conversationalist, and, though quick-tem pered, had an obliging and kindly disposition. The interest which he took in the welfare of his flock by the development of industries and his lavish expen diture of money on such enterprises gained for him ' Jligl Hidalgo y Costilla,' with his riibrica affixed to tbe signature. It is ad dressed to the cura of the pueblo de Elagualulco, and relates to ecclesiastical formalities required to be observed with respect to the second marriage of an Indian named Pascual de los Santos with a free mulatto woman. 32 Guerra, loc. cit. Negrete says |8,000 or $9,000 'un auo con otro.' He generously divided this stipend with a clergyman naraed Francisco Iglesias, whom he employed in assisting hira in his clerical duties. Hist. Mil Sig. =" This study attracted his attention while at the college of San Nicoliis, of which he was appointed rector, 'y la desarrolW cuando h\6 cura en la villa de S. Felipe y congregacion de Dolores.' Bustamante. Cuadro Ihst., i. 264. '* Hidalgo knew" French well, 'cosa bastante rara en aquel tiempo en es pecial entre los eclesiasticos.' Alaman, loc. cit. 3^ 'Leia y tenia algunas obras literarias y politicas proibidas severamente por la inquisicion y desconocidas para el comun de los Mejicanos. 3Iora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 8. no OPENING OF THB W.VR OF INDEPENDENCE. the lasting affection ofthe Indians, in whose languages he was proficient. Extremely enterprising, he was, however, too precipitate in action. With regard to his moral character, many vices are laid at his door,'' which were made the most of by the opposite party after he raised the standard of revolt. From the fact that as early as 1800 accusations of immorality were preferred against him before the inquisition by two women, it may be concluded that his life was not of that purity which his clerical calling would seem to demand; laut as the inquisition did not at the time proceed against him, although the accusations in cluded charges of here.sy, it may be inferred that proofs were wanting, or that his derelictions were not of a flagrant nature.'^ As early as the Ilth of August the government had intimation of a plot.'^ One ^Mariano Galvan, an official in the post-office, gave information about the secret meetings to Joaquin Quintana, chief of the department, wdio communicated w ith the postmaster- general of j\Iexico. By him Aguirre was made ac quainted with the danger. He, however, contented himself wdth giving orders that the revolutionists should be w^atched, wdthout brinnfins the matter to the notice of the government. Meanwdiile Hidalgo '^ ' Poseido del abominable vicio delaluxuria.' Diaz Calvillo, Sermon {ISU), 107. ''Consult Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, i. 78, et seq. Afterward tlie inquisition continued the charges with additional ones, and proceeded .against Hidalgo with every severity, publishing a raeraorable edict on thc 13th of October, 1810. In it heresy, blaspheray, aud profession of the doctrines of Luther were charged. On the score of raorality it contains this extraordinary accusation : ' Teneis por inocente y licita la polucion y fornicacion, como efecto nceesario y eonsiguieute al mccanismo de la naturaleza, por cuyo error habeis sido tan libertino, que hicisteis pacto con vuestra manceba de que os buscise mugeres para fornicar, y que p.ara lo mismo le buscariais a ella hombres, asegii- randola que no hay inlierno, ni Jesuoristo.' Di.^ipos. Varias, iii. f. 152. Con sult also Tl/ora, ,'\lcj. y sus Rev. ,iv.GO-\. This author considers that the early inaction of tho inquisition was partly due to the fact that Bishop Abad y Queipo, in matters of opinion, was somewhat implicated with Hidalgo. Tlie fact that these charges were brought against an excommunicated and rebel priest renders them unworthy serious consideration. 3' For minute iiarticulars consult extracts from documents in the Jlexican archives supplied by Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., i. '280-97. TREACHERY AND EXPO.SURE. Ill was endeavoring to gain over the provincial infantry battalion of Guanajuato, and to that end opened his plan to several of the subaltern ofiftcers. One of these, Garrido, the band-master, exposed the affair on the 13th of September to his captain, Francisco Busta mante, wdio lost no time in informing his superior officer, Diego Berzabal, wdio communicated the mat ter to the intendente Riano, and ofiered to arrest Hidalgo. Riano, however, preferred to watch aflfairs, and instructed Francisco Iriarte, who was going to San Felipe, to report occurrences in Dolores, and sent orders to San Miguel to arrest Allende and Aldama. The despatch was, however, intercepted by Allende, who received tiraely warning of the denouncement made by Garrido, and thus gained some little time to deliberate with his associates at San MigueP" as to their proper course. While this was taking place in Guanajuato, Cap tain Arias turned traitor in Querdtaro, and to secure his own safety denounced the plot on the 10th of September to the alcalde Juan de Ochoa.*" This of ficer immediately despatched a courier wdth a written account drawn up by the escribano Juan Fernando Dominguez to the viceroy, who was already on his way from Vera Cruz. Again, on the 13th, a man named Francisco Bueras informed Padre Gil, cura of '' Mora, Mej. y sus Rev. , iv. 1 8-9. Alaman states that he was playing at cards in the house of Caraunez, the major of his corps, when he received the advice from Guanajuato. Hist. Mej., i. 373. Riaiio's action with regard to Hidalgo was probably influenced by friendship, as the cura was a frequent visitor at his house. See Bustamante, Mem. Uist. Mex., MS., iii. 42. '" Such is Alaman 's account of the discovery of the plot. Hist. Mej. , i, 361-6. Guerra says: ' Pero aborts el plan por la conf esion en el articulo de la rauerte del Can6nigo de Valladolid Iturriaga, c6mplice en la conspiracion, al cura de Queretaro Gil.' Uist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. Bustaraante states simply that an ecclesiastic denounced the plot at 10 o'clock of the night of the 14th of Septeraber. Cuadro Hist. , i. 31. Liceaga considers it probable that Arias flrst gave information. Adiciones y Rectif, 43. Consult also Zere eero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 52-58, for copies of documents addressed to the audi encia on the Ilth of September; and the same author, Discurso Civic, 19-25, for information conveyed to the capital from August Ilth to the above named date. Ochoa, on the 10th and Ilth of September, sent despatches to Aguirre and the vieeroj' informing them of the meditated revolutiou, and forwarded a list of the principal persons concerned in it. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 64r-8. 112 OPENING OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. Queretaro, that there was a plot to assassinate all, the Spaniards, and that a quantity of arms w^ere stored in the houses of one Samano and Epigmenio Gonza lez. He also stated that the corregidor knew of it. The cura, being a friend of Dominguez, at once placed the facts before him, advising him either to proceed against Epigraenio Gonzalez or share imprisonment wdth him. Whereupon the corregidor went to con sult wdth the escribano, who, already aware of the corregidor's complicity, dissimulated by declaring that he did not believe a word of the statement. Corre gidor Dominguez, however, persisted that his infor mation was correct, and Juan Fernando suggested that he should a.sk assistance of the comandante Ig nacio Garcia ReboUo, and search Gonzalez's house. This was done, and forty men placed under arms, tw^enty of wdiom under the corregidor surrounded the house of Gonzalez while the comandante, with the remaining twenty, invested that of Sdmano. Had the correo-idor been fortunate enousfh to avoid comraunication w ith the escribano, all miofht have arone well wdth the revolutionists and himself; but tlie es cribano displayed such zeal, and instituted so thorough a search of the house, that the escape of the inmates was rendered impossible, and a quantit}' of ammuni tion and weapons w^as discovered. The corregidor, however unwilling, was now compelled to arrest Epigmenio, his brother, and all the household. While he was thus occupied, his wdfe, faithful to the cause, devised means" to communicate wdth Allende at San *' Alaman says that Dominguez locked the entrance ga tes of the house on his departure, and that Dona Josefa signalled to lL;uacio Perez, the prison al caide, whose room was immediately Ijcneath her rccainara, by tapping thrice on the floor. Perez, being au ardent supporter of the revolution, considered the intelligence which she comniuuicated through the wicket-grating so important that he undertook to convey the message himself. Not finding Allende at San Miguel, where ho arrived at daylight ou the loth, he sought Aldama and informed him of what was taking place. Hist. Mej., i. 36^9. Liceaga states ou the authority of a raanuscript that two messengers, Fran cisco Lopez and Francisco Anaya, were also sent by the corrcgidora, the for mer alone arriving at the destination, and as late as five in the evening of the 15th. That .Allende, however, should have already left for Dolores on the arrival of Perez, being informed of danger by the intercepted order for his ARRESTS AND IJIPRISON.MENTS. 113 Miguel, informing him of the serious position of af fairs. She also inforraed Arias, but received a reply so unsatisfactory as to cause her much anxiety.*" On the following morning the corregidor beoan proceedings against the accused, but conducted them in so procrastinating a manner that evidently his heart was not in the Avork. Probably Arias Avas right in representing to the alcalde Ochoa that Dominguez was endeavoring to gain time, and that the plot was rapidly approaching its denouement. A little by-play v.'as enacted : the traitor, with his own connivance, AA'as arrested on the evening of the 15th, and on his person Avere discovered papers implicating Hidalgo and Allende. But this Avas not enough. The letters spoke of friends Avho could be relied on; and Avhen closely questioned Arias admitted that these friends Avere the corregidor, his wdfe, and a number of others Avho Avere Avont to assemble at the revolutionary meet ings. The subordinate officer, the alcalde Ochoa, supported by the Spanish faction, now proceeded to act. The comandante Rebollo, who hitherto appears to have been quite unaware of the raagnitude of the revolution, placed under Ochoa's directions three hun dred soldiers;*' and Dominguez, his wife and family, wdth a nuniber of other suspected persons, were arrested and imprisoned during the night.** The corregidor was closely confined in a cell in the college arrest, he considers not probable, since his inactivity under the circumstances for 24 hours would be inexplicable. Jlorcover, citizens of San JIiguel affirmed that he was in that town on the morning of the 15th, attending with his troops a religious ceremony, and was seen there as late as 5 o'clock iu the af ternoon. From the evidence, therefore, this author concludes that Hidalgo and Allende acted immediately upon receipt of the news from Queretaro, and did not waste a day in indecision. Adiciones y Rectific, 44-5. Liceaga's con- elusion is proved to be correct by the statements of Sotelo, a participator iu the proceedings. He asserts that Allende arrived at Dolores at ten on the niglit of the 15th of September. Hernandez y Ddrnlos, Col. Doc, ii. 322. *^ ' Pero aquel coutesto de una nianera desabrida, diciendo que se veia en aquel compromiso por haberse fiado de quienes no debiera y que ya tenia toraado su partido.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 369. " ' La mafiana de 15 al 16 una faccion de europeos regentados por el alcalde ordinario D. Juan Ochoa, y corao tresoientos soldados del regimiento de Celaya, auxiliados por Garcia Rebollo, sorprendieron al Lie. Dominguez.' Bustamante, Cuadro H'lst., i. 31. ^^ Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc, ii. 74-5. Hi3i. Mex., Vol. IV. 8 114 OPENING OF THE AVAR OF INDEPENDENCE. of Santa Cruz, without being alloAved to communicn^te with any one. His wife Avas conveyed to the convent of Santa Clara, and although enceinte, Avas deprived ofthe company of her friends, and even other children, Avho w ere separately imprisoned.** It is difficult to account for the subsequent proceed- ino-s of the government against Dominguez, unless they can be explained by the contemptuous regard Avith wddch Oidor Aguirre viewed the political atti tude of the creides. Information of the corregidor's arrest Avas conveyed without loss of time to Venegas, who consulted Avith Aguirre. That minister expressed sueh disdain for any attempt that could be made by 'Americans' to overthrow Spanish rule, that he as sured the viceroy that at an official piece of parchment on a stick they would be frightened like asses.** He concluded by suggesting that Juan CoUado, the al calde del crimen, should be sent, wdth an escribano and minor oflficials, to investigate the matter.*' The viceroy acted upon this advice, and Collado briefly disraissed the charge against Dominguez and rein stated hiin in office.*^ '^ Bustamante states that her daughters were not allowed to speak with the servants who attended on her. Cuadro Hixt., i. 32. '"Throughout this war the Jlexican people, Creoles, Indians, and mestizos, are often called 'Americanos,' and sometimes 'gente del pais.' " Bustamente regards this exhibition of authority with great contempt. He ironically represents Aguirre as suggesting, ' que en el caso, lo que con venia hacer, seria mandar al alcalde de crimen D. Juan Collado a Queretaro con un escribano y algunos porquerones,' and adds that the viceroy accepte.l the advice and Collado the office, the latter appointing JosiS Jlari'a Jloya his escribano, and 'corchete mayor A D. Antonio Acuiia que en Jlexico desempe- ilaba la plaza de capitan do sala. ' Ib. ¦"^A'cuegas disapproved Collado 's action and removed him from the audien cia. /(/. , '.Vi. Dominguez was a man of great literary ability aud acquire. ments. As a magistrate, liotli his talents and integrity were justly appre ciated by the public. Having occupied in the Alexicau capital tm official position of importance and trust with regard to both public and private business of the viceroy, his strict attention to his duties and his tidclii'y gained hini tho favor of JIarquiua, who appointed him to the corregimiento of Queretaro, an office so im|)ortant and lucrative that it was regarded a3 equal to an intcudeucia. Tlio salary \\-as 4,000 pesos, aud other sources of in come amounted to as much more. Under tlic adniinisti-ation of Iturrigaray, Dominguez was instructed to reform tho abuses which existed iu tbe cloth factories at (jhicretaro. 'I'ho system under which these were conducted reduced a largo proportii>ii of the operatives to actual slavery — a pecuniary advance raaking them subject to thraldom remorselessly exacted by their ENFORCED ACTION. 115 No sooner had Allende received news of the arrest of the Gonzalez family and household than he iiast- ened to Dolores, being uoav aware that his purposes Avero Avidely known to the authorities.*^ His inter view Avith Hidalgo Avas raarked by rapid deliberation and prompt decision. When Allende and his com panions arrived at Dolores the cura was entertaining visitors, and the revolutionists remained outside until they had departed. When admitted, they informed Hidalgo of the arrests Avhich had been made, and the discover}' of their plans. The cura, Avho had listened to their statements Avith imperturbable calmness, ex claimed, "Action must be taken at once; there is no time to be lost; we shall yet see the oppressors' yoke broken and the fragments scattered on the ground!"" He then ordered the street watchmen who Avere at tached to the cause to be called in, and sent them to summon the workmen in his pottery and silk factories. These soon assembled to the number of fifteen or six teen, to Avhom Hidalgo communicated his intention of immediately raising the cry of liberty. employers. Dominguez effected the necessary reforms, and drew upon him self the enmity of the owners, who were raostly Europeans. Nevertheless, his public conduct, and the faithfulness with which he managed the large estate and fortune left iu his charge by Doiia Josefa Vergara for beneficent purposes, won for him the regard of the inhabitants of Queretaro. Zamacois attributes the easy acquittal of Dominguez either to policy on the part of Col lado, who considered it raight be prudent to show generosity when the revolu tion had already commenced, or to the pressure of a threat expressed by the Indian inhabitants of the Cauada that they would rise in revolt if the corre gidor were not released. Uist. Mej., vi. 324. That the corregidor was enabled to maintain his position at such a crisis speaks loudly to his credit as possessing a strong hold on the regards of both parties — or as a consuraraate political craftsraan. ¦" Guerra states that Allende ' conoci6 su peligro por este raurraurio publico, 6 tal vez, por que su misino gefe Canal le avis6 cle la orden que habia rccibido de Mexico para prenderle.' Hist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 292. As 'este murmurio' has reference to the arrest of Dominguez on the night of the 15th, Guerra is iu error, since Allende was at that tirae on his way to Dolores. '"This is the statement of Sotelo, an eye-witness. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 322. Alaraan gives a different account, derived from state ments made at the trials of Hidalgo, Allende, Aldama, and others. He states tbat Allende went to Dolores on the 14th, and that the news of the ar rests at Queretaro was brought by Aldama, who only arrived at Dolores at two o'clock in the raorning of the 16th; that the cura was roused from his bed, and exclairaed: 'Gentlemen, we are lost; the only resource lef t is to seize gachupines.' Uist Mej., i. 373-4. In view of the narration of Sotelo, who was present on the occasion, and taking into consideration the statements made in the trials, I follow Sotelo's version. 116 OPEXIXG OF THE AA^AR OF INDEPENDENCE. A rumor of Avhat Avas transpiring had, however, spread, and a number of the populace assembled be fore the cura's gate, ready to take part in the enter prise. Weapons, wdiich had been secretly made and hidden, Avere now brought out, and Hidalgo distrib uted them Avith his oavu hand. The first step taken Avas to secure the person of Padre Bustamante, the sacristan mayor of the parish, Avho Avas a Spaniard. Hidalgo then addressed a few animating Avords to those assembled, raising in loud voice as he concluded the cry, " Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe! Viva la independencia!" The revolutionists now sallied forth,^^ and having first liberated the prisoners in the town jail,'^ thus swelling their numbers, they made captive the princi pal Spaniards.^^ DaAvn Avas now approaching. It Avas Sunday. Hidalgo caused the church bell which summoned his flock to mass to be rung at an earlier hour than usual. The townspeople came forward and gathered in groups before the church door, and from the neighboring haciendas countrymen on foot and raounted Avere seen flocking in and congregating in *' Accounts differ as to their number. Sotelo gives a list of twenty-one naraes, without including any of the leaders and others whose names were not known. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 330. Negrete supplies a list of 43 names, only two of which appear iu that of Sotelo. Hist. Mil Si'j. XIX. , i. 1 34-5. The number in all must have been far in excess of that given by many Mexican historians, the sraallness of which is incompatible with the success attained. Alaman states that Hidalgo, supported by his brother JIariano, ,los6 S.antos Villa, Allende, Aldama, and teu armed men whom he retained in his house, 1 5 in all, proceeded to execute the design of seizing the Spanish residents. Uist. Mej., i. 375. Liceaga maintains that there were only ten engaged in the undertaking. Rectif e.y Adic, 53. Mora, who incor rectly mentions Abasolo as being present, as also does X'egrete in his Ust, says: ' Con diez hombres pues, de los euales cinco eran forzados, se procediii a prouder los EspaQoles del lugar. ' Mej. ;/ sus Rev., 20. Guerra's statement that Allende left San JIiguel with 50 soldiers of his company on the 13th of September for Dolores, and increased bis force to 800 men on his raarch by de claring that he was going to liberate the corregidor Dominguez, is utterly at variance with facts. °^ Liceaga disputes this fact, but the evidence is conclusive. Consult HfT- nandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, i. 17, 40; ii. 323. »'0n page 55 of his Adic y Rectijic, Liceaga gives a list. of 13 names of Spaniards made prisoners. Bustamante states th.it only seven were seized. Ciiral Hisl, i. 22. Alaman says the number was seventeen. Hist. Mij.,i. 376-7. GRITO DE DOLORES. 117 the sanctuary.^* But it Avas the matters of this Avorld rather than those of the next that Avere now to claim their attention. Deliverance Avas demanded, and from the evil one ; but it Avas from Satan in the flesh, from devils incarnated as temporal masters, in flicting Avrongs and injuries and infamies Avithout nuniber — time enough left AAdien men are free from the tyrannies of their felloAvs to continue the eternal battle wdth the poAvers of darkness! There was no mass that day. The cura entered his pulpit and looked abroad upon the sea of upturned anxious faces Avith deep and yearning solicitude. "My children," he said, "this day comes to us a new dispensation. Are you ready to receive it? Will you be free? Will you make the effort to recover from the hated Spaniards the lands stolen from your forefathers three hundred A'ears ago?" Thus the great project of independence Avas laid before them, and they were called upon to prove their devotion to tlieir country. For the last time Hidalgo addressed his flock as cura of Dolores. Henceforth he Avould be their guide to liberty; they Avould fight for it; they Avould die for it; he Avould lead them himself to battle and to victory! "To-day," he continued, "we must act. The Spaniards are bad enough them selves, but noAv they are about to surrender us and our country to the French. Danger threatens our religion, and oppression our homes. Will you become Napo leon's slaves? or Avill you as patriots defend your relig ion and your rights ?" " We Avill defend thera ! " shouted the people. "ViA^a Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, muera el mal gobierno, mueran los gachupines !"=' " Live, then, and follow your cura, who has ever Avatched over your welfare," was Hidalgo's answer. The Grito de Dolores has gone forth ! The poor and ignorant 5* During the moming a raessage was sent to Mariano Abasolo, inviting hiin to join the cause, which he did without hesitation, according to Sotelo's state ment. Hernandez y Ddrntejs, Col. Doc, ii. 323. 55 Long live our lady of Guadalupe, perish the bad government, perish the Spaniards ! 118 OriCXIXG OF THE AVAR OF INDEPENDENCE. and down-trodden of this little Indian towm proclaim the future independence ofa gieat nation! Enthusi asra rises to religious height, and unarmed as they are, they will follow no matter where, and fight and die no matter how. It is soraewdiat strange that independence should be born in such a quarter and of such parentage; yet perhaps not more Avonderful here and thus than clsc- w here and in some other Avay. Its days Avere now fully corae, and it must be brought forth. We know after Avliat manner religions havc come to man; we have seen great spasms of enlightenment fall at A-ari- ous epochs on the race; Ave liaA^e seen the intellect awaken as from a dream, and re-aAvaken again and again — but Avliat it all is, or how, or Avhy, no man can tell, howsoever hard our teachers ma}' tiy. In the evtdution of human affairs two elements are essential to progress, the opportunity and the agent. There may be and often is one condition Avithout thj other. Opi^ortunity may be lipe and no one at hand to act; or the individual ma}' be present and lack op portunity; or the agent ma}- be before his time, act j^rematurely, and so spoil all. Under such conditions there can be no great bringriuo'-forth. o o o It was a question how far such auxiliaries could bo of service in the coraiufr crusade. Hidalo-o maintained that the display of nurabers Avould be beneficial to their cause. Allende, however, entertained grave doubts, but he finally acquiesced. To provide their followers Avith arras Avas the great difiiculty. The houses of the Sjjaniards Avere ransacked; lances which Hidalgo had already provided Avere brought forth; the Indian seized his machete,'''^ and those Avho could obtain no better Aveapon supplied themselves with clubs, slings, and bows and arrows. Fire-arms they had few; but San Miguel would furnish them some 5* ,Vn implement for cutting grass, sugar-cane, brush, etc., iu thc shape of a bi-o.-i(ls\voi-d witiiout hilt, and sometuiics slightly curved, the sharpened. ed^^r Ijcing in lh.it c.isc on tho convex curve. ON THE JIARCH. 119 munitions of war, and thither Hidalgo and Allende led their rabble, Avhich soon numbered nearly 4 000 men. Some attempt at military order Avas made. The mounted herdsmen of the haciendas, carrying lances, Avere formed into a troop of cavalry, Avhile the better armed Indians on foot represented the infantry. Then followed a promiscuous crowd, in wdiich Avomen and children joined. The die was cast; and the aroused people hastened on. The maize was in full ear, and haciendas abounding in cattle lay on their line of march. There Avas no lack of food, and they took Avhat they Avanted. As they passed through the vil lages volunteers swelled the'ir ranks, and other Span iards were added to the number of the captives. On their arrival at Atotonilco, Hidalgo halted in order that he might surprise San Miguel at nightfall. Here a picture of the virgin of Guadalupe Avas ob- tained,^^ and raised on high above the throng, amidst shouts of "Viva Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, y mueran los gachupines!" Henceforth it becaine tlie banner of the crusade; and Avliile it Avaved on high, emblem of peace and intercession, many a brave deed, raany a bloody deed, Avas done for those rights and liberties Avhich on no other ground than violence and force Avould ever be vouchsafed to thera."' '"''Mora, Mij. y sus. Rev., iv. 21. N"egrete states that Hidalgo marched out of Dolores with only about 80 men, wliich number as he advanced was increased to 300. Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 19-20. Sotelo says: 'Mirando que ya se contaba con un nximero considerable de gente adicta, resolvio organizarla en forma de tropa.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc, ii. 323. ^'Alaman states that Hidalgo took it from the sacristy and raised it on a lance in order to support his enterprise by the religious devotion which his followers entertained for the sacred emblem. Tliis is refuted by Liceaga, who explains that one of the insurgents procured a copy of the picture from 'Dofla Ptamona N. que vivia alll como otras, con el norabre de beatas,'and that it was hoisted upon a clothes-pole. The enthusiasra it roused caused the leaders to adopt it as a banner. Adic ;/ Rectijic, 58. Zaraacois supports Alaraau's statement on the strength of Hiilalgo's declaration. Uist. Mej.,vi. 253; Uernadezy Ddvalos, Col Doc, i. 13. *' Other banners with a like design were in tirae procured and borne along in all parts of Hidalgo's array. 'Aun existe en poder del liijo del denodado insurgente A' ictor Resales, cl diseno original de la primera baudera de Hidalgo que tenia la forma de un estandartc, fpie f u6 hecho con uuo de los ) lalios do la parroquia de Dolores, y sobre el cual se puso un escudo niuy parecido ai adop- 120 OPEXEJG OF THE AVAR OF INDEPENDENCE. Meanwhile intelligence ofthe uprising had reached San Miguel,"" and the Spanisli residents, aware that they could not rely upon any creole or native servant, and informed by Colonel Canal that no dependence eould be placed on the regiment, assembled in arms at the municipal buildings for self-defence. As the dusk of evening fell, Hidalgo entered the toAvn. The ex citement Avas intense, the population cheering the in surgents and hurling bitter denunciations against the Spaniards. Allende placed the prisoners brought from Dolores in the college of San Francisco de Sales, un der the guardianship of Aldama, while he proceeded to arrest the Spaniards of the town. Through the representations of Canal, after some parley the latter Avere induced to yield w itliout opposition and surren der their arms. Allende assured them that Avhile he lived no harm should befall them, and thereupon they were reraoved to the college. The Spaniards liaving thus been secured without bloodshed, no difficulty Avas found in winning over the soldiers of the garrison. The officers and troops of the queen's regiment of provincial dragoons Avere already predisposed to support Allende. In A'ain Ma jor Caraunez endeavored at the barracks to hold theni to their loyalty by representing that the rebels were partisans of the French. His woords were received Avitli an ominous silence, and wdien two of the officers raised a cheer for Allende and independence, Camuiiez was made captive," and the Avhole regiment joined the insurgents. A portion of the Celaya infantry tado despucs de la independencia y era de papel negro recortado.' Gallo, Hom bres Ilii.st., "272. "" Authors differ with regard to this stateraent. Jlora asserts that the authorities were completely surprised, and knew nothing of tho movement until Hidalgo was at their door; but Liceaga more reasonably affirms that news of what had taken place in Dolores reached Sau JIiguel early. I have accepted his version as being the nun-e probable, lie gives a list of the prin cipal Spanish residents iu Sau Miguel. Adie. y Rectijic, 5S-60. '' ( 'uloiiel ( 'anal, if he did not actually favor the moveinent, was indiffer ent. Ho had, however, been succeeded iu the coramand by Camuiiez that moruiug, Liceaga, utsup., 61. PILLAGE AND MURDER. 121 stationed there also declared for the cause of inde pendence. During the night and on the foUoAving morning the populace began to exhibit symptonis of violence, Avliich afterward became uncontrollable. Havincc liberated the prisoners in the jail, Avitli much uproar and cries of "Death to the gachupines!" they assembled in dense throngs before the houses of the Spanish resi dents, intent on pillage and destruction. Stores and private dwellings shared a like fate. Doors Avere battered in and the rabble ransacked and robbed ad libitum."^ Hidalgo endeavored to moderate these Avild passions, and Allende, sword in hand, rode through the croAvds threatening their death, until the disorder Avas stopped. Our standpoint of morality depends on our teach ing, if we still hold to our teachings, or to our line of independent thought, if Ave haA'e any. The merchant's morality is different from that ofthe doctor, the priest's from that of the military man. While Hidalgo had as much conscience, as much heart and humanity, as Allende, whose profession was that of man-killer, he Avas now out on the work of an avenging angel, in so far as it was necessary for his Avork to assume that form. The Spaniards had robbed and insulted these many years. This Avas now to be stopped, Avhatever the cost. If the permission of pillage Avould add to the power of his cause, it Avere but small diflference Avhen the demon of murder Avas abroad. Our most refined and christian civdization will kill human be ings in battle by the hundred thousand, will commit horrible and wholesale butcheries without justice and Avithout mercy, employing all the arts and advantages the mind can invent to injure and destroy the enemy — all for the cause, kilhng to prevent further killing; but over some few minor and comparatively insig- «^ According to Torrente, Hist Rev., i. 143, not even Creoles' houses were spared. ' Se lanzaron como lobos rabiosos contra todos los europeos i contra sus propiedades, sin perdonar A sus mismos corapatriotas. ' 122 OPENING OF THE AVAR OF INDEPF.NDEXCE. nificant injuries it raises its hands in holy horror, and cries out against them as barbaric and savage. Stuflf and humbug! Savage warfare is no worse than civilized Avarfare, no less necessary, no less righteous. It may be a little less decent and refined; but Avhat are refineraent and decency beside butchery and body- raangling machines! All is as bad as it can be; the civilized men are the more to blame, hoAvever, for they should know better. Hidalgo Avas a far more self-sacrificing, honorable, and humane man than the average military leader. Buthe was not hypocrite or fool enough to pretend that it Avas worse to take a dead man's goods than a livinsf man's life. But the killing in Avar is done for the cause. True; and noAv pillage is perraitted for the cause. It Avas not that he was in favor of robbery. But sackinof a town he reo-arded as no worse than kill- ing the people; and in his present emergency he deemed one as much a matter of necessity as the other. In any event, he Avould Avin this cause if within his power to do so. Allende thought differently. He was a man of nar rower mind, of raore restricted ideas; he Avas a soldier, and felt bound by conventional rules and the regu lations of his craft. He urged that they ought not to rely upon the common people, Avho were ad dicted to pillage, but upon disciplined troops. The discussion Avas continued Avitli considerable warmth, until it became evident that two leaders at discord might prove fatal to the cause. Hidalgo, therefore, suggested that his own and AUende's authority should be defined, in order that each should act within the limits of his own powers, and Allemle at once ofiered to surrender the supreme command to the cura, Avhose ability and influence he very sensibly deemed superior to his own. He expressed the determi nation, hoAvever, to separate hiraself from him if th(!y should bc unable to act in harmony. But all thought of independent action on the part of Allende MILITARY AND POLITICAL ORG.ANIZATION. 123 was set at rest by the arrival somewdiat later of a de spatch from Riailo, the intendente of Guanajuato, ad dressed to the subdelegatlo Bellogin, avIio was a prison er at the time, and ordering the immediate arrest of Allende, Aldama, and, if possible, of Hidalgo, "because his talents, character, and reputation Avould render the revolution more vigorous and formidable." The post master having been also made captive, the letter Avas delivered to Allende, avIio, recognizing the truth of its comments on Hidalgo, insisted that the cura should retain supreme command, which he did."^ The suddenness Avith Avhicli the insurgents had been compelled prematurely to proclaim their purpose had entirely overthrown their previous plans, and their fu ture operations Avould in a great measure have to be guided by circumstances. To discipline overwhelra ing numbers, provide their followers with arras, and institute some degree of military tactics Avas uoav their object. In order to provide for public tranquillity, a conference Avas held in the evening, to Avhich the prin cipal citizens were convoked, and a junta, presided over by Aldama, Avas established." On the folloAving day the Avork of organizing the forces Avas coramenced. OflScers from the grade of corporal to that of colo nel were appointed; recruits were obtained from the surrounding haciendas, and lances constructed Avitli the greatest diligence. A quantity of gunpowder, also, Avhich was being conveyed from IMexico to the mines of Guanajuato, fell into the hands of the in surgents. On the morning of the 18th Hidalgo led his forces, now counted by tens of thousands, out of San Miguel, after having appropriated Avhat money there was in the treasury, and some belonging to the Spanish cap tives."' Marching through the towns of San Juau o o ^^ Liceaga, Adic y Recti /ic, 65-7. „ ,• ,-, i «'The other raembers were. Padre Manuel Castilblanque, Felipe Gonzalez, Miguel Vallejo, Doraingo Unzaga, and Vicente Uinaran. The adrainistra tion of the aduana and of the tobacco monopoly was given to Antonio Aga- ton de Lartierdo, and that of the post-office to Francisco Rebelo. /(/., 68. ^'Mora Mej. y sus Rev., 22. JIariauo Hidalgo, brother of the eura, was 124 OPENINC! CF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. de la Vega and Chamacuero,"*' he moved toward Ce laya, and approached the town on the evening of the 1 9th. The oflficers in command of the troops stationed there, deeming resistance useless, retired at night with some companions of the provincial regiment to Que retaro, accompanied by the European residents. On the night of the 19tli, Hidalgo and Allende conjointly addressed a letter to the ayuntamiento, summoning the town to surrender, and threatening to put to death ^ , — :c((iviiio'<'...2^%^,-* /"^^.r-— i-w. /%„^ v*^»wW' mU S.JUMtfe,^ o^* # [epatitlan ^¦:cJtia»%^ a. Rosa r' '%*,, ¦" i» Garavaimoe ' )CliftninnieK> ^C^^^ *B, fostos ^;\^i: ySta.] V= f^alaj ¦'Sta.Cfte^.Juon de la Vet;^ Celava J' QUERETARO ,11 L'S 'aj"C '¦o de la L'^J*' "^O Og i? \S. Jtun del Rio -S run atl.Jde Santiago Salvatkrra^ _ ^ ^-^ li °" Amealco 1;^^.. iiat^uaro O* ^Molinos de Catalklo i^^j^ "jerecout. /TSpoBepso ^^_ __, , ^_„ ^.\cambaro S.jln3~Zmap«^-J„ Cc^^ C (J A ^ Pbovince of Guanajuato. their prisoners to the number of seventy-eight if op position Avas offered.''' appointed treasurer. One dollar a day was paid a cavalryman and half that sum to a foot-soldier. Alammi, Hist. Mej., i. 381. ^ jAt this last place he made captive the cura, who waa a European. Geo. de Me.r., 1810, 811. " Tlic captive Spaniards had been brought with thera, surrounded by the dragoons of thc (pieen's regiment. The following is a translation of the doc ument, a copy ot \vhieh is to be fouud iu Alaman, Hl.it. Mej., i. app. 50-1; 'AA'e liavc! approached this city Mith tho object of securing the persons of all the I'hiinpcau Spaniards. If they surrender at discretion, their persons -ivill be treated with humanity; but if on tho contrai-y resistance should be made, ENTRY INTO CELAYA. 125 A man is never so old as to cease to be an enigma to himself, provided he continues to place himseff in new and untried fields, and has sense and patience enough fully and fairly to regard himself The bur glar does not knoAV how he would behave as a banker; the merchant does not knoAv Avhat his price would be Avere he a politician. So the lately humane man may become a bloody fanatic, and the soft radiance of char ity may make tender the heart of the cruel. Men pride themselves upon their character as something adamantine, Avhen all the time it may be but putty, never having been tried; Avere it so, it would change to white or black twenty times under as many and weighty influences. The man of God behaves badly in the livery of the devil. He behaves Avorse than the devil. War is Satan's enginery, and he is the only one AVorthy to employ it, the only one Avho seems to Avin at it. God fights his enemies, Ave are told, and yet his enemies everyAvhere abound; he does not AvlioUy overcome them. The sterner qualities of the soldier, resolved to win at all cost, Avere being developed in the parish priest of Dolores. Happily for these unfortunate Spaniards, no event occurred to cause the leaders to put their dreadful threat in execution. A copy of the despatch w^as sent by the ayuntamiento three hours after midnight on the 2 Oth to the municipality of Queretaro, and on the same day Hidalgo was informed that no resistance would be oflfered to his entrance. On the 21st the insurgents marched into the city. At the entrance of the plaza a spectator had stationed himself on a house-top to Avitness the marshalling of this motley army. The man Avas shot dead;®^ and as and the order to fire upon us be given, they will be treated with a correspond ing rigor May God protect your honors many years. Field of battle, Sep tember 19, 1810. JIiguel Hidalgo, Ignacio Allende. P.S. Themomentthat tlie order is given to open fire upon our troops, the seventy-eight Europeans whora we have in our power will be beheaded. Hidalgo, Allende. Sres. del Ayuntamiento de Celaya. ' , , i ^ t ¦ j '8 Alaman states that he was the coachman of JIanuel Gomez Linares, and denies Abasolo's statement during his trial that the man first fired at the in- 126 OPENING OF THE AVAR OF INDEPENDENCE. if the report of this murderous gun Avere the precon certed signal for onslaught, the Avork of violence be gan." Joined by the populace, the insurgents rushed in excited bands through the city, and erelong the houses of the Europeans were broken into, their fur niture battered to pieces and cast into the streets, and every article of clothing, of common requirement, or of use in Avar, Avas carried oflp, and the rest was Avantonly destroyed. Again remonstrances vrere laid before Hidalgo; but he maintained his previous views that numbers Avould insure success, and that a sys tem of plunder Avould both Aveaken their foes and at tract partisans to their own cause. ^'' In taking this ground Hidalgo, as patriot and rev olutionist — for he was both — has been severely cen sured. But there is much to be said in extenuation. Hidalgo claimed that the Indians had been vvrong- fuUy dispossessed of their lands, property, and rights in the first instance, and consequently the wealth the Spaniards and their descendants had thereby acquired Avas not theirs, but belonged to the aboriirinaJ occu- pants of the soil and their descendants. Robbery and murder had been employed by the Spaniards in Avresting the country from the Indians, and they Avould adopt the same measures to jvin it back. Fur ther than this, he argued, it Avas his only resource. He had but feAV trained soldiers, and he had no money to pay these except Avliat he couhl take from the en emy. If Avar is ever justifiable, this one was; thero is no more sacred cause man cau fight for than per sonal and political independence. If it is right to Avage Avar and afterAvard force the losing side to pay the cost of all, as the groat nations of the earth seera agreed, it is equally right to rob and plunder as hostil- surgent troops. Id., .184. This incident is not accepted by some authors. Negrete, Mex. Siglo XIX., ii. 24. '¦"Jlora says: 'La scfuil dc poscsion que se dici ill vecindario fui5 una des- carga general do todas las armas do fuego verificada en la plaza, y que fiii5 cl toque de llainimieiito para cl dcstrozo y el saqueo. ' Mex. y sus Rev., iv. iU. ^"Zamacois, Hist. .Uij., vi. 288; Hirnandcz y Ddvalos, CoL Doc, i. 16. CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF AJIEP.ICA. 127 ities proceed. All Avar is murder and robbery; it is in order to murder and rob each other that men go to Avar. I do not attempt to justify this course; I only say that such were the opinion and custom, to a great extent, in ]\Iexico at this time, and were held and_ practised alike by both sides throughout the Avar for independence. Before Hidalgo's entrance into Celaya his folloAv- ers, Avho noAV amounted to fifty thousand, proclaimed him Captain-general of America,'^ and he had con ferred the rank of lieutenant-general on Allende, and corresponding grades on Aldaraa, Abasolo,'^ and other leaders. Here also he Avas joined by Captain Arias, Avhom the reader has lately seen playing the role of in former, Avhile cautiously scheming for his self-protec tion.'^ The recognition of Hidalgo's rank and authority by the ayuntamiento might be beneficial; he therefore called a session of its members and the principal citi zens on the 2 2d. Only two regidores presented themselves, the rest, being Europeans, having fled to Queretaro, Avhereupon the captain-general appointed others to the vacant oflfices, nominating Carlos Camar go subdelegado.'* The new municipality acknowledged " Id., ii. 107, 109. See his suraraons to surrender, addressed to the inten dente of Guanajuato, in Alaman, ut sup., 421. Mora coraraents on the ab surdity of this title. True, it smacks somewhat of worldly vanity ; but after all, I do not see why it ia not as good as another. 2Iex. y sus Rev., iv. 27. Two companies of the Celaya regiment, which had failed to unite with the troops that retired to Queretaro, joined the insurgents. '^Mariano Abasolo was at this time 27 years of age. He was a native of Dolores, and the son of a wealthy Spaniard who left him a large fortune, which was still further increased by marriage with the heiress Dofia JIaria Manuela Taboada. At his trial, some raonths later, he deposed that he had not been connected with the revolt previous to the grito de Dolores. The influ ence of Hidalgo, and his friendship for Allende, being a captain in the same regiment with him, appear to have induced him to join their cause. His ser geant, Jos^ Antonio Martinez, afterward executed in Jlexico, declared that Abasolo coraraanded him to deliver up to Hidalgo the arras in the barracks at San MigueL Alaman, Hlit. Mej., i. 356-7; Dice Univ. Hiit., i. 12-13. "Alaraan states that Arias was always regarded with suspicion by the in surgent leaders, while Zamacois affirms that he was received by Hidalgo with delight, and repudiates the charge brought against Arias of having given in formation about the revolt. Hist. Mej., vi. 292. "Camargo did not sympathize with the movement; and he advised the vioeroy of the circumstances, protesting his fidelity. Venjgas ordered him to 123 OPENING OF THE AVAR OF INDEPENDENCE. the authority of Hidalgo,"'' Avho, having thus arranged matters in Celaya, and fearing that Queretaro AA'as too Avell defended to be successfully assailed under the present condition of his troops, marched on the morn ing of the 23d in the direction of Guanajuato.'^ remain in the position, with the full consent of the government. The insur- gents in Celaya, however, discovered this side-play, and Camargo escaped to Queretaro, pursued by a troop of cavalry. The exertion and agitation threw hira into a fever, and he died a few- days afterward. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijic, 100. Liceaga obtained his information from Abasolo's family, which was intimate with Camargo. '=See Hidalgo's letter. Doc. 3, in Liceaga, Adic y Rectifie., 212. Alaman erroneously states thatthe municipality conferred the rank of captain-general upon Hidalgo. Liceaga corrects this mistake. The municipality had no power to appoint military commanders: it was by the proclamation of Iiia troops that Hidalgo was made captain-general. " Additional authorities consulted for the preceding chapters are: Busta mante, Defensa, 27; Ciiad. Hist., i. 1-11, 33, and iv. 40, 87-111, 138-40; Campatlas de Gallejn, 1-8; Marlirologio, 4; Medidas Pacifcacion, JIS., ii. 45-59; Mem. pi. la Hist. Mex., JIS., i. 47-9; Alaman, Hist. Mej.,!., passim; Disertacion, iii., ap. 86-7; Zavala, Rev. Mex. , passim; Torrente, R. Hisp.-Ara., i. 58-64; Zereeero, Rev. Mex., passira; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,i., passim; also ii. 5—42, and v. 60-3, 837-38, 853-60; Cancelada, Verdad Sabida, jiassim; Conducta Iturrigaray, 27-135; Tel. Mex., 415-20; Ruina de la X. Espan., passim; Gaz. Mex., xi.-xvi., passira; Diar. Mex., i. 91-2; iv. 65; also V. 149, 533; vi.-ix., passira; xi. 119-'20, 350, and xii. 18.5-6, 219; Cedulario, JIS., iv. 25; Guerra, Rev. de N. Mex., i., passim; Mayer, Mex. Azt., i. 127- 281; Mora, Mix. y Sus Rev., i. 284-8; iii. 193-369; iv. 10-17; Rev. X. E-p. Censura, passim; Consejos, passim; Breves Reflex, passim; Fisiohgia Cosa Pub., 35-6; Rosa, Discurso, 11; Lizarza, Discurso Vind. Iturrigaray, passim; Queipo, Canon. Peniten., passira; Col. E.ieritos, 70-131; Lull, Rej'utacion, 21; Rev. Verdad. Orig., no. i. 67-84; no. ii., passim; Lizana y Beaumont, Cart. Past., passim; Pradt, Hist. Rivol Eipan., 40-1; Pretensiones Anglo-Amei:, 2; Noriega, Vindicaeion, passim; Urrutia Jacobo, Voto, passim; Represent, ai Virey, no. i. 6; no. ii. 5-8; Frost, Pict. Hist. Mex., 149; Indicador, in. ¦2'21- 73; Cnlv'dlo, Oracion, passim; Entrada, Representacion, passim; Fernandf., Enganos que d los Insurgentes,^a,ssivci; Lastarr'ia, La America, passim; Lofond, Voyage autour du Monde, i. 217-24; Galiano, Hisl Espaiia, -vi. 337-8; Gon zalez^, Uist. Est. Aguascal, 496; Guiridi y Alcocer, Sermones, passim; Presas Ju'icio Imparcial, passim; Kottenhamp, Unabhangig., 1-45; Kennedy, 'lexas, i. 270-1; Rev. N. Espaiia, passim; Perez, Proclama, jiassim; Orizava, Uciirr., JIS., 1-3; Mie/ielenn, Relacion, ii. 7; Martinez, Rev. Mex., i. 215-17; Mofras, Exploration de I'Oregon, i. 1-38; Modi rn Travels, Mex. and Guat., i. 101-2; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist. , no. v. 362^; Las Clases Prol Guadalaj., Sept. 15, 1878, 3; Mo.iaico Mex., ii. 462; Mendibd, Resumcn. 1-0, 93; Mex. Album, Fntog., i. 14-15; ,Mex. Scraps, ii. 60; Laeunza, Discursos, xxxvi. 535; -Irran- gdiz, .Mej., i., passim; Hidalgo, Bioi/. Cura, 30-1; Humboldt, Eisai Pol.'i\. 817-25; Cortes, Diar. Ofc, iv. 204-.'i, 216-18; Diar. Senado, ii., no. 79, 948-9; Foote, Texas, i. 92-4; Edinburgh Revicu; xiii. 277-311, 34i>-53; XT. 164-82; Democ Revieiv, i. 2(iS-9; Zamacois. Hisl. Mex., vi., passira; viii. app. 761, 708-9; ix. 864-5; x. 1.335-84, 1422-8; xi. G49; Dublan y Lozano, Ley Mex., i. 326-7; Duvernois, Franzii. Inferven. Mix., 18-21; Domenech. Hisl. Mex.,i. 31'2-l;'.; ii. 11-12; Dispo.iic Var'ias, i. 135; Notl. Dem. Quart. Review, 1800, 2:12-:!; Dice Univ. Hisl. Giog., x. 592, 909-11; app. i. 103-5; Cavo, Tm Siglos, viii. 225-64, 2liS; Con'der, Mex. and Gnat. 100-1; lirit. Quart. Be view, vii. 242-8; Branciforte, Instruccion, JIS., passim; .imigo del Pueb., ii.. AUTHORITIES. 129 no. 7, 20G-^24, 230-5."; no. 8, 230-55; Annals Congress, 1800-7, 913-26; Ai~er. Slate Pap., ii. 596-695, 798-804; xii. 1-327, 388-4:.',4; Amer. Register, i. 71-.'2; ii. 79-83; Bib. Mex. Trnl., i. 496; Beulluch, Mex., i. xx.-xxxv. ; Campj'dlo, Manifie.ito, 1; Oarbro, Proclama, passim; Chevalier, E.cpcd. Mex., 4-5, 17-40; Me,x'ique, 331-8; Chaleanheinml, Congress de Ver., ii. 2:10-43; Carson, Siate Register; l.'nlv, Annnles Uist., vi. 11-34; Yucatan, Diccion. Uist.. i. 295; Young, Hist. Mex., 73; Wallon's Exposf, app. 7-10; Ward, Mex., vi. 15.5-0; l'eri(crH2f(H0, i. 76-7; ,':junrez y Navarro, Hist. Mej., 3; SiricLer, Bibliothek, 30-40; Squier, Travels C. A., ii. 371-5; Soc Mex. Gcoij.,ii. 62-7, 566-75; Salo, Diar. Otle., 5; Sosa, E/i'iscop. Mex., 212; R'lvera, Gob., i. 127-8; Uist. Jalapa, i. 198--208; Revilla, Dice Univcr., v. 429; Mayer, JIS., no. 11, passim; Quarty. Review, vii. 248-9, 257; xvii. 5.30-40; xxx. 171-2; Portilla, Espaiia en Jfix., 117-9S; Pilce, Explor. Travcli, 370-1, 386-436; P'lnkerton, Mod. Geog., iii. 159-60, 174-6; Quinones, Deseripcion, passim; Patafox, Iturrignray, 21-2; Camp'dlo, Exhortacion, passim; Tapia, Exhortae'ion, jiassim; Perez, Orar. Fiineb., nos. ii. aud iii., passim; Robertson, Reminiscences, 1-45; Rolinain, Mex., 11-29; Iturrigara;/, i. 18-20; Rev. des Deux Mondes, 1862, 516-32; Ordenes Corona, JIS., iii. 141, 155; v. 60, 128. Hist. Mex., Vol. IV. 9 CHAPTER VI. THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO TAKEN BY STORM. 1810. Local Histouy of Guanajuato — Alarm in the City — Defensive Meas ures OF Intendente RiaSo — The Alh6ndiga de Granaditas — An In teresting JIanuscript — RiaSo Retires to the Alh6ndiga— Hidalgo Summons RiaSo to Surrender — The Attack — A JIurderous Cosiest — RiaSo's Death — His Biography — Confusion in the Alh6ndiga— The Barricades AVon by the In.-jurgents — They Gain Entrance— Berzabal's Fall — His Biography — Number of the Killed — Acts oi Heroism — Pillage and Devastation. The province of Guanajuato Avas the theatre of the first tragic events of the revolution, and no city in the kingdom of Noav Spain suffered more cruelly in loss of life and ruin of prosperity than its capital, Santa Fe de Guanajuato, from which the province derived its iianie.^ At the time of the conquest this territory Avas inhabited by barbarous tribes living on the produce of the chase, and the first Spaniards who penetrated it Avere the conquerors of Acambaro, in Avhicli exploits joined the cacique of Jilotepec, Nico las Montailez de San Luis, a near relative of Mon tezuma. In 1526 these adventurers apportioned out among themselves the districts of Acambaro, Jere- cuaro, and Coroneo.^ ' The word is of Tarascan origin, aud corrupted from Quanashuato, meaD- ing cerro de ranas, or froghill, a n.amo given to the site, because of a rock shaped like a frog which Mas an object of worship to the uatives. Medina, Chron. deS. Dingo, 257-8. The capital at au early date was kuown by tho single appellation of tiuanajuato. "Seguu apareoe do la relacion iu^dita cscrita por Jlontauezque copia In tegra el P. Fr. Pablo do la Concepcion Beaumont cn su historia mtmuscrita dc la provincia de Prauciscanos do Michoacan, que existe en cl archivo general. Romero, Mich., 149-50. (130) GUANAJUATO HISTORY. 131 In 1531 Nuho de Guzman passed through Penjamo to the vicinity of the site of Guanajuato, and added the territory to his conquests. For seventy years the Chichimecs disputed Avith persistent bravery their right to the soil, until in 1598 peace Avas established by Rodrigo del Rio, avIio, in the name of the king of Spain, promised to supply the Indians Avith food and clothing on the conditions that they should tender alle giance and keep in subjection the refractory. At the same time the viceroy caused to settle there some Tlas- caltecs and Aztecs, Avho instructed the Chichimecs in agricultural and mechanical industries, all under the guidance of missionaries. The first settlements in this province grew out of the establishment by Viceroy Velasco the first, of the presidios at the places now known as San Felipe and San Miguel, as a frontier protection against the Chichimecs; but on the discov ery of the Guanajuato mines, as narrated in a previous volume,^ a small fort Avas erected in 1554 on the site Avhere Marfil stands, and Avas called a real de minas. A few years later another real de minas* Avas estab lished at Tepetapa, Avhich is the name of one of the AA-ards of Guanajuato city. For many years this lat ter settlement Avas a place of little importance and few inhabitants, and was under the jurisdiction of the al calde mayor of Celaya. At the close ofthe sixteenth century a curacy Avas founded, the population at that time being about four thousand. From this date, ow ing to the richness of the mines in the vicinity, the prosperity of Guanajuato increased rapidly, and in 1679 the king of Spain granted it the title of vUla y real de minas de Santa Fe de Guanajuato.^ ^Hisl Mex., iii. 588, this series. *In the times of the conquest, the site on which a Spanish army encamped was called 'real,' and not unfrequently was partially fortified. Beal de minas, therefore, raeans a military station in a mining district. » The name of Santa ¥& had been given to the place in 1658 by the oidor Antonio de Lara y Jlogrovejo, who had been commissioned by Viceroy Albur- querque to preside over the elaboration of the silver accruing to the crown in that district. Med'ma, lb.; Romero, Mich., 157. ' Elle refut le privd.5ge royal de villa in 1619.' Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 247. This date must be a misprint. 132 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANA.IUAT0. Coat of Arms of the City of Guan.\jtiato. From this time the district remained under the rule of the ayuntamiento and suljdelegados, subject to the audiencia of Mexico, until 178G, Avhen the in- tendencias were estab lished," of Avhich Guana juato became one of the principal. In the mean time the town had been raised in 1741 to the dig- nity of cit)-, an appro priate coat of arms being granted it." At the open ing of the nineteenth cen tury, the progress made by Guanajuato and its prosperity were almost unprecedented. The reader Avill be able to form some idea of the Avealth and actiAdty of the district at the time when the revolution broke out from the fact that in the A'ear 1800 the mines, including' those Avorked and those exhausted, nurabered 1,816, eraploying 1 16 mdls, 1,898 arrastras, and 366 establishments for the elaboration ofthe metaL There Avere crushed daily 11,500 quin- tales of ore, and 9,000 operatives eraployed. At this time the population ofthe city, including those occu pied in the mines, Avas 66,000. Xor were the agricul tural industries of the province, Avhicli embraced about 1,750 square leagues, less thriving; the numerous pop ulous towns Avere surrounded by rich pastures and lands covered with maize and other grain. But now, like a flail of destruction, war falls on the unhappy city, ;iiid at its conclusion the population has diminished to six thousand souls, the unfrequented streets are co\- "Consult 7//.-!/. Jfcx., iii. 452, this series. ' The coat of arras consists of a draped female figure blindfolded, holihng ill her right hand a chalice, and supporting -a cross with her left arm. Tiie design is symbolical of faith. TIDINGS OF REA^OLUTION. 133 ered Avith grass, and the abandoned houses are offered rent free.^ The first church established in the city Avas the edi fice knoAvn to-day as the chapel of the college of La Purisima Concepcion, and in it Rivera placed the im age of the santisinia virgen in 1557. A feAV years later another chapel was erected near by, and these two buildings Avere used as hospitals, the first one for the Tarascans and the second for the Otorais, a third being built for the benefit of the Mexican settlers. In 1671 Avas comraenced the parish church, Avhicli Avas completed and dedicated in 1696, and thither was con- A'eyed in the same year the image of our lady frora the church of the hospital. The parish church of Guanajuato is one of the finest edifices of the kind in the Mexican republic. The ecclesiastical government of the province is under the bishopric of Michoacan. In 1663 Viceroy Serda and Bishop Ramirez del Prado granted permission to found the Franciscan convent of San Diego, but the work was stopped by order of the council of the Indies in the following year, because it had been begun Avithout royal license. In 1667, hoAvever, the king's permission Avas granted, and the convent Avas erected into a guardiania in 1679. This church and convent Avere almost destroyed by the in undation of 1780, but Avere restored by the conde do Valenciana and some members of the brotherhood of el Cordon.^ On the 18th of September, Intendente Riano re ceived intelligence from Iriarte of the occurrences in Dolores and San INIiguel. He immediately ordered the call to arms to be sounded, believing that Hidalgo Avas already on his march against the city. The » After the independence Guanajuato again rapidly advanced, and in 1825 the city had a population of over 33,000, according to the census taken by the governor, Carlos Jlontesdeoca. Soc. Mex. Geog., ix. 93. 'According to Fernando Navarro y Noriega, the intendencia of Guanajuato coraprised in 1810 three cities, four villas, and 62 towns, the total population amounting to 576,600 souls. Soc Mex. Geog., 2" ep., i. 290-1. 134 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. guards and battalion of provincial infantry Avere has tily formed into line, while the principal citizens and the commercial class, hurriedly seizing their weapons, rushed Avith croAvds of the populace to the buildings of the intendencia. All was confusion and terror; the stores Avere closed and house doors barred; the plazas were deserted by the hucksters; frightened women hurried along the thoroughfares for their homes; Avhile horsemen at full speed spread wdder the consternation as they galloped in different directions through the streets Avith orders from headquarters." Riano explained to the assembled throng the cause of the alarm, and the populace expressed a desire to en gage the enemy," believing that the insurrection was a demonstration in favor of the French.^- At two o'clock in the afternoon the intendente convoked a junta of the ayuntamiento, the prelates of the relig ious orders, and the principal citizens, at Avhich he expressed his apprehension that the danger Avas great, but declared that he Avas determined to take every defensive measure possible.'^ After some consultation it was decided to defend the city, and during the day barricades were thrown up at the entrances of the principal streets. Spaniards and Americans — as the Creoles and Indians are now called" — were assembled in arms, and outlying de- ^'' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 277. '' ' Los que segun el general entusiasrao si entraron en aquel dia huhieran perecido siu remedio. ' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 23. ^''Liceaga, Adic xj Rectijic, 7.'i-4. '' The ayuntamiento of Guanajuato in Febmary 1811 states to the viceroy that several of its members proposed to Riailo that he should immediately march against Hidalgo with the provincial battalion, whioh numbered more than 400 men, and with such armed citizens as could be mustered; and tb,it had this raeasure been adopted the revolution would have been nipped in the bud. Guan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., \Q-\\. Bi-ig.adier JIiguel Costansii, the com missioner appointed to report on tho raatter, approved of Riaiio's action in refusing to accede to the proposal, by doing which he would have left the capital of his province defeuoeless. /d., 71--2. Liceaga, with tedious lengtli, also supports tho intendente. Adic xj Rectific, 71-^9. -Alaraan, on the con trary, considers that the proposed movement wouhl have been the best that could be adopted, and supplies tho additional information that Jlajor Ber zabal w.as one ot those who ]iroposed it. Hist. Mej., i. 407. "AA''o have here the most proper use, except as applied to the aborigines, of the many-sided and generally misappropriated word Americans. In treat- ACTION OF RIANO. 135 tacliments posted on the Santa Rosa and Villalpando highways Avhicli lead to Dolores and San Miguel. A third body of troops Avas stationed on the Marfil road. Squadrons of the cavalry regiment del Prin cipe were ordered in, and advice asking for aid sent to Brigadier Feliz Calleja, in command of the troops at San Luis Potosi. On the folloAving morning a false alarm was raised that the enemy Avas approach ing on the Marfil road; and the tardiness of the lower orders to assemble for defence amounted almost to indifference — a state of things significant of im pending misfortune. For six days these defensive measures were maintained, and still no enemy ap peared.^' The intendente displayed an energy and endurance which only the conviction of his perilous position could have called forth; but day by day he became more certain of the disaffected inclination of the loAver classes. "The seeds of rebellion spread," he writes to Calleja on the 26tli, "security and confi dence are gone. I have neither rested nor undressed myself since the I7tli, and for the last three days have not slept an hour at a time." Indeed, he could no longer rely upon the fidelity even of his oAvn troops. The responsibility of saving, if possible, the royal treasury and archives increased Riaiio's anxiety; and deeming his present arrangements defective, since he could avail himself neither of the barracks, the plaza, nor any of the churches, oAving in part to the threatening attitude of the populace,^" on the 23d he decided to retire to the alhondiga de granaditas, or government granary — a building which from its_ size and strength Avould afford the advantages ofa fortifica tion. ing of the aborigines the term properly fits all races indigenous to America. Next it raay be employed, as in the present case, to designate a raixed mass of Indians, Creoles, and mestizos as distinguished from European Spaniards with whora they are at war. But when we corae to use the word Araericans as opposed to Canadians, or still worse as in California to Mexicans, it is reduced to an absurdity. '' Hernandez y Ddvcdos, Col Doc, ii. 2'T7-8. '8 'Manifestiindose eon chistes y con burlas contrario A la causa de gobierno espauol.' Liceaga, Adic. y Rectijic, 89. 136 TAKING OP THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. The Alh6ndiga de Granaditas, as famous in the history of Mexico as is the Bastile in that of Franco, had been erected by Riano for the purpose of storing in it a quantity of corn sufficient for one year's con sumption as a proAdsion against failure of the crop. During such periods of scarcity not only did the lower orders suffer, but the mining industry Avas seriously interrupted through want of food for the mule-trains employed at the raines. The building Avas begun in January 1798, and finished in August 1809. It is a raassive oblong tAvo-story structure, 80 by 54 varas, and cost $218,203.^'' The exterior is void of ornament, and its lofty solid Avails pierced by AvindoAvs opening into the nuraerous store-rooms give to it quite a for midable appearance. In the interior a portico of two stories surrounds the spacious patio, or open court, the loAver columns being of Tuscan architecture, and the upper ones, betAveen Avliich a balustrade of stone extends, of Doric. Two magnificent flisfhts of stairs connect the stories, Avhich consist of independent store rooms. On the northern side is the principal gateway, and another opens at the eastern end of the building, adorned with two columns and a Tuscan entablature. It stands at the south-Avestern entrance of the city, on a rising ground Avliich terminates the height called the cerro del Cuarto by Avhich it is dominated. Stored " Liceaga, followed by Zaraacois, here falls into several errors; but I am enabled to rectify their niistaUes frora the original statement of March 1810 passed by the intendente and audiencia. Thisdocument, which is in my pcs- session, is particularly interesting as bearing the autograph signature of the unfortunate Riano, as well as those of the members of the ayuntamientos for 1809 and 1810. Araong these I may mention Mai-aiion, Septiera, Jos6 Ignacio Rocha, Martin Coronet, and Oinori, all of whora signed the Piihliea Vi,idi'-n- cion del Ilustrc A;/untainiento de Santa Pe dc Guanajuato Jiistiflcando sh Con- dnela Moral y Poll iea, a rcpreseutatiou addressed to the viceroy in Jauu-iry, 1811, relative to the occurrcuces at Gu.auajuato, mid printed by permission the same year. Tin- intcudcute's and above mentioned names, with the e.\- ception of Ginori's, appear twice. The building accounts occupy nine folios, and aro preceded by the order of tlie municipal junta on sealed paper for their examination by Martin Coronel. The document is inclosed iu aud at tached to a portfolio of native leather on which is engrossed: 7onio 5°, lSi'!l, I'onl'ieue la Cucnia Geiiiral de la Fabrica de la Famosti Alhdndiga de Gram- diUts. DEFENSIA'E MEASURES. 137 Avith maize and supplied Avith Avater, the alhondiga '^ Avas the only place wdiere thc intenclente could hope to hold out till the arrival of Calleja, Avhom he ex pected Avithin a Aveek. Anticipating that the raove ment Avould meet Avith opposition, on the night of the 24th he caused secretly to be conveyed thither all the royal and municipal treasures, amounting to over $620,000 in money, bars of silver, and gold ounces,^" the archives of the government and ayuntamiento, and eventually the treasures of many private persons, estimated at three million pesos.^'^ Thither, also, Avere removed the arms and ammunition of the bar racks, sacks of flour, and other provisions. In the dead of the night, too, the barricades were taken doAvn and the material carried to the alh6ndiga. Then the troops were AvithdraAvn from the barracks and out lying posts, numbers of the Europeans mustered to gether, and soldiers and civilians, in one common lot, took refuge Avithin the Avails of this building. When morning daAvned and the city was astir the news spread. The unguarded streets, the disappear ance of the barricades, and the silent barracks pro claimed to the populace that their reluctant allegiance had been recognized, and that they were left to choose betAveen loyalty and rebellion. Fear fell on all. The ayuntamiento in great excitement requested tho in tendente to preside over a junta composed of its own members, the curas, prelates of the religious orders, ''An anonymous correspondent in a letter to the intendente's brother, dated Guanajuato, October 2, 1810, says: 'Este edificio es una verdadera for- taleza, y acaso la linica que liay en cl reino. El Sr Riano cuando la hizo se propuso formar un Castillo para defensa del lugar, ddndole el norabre de Al hondiga.' Zereeero, Disc Civic, 30. " 'Se pasaron de las reales caxas A la alhdndiga trescientas nueve barras de plata, ciento seteuta y quatro mil iiesos efectivos, treinta y dos mil en onzas de oro, treinta y ocho mil de la ciudad, que estaban en las areas de provincia, y treinta y tres mil que se hallaban en las del cabildo; veinte rail de la miu- erla y depcisitos, catorce rail de la renta de tabacos, y rail y pico de correos.' Guan. Pub. Vind. Axjunt., 14-15. A bar of silver weighed 135 raarcs and its standard value was 1,100 pesos. ^^ Bustaraante states the value of property in the precious raetals, jewelry, and valuable merchandise that was removed into the alhondiga during the night and following days amounted to 5,000,000 pesos. There were also 700 quintales of quicksilver deposited there. Guad. Hist., i. 25. 133 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAIUATO. and principal citizens, in the municipal hall. Riano declined on the plea of Aveariness, but expressed his Avillingness to attend a junta in the afternoon; but it must be held in the alh6ndiga de granaditas, and not in the municipal hall. The meeting took place; but civil officers, priests, and prelates in turn vainly en deavored to induce Riano to change his purpose. The intendente Avas inflexible, and according to the representation of the ayuntamiento to the viceroy a foAV months later, he bluntly dismissed them with the assurance that, in the interest of the king, he should remain Avith the troops Avhere he Avas, and that as for the city it might defend itself as best it could.^' During that and the two folloAving days the inten dente devoted all his energies to the defence of his position. Additional provisions Avere introduced into the alhdndiga; strong barricades were thrown up at the only three points by which attacks could be made through the streets; the eastern gatoAvay was closed Avith solid masonry; the iron quicksilver flasks, charged Avitli gunpoAvder, Avere converted into grenades, and further information Avas despatched to Calleja,^^ set ting forth his Avant of arms, and the doubtful fidelity of his troops.^* In order that the reader mav understand Riaiio's position, and the mode of attack adopted by the in surgents in the ensuing engagement, a brief descrip tion of the city of Guanajuato will be necessaiy. ^' Guan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt.,M-10. Bustamante also affirms that the in tendente thus expressed himself. Cuad. Hist., i. 24. Consult also Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 278. ''' This was sent on the 26th. The bearer of the first despatch left Guana juato at 1 p. II. on the 23d, and on his return left S;m Luis at U r. M. of the 24th with Calleja's reply enjoining Riafio to hold Cuanajuato, and promising to be before the city during the ne.'ct week. \"MtIi regard to the speed of the courier Bustamante remarks: 'Que actives andabaii "estos hombres por sal- varsc!'_ Cund. Hist., i. 25. The distance from Guanajuato to San Luis Potosi is sorae 52 leagues. '"' ' Tengo poca polvora porque no la bay absiilutameute, y la caballerla miU montada y armada sin otra anna que cspa'das dc xidrio,' that is swords brit tle as glass, 'y la infanteria con fusiles remondados, no sieudo imposible el que estas tropas scan seducidas.' Id., '24-5. SITUATION AND SURROUNDINGS. 139 Situated at the bottom of a deep and narroAV liolloAv, round Avhicli on all sides rise lofty mountains, its po sition in a military point of view is one of the Avorst. On the south side rises the hill of San Miguel, Avhile from the nortli the cerro del Cuarto^* extends like a wedge into the city. So irregular is the site that it might Avell be described by crumpling a sheet of paper. On the plaza itself but few level spots can be found, and foAv of the streets accommodate carriages. Most of the houses occupy slopes so steep that in many cases the floor of one is on a level Avith the roof of another. An extension of this rugged liolloAV runs off in the form of a rocky valley south-Avesterly to Marfil, a league distant, and knoAvn by the name of the Canada de Marfil. Its Avhole length Avas occupied by Avorkshops, mills, and other buildings connected with raining. Formerly the only carriage entrance into the city lay through this glen.^^ To the east of the city rises the river Guanajuato, here a mere mountain torrent, Avliich SAveeping in a winding course through the city unites Avith the Rio de la Cata floAv- ing from the north-Avest. Although situated on a rising ground, the alhondiga Avas so close to the cerro del Cuarto that the houses built on the steep of that height Avere only separated from it by a narroAV street and a small plaza, not more than twenty-five yards Avide. On the south-east of the alhondiga was the convent of Belen, from Avhich it was separated by the descent of Mendizdbal, and on the south and Avest Avere the extensive workshops and premises of tho hacienda de Dolores Avhere the precious metals Avere treated. On the north, extending east and west, Avas the street of los Pozitos in a straight line Avith the descent to the Rio de la Cata, which Avas spanned " So called because on it was exposed in early times one portion of the body of a, malefactor who had beeu quartered. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 403. 2^ The difficulties of this road were such that in 1822 a new one was com- meneed over the hills, and this required a fine bridge to be built across the river Cata. It was completed in 1835. Liceaga, Adic. y Rectiflc, /-8. 140 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. by a Avooden bridge. Herewith I give a plan of the alhondiga and vicinity Avith explanation.^^ From this description the reader Avill observe that the only three directions from Avhich an assault could be made upon the alhondiga were from the street of los Pozitos; up the cuesta de Mendizabal; and up the ascent from the Rio de la Cata. These approaches Avere obstructed by the barricades, already mentioned. Riano did not confine his defence to the alh6ndiga, but included in his lines of fortification the house owned by Mendizabal and the hacienda de Dolores, Avhich Avere surrounded by strong Avails and separated from the alhondiga by tAVO narrow streets. Plan op Ai,h6ndiua. ^' A. The Alhondiga. B. Convent ot Belen. C. House of the hacienda de Dolores. DDD. Premises aud work-shops of the same. E. TheweU. F. Barricade at the foot of the hill of Jlcndizdbal. G. Hill of Meudizdbal. II. House of Mendizabal whence the hill derived its name. I. Barricade in the street of los Pozitos. J. Street of los Pozitos. K. Ascent to the mines. LL. Entrances to streets whioh Riaiio closed with raasonry. M. Descent to the Rio de la Cata. N. Barricade preventing approach from the river. 0. Pi'in- cipal entrance of the alhc'mdiga, the only one not closed. P. Eastern entrance closed with masonry. Q. Opening on to the flat roof. R. AA'indow from which Riafio was shot. S. Cemetery of Belen. T. Street of Belen. _U U. Bridge and causeway of Our Lady of Guanajuato. A'. Rio de Guanajuato. X. Rio do la Cala. Y. Tho wooden bridge, Z. AA'orkshop of Granaditas aud ward of Tepetapa. Z' Z'. The cerro del Cuarto covered with houses com raanding tho alhondiga. * Spot where Berzdbal fell. ADVANCE OF HIDALGO. 141 ~\IoanA\diile, Hidalgo, marching through Salamanca, Irapuato, and other places Avhicli voluntarily joined his cause, approached Guanajuato in the early morn ing of the 2 Sth. He Avas Avell informed of the position of affairs in the city. Arrived at the hacienda of Burras he sent forward Ignacio Camargo and Mari ano Abasolo^' Avith a comraunication to Riano inform ing him of the proclamation of independence, and urging a peaceable surrender. The letter terminated Avith a declaration of war to the uttermost in case of refusal.-^ "' Liceaga v.-as a relative of Abasolo, and being in Guanajuato at the tirae tried to see him, but was prevented by the dense crowds. Adic. y Rec tijic, xi. and 103. •^' I translate the document and a private letter which accompanied it; also Riaflo's reply. The originals remained in possession of Ignacio Camargo, and were given liy him to Liceaga, who was his school-fellow. The official comraunication of Hidalgo is the raore important as it refutes Alaman, M ho misleads regarding the proclaraation of independence. He erroneously charges Bustaraante with interpolating expressions, clairaing that he himself had been supplied with a correct version by Benigno Bustamante, one of the Europeans present iu the alh6udiga, and remarking: 'La sola palabra inde pendencia basta para demonstrar la inexactitud de este relate, pues Hidalgo ocultaba este iutento cuidadosamente, y nunea tomaba en boca piiblicamente esta voz.' Hist. Mej., i. 421. Liceaga rightly points out thc impossibility of Benigno Bustamante being able to obtain a, correct copy of the communica tion. Adic. ;/ Rectif c, 103-4:. Hidalgo's despatch to Riauo. ' Headquarters at the Hacienda de Burras, 28th of September, 1810. The numerous army which I command elected me Captain General and Protector of the nation in the fields of Celaya. The same city in the presence of fifty thousand men ratified this election, as have also all the places through which I have passed; which will make your honor cognizant that I am legitimately authorized by my nation to undertake the beneficent projects which have appeared necessary to me for its welfare. These projects are of equal utility and advantage to the Americans and those Europeans who are disposed to reside in this kingdom, and they are reduced to the proclamation of the independence and liberty of the nation. Consequently I do not regard the Europeans as enemies, but only as an obstacle which em barrasses the successful issue of our enterprise. Your honor will be pleased to inform the Europeans who have united together in the alhdndiga of these ideas, in order that they may decide whether to declare themselves as enemies, or agree to remain in the quality of prisoners, meeting with humane and kind treatment, such as those whom we bring with us have experienced, until the liberty and independence indicated shall be acquired, in which case they will be included in the class of citizens with the right to the restitution of their property, which for the time being we shall make use of for the urgencies of the nation. If on the contrary they do not accede to this demand I shall use all force and stratagem to destroy them, without leaving them the hope of quarter. May God protect your Honor. Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, Captain General of America.' The private letter frora Hidalgo to Riano runs as follows: 'The esteera which I have ever expressed for you is sincere, and I believe due to the high qualities which adorn you. The difference iuour ways of thinking ought not 142 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. Before nine o'clock the messengers reached the bar ricade at the foot of the cuesta de Mendiziibal, and Camargo Avas conducted blindfolded into the alh6n- diga. Riano on receiving Hidalgo's communication assembled the Europeans on the flat roof of the build ing, apart from the troops, and having read it to them asked their decision. For some moments there Avas a mournful silence, till finally their captain, Bernardo del Castillo, after a foAv brief remarks declared for Avar. He would fight till he died in maintaining the right; and thereupon raised the cry of "Death or vic tory!" in which the Europeans noAv joined.^ Riano then descended to discover the intentions ofthe troops. "And my children of the battalion," he asked, "can I doubt about their resolution to do their duty?" Whereupon Berzdbal raised the cry of "Viva el rey!" and the soldiers vociferously responded. Neverthe less, before sending his reply, Riano considered it right to communicate with the ayuntamiento, and sent by the procurator Pedro Cobo, avIio being a Spaniard had taken refuge in the alli6ndiga, copies of Hidalgo's let ter and his intended reply. ^" Much dela}- was occa- to diminish it. Yon will follow the course which may seera most right and prudent to you, but that will not occasion injury to your family. AVe shall fight as enemies, if so it shall be decided; but I herewith offer to the Seiiora Intendenta an asylum, and assured protection, in any place she may select for her residence, in consideration of the ill health to wliich she was subject This offer does not spring frora fear, but from a sensibility which I cannot discard from me.' Piano's reply: 'Sr Cura of the town of Dolores, D. Miguel Hidalgo. I recognize no other authority, nor is it evident to me that any such has been established, nor other Captain General in the kingdora ot New Spain, thau His Excellency Sr Don Francisco Xavier de A'euegas, its Viceroy; nor more legitimate reforms than those which the Nation at large may adopt at the general Cortes to be held. My duty is to fight as a soldier, which noble senti ment animates all those around me. tiuanajuato, 28th of September, 1810. Juan Antonio Riauo.' And to the private letter: 'The exercise of arms is not incompatible with sensibility; this demands of my heart the gratitude duo to your offers for the benefit of ray fainily, whose lot does not disturb me on tho present occasion.' Id., 212-14. ^'^ Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc, ii. 279-80. Tilora, who gives a slightly different version of this proceeding, insinuates that the Europeans W( re inclined to yield, and passes a reflection upon the indiscretion of Cas tillo, whom he describes as 'uno de aquellos raptos indiscrctos y coniproniete- doi-es quo no faltan eu seraejantes ocasiones.' Mij. y sus Rev., iv. 32. This .lutlioi- stall's that Camargo read Hidalgo's communication to the troops, a most iuipi-obablo proceodiug. '¦"' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 117. DISPOSITIONS FOR DEFENCE. 143 sioned in assembling the members, who had retired to their houses, and when they met they had no advice to offer. Calling attention to the fact that they had neither troops, arms, nor funds any longer at their disposal, they said that it remained with the inten dente to act under the circumstances as it seemed best to him. Riaiio's reply Avas at last Avritten and Ca margo sent back, but the long delay had caused Aba solo to return, and Hidalgo Avas already approaching up the Marfil road. The intendente then wrote Ca lleja: "I am about to fight, for I shall be attacked immediately. I shall resist to the uttermost, because I am honorable. Fly to my succor." Riaiio noAV disposed his forces, Avhich consisted of four companies of the provincial infantry, commanded by Captain Manuel de la Escalera, in the absence of the lieutenant-colonel, Quintana,^^ and scarcely num bering 300 men. Besides these Avas a company of armed Europeans, which raised the nuniber to about 500, and tAvo troops of dragoons, not mustering more than seventy, under the command of Captain Jose Castilla. ^^ A portion of the infantry and of the European company was stationed on the roof of the alli6ndiga, and detachments of the provincial battal ion Avere posted at the three barricades. The cavalry Avere draAvn up inside the barrier at the descent to the Rio de la Cata; to the remaining armed Europeans was assigned the defence of the hacienda de Dolores, Avhile a body of reserves Avas retained Avithin the al hondiga.^^ While these preparations Avere going on, it was n(jticed that the surrounding heights Avere oc- " Liceaga states that Quintana, the Conde de Perez Galvez, colonel of the dragoon regiment del Principe, and a number of Europeans had suddenly left the city, while others did not cooperate with those in the alhondiga, but remained in their houses. He gives a list of 20 names cf these latter, vlf/ic. y Rectific, 79. This is confirmed in Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col Doc, ii. 279. 5^ Mora says six hundred in all. Ut sup., 29. " Alaman conjectures that Riano intended to sally with the reserves and c.ivalry, and attack the enemy at the most assailable points, ' plan cierta- mente de muy aventurada ejecucion, con el corto niiinero de tropa de que se podia disponer.' Ut sup., 424. 144 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. copied liy crowds of the populace, Avho seated on the ground calraly looked on as if at a bull-fight. Shortly liei'ore midday, Hidalgo's army appeared in sight, approaching by the ]\Iarfil road.''* Advancing along the cause Avay of Nuestra Senora de Guanajuato, the van, composed of a strong body of Indians armed Avitli lances, clubs, and boAvs and arroAvs, crossed the bridge and arrived in front of the barricade at the foot of the cuesta de Mendizabal. Gilberto de Riaiio, son of the intendente,^' Avho Avas in coramand at this point, opened fire on thera as they continued to ad vance, when ordered, in the name of the king, to halt. Several Indians fell; the rest retreated, and guided by a native of the place, took up a position on the cerro del Cuarto. The main body noAV formed into two divisions, one of which, making a detour, approached by the cerro cle San Miguel, and entering the city by the causcAvay of las Carreras,^" liberated the jail pris oners, and then occupied the cerro del Venado. The other division made a detour by the hacienda de Flores in order to occupy the cerro del Cuarto. The city Avas noAV in possession of the insurgents, and, as they marched through the streets, thousands of A'oices raised the dreadful battle-cry, while they Avaved hundreds of difterent colored banners, on Avhich Avas depicted the sacred emblem. The miners, a bra\'e '* The number of armed raen in Hidalgo's force is not exactly known. Robinson, Jlem. Mex. Rev., i. 27, says that he left Celaya witb nearly 20,000. Bustamante, Torrente, Alaman, and others also place the number at 20,00.). Liceaga, Adic y Rectijic, 82, raises it to 2.'i,000 men of all classes, 2,000 of whom were regular troops of the San Miguel regiraent of dragoons de la Rems, and of the provincial infantry regiment, companies of which joined the in surgents at Celaya, Salamanca, aud Irapuato. Mora, on the contrary, .giv.'S 14,000 as the estbnated number, besides 400 regulars, 'sin coutar con la tropa reglada que no pasabau do cuatrocientos, y se hallaban como perdi- dos y absolutamcnte crabarazados para obrar entre esta multitud disorden:iila.' Mij. y sus Rev., iv. 33-4. "^ Gilberto was a lieutenant of the line regiment of Mexico, and was staying with his father on leave of absence. Ho was a young man of considerable military abiUty. The ciaistiuctiou of tho bariicndes was intrusted to his direction, and he devised the plan of converting tho quicksilver flasks into grenades. Alaman, Uist. Mej., i. 417. "'¦ On the summit of tho cerro do Sau Miguel was a small plain where the people were wont to attend horseraces on days of festivity. Hence its narae of las Carrcras. Id., 408. THE ATTACK. 145 and hardy clai^.s, and the populace joined Hidalgo, and soon all the heiodits Avhicli commanded the al- hondiga were occupied. Soldiers of the Celaya regi ment, arniod Avitli muskets, and a host of Indian slingers Avere posted on the cerro del Cuarto; a simi lar disposition Avas made on the cerro del Venado. The houses in front of the alli6ndiga on the nortli side Avere filled with sharp-shooters, and SAvarms of In dians in the river bed broke stones for the slin^rers, others carrying them up the heights. Hidalgo, pis tol in hand, at the head of about two thousand mounted men, among Avliom Avere the dragoons of the regiment de la Reina, hastened from point to point, encouraging his men, giving instructions, and making his dispositions for the assault.^' At length the performance begins. Hidalgo's sol diers open fire on the besieged, Avhile from the heights and house roofs a furious discharge of stones is rained down on tho alli6ndiga. Dense masses of Indians assault the barricades, and though the slaughter from the enemy's volleys, fired at close range into the com pact mass, is terrific, it fails to repel the assailants. As the front ranks fall, others supply their places, pressed oiiAvard by those beliind; and thus over the bodies of the dead and dying the contest rages unin terruptedly. For the besieged the position is terrible. The reports of the muskets, the hiss of bullets, the hoarse hum of the jagged stones as they whirl through the air and fall on the roof as from an emptying volcano is worse than the infernal din of Satan's en- ginery.^^ For half an hour the battle rages. The assailants show no intention of ceasing their efforts to storm the barricades. The carnage among the assailants is ^' Liceaga points out a flagrant raisstateraent of Alaman 's, to the effect that Hidalgo remained during the whole of the contest in the cavalry barracks at the farther end of the city. ^rfic. 2/ i?c/i/('c., 108-10. =" So furious and continuous was the discharge of stones that after the action the floors of the alhondiga roof and thc open court were found to be raised eight or nine inches above their proper level by the accuraulation. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 37. Hist. Mex., Vol. IV. 10 140 TAKING OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. fearful, but to see their comrades shot down by their f-ide only the more enrages them. The defenders of the barrier at the street of los Pozitos are being hard pressed, and Riauo sallies Avitli tAventy men to their support. His courage outstrips his prudence; yet, st itioning the men, he returns to the alh6ndiga un scathed through a storm of missiles. He mounts the steps of the entrance and turns round to see hoAv the battle goes — then he drops dead, struck through the brain by a bullet. A soldier of the Celaya regiment had marked him for his oavu. The body is dragged Avithin,^' and the hearts of those present sink as they gaze on their commander's lifeless form. Thus fell the first man of note in the revolutionary Avar, a man Avhose death Avas much lamented. Riano AA^as an incorruptible and just but merciful magistrate. He Avas headstrong and rash, yet he was honest and humane. The beneficent measures adopted Avhile he Avas intendente of Guanajuato raised the province to its highest prosperity. It is clairaed for him that liberal and enlightened vioAvs led him to recoofnizethe blessings of independence; and to his friends, of whom Hidalgo Avas one, he did not hesitate to express liberal opinions. It is further urged that, had the declara tion of independence come from a more legitimate source, had it been proclaimed by the constituted au thorities, as might have been the case if Iturrigaray had not been deposed, Riano Avould unhesitatingly '"Bustaraante gives a different version of the intendente's fall. He states that Riaiio, having observed that the sentinel at the gate had abandoned his post and musket, took up the piece and coramenced faring at tlie enemy, and that he was killed while so occupied, Cuad. Ili.st., i. '.^S. Mora gives a simi lar accouut, Mej. y sus Pu v., iv. 34-5; aud so does an anonymous narratiou in Hernandez y JJii rail's. Col. Doc, ii. 2S1. Al.imau witli reason points out the improbability of the intendente acting thus when the serious duties of a coiniiiaudcr required bis atreiitiou. j\Ioreover, Bustamante states that a cor- poral who -\\as standing close by was wounded in tho head by the same bullet which pasaed through Riano's skull, proving that if the sentinel had deserteil his post there was another to take his place. Alaman asserts that Uie shot vas fireil from the window of oneof tho houses opposite tlie alhondiga. 1114. Mi J-, i. 420-7. Liceaga, followed by Zamacois, considers that it \vas fired fromthe cerro del Cuai'to. Ad'ie. y R, elijle., 111-15. DEATH OF RIASO. 147 have supported it; but he could not countenance Avhat he deemed a hiAvless raovement, a movement Avhose origin AA'as so humble, and Avliose agents Averc so ignoble. But Ave may avoU doubt, if the independ ence of Mexico had been left Avholly to Spanish offi cials, the corrupt and mercenary minions of a corrupt and mercenary monarch, that it Avould ever have been achieved. Noav Spain Avas in no sense a confederation of states, like the English colonies in America, Avitli men at the helm native-born and of independent thought and action. Conditions Avere different here, and the desired results must come through different means. I believe this uprising ofthe native and raixed races to haA'e been one of the inexorable dispensations in the case. It Avas meet that a remnant of that peo ple, Avho had suffered so gross and long-continued Avrongs at the hands of Europeans, should be the first to rise in rebellion against them, Avhen once opportu nity offered a reasonable hope of success. Riano Avas a better man than the average Spanish official in America; but it was not at the individual the bloAV Avas aimed. We all recognize his simple and modest deportment, his kindness and accessibility to the poor, his pleasant companionship and literary at tainments, which made him alike popular Avitli high and low.*^ The death of the intendente carries confusion and disorder among the besieged. A dispute arises be tAveen Manuel Perez Valdes, asesor of the intenden cia, and Major Berzdbal, each claiming the right to the chief command. There is no tirae to^ settle it; the assault is continued Avith increased obstinacy, and for hours the fierce contest rages. Heavier falls the stone deluge, and fiercer is the rush at the barricades. All discipline is lost; as first one and then another ^0 He was born on the 16th of May, 1757, inthe town of Lierganes, in Santander, Spain, being in his fifty-fourth year wlien he met his death. Ala man, Uist. Mej., i. 427. 148 TAKING OF THE ALH6NDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. is.-iues orders, the soldiers of the line only obeying their respective officers. The defenders of the barri cades can hold their positions no longer, and are or dered to abandon theni and retreat to the alhondiga. The ponderous doors are then liastil}' closed, leaving the cavalrymen outside, and cutting off from place of refuge those in the hacienda de Dolores. The former are instantly surrounded, and Castilla, their captain, and many others slain; of the rest, some few escape in the croAvd, and some take part A\itli the insurgents. The roof of the alhdndiga i.s no longer tenable, and those posted on it retire below. Surrender, however, is not thought of; and in the dense masses of the revolutionists as they throng in front of the building the slaughter caused by the fire of the besieged from the AvindoAvs is fearful. Presently udners, partially protected b}' huge earthen vessels," creep up to the building and Avork Avith crow-bars at the wall, trying to effect a breach. But the Avails are thick and strong, and Hidalgo, seeing that the door, though of massi\"e Avood, can be more quickly broken through, orders crow-bars. A more ready Avay is found, how ever, b}' a young miner standing near, who offers, if provided Avitli pitch and combustibles, to set fire tu it.''^ These are procured from a neighboring store, and the intrepid youth, under cover of one of the earthen vessels, makes his way up to the entrance tiiid accomplishes the daring feat. ¦" 'Cubiertos con cuartones de lozas, como los romanos con la testudo.' Al aman, ut sup., 430. ''' IJustamante's account, which is repudiated by Alaman, is that Hidalgo addressed one of thc crowd .standing uear him, .and asked hira if he had the courage to set thc gate on fire. The man said 'Yes,' aud did it. 'Estel^pero comparable con el carbonero que atac6 la Pastida eu Francia. . .sin tituho.ir dijo que si.' Ul sup., 39. In the text I have followed Liceaga's version, who took great pains to arrive at the true account of this event. See bis pages 112-14. He states that this young hero, well known in Guanajuato, wasa miner 18 or 20 years of age, and iiaiucd Mariano. He left Guanajuato the same evening, iu the direction oi Mellado, where he lived, accompanied by several othcis, caiiyiug bag.s of iiioiiey, and under the guard of some insurgent soldiers. j\s he was never seen again, Liceaga conjectures that he was imu- deiid for his money. lUistamautc gives to this youth the appellation of Pipila, a name unknown in Guanajuato according to Alaman and Liceaga. ROAR AND RAGE OF BATTLE. 149 AYlieii they see their barrier yielding to the flames, consti rnation falls on the besieged. As the fire eats its way into the Avood, the impatient assailants rush at the door. It does not yet yield. Berzabal draws up in line before the entrance such soldiers as he can collect, to resist the attack. The deadh' grenades are brought into pla}', and the havoc they cause is terrible. Gilberto Riauo, maddened at his father's death,*^ thinks only of revenge, and the infernal engines Avhicli he had contrived are hurled rapidly through the windo\AS upon the multitude. Each bomb as it explodes sows the ground with dead and mangled bodies. But like the rushing-in of mighty Avaters, every space thus cleared is quicklj^ filled. The European civilians in the building are demoral ized by panic fear. Some shower doAvii among their foes money from the AvindoAvs. Vain effort! As well throw crumbs to hungry Avolves. Are not all the treas ures of the alhondiga theirs? Sorae throAV aside their arms in despair and seek to disguise themselves; others Avildly shout out that they Avill capitulate, and others betake themselves to prayer. A foAv, brave to the last, resolve to die rather than yield. Finally, confusion increasing and all hope abandoned, the asesor Valdes causes a Avliite handkerchief to be hoisted as a signal of surrender. In denser croAvds the besiegers surge forward. But Gilberto Riano and others, ignorant of Avhat Valdds has done, still cast their destructive bombs.** Whereat the besiegers in fury are beside themselves. The roar ofthe multitude as they raise the cry of Treacher}^ ! treachery I is heard all over the city, <' Bustamante relates that Gilberto, having embraced his father's body, seized a pistol with the intention of taking his own life. Those present, how ever, caused him to desist, by offering to post bim at the most dangerous point, that he might have an opportunity of avenging his father's death. Ut sup., 38. , -, , ., "Both Mora and Bustamante state that the mistake was caused by the firing from the hacienda de Dolores, the defenders of wliich could not possibly see the signal. But as Alaman and Liceaga were both in Guanajuato at the time, I prefer to follow the account adopted in the text, and in which they agree. loO TAKING O'r TIIE ALHONDIGA OF GU.ANA.IUATO. and the order is issuee them.** The victory was dearly purchased, the loss sus tained being so heavy that the revolutionary leaders deemed it prudent to conceal it. During the night great trenches Avere dug in the dry bed of the river and into them the dead Avcre throAvn. Some of the slain royalists Avere dragged by their arms and legs from the alhondiga on the foUoAving morning and cast naked *' ' Segurainente pasaron de tres mil inuertos los que bubo, aunque procu- rarou ocultar esta pi5rdida, enterrandolos secretaraente en zanjones que hieie ron en el rio.' Guan. Pub. Vind. Ayunt., 22. Liceaga considers that tlie 3,000 slain as reported by the ayuntamiento to the viceroy represent nearly accurately the total number killed on both sides. Alaman regards the num ber as greatly exaggerated. Bustamante states that it was not known, on ac count of the Indians having buried their dead in the channel of the river by night. Zamacois places the nuraber of victims at not less than 2,500. The action of Riailo in withdrawing to the alhondiga and leaving the city defenceless has been severely censured by some, who regard it as the cause of the disaffection of the populace and the future disasters wliich be fell. The ayuntaraiento, in its Publica Vindieac'ion. . .aivesuXy quoted in note 13, urges that but for the abandoument of the city the populace wouhl have reraained loyal; but that when they perceived thatthe troops and Euro peans had retired to the alhondiga, they considered themselves deserted by them, 'comenzo A decir piiblicamente: que los gachupines y seuores. ..que- rian defenderse solos y dexarlos entregados del enemigo, y que aun los viveres les quitaban para que perecieran de liambre.' Guan., ut sup., 10. There is, ho-wever, little doubt that the lower orders would have joined the insurgents in any case as soon as they appeared, and RiaQo was well aware of this. Com missioner Constans6 in his report, already raentioned iu note 13 of this chap ter, entirely exonerates Riauo frora blame, considering his action 'conforme al dictdraen de la sana razon y d la mdxiraa de silbios militares. ' Id. , 74-5. Liceaga also argues in exculpation of the intendente, and asserts that it is falsely stated by the ajmntamiento that the popidace only exhibited symp toms of disaffectation after the removal to the alhondiga. One of the prin cipal causes which influenced Riaiio in his decision was the contemptuous manner in which the abolishment of tributes, published by him on the 21st, had been received; the proclaraation being made a subject of ridicule, and the unfavorable feeling toward the government being apparent. The same author refutes both Alaraan and Bustamante, who state that the abolishment of tribute was proclaimed on the 26th. Ad'ic. y Rectific, 74-5. Bearing in mind the responsibility of Riaiio for the protection of the royal treasures and archives, his knowledge that the populace of all towns which Hidalgo had approached had enthusiastically declared for the revolution, his doulit about the fidelity of his own troops who had already been tampered with; and bearing in mind, also, the insolent bearing of the populace of Guanajuato, and the intendente's conviction that Calleja within a week would arrive to hia support, I cannot but indorse Liceaga's views, and consider that the repre sentations of the ayuntamiento were warped for the purpose of palliating the political outbreak which involved a fearful chastisement. 154 TAKING OF TIIE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. into the burial-ground of Belen, the body of the in tendente alone being covered Avith a miserable shroud supplied by the friars of the convent.*' Any mani festation of pity for the dead was dangerous.^" The capture of the alhdndiga was accomplished by no regular military tactics. Hidalgo's dispositions Avere only general, and confined to directions given to occupy the commanding heights. After the first at tack the leaders had little control over their followers, Avho Avere little better than a raob of ill-armed and unorganized Indians. Yet there Avas courage among thera, and love of country, self-sacrifice, and true heroism. With all the valor of veteran warriors, they here fought for the first time in their lives. Hidalgo's foUoAvers, united Avith the populace of the citj, once launched against their oppressors, moved ouAvard Avitli irresistible force. At the sight of blood, their oavu blood, that of their comrades and of their enemies, they became demons infuriate. Bustamante relates that an Indian seized a bomb thrown at him and A'ainly strove to tear out the fuse Avith his teeth. The bomb exploded, blowing him to pieces. "It matters not," cried his comrades, "there are others behind." Such Avere the first men who shed their blood in the cause of independence. On the side of the loyalists also individual acts of bravery were fre quent, Avhich bring to mind the dauntless bearing of the conquerors. Conspicuous among the caA^alrymen, A\dien they Avere surrounded, Avas Josd Francisco Va- lenzucla, Avho three times charged up and doAvn the hill alone, clearing his Avay Avith his sabre. When ¦" Alaman relates that the body of RiaQo -nas exposed for two days, to Eatisfy the curiosity of tho populace as to whether he had a tail. It is said that thc belief pre\-ailed araong some of the lower ordere that all Spauiai'ils had tails. lli.it. Mej., i. 435. Jews were thought to have tails, and as the Indians were taught to believe that the Spanish authorities were imbued with tho anti-catholic doctrines of the French, they placed them in the cate gory with the Jews. Zamacois, Uist. Mej., vi. 394-5. '•" 'A una iiiuger lc dieron una cuchiliada cn la cara, tan solo porque 4 la vista de un cadaver grito dcspavorida. . . ; Ay ! ; pobrccito !' Bustamante, Cuad. Hisl, i. 41. PILLAGE AND DRUNKENNE.SS. 155 dragged at last from his saddle on the points of lances, he still fought and sIoav his foes, shouting with his dying breath, Vi\a Espana!" When victory had declared for the insurgents, those Avho had remained inactive on the surroundiufj heiiihts swarmed into the city to join in the plunder. As soon as the alhondiga had been stripped of its treas ures, a general assault Avas made on the shops and houses of the Europeans. During that night and for several succeeding days, pillage, devastation, and riot reiofued. Above the noise of human voices were heard the lioUoAv sounds of axe-bloAV and croAV-bar on the doors, the rending of timbers, and the crashing of fur niture wantonly destroyed. From the commercial stores merchandise of every description Avas seized. Bales of cambric and of cloth, sacks of cacao, and bar rels of spirituous liquors were rolled into the streets, and sold to any who Avould buy for anything that could be obtained.^" Drunken Indians arrayed themselves in stolen clothing, and staggered along barefooted in bright uniforms and embroidered coats. The iron railings of the balconies Avere torn from the houses and the grat- ino-s from the AvindoAvs. At night the streets Averc illumined by smoking torches, around Avliich Aveird human forms, in every stage of drunkenness, yelled and gesticulated. The mining establishments in the city and neighborhood were ransacked, the precious metals, quicksilver, and implements carried off, and the machinery destroyed. In vain Hidalgo sought to arrest the depredation and disorder. A proclama- 51 Valenzuela was a native of Irapuato and lieutenant of the cavalry troop of that towu. Members of his family still lived there when Alaraan wrote. Hisl Mij., i. 429, and &Y>p. 17. 52 Aguardiente was sold for five dollars a barrel, a sack of cacao or al- raonds for two dollars, a bale of cambric for four dollars, and bars of silver brought from the alhondiga for five dollars. So ignorant of values were tho country Indians that they sold their gold ounces for three or four reales to the men of Guanajuato, w-ho told them that they were copper medals. ' Nothing, says Robinson, 'can more strongly elucidate the wretched ignorance and pov erty of the great raass of Indians.' Mem. Mex. Rev. , i. 23. Consult Liceaga, Ad'tc. y Rectific, 121. 150 TxUi:iNG OF THE ALHONDIGA OF GUANAJUATO. tion issued bj' him to that effect on the SOth was un heeded, and the rioters only ceased Avhen their work Avas finished. The scene in Guanajuato Avas pitiable.^ "' Hidalgo has beeu greatly blamed for the frightful excesses, as if it had been in his power to prevent them. Robinson holds that it was not extraor dinary he should permit the Indians to enjoy the first fruits of their exer tions. He considered it politic to let them have palpable proofs that they would profit by the revolution ; and with regard to the slaughter of the Span iards, it was impossible for him to prevent it. Nevertheless, many Euro peans and Creoles owed their lives to his protection, members of these latter incurring the same danger and violence as the former, their houses being sacked and their persons exposed to continual peril. The historian Alaman narrowly escaped ill treatment if not death, and Hidalgo, in person, with the sacred banner went to the succor of him and his family. Even his authoriiy failed to disperse the crowd bent upon plundering the wealth of a Spaniard that had been secreted in Alaman's house, and it was only by Allende freely using his sword that the mob was driven back. Hist. Mej. , i. 438-41. The main authorities consulted for the above account of the taking of the alhdn diga de granaditas have been Alaman, Liceaga, and Bustamante. The testi mony of Liceaga is of especial value, since he was a witness of the whole af fair from tho balcony of a house which commanded a view of the alh6ndiga, and which he g.ained at the risk of his life. The object of his work Ad'i- ciones ;/ Rectificaciones d la Historia de Mexico que escr'ibid D. Lucas Alaman, publislied in Guanajuato in 1868, was, as its name implies, to correct mis takes which appear in Alaman's history, and fill up vacancies in the sequence of events by inforraation whieh Alaraan could not obtain. Liceaga, whUe complimenting Alaman for his diligence, close research, gootl judgment, and learning, and pronouncing his history the most complete of the kind and worthy of all appreciation, points out that iu many portions of his work ho had to depend upon the accounts of previous -writers, whieh he himself asserts to be full of errors arising frora the want of knowledge of some authors and the prejudiced views of others. Alaman consequently, with all his care, could not avoid falling into mistakes which Liceaga felt himself able to cor rect from personal observation and contact with eye-witnesses. The additions and corrections supplied by Liceaga do not form a connected history of the revolution, but they constitute a valuable supplement to Alaman's work, and throw light upon many points previously obscure. Mauj- of his details, how ever, are of minor importance. His comments are generally sound, and his arguments coraraonly lead to correct conclusions, though more lately ob tained evidence shows that occasionally his deductions have not hit the mark. AA'ith regard to the author himself, he was born in the city of Guanajuato on the 4th of July, 1785, his parents being Ramon Guillermo de Liceaga and 1 >oria Ana Catarina de Espiuosa. His early education was received in the college of la Purisima Concepcion and the convent of San Francisco in that city. In 1803 ho entered the college of San Ildefonso in the city of Jlexico, where he studied jurisprudence until 1806, when he comraenced practical work under the liceuciado JosiS Domingo Lazo. In 1810 he received his di ploma frora the colegio de Abogados, and during the period of the revolution followed the legal profession. After the independence, he filled several high oflices in his State, being appointed magistrado decano of the Suprema Tri bunal do justicia del Estado in 1824, and district judge iu 1827. In 1S64. af ter several changes of position in office, owing to his advanced age and infirmities, he retired from public life in tbe norainal enjoyment of his full salary, 1 )nt of which ho succeeded in obtaining only a small portion. Liceaga s volume covers tho historical epoch of 1808 to 1824, and the work which he performed in its production extended over a period of fifteen years. He penned his final remarks on tho 27tli of June, 1870, exactly one week before the completion of his 85th birthday. A PICTURE OF AVOE. 157 The streets Avere cumbered Avitli the AA-recks of furni ture, debris, and destroyed goods. Hundreds of fam ilies Avere hopelessly ruined. Silence reigned Avithin the bare Avails of the deserted houses, and the curse of the destroying angel seemed to have fallen on the so lately thriving city. CHAPTER VIL HIDALGO'S MARCH TOAVARD THE CAPITAL. 1810. Military Preparation of Venegas — Action of the Chuech a>;d Inqui sition — Hidalgo's Reply — He Abolishes Slavery — His Administea- tive Measures at Guanajuato — A Refractory Ayuntamiesto— Hidalgo Estaelishes a Mint — JIakches against A'alladolid — Addi tional PiEiiNrOECEMENTS — HiDALGO's TREASURY — THE InSURGESTS Move toward Mexico — Trujillo Despatched to Oppose their Ad- VANCE — Trujillo's Ch.4racter — Itukbide's Biography — Tp.ujillo's JIovements — The Battle of Las Cruces — The Royalists Forci; theik AA'ay Out — Their Defeat Regarded as a Triumph — Alarm in the Capital — Another Sacred Banner — Hidalgo Perplexed. When Viceroy Venegas discovered how rapidly the rebellion Avas spreading, as daj* after day intelhgence came of Hidalgo's progress and the defection of pro vincial troops, he saw that the affair Avas of a more se rious nature than he had supposed possible. Without any definite knoAvledge of the country and its inhabi tants, he had not the experience of even a few months of quiet administration to enable him to gain an in sight into affairs. His position AA'as a difBcult one; but he applied himself Avitli energy to the task of holding NeAV Spain to its allegiance. The dispersal of the army concentrated by Iturrigara}' uoav proved prejudicial to his purpose. Scatteied as the troops AAore in provincial towns Avidely separated, it was not only a difficult matter to collect on the moment any considerable force, but an opportunity of spreading disaffection in the ranks had been afforded the iusur- gt-nts, and the military were already A\idely infected Avitli revolutionary sentiraents. (158) VICEREGAL MEASURES. 159 At this period there Avere no European troops in New Spain; and though at a later date Spanish forces Avere sent into the country, their nuraber Avas always greatl}' exceeded by that of the native regiments. Thus the combatants on either side Avere sons of the soil; and it is necessary to bear this in mind in order to appreciate the critical position in Avliich the viceroy found himself at the outbreak ofthe rebellion, as avoU as the political division which existed in the ranks of the oppressed portion of the population. The total number of men which Venegas could count upon did not exceed ten or tAvelve thousand, the ranks and lower-grade officers of which Avere drawn almost exclu sively from the mestizos, mulattoes, and other castes, the Indian element being small, since that race Avas ex empt from military service. These troops, composed of regiments of the line and the provincial militia, al though commanded by Spanish-European chiefs, were officered to a great extent by Creoles. It is not, there fore, a matter of surprise that the viceroy's anxiety Avas extreme, in view of the doubtful loyalty of the military and the smallness of their number; although in this latter respect less fear Avas entertained by rea son of the excellence of their organization and arms. The first measure adopted by Venegas Avas to es tablish at Querdtaro a force sufficient for the protec tion of that city. For this purpose, he ordered the provincial dragoon regiment of Puebla to hasten to the capital by forced marches; and on the 26th of September the Mexican infantry regiment of la Co rona, under the command of Manuel Flon, conde de la Cadena and intendente of Puebla, was despatched from Mexico for Queretaro. A battery of four can non, under the direction of Colonel Ramon Diaz de Ortega, was sent wdth these troops, avIio Avere joined a foAV days afterAvard by the Mexican dragoons of the line and those lately arrived from Puebla, Avith two battaUons of grenadiers, each seven companies strong. The grenadiers Avere commanded by Josd Jalon, an 160 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOAVARD THE CAPITAL. officer Avho had accompanied Venegas from Spain, the Avliole force being under the direction of Flon as com mander-in-chief In order to provide for the security of the capital, uoav almost Avithout garrison, the in fantry regiments of Puebla, Tres Villas, and Toluca Avere AvitlidraAvn from those towns, and two battalions formed from the croAvs of the frigate Atocha and oth er vessels at Vera Cruz, and placed under the com mand of the naval captain Rosendo Porlier.^ Several battalions also of the volunteers of Fernando VII. Avere again raised in the city;^ and Yermo, in his patriotic zeal for the mother country, equipped and maintained at his OAvn expense five hundred cavaliy- men draAvn from the laborers on his estates.^ More over, Colonel Diego Garcia Conde was appointed comandante of Valladolid and sent thither without delay in corapany Avith Manuel Merino, the intendente of that province, and the conde de Rul, colonel of the provincial infantry. MeaiiAvhile the comandantes Felix Maria Calleja and Roque Abarca, of San Luis Potosi and Guadalajara respectively, Avere getting their brigades into efficient condition. But military operations Avere not the only means employed to crush the rebellion. Prices Avere put upon the heads of Hidalgo, Allende, and Aldama by the government;* the church excommunicated them," 'These troops caused general disgust by their uncleanliness and want of soldierly deportment, aud especially by their obscene and blasphemous lan guage. The contrast between thera and the provincial troops was marked. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 35; Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 387. ^Caz. de Mex., 1810, i. 838-40; Diario Mex., xiii. b90-2. ^Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc.,ii. 1G5. 3os6 Maria Manzano also sup. plied frora his haciendas horsemen to the number of fifty. Ib. ^Viceroy Venegas, by proclamation of September 27th, offered a reward of 10,000 pesos for the capture or death of these leaders. Dispos. Varias, ii. f. 5; Caz. de Mex., 1810, 79G-7. .At a later date this sum was offered for the head of any oue of them ; and Guerra states that money and ai'ms were advanced to a gambling officer who engageil to assassinate Hidalgo, 'pues este le recibiria sin recclo como que era su compadre.' IIi.il. Rev. X. Esp., i. 301-2; Dis/ios. Varieis, ii. f. 8. ^ Mnuiiel Abad y Queipo, bishop elect of Michoacan, published his cscom- munication by edict of Scptcmlier 24th. Abasolo was also included in it 'I'he excommunicated were declared to be 'sacrilcgos, perjures, y que han iueui-i-ido cu la cxciimunion mayor del Canon, Siijuig suadcnte Diabolo.' All who aided or succored them \\ ere threatened with the same punishmentot HIDALGO ANATHEMATIZED. 161 adding the usual anathemas; the inquisition cited Hidalgo to appear before it, charging him Avith heresy and apostasy, and raking up old accusations brought against him ten years previously.^ From the pulpit he Avas described as a demon of impiety, a monster of bane; and the royal university of Mexictj gloried in the fact that he had never acquired the degree of doctor in that institution!'' Every means, in fact, Avhich Avould tend to prejudice the cause of independence Avas employed. The bish ops and the higher clergy issued exhortations to loy alty, representing, in the darkest colors, the object of the insurgents as selfish, and their intentions as im pious. The archbishop published edicts and pasto rals;* politicians and officials, barristers, learned doc tors of theology, and scribblers, heaped execrations on the authors of the revolution, and the press teeraed Avith loyal productions in prose and doggerel verse, heaping abuse upon Hidalgo, and printed by pjer- mission of the supreme government.^ The viceroy greater excommunication. The validity of this e.xcomraunication was cjues- tioned by many, ou the ground that Queipo had not yet been consecrated bishop. In order to terminate these doubts, Archbishop Lizana y Beaumont ratified it by edict of the Ilth of October following. Mora, Mij. y sus Rev. „ iv. 5-2-8, supplies a copy of these edicts. Guerra maintains that Q-ieipo had no power to excommunicate. Uist. Rev. N. Esp., i. 311-lG. Tho bishops of Puebla and Guadalajara also fulminated excoraraunications. Zereeero, Mem. Rev. Mex., G4-5. ^Dispos. Varias, iii. fob 152; vi. fol. 59; Diario de Mex., xiii. 425-7. The edict of the inquisition was issued on the 13th of October. ' The rector of the university addressed an official communication to tho viceroy, requesting him to make public the fact that Hidalgo's narae did not appear in any of the books in which were registered the higher degrees con ferred on its raembers. The request was made because the title of doctor was being constantly given to Hidalgo in the papers and public sheets of the day. Id. , 386-7. According to the citation of the inquisition, the cura of Dolores entertained a supreme contempt for the university faculty, which he regarded as a body of ignoramuses, 'y finalmente, que sois tan soberbio que decis, que no os habeis graduado de Dr en esta universidad, por ser su claustro una quadrilla deignorantes.' 8 Consult Id., 453-G; Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 100-4, 1G7-9; Dispos. Varias, ii. fol. 7; Lizana, y Beaumont, Echortacion, .. .Mex. 1810; Id., Carta Gratiil, Mex. 1810; Queipo, Edict. Instruct., Sep. 30, 1810; Ll, Edict., Oct. 8, 1810; Leon, El eura...d sus Jieles habit., Queretaro, 1810; Mendizabal, Sermon, Mex. 1810. 'Consult a series of letters written by a Mexican doctor, as a specimen of the style of abuse. They are thus addressed to Hidalgo: 'Carta primera De un Dr Mexicnno ed Br. D. Miguel Hidalgo Costilla, ex-Gurade Dolores, ex-Sa- UiBT. Mex., Vol. IV. 11 162 HIDALGO'S ilARCH TOAVARD THE CAPITAL. issued proclamations, and denounced the rumors which prevailed of the cession of ^Mexico to France as groundless, attributing their origin to Hidalgo.^" At the same time, town officers, governors, and other au thorities Avere urged to express their fidelity to Spain, and their detestation of the revolution ; Avhile in order to conciliate the Indians they Avere relieved from the paA'ment of tribute," and measures taken for the im provement of their condition. This action at first Avas not Avithout effect, and the capital and many other cities remained loyal. The heaviest blow sustained by the revolutionists was that dealt by the church and inquisition. The awful de nouncement of the leaders as heretics, their terrible punishment of greater excommunication, and the dread of the same appalling fate falling on them, working upon an ignorant and superstitious people, decided for a time the A'acillating and deterred the disaffected. Hidalgo fully recognized that he had to fight with cerilole de Cristo, ex-Cristiano, ex-Amerieano, ex-Hombre, y Generalkimo Ci- pataz de Salteadores y Asesinos.' Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 625- 95. Out of the innumerable publications issued during the first months of ths revolution, I refer to the few following, anonymous aud otherwise, all hearing the date of 1810: San Salvador, Riflex. Pai. Am.; II. , Mem. Cei-.t. Pol; Id., Carta de un pndre a sus hijos; Calvillo, Discurso sobre los m-d, -, etc.; Garcia y Carcia, Prosper. Union: Comolo, Discurso Patri.; Btllerrain, Ex'koel. In struct.; Cninpo ;/ Rivas, Manif'. Filard.; Monterde, Proclamaqueil Jii'i,nlenle, etc.; Rivera, Manif.; E.chort. Diputac. Cortes; Monlaiia. Refli.x. Alborotos; M'ex. Aloeiic Real ('ol Abogados; E.chort. Col. Ahogmlo.; Ceiotto Sensible, Proc; Proclama (signed L. B. J. G.); E.chort. Paieiol. Am.; Centinela con tra los SedueJores. Araong such expressions of loyalty, I find an appeal made to Hidalgo by one of his fellow-collegians iu the Real y Priiniti\'0 Colegio de San Nicolas Obispo de Valladolid. It is signed Dr Bias Abadiano y Jasso. After briefly calling to mind Hidalgo's coUegiate success, the high reputation he had acquired, and his preferments to the benefices of S.iu FeUpe and Do lores, the writer brings to notice his backsliding from the church, aud in. dorses the action of the inquisition. 'Ah y cou quanta razon el S.rato Tribu nal de la Inquisicion os ha deehirado por berege forraal ! pues esta cs una prueba nada cquivoea do que prelendcis apagar la luz del Evangelic.' He then pomts out the iiTeparable harm dono by Hid.dgo, and implores him to cast aside his apostasy and rely upon the mercy of the inquisition. Carta ile un Concolega d Don .Miguel Hidalgo. " Venegas, Manifesto, 27 Oct.' 1810. " The ordcr for the remission of tribute had been issued by the regency on tlie 2(ltli of May prccodiug, negroes and mulattoes being included with Ind ians. A'euegag published it on thc 5th of October. Dii/ios. rnnis ii. fol. fi; Zcre-ero, Hev. Mix., 173, ISO-l; Xegrele, Uist. Mil. S,g. A'/A'., i. 19J- 205. The proclamation waa published iu tho Spanish and Aztec languages. Hernandez y Davalos, Col. Doc, ii. 137-41. LIBERAL ilEASURES OF HIDALGO. 1C3 Aveapons other than those used on the battle-field; and some Aveeks later he caused to be published in Guadalajara, Avhich had fallen into his poAvcr, a reply to the citation of the inquisition and its chargos against him. In this proclamation he solemnly de clares that he had never departed from the holy cath olic faith; he rebuts the accusations of heresy by call ing attention to flagrant contradictions in them;^^ points out the evils Avith Avhich the people of Noav Spain Avere oppressed, and calls on them to burst their bonds and establish a congress that shall dictate be neficent and discriminating laws suited to the several requirements ofthe different districts. But other measures, also, were adopted by Hidalgo Avhich inspired confidence in the uprightness of his motives, and afforded palpable illustrations of the benefits to be derived from independence. He ordered the emancipation of slaves, under penalty of death to their owners; he released Indians and persons of all castes from the payment of tributes;" and on the '^ 'Se me acusa de que niego la existencia del infiemo, y un poco antes se rae hace cargo de haber asentado que algun pontifice de los canonizados pior santo cstil en este lugar. l Como, pues, concordar que un pontifice estii en el iufierno, negando la existencia de este.' And again: 'Se rae iraputa tambien cl haber negado la autenticidad de los sagrados libros, y se me acusa de se guir los perversos dogmas de Lutero: si Lutero deduce sus errores de los libros que cree inspirados por Dios, j como el que iiiega esta inspiracion sos- tendrA los suyos deducidos de los mismos libros que tiene por fabulosos? Del mismo modo son todas las acusaciones.' Bmtamante, Cuad. Hisl, i. 439. This writer obtained an original copy of this document from the licentiate Mariano Otero, who assured hira that it was one of very few which had been saved in the town of Tizapam in Jalisco. Hidalgo's reply was so convincing that the inquisition felt corapelled to issue another edict in defense of the glaring contradictions contained in tbe first. In this it was stated that al though the heresies imputed to Hidalgo were contradictory in themselves, they iiad not been developed in him at the same time, but in distinct epochs. Zereeero, Mem. Rev. Mex., 65. By the detractors of Hidalgo, his defence of his reputation is regarded as the adraission of weakness. It was, however, a political necessity. Personally he cared nothing either for the inquisition or the bishops, but he well knew their power over the people, and it was iu the highest degree important to refute their statements, especially as in August 1808 the inquisition had condemned as heretical the principle of the sover eignty of the people. Copy of edict in Diario de Mex., ix. 271-3, 275. '^'See Ansorena's proclaraation at ValladoUd Oct. 19, 1810, issued in compliance with Hidalgo's orders. Hernandez y Ddvalos, Col. Doc, ii. 169-70. On the 29th of Nov. Hidalgo published a decree commanding the manumission of slaves within ten days. This was confirmed by another of the 16th of Dec. Both these documents exist in the coUection of Hernandez 164 HIDALGO'S JIARCH TOAA'ARD THE CAPITAL. 5th of December ordered the restoration of their lands to the Indians of the district of Guadalajara." By this policy Hidalgo succeeded in greatly counter acting the expedients to Avliich his opponents resorted. When some degree of order had been arrived at in Guanajuato, Hidalgo proceeded to make arrangements for the further progress of his enterprise. The more grievously wounded of the European prisoners Avere removed to the alh6ndiga, Avhere they Avere duly cared for; others Avere confined in the infantry barracks, Avhile some few Avere alloAved to return to their homes. At a later date all the European captives, including those brought from the different toAvns which the in surgents had passed through, were collected in the alh6ndiga to the number of 247. Those who were alloAved their liberty Avere, hoAvever, required to sign a written engagement not to take up arms against the independent cause, under penalty of death.'^ Spanish ecclesiastics of both the secular and regular orders Avere also left free, and Hidalgo issued especial com mands that they should in no Avay be molested. Having secured for administrative expenses but a small proportion of the treasures deposited in the al hondiga, he appropriated, as an unavoidable necessity, considerable sums belonging to private individuals.'" He next proceeded to organize the civil government of the province. Having summoned the ayuntamiento, he demanded to be recognized as captain-general of y Ddvalos; copies of them are to be found in Soc Mex. Geog., 2*ep., iii. 54-G. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 8.S, finds fault with Hidalgo for abolishing slavery Avithout compensation to the owners. Alfredo Chavero remarks that Alaman considered the question in a financhal point of view, like the abolition of a tobacco privilege, whereas Hidalgo ouly regarded the emancipation of hia brethren. Soc. Mex. Geog., utsup., 50. ¦ " (Jopy of order is supplied iu Mex. Refnt. Art. de Fondo, 26. '•' A distinction Mas made bct-«een Spaniards who had offered resistance in tho alhdndiga and those who had remained in their houses, tho latter being allowed to remain at liberty under the condition raentioned ui the test. Liceaga, Adic 1/ Recti tie., 121-5. '" From tho iiouso of Picniabe Bustamante he took .10,000 pesos which had been concealed in tho water-cistern, tho secretion of which a faithless servant revealed. Ataman, Hist. Mij., i. 442. REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT. 105 America, as had been done at Celaya, and stated that as it Avas his prerogative he should proceed at once to the appointment of alcaldes ordinarios. Thereupon he named Jose ]Miguel de Rivera Llorente and Jose ]*»Iaria Hernandez Chico. A few daA's later he called an as sembly of the ayuntaraiento, the clergy, and principal citizens, for the purpose of appointing officers of the civil government. The ayuntaraiento, howoA'cr, Avas not well disposed to the uoav order of things; and Avheii Hidalgo nominated the regidor Fernando Perez Ma- rauon intendente, he declined the position, as also did the regidores Josd Maria Septiem, Pedro de Otero, and j\Iartin Coronel. Hidalgo noAv became irritated, and when the regidores endeavored to explain that they could not reconcile ideas of independence Avitli their oath of allegiance to Fernando VIL, or the motto on his OAvn standard, he angrily exclaimed: "There is no longer a Fernando VII. !"^^ Finding the ayuntami ento thus intractable, Avithout further delay Hidalgo appointed Jos6 Francisco Gomez, Avho had been ad jutant major of the provincial infantry regiraent of Valladolid, intendente of the province, with the rank of brigadier, Carlos Montesdeoca his asesor ordinario, and Francisco Robledo promoter fiscal, giving them to understand that they must accept the appointments Avithout demur. The captain-general noAv turned his attention to the organization and equipment of his army. The caA'alry Avas quartered in the mining establishments Avhicli had been sacked, and for the future protection of Avhich he appointed Pedro Marino as overseer, charged Avith the care of them. Tavo additional infantry regiments Avere raised; one at Valenciana, of Avhich he appointed Ca- simiro Chovell colonel,'* and the other in Guanajuato, the command of Avhich Hidalgo gave to Bernardo "Guan., Pub. Vind. Ayunt. , 37. According to the same authority, the standard bore the words: ' Viva la Religion, viva Fernando VIL, y viva la Am-jrica. ' " ChoveU was the superintendent of the Valenciana mine. Alaman, ut sup., 446. 166 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOAVARD THE CAPITAL. Chico. '^ These troops Avere arraed only Avith lances, an attempt made to convert quicksih'er flasks into hand-mortars having failed. Hidalgo also endeavored, Avitli but partial success, not only to cast cannon, but to fabricate them of Avood, both kinds proving un,-l-3 of Liceaga's work. ^' Thc artisans displayed great skill iu the construction of the machinery and iinplemonts and iu tho engi-a\ iug of the dies. These were so perfect as to rival those in the mint at Jlexico. Buitamante, Cuad. Hiit., i. 47; Ma- tnan, IIi.il. Mej., i. 418-9. '^iAluch alarm was caused iu Guanajuato Oct. 2d by the report that Ca lleja was marching on the city, and had already arrived at A'aleuciaiia. Hi- da!;j,o sent out tl ps to verify tho statement, .Aldama going to Sau Mi^^uj:' and (Jelaya,. but tho report proved false. Lirmga, Adic. y Rcl'ific, liJ-Si Buslatnaule, Cuad. Hist., i. 47-8; Alaman, Uist. Mej., i. 449-50. VALLADOLID ANNALS. 167 leaving the European prisoners still in the alhdndiga under guard. "^ The reader Avill recollect that when the bishopric of ]\Iichoaean Avas established in 1536, Tzintzuntzan Avas elected as the cathedral town.^^ In 1554, how ever, the episcopal seat Avas reraoved to Patzcuaro,"' Avhence it was finally transferred in 1580 to the city of Valladolid, in conforraity Avith a bull issued by Pius V. in 1571.-" This city Avas originally founded by Cristobal Olid in the valley of Guayangareo, which name Avas bestowed upon the toAvn and retained until 1540, Avhen it Avas refounded and formally settled b}' Viceroy Mendoza, Avho changed the name to that of Valladolid in honor of his birthplace in Spain. For the purpose of insuring its stability and pro.sperity, Mendoza sent several noble Spanish farailies frora Mexico to the revived settlement, and among the first settlers mention must be made of Juan de Villasehor Cervantes, from Avliose family Iturbide Avas descended. In 1553 Charles V. ennobled the city and granted it a coat of arnis.^'' ^ Hidalgo's route lay through the v.alley of Santiago and Acilrabaro. ''^See Uist. Mex., ii. 392, this series. Tzintzuntzan is Tarascan for hiini- ming-bird, a name which the town derived from the great numbers found in the vicinity, the capture of which and the use of the plumage in ornamenting mosaic and hieroglyphical designs constituted an important occupation of the iuhabit.ints. Romero, Not'ie. Mich., 78. ^-'A''. Es]!. Brev. Res., MS., ii. 247. Romero states that the reraoval took place iu 1540. Notic. Mich., 71. Pitzouaro, before the conquest, was a sub urban ward of Tzintzuntzan, and became the pleasure resort of tho Michoacan monarchs who built their court there. According to some linguists, the meaning of the word is 'the place of joy.' Ib. •"^N. Esp. Brev. Res., MS., ii. 247. ='/6.; V'lllasenor, Teat., ii. 8-9; Gonzalez Ddeiln, Teed. Eeles., i. 107; Romero, Not'ic Mich., 40. In Gonzalez Ddvila, jiage 136, is given a wood-cnt of the anus. The sliield, ¦\\hich is surrounded by a crown, is divided in three parts, two occupying tho upper portion and the third the lower. In each division is the representation of a crowned kiug holding a sceptre in his right hand, tlie left being extended with the palm open. The field ij surrounded by a scrolled border. The arms first granted in 1553 were dif ferent. They consisted of a plain unornamented shield, surmounted by a crown and divided horizontally. In tho upper half is a lake with a peuol in the centre, on the sumrait of which stands a church of St I'eter.^ Three smaller eminences rise from the lake at tho base. In the lower half is a rep resentation of the cathedral, which was dedicated to San Salvador. Id., 110. Tho three kings according to P^omero were intended to represent Carlos V., his brother MaximiUauo, aud Philip II. 1C8 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOAVARD THE CAPITAL. From the time of the removal of the episcopal seat to Valladolid the progress ofthe city Avas steady; and though not situated near any ofthe great commercial highways, its population so increased, owing to the general prosperity of the province, that at the be ginning of the eighteenth century the number of fam ilies there AA'as some five thousand. At this time Michoacan had become one of the largest and most important divisions of New Spain, its principal wealth being derived from its prolific soil, Avliich yielded two crops annually.^^ It was during this ceutury that the Akms of Valladolid. Arms Grantcd in- 1553. province underwent a great physical convulsion. In the departraent of Ario, in the southern portion of the territoiy, extends a vast plain of Avondeiful fruit fulness, occupied by rich plantations of cotton, indigo, and sugar-cane. Here Avas situated the hacienda of San Pedro de Jorullo, famous throughout Michoacan for its size, value, and productiveness. On this estate -'' It is related that n. farmer named Fr.anciseo de Torres harvested on one ocrasiiiu (;00 fanegas of wheat in return for four fancg.as sown, or 100 fold. Siiievi, Ceon., ii. 40(1-7. NOTABLE EARTHQUAKE. 169 immense herds of cattle Avere raised, and extensive tracts planted Avith sugar-cane and indigo.^^ Toward the end of June 1759, the people on the hacienda Avere throAvn into great alaini by the sound of subterranean rumblings and heavy, dull reports. Later these noises were accompanied by shocks of earthquake, which kept increasing in nuniber and in tensity. A prediction Avas current among the labor ers that the hacienda Avould be destroyed by fire issu ing from the boAvels of the earth on San Miguel's da}^ and Avild consternation noAV prevailed. In Sep tember great numbers of them abandoned their Avork and fled to the mountains for safety. Spiritual aid was sought, and on the 21st a novena of masses Avas com menced and confessions Avere heard. But these cere monies were ineffectual to quell the subterranean thun derings, or allay the agitation of the Indians, Avho continued to take refuge on the neighboring heights. On the 29th, San Miguel's day, with fearful uproar the laboring earth burst open at about a mile from the buildings of the hacienda, belching forth flames and hurling burning rocks to prodigious heights through a dense cloud of ashes rendered lurid by volcanic fire. A new volcano had arisen. The ground to the ex tent of three or four square miles swelled up like a bladder, the centre of Avhich burst, exhibiting a fiery abyss, surrounded by thousands of small cones or earth-bubbles.^' Into the chasms the waters of Cuitamba and San Pedro were precipitated, increasing the commotion. Deluges of hot mud Avere hurled OA-er the surrounding land, while columns of flarae blazed upward to such a height that they Avere visible at Patzcuaro. The houses of Queretaro, distant more than forty-eight leagues in a straight line, were cov- 2" The possessor of this magnificent estate was J. Andres de Pimentel, a citizen and regidor of Pdtzcuaro, according to an official report of the occur rence in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2" ep., ii. 561. ''" CaUod by the natives hornilos, or ovens. Humboldt visited the scene of this catastrophe iu 1803, and fouud that the thermometer when inserted into crevices in these ovens rose to 232". For his account of the ocourreuoe, see Essai Pol, 248-54. 170 HIDALGO'S MARCH TOW^ARD THE CAPITAL. eied Avitli ashes. The beautiful hacienda of Jorullo Avas destroyed, as Avell as othcr plantations, by the v